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The Confusion
Surrounding the F.B.I.’s
Before she became a hero to feminists, she had to overcome their distrust.
Renewed Investigation
of Brett Kavanaugh
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R
uth Bader Ginsburg blinked behind giant, round eyeglasses. It was the
first day of her confirmation hearings, in July of 1993, the year after the
Year of the Woman, and Joe Joe Biden
Biden, the chairman of the Senate Judiciary
Committee, was very pleased to see her. Keen to do penance for the debacle
of the Clarence Thomas hearings, just two years before—the year before the
Year of the Woman—when an all-male committee, chaired by Biden, failed
Anita Hill
to credit what Anita Hill had to say about George H. W. Bush’s Supreme
Court nominee, he could hardly have been friendlier to Bill Clinton’s
nominee, a much respected and widely admired sixty-year-old appellate
judge. She sat with the stillness of a watchful bird. “Judge Ginsburg,
welcome,” Biden said, heartily. “And, believe me, you are welcome here this
morning.”
He had more reasons, too, to beam at Ginsburg. Only weeks earlier, Clinton
had withdrawn his nomination of Lani Guinier as Assistant Attorney
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During that first session, scheduled for two and a half hours, the committee
members—sixteen men and two lately added women—did nearly all the
talking, delivering opening statements. Not until the outset of the second
session did Biden sidle up to a question. “The Constitution has to be read by
justices in light of its broadest and most fundamental commitments,
commitments to liberty, commitments to individual dignity, equality of
opportunity,” he said, putting on his glasses, and taking them off again.
Ginsburg blinked and stared and waited.
What Biden was getting at has been mostly lost in the years since, years
during which Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a distinguished Justice, has become a
pop-culture feminist icon, a comic-book superhero. In the past year alone,
the woman known to her fans as the Notorious R.B.G. has been the subject
of a “Saturday Night Live” skit; a fawning documentary; an upcoming bio-
pic, “On the Basis of Sex” (from a screenplay written by Ginsburg’s nephew);
a CNN podcast, “RBG Beyond Notorious ”; and a new biography, “Ruth
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Bader Ginsburg:
Bader Ginsburg: A
A Life
Life” (Knopf), by Jane Sherron De Hart, an emeritus
history professor at the University of California, Santa Barbara.
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God bless Ruth Bader Ginsburg, goats, bobbleheads, and all. But
trivialization—R.B.G.’s workout tips! her favorite lace collars!—is not tribute.
Female heroes are in short supply not because women aren’t brave but
because female bravery is demeaned, no kind more than intellectual
courage. Isn’t she cute? Ginsburg was and remains a scholar, an advocate, and
a judge of formidable sophistication, complexity, and, not least,
contradiction and limitation. It is no kindness to flatten her into a paper doll
and sell her as partisan merch.
Doing so also obscures a certain irony. Ginsburg often waxes nostalgic about
her confirmation hearings, as she did this September, when, regretting the
partisan furor over Brett Kavanaugh—even before Christine Blasey Ford
came forward—she said, “The way it was was right; the way it is is wrong.”
The second of those statements is undeniably and painfully true, but the first
flattens the past. What Biden was getting at, in 1993, was what the President
himself had said, dismissing the idea of nominating Ginsburg when it was
first suggested to him. “The women,” Clinton said, “are against her.”
R
uth Bader was born in Brooklyn in 1933. At thirteen, she wrote a
newspaper editorial, a tribute to the Charter of the United Nations. Her
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In 1957, Marty was diagnosed with testicular cancer. During his illness and
treatment—surgery followed by radiation—Ruth not only cared for him, and
for the baby, but also covered all of his classes and helped him with his
papers. She kept up an almost inhuman schedule, often working through the
night. After Marty graduated, he took a job in New York, and Ruth
transferred to Columbia. She graduated first in her class. “That’s my
mommy,” four-year-old Jane said, when Ginsburg crossed the stage to
accept her diploma.
