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IN THE late 1980s, as Mikhail Gorbachev launched perestroika, Russia made peace
with the West. It was possible to believe that each would give up trying to subvert
the other with lies and cold-war conspiracy theories. With the indictment of 13
Russians on February 16th by the American special counsel, Robert Mueller, it is
clear just how fragile that belief was.
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Europe has been targeted, too. Although the details are sketchier, and this is not the
focus of the Mueller probe, Russia is thought to have nanced extremist
politicians, hacked computer systems, organised marches and spread lies (see
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Brie ng). Again, its aim seems 12 weeks
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cry.
Trolleology
They hold three uncomfortable lessons. One is that social media are a more potent
tool than the 1960s techniques of planting stories and bribing journalists. It does
not cost much to use Facebook to spot sympathisers, ferret out potential converts
and perfect the catchiest taglines (see article). With ingenuity, you can fool the
system into favouring your tweets and posts. If you hack the computers of
Democratic bigwigs, as the Russians did, you have a network of bots ready to dish
the dirt.
With a modest budget, of a little over $1m a month, and working mostly from the
safety of St Petersburg, the Russians managed botnets and false pro les, earning
millions of retweets and likes. Other, better-funded, groups exploit similar
techniques. Nobody yet knows how the outrage they generate changes politics, but
it is a fair guess that it deepens partisanship and limits the scope for compromise.
Hence the second lesson, that the Russia campaign did not create divisions in
America so much as hold up a warped mirror to them. It played up race, urging
black voters to see Mrs Clinton as an enemy and stay at home on polling day. It
sought to in ame white resentment, even as it called on progressives to vote for Jill
Stein, of the Green Party. After Mr Trump’s victory, which it had worked to bring
about, it organised an anti-Trump rally in Manhattan. Right after the Parkland
school shooting, Russian bots began to pile into the debate about gun control (see
article). Europeans are to a lesser degree divided, too, especially in Brexit Britain.
The divisions that run so deep within Western democracies leave them open to
intruders.
The most important lesson is that the Western response has been woefully weak. In
the cold war, America fought Russian misinformation with diplomats and spies. By
contrast, Mr Mueller acted because two presidents fell short. Barack Obama
agonised over evidence of Russian interference but held back before eventually
imposing sanctions, perhaps because he assumed Mr Trump would lose and that
for him to speak out would only feed suspicions that, as a Democrat, he was
manipulating the contest. That was a grave misjudgment.
Then comes resilience, which starts at the top. Angela Merkel successfully warned
Mr Putin that there would be consequences if he interfered in German elections. In
France Emmanuel Macron frustrated Russian hackers by planting fake e-mails
among real ones, which discredited later leaks when they were shown to contain
false information. Finland teaches media literacy and the national press works
together to purge fake news and correct misinformation.
Resilience comes more easily to Germany, France and Finland, where trust is
higher than in America. That is why retaliation and deterrence also matter—not, as
in the cold war, through dirty tricks, but by linking American co-operation over,
say, diplomatic missions, to Russia’s conduct and, if need be, by sanctions.
Republican leaders in Congress are failing their country: at the least they should
hold emergency hearings to protect America from subversion in the mid-term
elections. Just now, with Mr Trump obsessively blaming the FBI and Democrats, it
looks as if America does not believe democracy is worth ghting for.
This article appeared in the Leaders section of the print edition under the headline "The meddler"
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