European Council Security Policy Reform: The Institute For Domestic and International Affairs, Inc

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
   
 
 
 
 
 
The Institute for Domestic and International Affairs, Inc.
 
 
  European  Council
 
 
 
  Security Policy Reform
 
 
 
 
  November 11-14 2010
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Director: Francisco Campoamor
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
© 2010 Institute for Domestic & International Affairs, Inc. (IDIA) 
 
This document is solely for use in preparation for Rutgers Model  
United Nations 2010.  Use for other purposes is not permitted  
without the express written consent of IDIA.  For more  
information, please write us at idiainfo@idia.net 
Policy Dilemma ______________________________________________________________ 1
Chronology __________________________________________________________________ 2
9 May 1950: Establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community ____________________ 2
25 March 1957: The European Economic Community ___________________________________ 2
1973-1979: First Expansion and the European Parliament________________________________ 3
1 July 1987: The Single European Act ________________________________________________ 3
1 November 1993: Treaty of Maastricht on European Union______________________________ 4
1 May 1999: Treaty of Amsterdam ___________________________________________________ 6
1 February 2003: Treaty of Nice _____________________________________________________ 7
1 December 2009: The Lisbon Treaty _________________________________________________ 8
Internal Issues for Consideration ________________________________________________ 9

The Economy _____________________________________________________________________ 9
Internal Security _________________________________________________________________ 11
External Relations ___________________________________________________________ 12
Africa __________________________________________________________________________ 12
Afghanistan and Pakistan__________________________________________________________ 13
Disarmament and Non-Proliferation_________________________________________________ 15
Islamic Republic of Iran ___________________________________________________________ 16
People’s Republic of China_________________________________________________________ 18
Russian Federation _______________________________________________________________ 20
The United States ________________________________________________________________ 21
Discussion Questions _________________________________________________________ 23
Works Cited _____________________________________________________________________ 25
Works Consulted _________________________________________________________________ 29
Rutgers Model United Nations 1
Policy Dilemma
The Lisbon Treaty has provided the EU with a new way to deal with issues that
were previously seen as exclusive to national governments. The European Council can
now decide official EU policy and, because it is composed of the Heads of State, the
Council can effectively adopt common practices on the domestic level. By having the
leaders of each nation decide policy together, one layer of bureaucracy is removed and
policy is more likely to translate into immediate enforcement. If the Council chooses to
establish common airport security measures or on-the-ground counterterrorism strategies,
state leaders will be publicly held accountable by each other and by the constituencies in
each individual state.
The European Council’s agenda is to re-examine the totality of EU foreign policy
stances and security practices. While the EU has done a considerable amount to address
specific issue areas, it is critical to assess these concerns from a more holistic perspective.
It is also important not only to ensure that the security needs of the entire EU are
addressed, but also that the individual needs of a given state have been considered.
Moreover, it is critical that EU security Policy also addressed the needs of EU citizens,
and not just those of the state. Put another way, do EU policies regarding security from
terrorist threats address concerns both throughout the continent (including migration and
financing concerns), while also taking into special consideration the needs of specific
states like Romania and Bulgaria. Keeping in mind these greater questions, the Council
must prioritize issues need to be addressed first. The most important foreign relations
issues of today include relations with the United States, Russia, China, Iran, and
Afghanistan, while the most important security issues include internal security and
disarmament. With each issue, the Council may choose to reaffirm, strengthen, or reject
past EU Policy. Though it is unlikely for the Council to address every issue with the same
level of detail, it is expected to bring about real change that is backed with the political
weight of all the state leaders.
 
Chronology
9 May 1950: Establishment of the European Coal and Steel
Community
The end of the Second World War marked the end of one of the most violent
conflicts ever to touch the European continent. It also signified a turning point in
European solidarity, as countries struggled to rebuild after the traumatizing clash that left
no country in the area unaffected. It was in this atmosphere that the French statesman
Robert Schuman proposed the establishment of a supranational European organization
before the United Nations in 1948.1 His vision evolved into what became the Schuman
Declaration in 1950. The declaration proposed the establishment of the European Coal
and Steel Community (ECSC) in order to put in place a common market between the six
founding countries.2 The declaration became a reality in 18 April 1951 when Belgium,
West Germany, France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands ratified the Treaty of
Paris. The ECSC sought peace among European nations in the aftermath of the War by
bringing them together as equals and cooperating within a single institution.3
25 March 1957: The European Economic Community

After failing to establish the European Defense Community in 1954, the six
founding ECSC members decided to focus on the economy, which was less subject to
national resistance.4 With the Treaty of Rome of 1957, the European Economic
Community (EEC) was established with the aim at transforming trade and manufacturing
conditions and laying the foundations for a path to closer European unification. The EEC
established the first European common market, founded on the free movement of
                                                             
1 Schuman, Robert. “Germany and the European Community.” Schuman Project.
http://www.schuman.info/UN4849.htm (accessed September 13, 2010).
2 European Union. “ Ten historic steps.” EUROPA The official website of the European Union.
http://europa.eu/abc/12lessons/lesson_2/index_en.htm (accessed January 27, 2010).