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She prepared herself for litigation by teaching courses on women and the
law, a subject that had rarely been taught. An undisputed leader of an
emerging field, she soon left Rutgers. (“Columbia Snares a Prize in the Quest
for Women Professors,” the Times reported.) Unlike Marshall, who was very
often on the front lines of civil unrest and political protest, Ginsburg worked
full time as a law-school professor, which placed constraints on her time and
kept her at some remove from protests taking place on the streets. And, as
De Hart observes, several crucial features distinguish their strategies.
Marshall relied on the equal-protection clause—“No State shall . . . deny to
any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws”—of the
Fourteenth Amendment, which was adopted after the Civil War in order to
stop the former Confederate states from denying former slaves equal rights.
Ginsburg also invoked the equal-protection clause, but was left to argue only
by analogy, suggesting that discrimination on the basis of sex is the same
sort of thing. Finally, while there were plenty of rifts within the civil-rights
movement, Marshall never had to battle African-Americans opposed to the
very notion of equality under the law; Ginsburg, by contrast, faced a phalanx
of conservative women, led by Phyllis Schlafly, who objected to equal rights
altogether.
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If Struck was Ginsburg’s next, carefully placed stepping stone across a wide
river, Roe was a rickety wooden plank thrown down across the water and—
Ginsburg thought—likely to rot. In a lecture she delivered in 1984, she noted
the political significance of the fact that the Court had treated sex
discrimination as a matter of equal protection but reproductive autonomy as
a matter of privacy. When the Court overturned laws on the basis of sex
discrimination, no great controversy ensued, she observed, but Roe v. Wade
remained “a storm center.” She went on, “Roe v. Wade sparked public
opposition and academic criticism, in part, I believe, because the Court
ventured too far in the change it ordered and presented an incomplete
justification for its action.”
There are more what-ifs than there are stars in the sky. But Roe helped
conservatives defeat the Equal Rights Amendment, which had passed
Congress and appeared well on its way to ratification until Schlafly warned,
starting in 1974, that the “E.R.A. means abortion.” Following Ginsburg’s
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logic, it’s impossible not to wonder whether, if the Court had heard Struck
instead of Roe, the E.R.A. would have passed, after which reproductive
rights would have been recognized by the courts as a matter of equal
protection. And the nation would not have become so divided. If, if.
Carter was determined to appoint women and asked Sarah Weddington, the
lawyer who had argued Roe, to help him find them. By 1970, only three in a
hundred lawyers and fewer than two hundred of the nation’s ten thousand
judges were women. In 1971, Chief Justice Warren Burger, on hearing that
Richard Nixon was considering nominating a woman to the Court, drafted a
letter of resignation. “Feminist Picked for U.S. Court of Appeals Here,” the
Washington Post announced in December of 1979, even before Carter had
officially named Ginsburg to the D.C. Circuit.
October 8, 2018
Lessons from the Last Cat Power’s Past Jacinda Ardern’s How
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School with Empathy and By Sophia Hollander
Lost
By Alice Gregory
Weight By An
By Amanda Petrusich
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Bill Clinton
n March 9, 1993, seven weeks after Bill Clinton’s Inauguration, Ginsburg
One measure of how politics has descended into acrimony since then is that
the Notorious R.B.G. is now celebrated for just this kind of blistering,
contemptuous dissent, as if spitting had become a virtue. Consider a recent
Bustle.com feature, “4 4 Epic
Epic Ginsburg
Ginsburg Dissents
Dissents That
That Prove
Prove She’s
She’s aa Badass
Badass,”
or the signature line of Kate McKinnon’s R.B.G.: “That’s a Ginsburn!” In
fact, there really aren’t many Ginsburns to be found in the records of the
Supreme Court. Ginsburg has indeed produced forcefully written dissents,
especially as the Court has moved to the right, but they are not themselves
immoderate. Instead, they scold her colleagues for their immoderacy, as
when, in 2013, objecting to the majority’s decision to overturn much of the
1965 Voting Rights Act, she complained, “The Court’s opinion can hardly be
described as an exemplar of restrained and moderate decision making.”
