Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Introduction
Dynamics of the Romanian migration system
The great shift into internal migration
The deconcentration of emigration
Temporary emigration as the new pillar of the migration system
Relations within the migration system
On the migration system by the structure of migration intentions
Formal and informal institutions
Case studies
Migration towards Yugoslavia
Border crossing before 1990
Border crossing after 1990: diversification and informalisation of work contexts
The Romanian-Serbian border as subject of recent political redefinition
Migration towards Hungary
Movement of people and goods before 1990
Movement of people and goods during transition
Romanian-Hungarian Treaty and Hungarian Status Law: impacts on migration
Migration towards Spain
Migration from Jebel-Timis to Germany - a village case study
Annex 1: Dynamics and structure of internal and external migration
Annex 2 : Institutions and publications related to international migration
Institutions
Publications
References
*
Dumitru Sandu is Professor of sociology at the University of Bucharest. Last published book "Sociabilitatea
in spatiul dezvoltarii" (Sociability in the Development Space), Iasi: POLIROM, 2003; last published study:
"Status inconsistency as a predictor of public action attitudes in Romania", Current Sociology, 52, 6 , 2004.
Email: dsandu@dnt.ro.
Cosmin Radu is a PhD student at the University of Bucharest, Faculty of Sociology. He is interested in cross-
border migration. Email: yotile@yahoo.com.
Monica Constantinescu is a research fellow at the The Research Institute for Quality of Life - Romanian
Academy and a PhD candidate at the University of Bucharest. Last published study "Importanta legaturilor
slabe in migratie" (The importance of the weak ties in migration), Sociologie Romaneasca, 3, 2004. Email:
c.cosmin@pcnet.ro.
Ruxandra Oana Ciobanu is a PhD student at the University of Bucharest. Her domains of interest are
migration and migration policies, population and development and the urban space. Email:
ciobi_oana@yahoo.com.
Study for www.migrationonline.cz, Multicultural Center Prague, November 2004
Introduction*
Temporary migration abroad is a post ’89 social innovation that followed the law of
diffusion for any social innovation. The phenomenon is new, complex and with very high
dynamics. As a result, the empirical evidence for this topic is rather poor. The strategy that
we have chosen on how to introduce the topic to the reader is to not make a review of
literature on the topic but to present some key aspects of the phenomena by quantitative and
qualitative analysis. The first part of the paper is an approach on temporary migration
abroad with respect to the Romanian migration system. The key elements of the system are
the streams and institutions. The basic streams that constitute the new migration system of
post ’89 Romania are those formed by permanent emigration, temporary emigration and the
migratory movement of the population within the country, between different residential
types (especially between village and city). The institutional components of the system are
introduced in the second part of the paper. The high diversity of the migration abroad
patterns is presented by a set of four case studies in the third part of the analysis. Three of
them are country case studies referring to migration towards Serbia, Hungary and Spain.
The fourth one is a village case study.
The last census from March 2002 indicated a number of around 360 thousand
people as temporary emigrants from Romania. For a country of 21,680,000 people, that
means a rate of about 17‰ temporary emigration. Was this a high or a low rate? It depends
on the reference. In comparison with other Eastern or Central European countries with a
longer history in sending migrants abroad it might be considered a low rate. If one
considers the situation before 1989 when Romania was a closed country, the figure is still
quite high. It is also high compared to definitive emigration (Table A 2) and to the total
internal migration (Table A 1). The three types of spatial movement – internal migration,
permanent emigration and temporary emigration – are related in a complex, dynamic web.
Before analysing their interrelations, it is necessary to make a short description of each of
them.
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In this new context urban unemployment acted as a force pushing for former in-
migrants coming from villages, into the cities. The need to survive was met with lower
costs in rural areas, with taxes remaining low and the help of small plots of restituted land.
Targeting cities for residence and returning from them to former village residences
was the new dominant pattern of survival strategy for large segments of the population.
As in any crisis period, voluntary movement of the population declined. The
average volume of the total migration reduced by more than double in the period between
1990-1996 compared to 1983-1989 (Table A 1). Rural-urban migration continued to be
main stream within the set of residential movements of the population up to 1996 but the
trend of its decline was clear.
The year 1997 remains a turning point in the history of Romanian migration. It is in
this year that the long lasting trend of a dominant rural-urban migration started to be
replaced by the prevalence of the reverse trend from cities to villages.
80
70
rural-urban
60
50
40
rural-rural
30
20 urban-urban
urban-rural
10
The shift in the migration structure after 1996, with the unusual increase of the
share of urban to rural movement, is consistent with a sharp increase in the rate of poverty
from 20% in 1996 to about 31% in 1997 and 36% in 20002. In spite of the fact that the
level of poverty declined at about 25% in 2003, the share of urban to rural movement in
relation to the total migration continues to be very high.