3 Ibid.
4 “Treaty establishing the European Economic Community, EEC Treaty - original text (non-consolidated version).”
The official website of the European Union.

http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/treaties_eec_en.htm (accessed September 13,
2010).
 
persons, services, good and capital.5 It established a single economic area free from
competition, and laid down a twelve-year roadmap for the implementation of the free
market. In 1 July 1968, tariffs between the six countries were abolished.
1973-1979: First Expansion and the European Parliament

The EEC was widely hailed as a success and the economic prosperity of its
member nations grew at a notable rate, prompting neighboring countries to decide that
joining the EEC would prove advantageous to their economic interests. In 1973
Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom entered the organization.6 During this period,
the EEC also started to implement social and environmental policies, gradually
expanding its interests outside of the economic sector. In 1975, the European Regional
Development Fund was established as an institution of the EEC with the aim of fostering
convergence, regional competitiveness, employment and territorial cooperation. 7 Finally,
in 1979, the European Parliament held its first direct universal suffrage election for its
seats. 8
1 July 1987: The Single European Act

In 1981, Greece joined the Community and in 1986 Spain and Portugal did as
well, expanding the Community’s influence in southern Europe. Economically, however,
the EEC was facing its first worldwide economic recession, leading a lot of interest
9
groups to doubt the EEC’s ability to aid the economy. The European Commission,
under President Jacques Delors, sought to bring about hope and sooth worries about the
Community’s stability by releasing a White Paper setting out a timetable for completing a
                                                             
5 Ibid.
7 “European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) (2007-2013).” The official website of the European Union.
http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/regional_policy/provisions_and_instruments/g24234_en.htm (accessed
September 13, 2010).

9 Ibid.
 
European Single market by 1993. 10 This goal was realized through the ratification of the
Single European Act (SEA) in 1987. SEA revised the Treaty of Rome in order to foment
European integration and complete the internal market, amending the rules of operation
of European institution and expanding the EEC’s powers.11 SEA increased the number of
cases in which the EEC could take decisions by qualified majority instead of unanimity,
facilitation decision making, specifically towards market integration. The SEA also
established the European Council as way to formalize the regular summits between the
Heads of States of the Member Nations.12 SEA opened the way for the eventual
formation of the European Union.
1 November 1993: Treaty of Maastricht on European Union

Europe was transformed at the beginning of the decade with the collapse of the
Soviet Union and the prospect of German reunification. The conditions for further
European integration were ripe, and driven by the progress made by the SEA, Member
States convened in two conferences in order to enact further reforms.13 The first
conference in 1988 set out to prepare a report aimed at proposing steps towards an
economic union. The second conference in 1990 invited the Member States to consider
accelerating the political integration of Europe by examining ways in which to amend the
ECC treaty towards this goal.14 A year later, the Maastricht Summit of 1991 convened to
finish the work that the two conferences started. The treaty that surfaced out of the
summit aimed to strengthen the legitimacy of the European institutions, improve their
                                                             
10 Ibid.
11 “The Single European Act.” The official website of the European Union.
http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/treaties_singleact_en.htm (accessed September
13, 2010).
12 Ibid.
13 “Treaty of Maastricht on European Union.” The official website of the European Union.
http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/economic_and_monetary_affairs/institutional_and_economic_framework/tre
aties_maastricht_en.htm (accessed September 13, 2010).
14 Ibid.
 
effectiveness, establish a monetary union, develop the social dimensions of the EEC, and
establish a common foreign and security policy.15
The treaty also established the European Union, discarding the old name of
European Economic Community in order to demonstrate that Europe sought to
coordinate its interests in matters that lie outside economics.
The European Union (EU) is defined in the treaty as consisting of three pillars.
The first pillar consists of the European Coal and Steel Community and deals with the
way Member States share their sovereignty through the Community.16 It defines a
process in which a proposal by the European Commission is adopted by the Council and
the European Parliament with the monitoring of the Court of Justice. The second pillar
establishes a common foreign and security policy (CFSP), which allow member states to
take joint action in foreign policy.17 The third pillar deals with justice and home affairs,
expecting the EU to foment cooperation in the areas of freedom, security and justice. 18
The SEA acknowledged the importance of Head of State meetings through the European
Council, but the Maastricht Treaty regularized their meetings and specifically delegated
the body areas of jurisdiction. The Treaty made the European Council responsible for
policies in the second and third Pillars.19
The treaty also laid the groundwork for the establishment of a common European
currency through a three-stage process, resulting in the creation of a European Central
Bank (ECB) by 1999.20 The Maastricht Treaty also provided for the first time the concept
of European Citizenship, making it so that any person born in a Member State is
automatically a citizen of the EU. Benefits of being a citizen of the EU include the right
                                                             