Early in 1993, less than two weeks after Ginsburg delivered her Madison
Lecture, Justice Byron White notified President Clinton of his intention to
retire. The White House counsel, Bernard Nussbaum, gave the President a
list of some forty possible nominees. No Democratic President had
appointed a Supreme Court Justice since Lyndon Johnson named Thurgood
Marshall, in 1967. Clinton, as in so many things, proved indecisive; he was
also distracted, and still staffing his Justice Department. He conferred with
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Janet Reno, Clinton’s very new Attorney General, urged him to name a
woman. But Ginsburg, for all that she had done to advance women’s rights
during the nineteen-seventies, was apparently not on the lists sent to the
White House by women’s groups. In her Madison Lecture, Ginsburg cited
Roe to illustrate a crucial problem in judicial decision-making—“doctrinal
limbs too swiftly shaped, experience teaches, may prove unstable.” It would
have been better, she thought, if the Court had decided Struck instead.
Saying this took courage. In 1993, Operation Rescue (“If you believe
abortion is murder, act like it’s murder”) was protesting outside abortion
clinics. Other feminists disagreed with the reasoning behind Roe—just as
some feminists today lament the tactics of the #MeToo movement—but
calling Roe into question in public when abortion clinics were being bombed
seemed beyond the pale. Many also found Ginsburg’s counterfactual
implausible. “Coulda, woulda, shoulda,” ’s president, Patricia Ireland,
said; pro-life activists “don’t care about the legal theory—they care about
stopping abortion and controlling women’s lives.”
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answered. “The women are against her” was the President’s reply. Moynihan
called Martin Ginsburg and said, “You best take care of it.”
All spring, the Ginsburg family kept up the campaign, which involved
bringing the lack of support among women’s groups out into the open, so
that it could be countered. The Brookings Institution fellow Stephen Hess, a
cousin of Ginsburg’s, warned reporters, including the New York Times
columnist Anthony Lewis, that feminists were opposed to Ginsburg, and
mailed them copies of the Madison Lecture. “I do not know Judge
Ginsburg,” Lewis wrote in his column on May 10th. “I do not support or
oppose her as a possible choice for the Supreme Court. I just find the knee-
jerk arguments invoked against her—and against others who have been
mentioned—depressing.”
Nine days later, the heads of the National Women’s Law Center, the
Women’s Legal Defense Fund, and ’s Legal Defense and Education
Fund (on whose board Ginsburg had served) sent Nussbaum a remarkable
joint statement: “It has been reported that the women’s movement would
oppose the nomination of Judge Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the Supreme
Court. We want to be certain there is no confusion about where our
organizations stand: at this stage in the process, we have not taken any
position in favor or in opposition to any candidate.” It was hardly a ringing
endorsement. Nussbaum faxed a copy of the letter to Marty Ginsburg, who
later recalled, “I saw it as a pearl beyond price,” since it would allow him to
expose and embarrass the authors. He sent copies of the letter to members
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of the press. Eventually, key women’s groups, which had been unwilling to
oppose Ginsburg publicly, ceased opposing her privately, especially after
May 29th, when Clinton hired David Gergen as a senior adviser. Women’s
groups believed that Gergen was steering Clinton toward Bruce Babbitt and
Stephen Breyer. “One minute there were all these female nominees,” Kim
Gandy said. “And then, as soon as David Gergen gets there, suddenly all the
nominees look like David Gergen.”
Summoned to the White House on Sunday, June 13th, Ginsburg met with
the President for ninety minutes. He made his decision later that day, and,
after watching a Chicago Bulls game that went into three overtimes, called
her nearly at midnight. The Wall Street Journal posited a rule: “When Bill
Clinton is doing the picking, it’s better to be last than first.” The Washington
Post applauded Clinton for valuing “reputation rather than celebrity.” The
next day, in the Rose Garden, Clinton announced his nomination, and
Ginsburg delivered a moving acceptance speech. Her daughter had written
in her high-school yearbook in 1973, under “Ambition”: “To see her mother
appointed to the Supreme Court. If necessary, Jane will appoint her.”
