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The Wall
Bryan Munn
ISSA: 3301 Context, Culture, and Intelligence: The International Dimension
Brian Gellman
September 19, 2018
The Wall
“We had a lot of people strongly opposed to what we did. We had a lot of trouble getting
access to documents and to people…So there were all kinds of reasons we thought we were set
up to fail.”
The world today, as bad as it may sound, is fairly safe. The United States hasn’t seen a
large scale attack in years and US citizens are beginning to really focus on privacy from the gov-
ernment. As privacy increases, oversight among our law enforcement and intelligence agencies
follows the trend. Oversight is great at keeping powerful agencies and individuals in check, but
Prior to 1974, the executive branch of government had full control of covert and clandes-
tine operations with the assumption that they had all of the answers and could make the best de-
cisions based on the national security needs of the nation. President Nixon can be blamed for not
only the Watergate scandal but in relation to this, changing the course of intelligence for years to
come. The Watergate scandal showed how flawed the system was and introduced a new set of
oversight to combat the issues within the intelligence community (IC). This started with the pass-
ing of the Hughes-Ryan Act in 1974 which required the president to gain approval from the six
Congressional committees for the use of the Central Intelligence Agencies (CIA) covert opera-
tions (Wagenen 2007). This was just a small part of what was to come as the Senate Select Com-
mittee to Study Governmental Operation with Respect to Intelligence activities (Church Com-
mittee) was established in 1975. The initial focus of the Church Committee was domestic sur-
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veillance and they had a daunting task at hand which was to investigate the nation’s most secre-
tive agencies and present a report on any wrongdoings they found (Langston 2015). With the
Church Committee established to investigate domestic issues, in the same year, the Pike Com-
mittee was born to bring oversight to the CIA, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and the
National Security Agency (NSA). The establishing of these two committees were much needed
at the time due to the abuses of the Executive Branch, but what they did is was paint the IC as at
best criminals, and at worst, direct threats to the constitution. Following the findings of both
committees, massive oversight and laws were implemented to prevent another disastrous past.
Following these two major moves in oversite were even more smaller, but still important policies
that passed including the Classified Information Act of 1980 which was enacted to put more
rules on how classified information was to be used and the Intelligence Authorization Act
(Michalec 2003). With all of this oversight came with it implications that some argue led to the
attacks on 9/11.
Oversight Implications
One of the most devastating result of the Pike and Church Committees was the barriers it
put in place when intelligence agencies are dealing with foreign entities who engage or have pre-
viously engaged in harmful acts. This could be as simple as not being able to work with a former
mafia member. This CIA was most impacted by these stipulations and even had a Inspector Gen-
eral’s office established within the agency which they were required to share their information
with (Knott 2009). The results of this was a CIA who was scared to take part in any operations
that had even the slightest possibility for controversy. Avoiding this controversy prior to 9/11
meant a focus by both the CIA and FBI more on technology to gather intelligence rather than hu-
man intelligence (HUMINT). With all of this oversight comes with it also a constantly battling
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legislative and executive branch who often have opposing views and ideas. This leaves the IC
stuck in the middle and always trying to please the two different parties rather than stick to the
mission at hand. The result of this is intelligence decision be made by members of congress who
are not educated and qualified to do so. As members of Congress, this is not their job and as a
result they do not spend the time needed to truly understand the issues and cultures that the prob-
lems are related to, especially those which are vastly different than theirs, such as the Middle
Eastern countries. Instead of focusing on the intelligence and the problem, they are more focused
on what will make them look the best in the eyes of the American people and what will help
push their agenda more. Staying up to date and current with the ever changing environment of
the U.S. adversaries requires time and dedication. With congress becoming more involved in in-
telligence matters after the 1070s, comes with it a larger propensity for leaks. One normally
would not link oversight and leaks together, but this has indeed happened. The Intelligence Au-
thorization Act requires the IC to report “significant anticipated activities…and specific activities
that have major foreign policy implications.” (Cumming 2006) to congress. It is interesting that
leaks really didn’t start showing themselves until after the 1970s when oversight really took off
and required congress to be briefed on sensitive, covert information. These leaks can not only
undermine operations but more importantly could risk the lives of U.S. citizens.