15 Ibid.
17 Ibid.
18 Ibid.
19 Archer, Clive. The European Union (Routledge Global Institutions). 1 ed. New York: Routledge, 2008.
 
to circulate and reside freely within the Union, the right to vote and to stand as a
candidate for European and national elections, the right to protection by diplomatic
authorities of any Member State outside of the Union, and the right to petition the
European Parliament.21 The treaty came into force on 1 November 1993, bringing about a
period of growth and dynamism that led Austria, Finland and Sweden to join the EU in
1995.
1 May 1999: Treaty of Amsterdam

The European Union next adopted the Treaty of Amsterdam in its push towards
deeper integration. The need for a new treaty was essential in order to allow the EU to
meet new challenges, such as the rapid evolution of international affairs, a globalized
economy, terrorism, international crime, and environmental issues.22 The final product,
which took more than two years of conferences and negotiations to produce, focuses on
four areas of concern. In the area of freedom, security and justice, the treaty establishes
certain fundamental rights within the EU, such as the equality between men and women,
non-discrimination and data privacy.23 It also makes new policies on visas, political
asylum, and immigration. Furthermore, it establishes mechanisms that promote criminal
and judicial cooperation among member states. Another area of concern addressed by the
treaty deals with the emergence of European Union citizenship. The treaty added civil
rights enjoyed by citizens of the Union, such as a commitment to tackle social exclusion,
raising health standards throughout the continent, and consumer protection.24
In the realm of foreign policy, the Amsterdam Treaty was instrumental in
establishing a common foreign strategy for the Union. It created the post of High
Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, which would now serve as
the public face of the EU in diplomatic endeavors abroad. It also established a policy-
                                                             
21 Ibid.
22 “The Amsterdam Treaty.” The official website of the European Union.
http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/amsterdam_treaty/a09000_en.htm (accessed
23 Ibid.
24 Ibid.
 
planning center in order to keep track of international developments and their impact on
the EU.25 Finally, in regards to institutional changes, the treaty changed the weighting of
votes in the Council of the European Union.
1 February 2003: Treaty of Nice

The Amsterdam treaty of 2001 made specific provisions for a conference of
representatives of the governments of the Member States at least one year before the
membership of the EU exceeded twenty. 26 With ten new member states, Cyprus, Czech
Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia set
to enter the Union, member states aimed to ratify a new treaty that dealt with “cleaning
up” what could not be achieved in the Amsterdam Treaty. The treaty has been described
as limited, but vital, as it does not drastically change institutional balance but instead
makes some adjustments that were believed to be impossible with so many new
members.27
Changes ushered in by the treaty affected the Council of the EU by again shifting
the vote weight. The president of the European Commission was also given additional
powers and changed how a person gets nominated to the position. It also established new
divisions between the Court of Justice and the lower Court of First Instance and
established the Court of Auditors meant to oversee EU budgetary irregularities.28 The
Treaty also contained an annex titled Declaration on the Future of the Union that called
for a future treaty that would clearly demarcate the responsibilities between the EU and
member states, the status of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union
and the role of national parliaments in the EU. Most importantly, it signaled a need to
simplify all the treaties into one unifying concept. Until now, EU law has been composed
of a series of treaties that patch each other in order to provide the framework for the
                                                             
25 Ibid.
26 The Nice Treaty.” The official website of the European Union.
http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/nice_treaty/nice_treaty_introduction_en.htm
(accessed September 13, 2010).
27 Ibid.
28 Ibid.
 
organization. A European Union constitution was almost ratified in 2005. The process
began with the EU Parliament voting in support of the constitution, but before an EU
treaty can enter into force, it must be ratified by all member states. In 2007, Bulgaria and
Romania also joined the EU, bringing the total number of member states to twenty-seven.
1 December 2009: The Lisbon Treaty

Despite the failure to ratify the European Union constitution, a desire to further
strengthen the EU and simplify its governing treaties still existed. Unlike the EU
Constitution, the treaty amended the EU and EC treaties without replacing them.29 The
treaty greatly extended the powers of the EU in a number of different ways. It aimed to
make a more democratic and transparent Europe through strengthening the role of the
European Parliament. The EP now has more powers regarding legislation, the budget and
international agreements.30 Additionally, EU citizens now have the right to form a
petition of at least 100 citizens in order to call on the Commission to take action on a
particular matter.31 It also for the first time recognizes the right for a Member State to
withdraw form the union.32 The treaty also strives to make a more efficient Europe, by
establishing the position of President of the European Council, who is elected for a two
and a half year term and chairs and drives the work of the European Council. 33
Furthermore, it placed emphasis on rights, freedoms, values, solidarity and security,
giving the Charter of Fundamental Rights binding legal force.34 It promotes solidarity by
providing that the Union and the Member States act jointly to help another Member State
that has fallen victim to a terrorist attack or a natural disaster. 35 Finally, the treaty focuses
                                                             