2
http://www.caspis.ro/saracie.htm#DINAMICA_SĂRĂCIEI_PE_2003_ÎN_RAPORT_CU_1995-
2002, consulted 10.29.2004
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The majority of them were Germans who did not have the opportunity to leave the country
before 1989. After 1992, once the majority of the Germans had left the country, the rate of
external migration had a sharp decline. A second decrease of the stream of external
migration was recorded after 1998. In general, the volume of emigration was much lower
after 1989 (about 18,000 each year), compared to the previous years from 1980 to 1989
(with an average emigration of 29 thou. each year) (Table A 2).
In spite of the large variation in volume, the structure of emigration by country of
destination had a large inertia (Table A 2). Germany, the USA and Hungary were the main
destination countries before and after 1989. Ethnic identities and networks of relatives were
the main basis for this structural continuity in the structure of emigration. The German
prevalence in the structure of emigration continued until to 1996. After this year, the
dominant streams became those directed towards the USA and Canada. The pattern of a
concentrated field of migration directed towards North America seems to be replaced in
2003 by a more dispersed field, with rather equal volume streams oriented to Germany,
Canada, USA, Italy and Hungary.
Canada, Italy, Austria and France are the new destinations that attract a larger share
after rather than before 1989 (Table A 2). The emigration towards Israel, however, is the
opposite of a declining flow in absolute and relative terms.
ALBA COVASNA
HUNEDOARA SIBIU BRASOV
TIMIS GALATI
ARGES BUZAU
CARAS-SEVERIN PRAHOVA BRAILA TULCEA
VILCEA
GORJ
DIMBOVITA
MEHEDINTI IALOMITA
very low,under 5 ‰ ILFOV
OLT CALARASI CONSTANTA
DOLJ
GIURGIU
low ,5-9‰
TELEORMAN
The migratory movements have been, up to 2002, especially from the not so poor regions
where high cultural diversity exists. This is the case of the Western part of Moldova, a
historical region and from the Northern part of Transylvania (Sandu, 2004).The lowest
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level of emigration was, at the census moment, mainly from the rather poor, isolated areas
(Vaslui, Ialomita, Teleorman, Calarasi, Mehedinti, Gorj, Salaj).
In relation to movements from the villages, the variation of temporary emigration
was higher for the larger villages of higher educational stock, smaller percentage of elderly
people and having a high cultural (especially religious) diversity (Figure 3). Villages of
high migration abroad are mainly located in the proximity of small towns from poor
counties, into non-isolated areas.
favoring factors
% vocational sch. grad.2002 0.02
% high school grad, 2002-0.12
-0.15 -0.10 -0.05 0.00 0.05 0.10 0.15 0.20 0.25 0.30 0.35
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1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
temporary low rate, early adopters of migration abroad as higher rate, semi-legal, contagion free circulation in
emigration innovative life strategy phenomenon Schengen space
sharp, artificial
increase of RU
internal migration
migration (between 40% to systematic decrease of RU sharp increase of UR migration as to reach more than
between village 70% out of total migration (from 35% to 25% out 25% out of total migration; period of negative net rural-
and city migration of total migration) urban migration
Figure 4. Key trends and stages into the dynamics of the Romanian migration system after 1989.
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There is an obvious overlap among the stages of the three main components of the
Romanian migration system. Each of them evolved by about three stages after 1989 (Figure
4). The limits for permanent emigration and for the internal migration are quite clear and
consistent with structural and level variation by the intervals 1990-1991/1992, 1991/1992-
1996/1997, 1996/1997 -2003.
Temporary emigration cannot be measured in time as precisely as the other two
components of the stream. There is only partial empirical evidence that allows for the
formulation of some hypotheses. It is obvious that the circular migration abroad started to
be more consistent after 1996/1997 with the increase of domestic poverty, the sharp
increase in return migration from cities to villages and the decline of permanent emigration.
In the mid-nineties one witnessed the second turning point in the dynamics of the
Romanian migration system, following the first one in 1990.
A third turning point, which is relevant only to external migration, is related to 2002
as the beginning of the free circulation of Romanians into the Schengen Area. This is
associated with a more dispersed migration field, with streams directed towards more
destinations and with a more balanced share of the different streams within the total
emigration.
The negative association between permanent and temporary emigration is very
noticeable within the migration system of Romania for the years following 2000. The easier
the pendular movement abroad, the lower the probability for permanent emigration. The
regularity could be valid especially for the first stages of circular migration abroad. It is
also very likely that the processes will give us an idea of the way the economy of the
country will go. A positive trend in the economic growth of the country will support the
negative relation between permanent and temporary emigration. A positive relation
between the two (higher temporary emigration, higher permanent emigration) could emerge
if the experience of working temporarily abroad will be accompanied by a decline in the
domestic standard of living.