The FBI counterterrorism unit during the 90s was a mess even with the monetary backing. For
example, the budget tripled in the mid-1990s, but so much of their efforts were focus on drug op-
erations rather than anti-terrorism. Agents were inadequate trained, resources were not dedicated
to counter-terrorism, and they lacked translation needs which led to a massive backlog of un-
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translated intercepts (Kean and Hamilton 2004). This combined with not enough HUMINT re-
ally played a large role in the failures that led to the attacks, but arguable the largest factor was
the oversite. The 9/11 Commission Report and many others talk about the “wall” that prevented
interagency communication. One disastrous result of this was Khalid al-Mihdhar and Nawaf al
Hazmi, two of the terrorists who flew the planes in to the Twin Towers, were living a normal life
in the United States without fear of pursuit. James Burch (2007) discusses in his report saying
the FBI knew that al-Mihdhar and Hazmi were on the watch list but because of this “wall”, the
two terrorist were able to live under their real names in American and even held a California
Identity Card. This wall, prevented the communication and cooperation between the domestic
criminal investigators and foreign intelligence. In his article discussing the wall, Stewart Baker,
Former Assistant Secretary for Policy at the Department of Homeland Security, quotes a disturb-
ing instance where the al-Mihdhar and al-Hazmi could have been caught. In August 2001, a fed-
eral intelligence agent in New York was looking for the two, but didn’t have the proper computer
access to track them down so he reached out to the criminal investigators within the FBI where
he was promptly turned down. Taking legal advice, the FBI refused to comingle its criminal
agents with foreign intelligence agents and sent the following email to the New York intelligence
agent: “If al-Midhar is located, the interview must be conducted by an intel agent. A criminal
agent CAN NOT be present at the interview. This case, in its entirety, is based on intel. If at such
time as information is developed indicating the existence of a substantial federal crime, that in-
formation will be passed over the wall according to the proper procedures and turned over for
follow-up criminal investigation.” (Baker 2003). The IC had these guys, but were so worried
about violating the laws of oversight and crossing the wall that was meant to protect Americans,
Change
A lot was learned following the attacks on 9/11 and much of the focus was put on this
theoretical “wall” that led to the intelligence failures prior. The USA Patriot Act, although con-
troversial, was brought in to take down the wall. Prior to the act, government agencies had to
prove whether or not the purpose of surveillance was to gather foreign intelligence. In turn, the
Department of Justice (DOJ) turned this into standard practice hence limiting the cooperation be-
tween intelligence investigators and criminal ones. Along came Section 218 of the Patriot Act
which amended the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) and removed many of the
blockades that prevented the collection of foreign intelligence. More changes came with Section
504 which allowed foreign intelligence officers to “consult with federal law enforcement officers
eign power…” (OLR 2001). With all of the good things that came out of the Patriot Act, many
also would argue that there major negatives as well. One example of this is how the new avenues
for information collection are being used more for drug operations than counterterror. If this is
the case, we can’t forget that this was the case during the 1990s when the FBI was using most of
its funds for operations like this rather than counterterror. Now, this is not to say that it has
reached that point, but it is something that should be a area of concern. The IC loves to collect
information on not only foreign suspects, but US citizens as well. Take for instance the NSA’s
Utah Data Center in Bluffdale. This is one of the first facilities know in the world that is esti-
mated to be able to store a yottabyte of data, that is one thousand trillion gigabytes (NSA 2017).
Understandably so, American citizens should be concerned with policies like the Patriot Act.
However, they are critical and necessary in order to provide the tools for the IC to keep U.S. na-
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tional security at its highest. The key is to use these “privileges” not only legally, but more im-
portant ethically to prevent the breach of law abiding citizens’ rights and liberties or the over-
Concluding Thoughts
As Americans, we have the privilege of living in arguably the greatest country in the
world. Being one of the greatest superpowers, opens the country up to a risk of constant terror
attacks as these organizations look to make a point. Prior to 9/11, not a lot of focus was put on
anti-terror and the focus that was applied tended to be poor. Even more dangerous was the high
level of oversight within the IC that prevented extremely important conversations and coopera-
tion between agencies. This oversight was not recent and had been going on since the mid-late
70s. These, combined with other problems, led to a successful attack on the Twin Towers, the
Pentagon, and another air liner crashing into a field. Following the attacks, the American People
demanded more security and thus the Patriot Act was born. The Patriot Act has made leaps and
bounds in taking down the “wall” between interagency communication, but it has its problems.
The most glaring is intrusion on privacy rights which has been a problem in recent years. As
American citizens go through another relatively safe year, it is easy to forget the attacks on 9/11.
We must be aware of our privacy and protect it, but at the same time understand that part of that
must be given up to ensure the IC can do their job effectively. It is a game where no one answer
is right nor wrong. However, what we don’t want is the wall of oversight to continually increase
again and it taking another attack like those on September 11th to take it back down.
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Works Cited
Baker, Stewart. 2003. "Wall Nuts: The Wall Between Intelligence and Law Enforcement is
Killing Us." Slate.
Burch, James. 2007. "A Domesti Intelligence Agency for the United States? A Comparitive
Analyssi of Domestic Intelligence Agencies and Their Implicatinos for Homeland
Security." Homeland Secuirty Affairs.
Cumming, Alfred. 2006. "Statutor Procedures Under Which Congress Is To Be Informed of U.S.
Intelligence Activities, Including Covert Actions." Congressional Research Service.
Hamilton, Thomas H. Kean and Lee. 2004. "The 9/11 Commission Report." National
Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States.
Knott, Stephen F. 2009. "Congressional Oversight and the Crippling of the CIA." Columbian
College of Arts and Sciences.
Michalec, Mitchell J. 2003. "The Classified Infomration Protection Act: Killing the Messenger
or Killing the Message." Clevland State Law Review.
OLR. 2001. "Summary of Federal "USA Patriot Act"." OLR Research Report.
Wagenen, James S. Van. 2007. "A Review of Congressional Oversight: Critics and Defenders."
Center for the Study of Intelligence.