29 “Treaty of Lisbon - The Treaty at a glance.” The official website of the European Union.
http://europa.eu/lisbon_treaty/glance/index_en.htm (accessed September 13, 2010).
30 Ibid.
31 Ibid.
32 Ibid.
33 European Union. “Consolidated versions of the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the functioning of
the European Union.” CONSILIUM. www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cmsUpload/st06655-re01.en08.pdf

(accessed January 27, 2010).
34 “Treaty of Lisbon - The Treaty at a glance.” The official website of the European Union.
http://europa.eu/lisbon_treaty/glance/index_en.htm (accessed September 13, 2010).

35 Ibid.
 
on the EU’s role as a global actor by giving it a clear voice in international relations by
establishing the post of High Representative for the Union in Foreign Affairs and
Security Policy.36
Internal Issues for Consideration

The Economy
Economic stability is a cornerstone of the European Union. Being founded
originally as a union to regulate the steel and coal industries in the continent, today the
EU finds itself at the center of a single market trading bloc.37 A single market allows the
EU to react decisively to global economic challenges and makes it more resilient towards
economic shocks from abroad. 38 Having the Euro as a common currency has also helped
the EU react to economic challenges, with the ECB having the power to reduce interest
rates in the entire Eurozone, allowing the ECB to keep inflation below 2% in the medium
term. This means that banks throughout the Union have the same conditions for
borrowing and lending money.39 The single currency also stimulates economic activity
among member states, as consumers do not have to worry about exchange rates or cross-
border payments. Economies ready to introduce the Euro typically have had a stable
exchange rate for two years, but the EU also studies their national interest rates, budget
deficits, and government debt.
However, despite the economic prosperity of the organization, the EU was not
immune to the worldwide economic recession. In response, the EU has taken steps to deal
with the current financial crisis. National governments, the ECB and the European
Commission have worked together to maintain a flow of credit throughout the Union
with the aim of not just restoring stability, but also promoting job growth.40 However, its
                                                             
36 Ibid.
37 “Activities of the European Union - Economic and Monetary Affairs.” The official website of the European
Union. http://europa.eu/pol/emu/index_en.htm (accessed September 13, 2010).
38 Ibid.
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid.
 
biggest challenge came with the decline of the Greek economy in 2010 and ongoing
concerns over the economics of Portugal, Italy, Ireland, and Spain. During the large part
of the past decade, Greece experienced one of the fastest growing economies in the
Eurozone. This growth, coupled with falling bond yields, resulted in the increase of
Greece’s structural deficits, leading to a strong belief that Greece would default on its
debts. After Greece adopted stern austerity measures, the EU agreed to establish the
European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) in order to provide help to Greece and other
member states in danger of succumbing to poor economic conditions. The Union came to
an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to obtain a financial safety net
of up to €750 billion, which allows the ECB to start buying government debt.41 Despite
the crisis being temporarily averted, the EU continues to be preoccupied with the
economic well being of the continent, as well as the world, having pumped more that 2
trillion Euros into rescue efforts.42
What the recent economic downturn has made clear in the Eurozone is that while a
prosperous Europe will help all member states, poor economic performance in one state
can bring about great economic uncertainty in others. When Greek appeared to be
teetering on the edge of economic collapse, there was much consternation among
Eurozone governments that a multi-billion Euro bailout was on the horizon. Given the
generally week economic position of Europe, most states were ill-equipped to support
their own economies, no less send considerable sums of money to prop up a failing
Greece. Moreover, many in Europe took issue with the generous social spending of the
Greek government. If Europe was to bail out Greece, the suppliers of the funds required
significant economic and social reforms. The broader lesson from the economic
downturn is that despite economic union, states in Europe are still independent actors. In
a situation where one state can bring about the economic downfall of the European
                                                             
41 “ Shares and oil prices surge after EU loan deal.” BBC. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10104140 (accessed
42 Activities of the European Union - Economic and Monetary Affairs.” The official website of the European Union.
http://europa.eu/pol/emu/index_en.htm (accessed September 13, 2010).
 