The integration of temporary migration abroad into the Romanian migration system
is highly supported by different causal approaches (Table 2). The details are available
especially for temporary emigration from villages. This type of emigration was
significantly supported in its initial stages (Figure 4) by the return migration from the cities,
by the breakdown of village-city commuting, by former village experiences of migration
abroad during communist times and the return of migrants from abroad after 1989. There is
clear empirical evidence that the restructuring of urban employment and of the internal
migration system favored an increase of temporary emigration abroad.
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order to cope with uncertainty and the level of living problems. In the end, different
migration streams are interrelated due to the fact that the life strategies of the migrants are
interrelated. A causal approach of the structure of the intentions to migrate could support
the fact that their structure is an underlying factor of the structural nature of migration
flows.
The intention to migrate for temporary work abroad occurs much more frequently
than the intention to move within the country (Table 2). This is a clear sign that the
propensity for temporary emigration is higher than the propensity for internal migration.
The two contrasting types of migration – for work abroad and within the country –
have common and specific determinants (Table 2). The younger generation from
households with international migration experience is more inclined to migrate within or
outside the country. Temporary emigration for work is higher amongst men than women. It
is also higher for vocational educated people, for those that traveled abroad and live in
rather large localities with high unemployment.
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Locality characteristics are less important for the intentions of internal migration.
The propensity to change residence is higher for young people living in urban areas with
good network capital.
An implication of the above analysis is that an increase in local unemployment will
have as an outcome a higher probability for temporary emigration abroad than for internal
migration. Similarly, a higher amount of dissatisfaction with life tends to be converted to a
higher degree into temporary emigration than into out-migration. Personal family
experience of working abroad is a significant factor for stimulating all types of migration,
with concern to either internal or external destinations.
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hours and access to national insurance, the Government decided that one more institution is
needed. Therefore, The Department for Labour Abroad was constituted in August 2004.
The new institution is coordinated by the same Ministry of Labour, Social Solidarity, and
Family and among its main tasks are the improvement of social and economic protections
for Romanian citizens working abroad, the building of an effective network composed by
observers, organizations of Romanian communities and embassies abroad, and the securing
of a permanent relationship between migrants and Romanian institutions. According to
official declarations,\ DLA will be involved, along with nongovernmental institutions such
as International Organization for Migration, Mission Bucharest, in various campaigns
aimed at increasing the awareness of the risks employed by illegal arrangements during
migration. The DLS has been enthusiastically announced by several Romanian political
actors as an indispensable institution that will be to a greater extent involved in preventing
human rights violations among Romanian labourers abroad.
Along with the attempts made by the Romanian state in order to prove that it is
taking care of Romanian migrants, there are various informal institutions composed of
structures aimed at facilitating migration. Even if the great diversity of such institutions is
able to discourage any effort of systematization, we should note that these structures are
built on the ability of people to participate in social networks, community solidarity, the
weakness of the state (corruption, bribery, clientelism, institutional voids) being the main
factors that push the people towards informal arrangements. In order to elude to the
imperfections of the state’s institutions, people tried to find the most suitable solutions to
their problems. Until 1st January 2002, visas for tourism were required in order for people
to go abroad.. Since the embassies and consulates have very complex procedures and
restrictions, those willing to work abroad resorted to informal providers of visas who
appeared without delay in the early 1990s. Thus, another advantage secured by informal
arrangements is flexibility. However, the money required for “black” visas for Spain,
Germany or other distant countries represented a significant amount of saving for an
average Romanian family. The cost for so-called “black” visas was about 1,000-1,500
EUR. The strategies based on such arrangements involved a large amount of risk taking.
During our fieldwork many people complained that they were cheated, explaining how they
were paying the money but did not receive a visa.
Other forms of institutions facilitating migration towards the Schengen countries are
the social networks of money lending or usury. A large amount of evidence of money
lending strategies for the purpose of migration was collected from both rural and urban
areas. Among social groups involved in such networks one can mention the family and
circles of close kin, neighbours, or professional usurers who collect the amount loaned plus
half of the loan as usury. For instance, relying on such “contracts” with professional usurers
is a generalized strategy of departure in a village of Harghita county where almost every
adult has been working in Hungary for the last 15 years (Voiculescu, forthcoming).