Ginsburg told the crowd, “Jane is so pleased, Mr. President, that you did it
instead.”
When Ginsburg finished, Brit Hume, then at ABC News, asked a question:
If you watch the footage today, the question comes across as gentlemanly,
even Edwardian. But Clinton turned beet red and said:
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I
t was a month later, riding the train into the capital, that Biden was
thrilled to discover no mention of Ginsburg’s nomination hearings on the
front pages of the Times. She was an excellent nominee. “My approach, I
believe, is neither liberal nor conservative,” Ginsburg told the committee.
The Senate voted to confirm her ninety-six to three, with one abstention. But
the idea that her appointment was uncontroversial is almost entirely a myth.
Few Justices have been better prepared to appear before the Senate
Judiciary Committee than Ginsburg, who had made an academic study of
the history of the process. As she had related in a law-review article, it was in
many respects surprising that the executive would play so great a role in
shaping the judiciary. At the Constitutional Convention in 1787, the Senate
was initially granted the exclusive power to appoint Supreme Court Justices;
that measure, proposed on June 13th, was accepted without objection. A
proposal made on July 18th for the President to name Justices and for the
Senate to provide advice and consent was defeated. Only on September 7th,
ten days before the final draft, did the Convention revisit this question, and
adopt the proposed sharing of power.
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Bork’s confirmation hearings were both the last episode of the Watergate
scandal and the first episode of a new and enduring scandal, the blurring of
the legislative and judicial branches of the federal government. Bork’s
nomination elicited paid television advertisements, as if he were running for
an elected office. Since then, the distance between the judiciary and the
political process has almost entirely eroded. With Merrick Garland, Senate
Republicans, acting with breathtaking heedlessness, abandoned the
constitutional principle that a Supreme Court nomination is meant to be
Mitch McConnell
insulated from public opinion, Mitch McConnell arguing that the American
People, not the sitting American President, would name the next Supreme
Court Justice. “I wish I could wave a magic wand and have it go back to the
way it was,” Ginsburg said in September, after the first Kavanaugh hearings.
Partisanship has corrupted the confirmation process. The legitimacy of the
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Court has declined. Women have yet to gain the equal protection of the law.
And there is no wand.
I
n the summer of 1993, when Biden finally sidled up to his question, he
was asking Ginsburg to explain the distance between her 1973 Frontiero
brief and her 1993 Madison Lecture. How could she at one point say that the
Court can move ahead of public opinion and at another point say that it
shouldn’t? The transcript reads:
“Judge, I don’t mean to cut you off,” Biden said. “I am trying to square,
though, your—I understand your position as an advocate. Then you became
an appellate-court judge, and you gave a lecture this year called the Madison
Lecture. . . .”
Biden found her charming. And she was charming, and she was smart, and
she was much better prepared than he was. He could not nail her down.
Ginsburg answered with a precision that was characteristic of her briefs, of
her oral arguments, and of her opinions from the federal appellate court, but
also with a self-control honed by decades of experience arguing with people
who underestimated her.
“My time is up, Judge,” Biden eventually said, wearily. “You have been very
instructive about how things have moved, but you still haven’t—and I will
come back to it—squared for me the issue of whether or not the Court can or
should move ahead of society.” Ginsburg offered a short sermon about
reticence:
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We cherish living in a
democracy, and we also know
that this Constitution did not
create a tricameral system.
Judges must be mindful of
what their place is in this
system and must always
remember that we live in a
democracy that can be
destroyed if judges take it upon
themselves to rule as Platonic
guardians.
She never answered Biden’s question. Instead, she established her own rule:
the Ginsburg precedent, a rule of restraint. But there are very few rules left
anymore, and even less restraint. ♦
This article appears in the print edition of the October 8, 2018, issue, with the headline
“Misjudged.”
Jill Lepore is a staff writer and a professor of history at Harvard University. Her latest
book, “These Truths: A History of the United States ,” came out last month. Read more »
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