Union, States made clear that they would act in their own best interests first, and on
behalf of Europe second.
Internal Security
The European Union has a clear interest in the stability and security of the
continent as well as the global community. The internal security of the EU is of great
concern because the Union allows its citizens to enjoy an unparalleled level of freedom to
travel, work and live in any Member State. Thus, protection from international crime and
terrorism must be granted to the fullest degree within the EU.43 The EU is taking steps to
do this by emphasizing the importance of fundamental human rights. The EU agency
responsible for this, the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), helps policy makers make
new laws that respect fundamental rights.44 The Schengen Agreement allows anyone to
travel freely within the EU, without having to show a passport and political boundaries.
This is a necessary step towards achieving a strong union, but it does mean that malicious
people will sometimes slip through. Because travel is so easy within the EU, the
organization must ensure that justice reaches every corner of the Union. Internal security
measures must take into account that together, the Union is more effective at facing
threats. They must also reflect the values and priorities that define the European Union.
Finally, they must take into account not only public security, but the rights of all
European Union Citizens.
Terrorism in any form has a disregard for human life and democratic values. It has
devastating consequences that impact the global community; its ability to radicalize and
disseminate propaganda through the Internet and the ways in which it is financed makes
terrorism an important threat to European security.45 Organized crime is also a serious
threat to national security, as drug, human and arms trafficking continue to grow within
                                                             
43 “Activities of the European Union - Foreign and Security Policy.” The official website of the European Union.
http://europa.eu/pol/cfsp/index_en.htm (accessed September 13, 2010).
44 Ibid.
45 CONSILIUM. “Draft Internal Security Strategy for the European Union: “Towards a European Security Model”.”
Council of the European Union Report 5842/2/10 (2010): 1-18.
 
the Union. Violent crimes, money laundering and corruption are just a few of the threats
that organized crime poses. In addition, the European Union is falling behind when it
comes to providing security from cyber-crime, which represents a global and anonymous
threat to information systems throughout the Union.46 Indeed, the expansion of the
European Union into Eastern Europe has brought about considerable threat. Although
the initial members of the Union were all global powers, the more recent addition of
states like Bulgaria and Romania has opened up the Union to weaker border controls and
less effective governance.
In order to reach an adequate level of internal security, the EU should seek to
foster the cooperation of law enforcement officials and border management authorities
with the support of judicial cooperation and civilian agencies. In addition, it should also
seek international cooperation, especially between non-EU counties that border the
Union. The Union must also be prepared for the prevention and anticipation of crimes,
with and intelligence led approach in that bolsters the EU’s judicial system.47 Prevention
of crime must also address the root causes, and this can be achieved with measures that
increase the quality of life for EU citizens.
External Relations
Africa
The European Union, with the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty, is in a
position to radically transform the relationship between the African continent and the
Union. Currently, there are three shortcomings that must be overcome in order to increase
the EU’s influence in the region. First, institutional uncertainty within the EU is
hindering the external action of the EU. 48 Second, Member States are still working under
a unilateral and autonomous structure when it comes to dealing with African countries,
                                                             
46 Ibid.
47 Ibid.
48 de Vasconcelos, Alvaro. “A Strategy for EU Foreign Policy. – Africa: Strategies and Partnerships for Long Term
Development.” European Union Institute for Security Studies Report 7 (2010).

http://www.iss.europa.eu/uploads/media/A_strategy_for_EU_foreign_policy.pdf (accessed September 16, 2010).
 
and there is some reticence over delegating responsibility to the Union as a whole. Third,
external action budgets are being cut as a response to the global financial crisis.49
In order to address these limitations, EU foreign policy must be tailored to local,
national and regional context, formulated jointly by Member States and the European
Union External Action Service.50 This includes dealing with regional powers such as
Nigeria, South Africa and Egypt as well as continental and regional organizations such as
the African Union or the Economic Commission of West African States (ECOWAS). In
order to avoid multiple and counter-productive representation, Member States and the EU
must agree on modalities concerning the political approach towards the continent. 51 This
particular shortcoming has yet to be addressed by a post-Lisbon EU.
Additionally, the European Union must remain committed to the realization of the
Millennium Development Goals in order to ensure the Union’s credibility in the
developing world.52 The EU has attempted to achieve this through numerous aid
packages tailored to the continent, but budget cuts resulting from the global economic
crisis will probably continue, so a new balance must be found. As such, the EU must find
new partners within the global order to provide additional financial resources in Africa,
be it other States or private foundations and charity organizations. Finally, the EU must
evaluate the current need for coordinated military intervention by the Union when needed
and requested, as seen in the European Union naval mission tasked with anti-piracy
efforts off of the coast of Somalia.
Afghanistan and Pakistan

East Asia, especially Afghanistan and Pakistan, has been granted a new level of
attention in recent years as instability in both countries continues to foment destabilizing
forces in the region and indeed in the global order. The United States has thus shifted its
                                                             
49 Ibid.
50 Ibid.
51 de Vasconcelos, Alvaro. “A Strategy for EU Foreign Policy. – Africa: Strategies and Partnerships for Long Term
Development.” European Union Institute for Security Studies Report 7 (2010).