Another interesting case is that of migrants to Spain or Italy who lend money to neighbors,
kin, and other people residing in the same village or town who wish to migrate. Perhaps the
most visible informal institution, recognized as such even by the state’s agents, is that of
transportation companies. “Trying to reach their destination – the ‘black’ labour market of
the different Western countries – those interested are helped by diversely benevolent
people, notably, transportation or tourism companies which under the pressure of short-
term high profits, lend the passengers the amount of money necessary at the customs
office”3.
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Case studies
4
Migration towards Yugoslavia *
Border crossing before 1990
The history of economic cooperation between Romania and the Yugoslav Federation
started in the early 1960s with the construction of an extended binational project on the
Danube River – the hydro-electric plant “Porţile de Fier I” and “Porţile de Fier II”. Not
only was the construction binational, but also the use and the maintenance, including a
system of navigation on the Danube. Consequently, a crucial moment in the history of
Romanian-Yugoslavian relations was the signing of a bilateral agreement in 1967, which
stipulated that the citizens of both Romania and Yugoslavia living in the villages and towns
nearby the frontier, were allowed to cross the border and circulate freely throughout these
countries for approximately 8 days per month, without visas and even without passports.
The only paper required for travel purposes was “pasul de mic traffic,” issued by local
officers as an alternative individual passport available only for the border between Romania
and Yugoslavia.
The declared purpose of the trips to Yugoslavia was tourism, yet everyone was
aware that by traveling periodically to the neighboring country, people tried to improve
their consumption standards. Such travel had to do with the purchase of basic items -
foodstuffs, jeans, coffee, shoes, cigarettes, electronics - that individuals could not always
find available in local shops without efforts. The shortage economy, as defined by Janos
Kornai (1992), represented a system within which the consumer goods were rationalized
and thus, in scarce supply. On the lookout for ordinary goods, the consumers were often
forced to seek substitutes, to save money unwillingly and to become materially and
psychologically frustrated. Given these coordinates related to the planned production and
consumption of goods in the former economic sector, people increasingly became active in
the second economy (Sampson 1986; Sik 1988, 1999) in order to supplement the basic
consumption items. Therefore, the border crossings in the years of socialism were
stimulated by this shortage of consumer goods.
The departures to Negotin or Pancevo, the Yugoslav towns with the largest free
marketplaces near to the border, were planned for every Saturday evening when small
groups of two or three people were gathered, ready to go to Drobeta Turnu Severin,
Moraviţa or another point of border crossing. Not only Romanians were part of those
looking for goods but also Yugoslav citizens. Sunday evening they were back, after a day at
the market involving both shopping and retailing home-made products. „Usually, after
ending the retailing of goods, I was concerned with shopping from the same place. It was
not necessary to bring money home. Money was useless because the shops were empty”5.
From morning till night they were trying to sell all their goods stored within their bags.
They were staying overnight with Serbian families who also helped them with keeping the
goods that have not been sold. Some things bought on Yugoslav markets and shops were
for the consumption needs of the household, while others were re-sold or given as „gifts”
and „bribes” to different persons: customs officers, doctors, socialist managers, workplace
colleagues, or kin. Such cross-border activities were available only to those who had the
*
Cosmin Radu
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abilities and network capital required. Peasants or cooperative state farms’ members, the
elders and the poorest (the Roma) were less involved in these activities. The most active
were women, the young and workers in industry or services (school teachers, doctors,
administrative workers, bureaucrats).
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the main source of bad news for cross-border labourers. Ambiguity derived from the lack of
exact information about the sum of money required. It was the time when the relationships
between customs officers and their clients – migrants – shifted from gift-giving (consisting
of cigarettes, coffee and others items) to bribery. “They – the customs officers – were
always claiming their ‘rights,’ but then it was harder than ever”6.
A very difficult situation was created at the end of 2003 and beginning of 2004
when the officers set the tax of border crossing at 1,500 EUR, an enormous sum of money
for an ordinary Romanian villager, be they labourers abroad (or “tourists,” using the official
language). Even if the money was not as much as for other distant countries (they had to
show only 250 EUR in order to prove their ability to cover monthly subsistence expenses)
the migrants were very pesimistic about the future of their affairs in Serbia7. But the
situation was partially solved by developing informal institutions able to surpass the new
obstacles and useful in helping temporary migrants to Serbia. The most salient were the
transportation companies, which became temporary providers of money. The driver of the
bus was distributing the money required to all passengers, and after leaving the customs
office, he was taking it away. Every traveler had to pay around 50 EUR for this service, but
they were generally speaking, satisfied. The amount gained by the company on every
border crossing, except for the regular cost of the ticket, was distributed between the
customs officers and the firm involved. However, the migrants became completely
dependent on such informal structures as they started to exclusively use the collective
means of transportation, namely buses.