52 Ibid.
 
attention from Iraq to this region under a new scheme that aims to protect civilians as an
alternative to searching for and killing enemies in order to stop fueling insurgency
movements.53 This has proven difficult to apply, as civilian deaths caused by the
International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and U.S. forces are still very frequent,
causing a lack of popular support. Additionally, the United States tendency to proclaim
victories attributed to the recent troop surge has actually narrowed the political
maneuvering of the Afghan President Hamid Karzai in his efforts to seek reconciliation
with Taliban leaders.54 Resistance movements within the region are also bolstered by the
foreign military presence in Afghanistan, which no matter how large cannot prevent
terrorist attacks by suicide bombers.
The ongoing counterinsurgency operations and the political civilian strategies
underway in Afghanistan provide the EU with an opportunity to help rebuild the civilian
order in the region. The operational and cultural transformation of ISAF to address
civilian concerns cannot be met until a new international civilian leadership is
established;55a difficult task as the U.S. remains the de facto military leader in the
region.56 These concerns can also be seen within Pakistan, specifically along the
Federally Administered Tribal Areas that neighbor Afghanistan and provide a hotbed of
insurgent elements. The United States continues to employ military actions such as
Unmanned Aerial Vehicle drone strikes that harm civilian villages. In addition, the U.S.
military continues to urge the Pakistani army to undergo military operations against
insurgents in the tribal areas. This has proven alarming because unlike in Afghanistan,
there is no national structure in place for the protection of the local population of the
tribal regions of Pakistan.
                                                             
53 de Vasconcelos, Alvaro. “A Strategy for EU Foreign Policy. –Afghanistan and Pakistan: Making the Civilian
Approach Work.” European Union Institute for Security Studies Report 7 (2010).
55 Ibid.
56 Ibid.
 
Most EU countries have had a presence in the ISAF mission, and collectively EU
Member States have spent more than €8 billion.57 EU member states must be willing to
find a political consensus in line with the values of the Lisbon Treaty, as the unilateral
international operations such as ISAF can effectively prevent Member States from
reaching common positions, thereby weakening the Union’s international credibility. 58
Additionally, the EU’s position as a primarily civilian actor has meant that the Union has
had little say in military operations in the region, yet has allowed it to influence civilian
dimensions in the area. The establishment of a unified civilian chain of command is
necessary for the long-term security of the region, and additional international
59
cooperation should be emphasized. Finally, the EU must assess its military presence in
the region, which currently extends to EUPOL-Afghanistan, a police-training mission
aimed at providing Afghanistan with better local protection.60 Others argue that the EU
should be focusing on training Afghan civil servants instead. The EU has not made full
use of its resources to significantly contribute to the stability of Afghanistan, a region that
desperately needs international assistance.
Disarmament and Non-Proliferation

The dissemination of weapons of mass destruction and the technologies to produce
them continues to be a persistent problem for global security. International treaties that
aim to curb the spread of these weapons have proven to be relatively effective, but rogue
states such as the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea continue to pose a threat to the global order. In addition, the current strategy of
non-proliferation is designed primarily to curb States from obtaining these weapons, but
little attention is paid to non-state actors. Recent trends have led to new arms treaties
resulting out of high profile meetings of world powers such as the United States and the
                                                             
57 Ibid.
59 Ibid.
60 Ibid.
 
Russian Federation, and in G-8 meetings in lieu of multilateral negotiations. These

agreements are often backed up by informal arrangements that seek to regulate actions
within those states that undertake them.61
Taking into account these new realities, multilateral disarmament and arms
control, rather than non-proliferation, have gained favor among those seeking to curb
weapons dissemination. There is also a deeper concern for centrality regarding
verification of treaty compliance, signaling a likely return of international organizations
tasked with guaranteeing compliance. However, the design of new organizations in any
future treaty will remain complex due to the many tasks they would have to take in order
to accommodate the signatories. Another challenge when it comes to global disarmament
comes from within States themselves, as movements against big governments and
international organizations have grown in recent years. As these elements do no support
international cooperation, governments under political pressure may be reluctant to
participate. The EU has yet to establish a policy preference for one method of arms
control, be it disarmament or non-proliferation models. Internally, the EU exerts a lot of
influence on its members in the implementation of treaty obligations, however the Union
has yet to play a leading role in the conception of new disarmament and arms control
negotiations that deal with these new realties.62
Islamic Republic of Iran

The Islamic Republic of Iran under the leadership of President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad has made the revitalization of his country’s nuclear program a top priority
for his administration. Iranian officials insist that their aim is purely peaceful, with the
purpose of providing more efficient energy sources for the state. However, there is great
concern that the regime also plans to use the resources obtained from a civilian nuclear
                                                             