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The negative economic consequences have been rapidly seen after approximately two
weeks. By the middle of July tourism and transportation companies in the Western
Romania downsized their activities dramatically. According to a Romanian newspaper,
tourism has decreased by around 90 percent compared to the previous period9. Actually,
most of the former tourists to Serbia were day labourers, seasonal workers, or small-scale
traders. These activities represent permanent jobs not only for many Romanians living on
the border, but for those living in distant places too. One day after the implementation of
the new regulations at the customs office in Moraviţa, someone stated: “if the number of
travelers exceeded 57,000 during May 2004, the current situation is that nobody crossed the
border towards Serbia within the last ten hours”10. The average daily number of persons
crossing the border towards Serbia through the customs office of Moraviţa is around 1,400.
The opposite flow, from Serbia to Romania does not exceed 400 persons per day at the
same point of border crossing11. Most of the Serbs traveling to Romania are kiosk owners
or shopkeepers who supply their stocks of goods from the wholesale markets in Bucharest
and other Romanian cities.
Another visible consequence was the long queues, formed by tens and hundreds of
people waiting in the front of the Embassy of Serbia and Montenegro in Bucharest and
Timişoara. The extended networks of employers and employees as well as both supply and
demand of labour fastened the circulation of letters for visa that are needed in order to go to
Serbia.
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fate of Hungarians living outside its borders and shall promote its fostering of their links
with Hungary” (ibid.).
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the region created new sets of social relationships between ethnic groups, between bordering
countries and between producer and consumer” (Wallace 1997). Romanian citizens were
successful in their attempts of working or trading in Hungary because of proximity,
language proficiency, and a great level of acceptance/tolerance from the Hungarian side.
The polls suggested that Romanian citizens are more welcome than Serbs, Chinese, Black
Africans, or Arabs. They are accepted as co-workers, neighbours, fellow citizens, family or
friends (Juhasz 1995). “The migratory movements are of special importance for relations
between the Hungarian minority and Hungary. On the one hand, they point to the fact that
relations between the minority population and its kin state are not purely symbolic or
cultural, but comprise an important economic dimension” (Horvath 2002).
Secondly, for many years Hungary was a buffer zone, a country chosen for transit
towards more distant destinations. Romanian labourers going west, legally or illegally,
were travelers or short term residents throughout Hungary.
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to European regulations, the Hungarian state cannot discriminate positively the Hungarian
minority of Romania. Therefore, the norms for mobility must be applied in the same
manner to all Romanian citizens20.
Following the integration of Hungary within European Union important flows of
cross-border mobility have developed. These are supposed to especially affect the
economic arrangements of the border areas. The small-scale Hungarian retailers and
wholesalers started to supply their stocks of sugar from the Romanian side. It is widely
documented that the smuggling of sugar is one of the most lucrative forms of trafficking at
this time21. One thousand kilos of sugar can be bought from Romanian wholesalers in
exchange for approximately 175 Euro. A month after the integration, a radio station
estimated that 10,000,000 kilos of sugar have been bought from Romania and re-sold in
Hungary. The traders avoid taxation by smuggling under 1,000 kilos at once22. These
arrangements are organized at the expense of Hungarian producers of sugar and, generally
speaking, the Hungarian state loses significant amounts of money, approximated several
millions of HUF. The increase in prices leads to a great number of Hungarian citizens,
approximately double the previous, in the nearby border shops. Not only is sugar much
sought after, but also shoes, cigarettes, and beer23.
Romanian migration to Spain could be mainly identified with the movement of people to
this destination after 1990. Before this date, the communist system of supervising its
citizens’ circulation abroad reduced Romanian international migration to the country in
question to accidental cases. Thus when discussing Romanian migration to Spain, we make
references to movements after 1990.
The beginnings of the phenomenon should probably be placed immediately after
December 1989. The very first departures identified within different research projects24
make reference to the period 1990 – 1991.
These departures seem to be part of isolated individual projects for international
migration, not necessarily oriented to Spain. From individuals, especially on the base of
kinship and friendship relations (as main channels to transmit information and support from
migrant to non-migrant) migration to Spain began its development based on network
mechanisms. (see Box 1. The very first migrant – story from Coslada )
In 1989 or 1990 the first Romanian Adventist came to Spain. He was from Galaţi County.
He traveled by ship to Spain. His intention was to emigrate to US, but he was forced to
stop his trip in a Spanish seaport. He met another Romanian at the Adventist church in
Madrid. (…) The next two Romanians came also from Galaţi26. Six months later, the
other two arrived (from Piteşti3 and Slatina4) – they were part of the same family. In N’s
*
Monica Constantinescu
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opinion, in 1991 there were 6 Romanians, all living in Aravaca, one of Madrid’s suburbs.
In 1992, when she came, there were 12 Romanians. She did not hear about others. Four
or five of them were working in construction, in Coslada. The Spanish employer arranged
for them to rent a flat in Coslada, in order to have them closer to the work place. In this
way the Romanian story in Coslada began. One and half months after her arrival, an
entire bus with Romanian came to Coslada. He remembers they stopped in France and
crossed the border between France and Spain by taxi. From this bus 12 persons were
members of her family. In one week other 20 Romanians came… (Notes from interview
with N. 42 years old, Romanian migrant to Coslada)
In spite of a low initial visibility in the Romanian public space, the migration seems
to have registered from the very beginning a relatively accentuated growth. In 1991, 2,61227
work permits were granted to immigrants of Romanian nationality. It is clear that the
number of work permits is not a strong measure for the migration volume, but the relatively
high number or Romanian immigrants who, in 1991-1992, achieved a legal status as
workers seems to indicate a numerous Romanian population from the early stages of
migration.
Starting from 1990, migration to Spain registers a permanent growth. The evolution
of the phenomenon is not easy to explain. It is not the purpose of this paper to provide an
extensive analysis of this migration development. However synthetically, the evolution of
the flow can be attributed to:
a) Factors related to the country of origin: Romanian hesitant economic evolution after
1989 contributed to the maintenance of a significant gap between the wages and living
standards of Romania and Western European countries;
b) Factors related to the country of destination: Spain “discovered” its position as a country
of destination for international migration recently (the switch from emigration to
immigration country is recent and marked the attitude of the state and society regarding
migrants). The absence of precise policies and institutional mechanisms in the field marked
the development of migration to Spain (not only for the Romanians) creating with the
migrants (at least Romanian ones) an image of an easily accessible and very tolerating
country. The typical answer of Romanian migrants to the question if they have had
problems with Spanish authorities is “Here you have problems only if you steal or do
things like this. If you work, nobody has anything to do with you” (M., Romanian migrant
to Madrid) (see also Box 2: Story of a young migrant Spain experienced an accentuated
economic growth in recent years. The accelerated development created a need for work
force impossible to be covered by national resources. Jobs in agriculture, construction and
services became opened to clandestine workers coming from different countries of Africa,
Latin America, Asia or Europe;
c) Factors related to the international context: The establishment of the Schengen Area and
the free circulation of persons within its boundaries relieve the entrance formalities to some
states. Practically during the period of visa restrictions, each country from the Schengen
Area could have provided (by granting a visa) an easier way of entrance to Spain (and not
only).
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Box 3: Alba Iulia Region and its daughter community Alcala de Henares
Alcala de Henares was a favorite destination for Romanians coming from central part of
the country: “We are here from Alba Iulia,” says Mr. G, president of the Romanian
Migrants Association.
In 1992, Mr. G. was one of the first Romanians coming to Alcala. Now he lives here with
his wife and their three children. He says that he does not remember how many friends
and relatives he “brought” to Spain.
In 1998, with a group of friends, Mr. G set up, “officially, with papers” how he likes to
emphasize, an association of Romanian migrants. The association was very active. Now
(n.a. in 2002) the Romanians in Alcala have their own church, a football team, the city of
Alba Iulia is twined with Alcala…
In December 2001, the Association celebrated Romania’s National Day in a public way,
inviting the Mayors from Alba Iulia and Alcala and officials from the Romanian
Embassy in Spain. The Association members organized several exhibitions of Romanian
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traditional art. At the moment, they are looking for a way to help the Town Hall in Alba
Iulia possibly with some computers donated by the Alcala Town Hall.
The most ambitious plan of the association is to twin the Madrid Community with a
Romanian region that they intend to create having the head quarter in Alba Iulia. (Notes
from interview with Mr. G, Romanian migrant to Alcala)
The contradiction between the increasing number of persons looking for means to
accomplish their migration plans and the restrictive migration policies of receiving
countries acted, in Romania also, as a precondition for the set up of the migration black
market. The particular conditions of migration from Romania to Spain (see the previous
considerations related to factors which supported this flow) offered for years good
opportunities for the development of the institutionalized elements of migration.
Entrepreneurs transporting persons, money and parcels from and into Spain, visa
traffickers, institutions that offer support to illegal migrants at destination (as the charity
programs of catholic church), meeting places for Romanian migrants, Romanian churches,
Romanian newspapers, Romanian Associations, etc. All these are already known at origin,
becoming institutionally stable and conferring migration a certain independence.
The year 2002 marked a change in the Romania international position in Europe.
Starting from the 1st of January, the Romanians have been granted the right to free entrance
into the Schengen Space. How this change influenced the international migration to Spain
is still a question to be answered. Signals from different studies seem to indicate an
accentuated growth in the number of persons leaving the country in the first months of
2002. This was followed by a decrease. It is also probable that this change accentuated the
circular character of the phenomenon.