61 de Vasconcelos, Alvaro. “A Strategy for EU Foreign Policy. – Disarmament and Non-Proliferation.” European
Union Institute for Security Studies Report 7 (2010).
62 Anthony, Ian. “Nuclear weapons after the 2010 NPT Review Conference.” European Union Institute for Security
Studies Chaillot Paper 120 (2010). http://www.iss.europa.eu/uploads/media/cp120.pdf (accessed September 16,

2010).
 
program to construct nuclear weapons. The regime’s staunch opposition to the state of
Israel and the many volatile declarations that President Ahmadinejad has made has done
little to soothe these concerns. In addition, the turmoil that resulted in the aftermath of the
2009 presidential elections in Iran have once again reminded the world that the State is
too unpredictable to ignore.
Currently, the EU’s strategy concerning Iran has been a dual-track approach that
entails pursuing sanctions against Iran for violating the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)
while trying to engage the country diplomatically. This method however, has at best
slowed down certain parts of Iran’s nuclear program but has not deterred it from seeking
to continue it. As of the most recent intelligence reports, Iran has mastered the ability to
enrich Uranium, and thus the reversal of the Iranian nuclear program seems highly
unlikely. It is projected that Iran’s aim is that of achieving nuclear ambivalence, where it
is not breaching to the letter the NPT’s guidelines while at the same time not being
forthcoming about dispelling fears concerning a militaristic nuclear program.
Furthermore, diplomatic engagement has often stalled because of lack of coordination
between the United States and the EU, lack of EU focus and persistence, and Iran’s
unwavering position towards its nuclear program.63
The first track, that of political pressure through sanctions is much more concrete
and technical in nature, however, the diplomatic track is much less coordinated. Its
various elements need to be clearly identified and separated in order to form the basis for
a multi-pronged approach under the rubric of engagement. It also needs to take into
account Iran’s record on human rights.64 As was clearly seen during the post election
turmoil, the regime continues to imprison intellectuals, journalists, politicians and
protestors who declare their opposition to the government, often based on weak evidence
and charges.
                                                             
63 de Vasconcelos, Alvaro. “A Strategy for EU Foreign Policy. – Iran: Multi-Level Engagement.” European Union
Institute for Security Studies Report 7 (2010).
64 Ibid.
 
Integration of Iran into a secure framework in the region is one of the few viable
options for convincing the regime that there is no need for nuclear weapons. Because this
is a regional approach, the EU must work together with neighboring countries, and not
just the United States. The aim should not necessarily be regime change, but rather,
regime reconciliation, in order to bring Iran into the global order. The EU must revise its
current dual-track approach in order to adopt a long-term strategy that encompasses not
just Iran’s nuclear program, but also addresses its human rights shortcomings.65
People’s Republic of China

The People’s Republic of China is one of the European Union’s major strategic
partners, with regular political, trade and economic dialogue occurring between the two.
The EU aims to promote economic opportunities in the Chinese market, support China’s
transition to an open society based on the rule of law and respect for human rights,
encourage the integration of China into the global economy and trade system, and foster
the growth of the EU as a global actor by promoting effective multilateralism between the
two.66
Despite the success of promoting economic opportunities in the Chinese market,
EU countries still encounter problems accessing specific sectors. The EU is currently
China’s largest trade partner, giving the Union some weight when it comes to supporting
reform within China. According to European Union financial experts, China’s currency,
the Yuan, is currently undervalued causing a global economic imbalance that gives
Chinese exporters an unfair advantage when dealing with the international markets.67 In
June 2010 Chinese officials declared that its foreign exchange rules would be made more
flexible, but progress has been slow, if at all. Because China is such an important
                                                             
65 Ibid.
66 de Vasconcelos, Alvaro. “A Strategy for EU Foreign Policy. –China.” European Union Institute for Security
Studies Report 7 (2010). http://www.iss.europa.eu/uploads/media/A_strategy_for_EU_foreign_policy.pdf (accessed
67 “EU likely to press China on forex at Oct meeting | Reuters.” Reuters.com.
http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSLDE68G1SC20100917 (accessed September 17, 2010).
 
economic partner with the EU, and undervalued Yuan means that European consumers,
businessmen and entrepreneurs are significantly hurt by China’s economic policies.
Despite some shortcomings, the EU has succeeded in establishing collaborations
with China in regards to key regions and global issues.68 A good example can be seen in
the cooperation between the two in the African continent in order to combat terrorism and
encourage development. China has become an influential player in the continent, seeing it
as an open market for its goods while constructing mines and other endeavors aimed at
capitalizing on the continent’s vast natural resources. Because China has relied on EU
assistance in order to open the door for these new economic activities, the EU has a
position to influence the Chinese government in order to tackle Africa’s most pressing
problems.69
China is fiercely protective of its sovereignty and is deeply committed to the
principles of non-interference in its internal policies, as the state is ruled by an
authoritarian regime under the rule of the Chinese Communist Party.70 This, along with
China’s emerging importance in global affairs, has complicated relations with the Union.
In order to form a more successful partnership, the EU needs to reassess the relationship
with the People’s Republic. A deeper concern for human rights must be a cornerstone of
any partnership between the two, and the promotion of greener and more responsible
technologies to fuel China’s economy should be emphasized. In addition, the EU should
consider replicating the form of cooperation between the two in Africa in other places of
the world where partnership is needed.71
                                                             