The reactions of the Romanian and Spanish states to the flow can be generally
qualified as delayed. Until 2002, the agreements between the two states were concentrated
on the problem of Romanian citizens’ readmission.
In 2002, Romania and Spain signed the first bi-lateral agreement for the work force.
The number or Romanians having chosen to work legally in Spain increased dramatically
in 2003 compared with the first year (from 2623 in 2002 to 16439 in 200333), transforming
Spain into the second largest legal receiver (after Germany) of the Romanian work force.
*
Ruxandra Oana Ciobanu
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will get an understanding of the context of the migration from Banat35 to Germany. The
second section will refer to the social networks and migrant supporting institutions in
relation to the migrants’ strategies – to migrate, find a job and a host at the destination.
The village of Jebel is located 30 kilometers away from Timişoara, the largest city
of Banat, and the second of the country. A large population of Germans known as “Svabi”
used to live in the region of Banat, who were brought there by the Habsburgs in the XVIII
century. Beginning in the 1980s, Germans from Banat started to leave for Germany;
however the main exodus occured after 1989. Even if there were many villages with a large
population of Germans in Banat, there are only a few families in Jebel (fieldwork
interviews) which explains the little impact the German migration had on the local
migrants. Jebel is the administrative center of the commune with the same name, and
comprises two villages (the second village is Pădureni), with the largest population in Jebel.
Generally, migrant networks make migration possible by reducing the costs of
engaging in a migratory event (Massey et all 1999). New migrants are helped with crossing
the border, locating shelter at their destination, finding a job, and adjusting and adapting in
a foreign country. Being part of a migration network diminishes the risks of the
‘adventure.’ However, the absence of such networks does not eliminate migration. The
floor is taken by migration supporting institutions that, just as networks, increase the access
to resources through an institutionalized framework. It is important nevertheless, to notice
that while in the case of migration networks the availability of resources depends upon the
participation in a network, the distribution of knowledge is much higher with regard to
migrant supporting institutions.
A primary element that shows the absence of migration networks in the village
Jebel is the fact that if in the rest of the country in the rural area the church represents an
important starting point in the construction of networks for migration. In Jebel the
fieldwork provided us with no evidence for the existence of such networks. It is only the
case of Pentecostals who migrate mainly to Switzerland and the United States of America.
Besides, there is an orthodox church, a Romano-catholic one, and a Baptist gathering.
At present, the principal destination for the migrants is Germany. Those who
migrated in the first wave (identified to be in the early 1990s) passed through Austria, and
stayed there for a while with friends. Lately, less people leave for Germany without a
contract because it is very difficult to get the necessary papers. Due to the fact that people
did not know each other or stated that they do not know other neighbors who migrated to
Germany, it is difficult to asses the intensity of the migration phenomenon. Also, after
conducting our fieldwork, and comparing the Jebel village with other villages, it can be said
that this is not a mass phenomenon.
In the migration history of the village people also used to migrate before the 1989
Revolution. Some crossed the borders illegally either into Hungary or Serbia, and others
worked for goods transportation companies as drivers. The new destinations are Spain or
Portugal to work in agriculture and construction. However, the number of migrants going to
these last two destinations is only a few. The fieldwork introduced us to only a couple of
families. However, similar to the migration to Germany, the migrants to these other two
destinations did not know each other. Another type of migration is the illicit trade in Serbia.
This has been functioning for a long time in the entire South – West part of Romania.
Furthermore, there is the region of Serbian Banat, at present a part of Serbia, but used to be
part of Romanian territory. People know each other and there is a history of trade that links
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them. Cigarettes were brought illegally in the country and other goods are sold later on in
the Timişoara bazaar.
Relevant in the context of migration is the commuting experience. For the moment
(2001) around 10% of the inhabitants of Jebel commute to work in Timişoara, compared to
60-70% before 1989 (they used to work at Elba, C.F.R. or Electromotor). People commute
now to Timişoara with their own car and less by bus or train. If in the first migration wave
to Germany there were small groups of 2 to 4 friends. Today migration is an individual
phenomenon. Those who migrated during the first wave to Germany had difficulty finding
a place to work because they did not have persons to recommend them to the managers. As
a consequence, at present they prefer to migrate “secured” through mediation firms. When
leaving based on a contract one knows where s/he will stay, for how long, where they
would work, the payment, everything. People get in touch with a company that
intermediates between companies outside the country and labor force in the country, and
migrate based on a contract. Therefore, the main means to migration is through
intermediate companies from Timişoara that facilitate 2-3 month contracts in Germany for
work. The alternative jobs are in agriculture, construction or caretaking of elderly people.