69 Ibid.
70 Ibid.

 
Russian Federation
A strategic partnership with the Russian Federation is a desirable goal for the
European Union as Russia is an influential actor in the EU’s eastern borders and the
Union’s most important supplier of energy.72 Because Russia plays a central role with
regards to the political, economic and social developments in Eastern Europe, a strategic
partnership would foster peace and stability throughout the continent. However, recent
developments have distanced the two, specifically the Russian-Georgian war of 2008 and
the Ukrainian energy crisis of 2009.73 In order to bring about a closer relationship, some
steps have to be taken. Currently Russia, especially in regards to energy, deals more on
an individual Member State level rather than with the Union as a whole. The EU needs to
establish a set of shared values, norms and rules for any partnership with Russia. This
clashes with the EU’s desire to form a group of well-governed states in Eastern Europe, a
region that Russia interprets to fall within its sphere of influence. On the other hand, the
global financial crisis has brought the two together as they undertake joint efforts to solve
the problem.
The European Union should seek to cooperate with Russia on global and European
security.74 Recent endeavors jointly undertaken to provide security for Chad and
eliminate maritime piracy off of the eastern coast of Africa form a good starting point for
further security cooperation. Furthermore, as the two biggest actors in the continent,
securing Eastern Europe should be an equal concern for both parties. The EU cannot
compromise its presence in Eastern Europe but should look for areas where both
countries can agree in order to provide political security in the region.75
                                                             
72 de Vasconcelos, Alvaro. “A Strategy for EU Foreign Policy. –Russia In Europe.” European Union Institute for
Security Studies Report 7 (2010). http://www.iss.europa.eu/uploads/media/A_strategy_for_EU_foreign_policy.pdf
(accessed September 16, 2010)
73 Ibid.
74 de Vasconcelos, Alvaro. “A Strategy for EU Foreign Policy. –Russia In Europe.” European Union Institute for
Security Studies Report 7 (2010). http://www.iss.europa.eu/uploads/media/A_strategy_for_EU_foreign_policy.pdf

75 Ibid.
 
The United States

The United States and the European Union form the strongest partnership in the
world, being culturally similar and having interconnected economies. When working
together, the partnership achieves clear results, as seen in the coordinated response to the
financial meltdown of 2007. However, transatlantic consensus must be a cornerstone for
effective coalition interests. This distinction is clearly demonstrated in the approach taken
towards Iraq in 1990, where the United States militarily intervened with full EU
cooperation, and the approach in 2003 where there were much more serious
disagreements. Because of the Cold War, relations between the US and the European
continent were mostly concerned with Europe’s security under the threat of Soviet
expansion, however, after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the attacks of 11 September
2001, this relationship has shifted to a greater concern for other regions such as the
Middle East and global matters such as the state of the global economy and the
environment.76
Despite the fact that the US and the EU mostly agree on policy issues, cooperation
has recently proven to be imperfect, with both sides taking different and uncoordinated
agendas to achieve similar interests.77 A primary reason for this is the institutional
weakness of the relationship, exemplified by disagreements between EU and NATO. In
order to strengthen the partnership, actual structures must be put into place in order to
cement the relationship between the two. Cooperation between the US and the EU as a
whole instead on an individual Member State basis must begin to take hold. In the past,
the US has exploited divisions within the EU to gather support for its international
polices, as seen in the 2003 Iraq war, ensuring support from Member States for the US
but it weakened the European Union as a foreign policy actor. Additionally, cooperation
between the two should become more inclusive. Most EU countries agree with the United
                                                             
76 Ibid.
77 Ibid.
 
States stance on non-proliferation, and climate change, but most Europeans have derided
the lack of consultation with the EU in tackling these matters.
 
Discussion Questions
• How is the Treaty of Lisbon different from the failed European Constitution?
• Why did the European Constitution fail to be ratified?
• What political realities does the EU face in your home state?
• Why are some EU countries more euroskeptic than others?
• How do your constituents feel about delegating more national powers away from
member states and to the European Union?
• Does your state participate in current military operations throughout the world?
How has this impacted local politics?
• Does your administration wish to engage or disengage the EU, and how do your
constituents feel about either option?
 
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Internal Issues for Consideration ________________________________________________ 9

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