The advantage of migrating with a contract is that if for those who migrate on their own or
as part of a social network the Schengen Act involves having money to show at the border
or a visa, for the first the new rule does not change the situation, as the migrants receive
work permits. There are no connection persons at the destination, opposed to the migration
networks. Migrants meet only at a destination and realize that they have other neighbors
there.
People argue that the absence of migration networks is based on individual
characteristics such as selfishness. “The people from Banat do not help each other ... People
are envious around here” (A.I., 43 years old, agricultural engineer at the Town Hall). For
example one of the ‘definitive migrants’ who returns periodically to the village did not help
anyone migrate to Germany, furthermore, he does not say where he lives and pretends not
to remember other people from the village.
They argue that the impossibility to migrate without a contract has to do with the
absence of money. It is impossible (people say) to migrate on your own to Germany,
because in order to leave one needs money. Another form of proof with regard to the
absence of migration networks comes from the fact that in areas with strong migration
networks, packages are sent home by other migrants, or buses that travel daily between
origin and destination. In Jebel, the situation is different; packages are sent by post office,
and rarely through a transportation company located in the next village.
Therefore, migration networks are substituted by the migration supporting
institutions. If social ties were meant to reduce the costs of migration, the role to facilitate
the passing of the border and finding both shelter and a job is now taken over by various
private institutions and sometimes voluntary organizations. Another argument in support of
the role of migration supporting institutions is the absence of financial resources to initiate
migration. Nevertheless, one should not regard migrant networks and migration supporting
institutions as exclusive, but rather as a structural complement (Goss and Lindquist in
Massey et all 1999:44).
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*
Dumitru Sandu
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Total Germany USA Hungary Canada Italy Austria France Israel Sweden Greece Australia Other
Total 1980- 287753 149544 33931 27250 7495 3128 9275 4593 14629 4909 3131 3646 26622
N
1989
% 100 52.0 11.8 9.5 2.6 1.1 3.2 1.6 5.1 1.7 1.1 1.3 9.3
1990 96929 66121 4924 10635 1894 1130 3459 1626 1227 996 576 611 3730
1991 44160 20001 5770 4427 1661 1396 4630 1512 519 381 354 301 3208
1992 31152 13813 2100 4726 1591 528 3282 1235 463 686 143 297 2288
1993 18446 6874 1245 3674 1926 645 1296 937 324 199 80 236 1010
1994 17146 6880 1078 1779 1523 1580 1256 787 417 176 87 220 1363
1995 25675 9010 2292 2509 2286 2195 2276 1438 316 520 193 136 2504
1996 21526 6467 3181 1485 2123 1640 915 2181 418 310 274 165 2367
1997 19945 5807 2861 1244 2331 1706 1551 1143 554 468 232 207 1841
1998 17536 3899 2868 1306 1945 1877 941 846 563 129 316 206 2640
1999 12594 2370 2386 774 1626 1415 468 696 326 98 214 124 2097
2000 14753 2216 2723 881 2518 2142 270 809 433 90 328 143 2200
2001 9921 854 1876 680 2483 1486 167 463 279 51 105 79 1398
2002 8154 1305 1356 903 1437 1317 293 233 106 42 60 58 1044
2003 10673 1938 2012 984 1444 1993 338 338 164 50 64 45 1303
total 1990-2003 N 251681 81434 31748 25372 24894 19920 17683 12618 4882 3200 2450 2217 25263
% 100 32.4 12.6 10.1 9.9 7.9 7.0 5.0 1.9 1.3 1.0 0.9 10.0
Data source: NIS
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Table A 4.Temporary emigration rate by historical region and locality type (‰)
Locality type Historical region Total
emigration rate
Transilvania
Maramues
Dobrogea
emigrants
Muntenia
Bucuresti
Moldova
Crisana-
Oltenia
Banat
Village type ‰ %
traditional 10.4 2.4 4.8 3.4 4.7 4.5 12.3 1.0 5.8 2.4
isolated 12.7 2.5 4.2 3.1 4.6 18.4 6.5 0.9 7.1 2.7
with religious
40.2 8.9 5.0 36.3 16.9 30.9 14.2 1.1 25.6 20.9
minorities
with
4.5 21.8 12.8 7.1 19.2 3.7
Hungarians
modern 21.1 8.2 4.6 8.6 13.9 12.0 5.9 2.3 8.9 4.7
of in-migration 27.5 6.4 6.7 5.3 16.6 16.8 15.1 4.3 13.9 6.5
small town 25.6 8.1 6.9 12.1 23.0 41.6 18.5 3.7 20.0 15.0
medium size
38.7 12.2 10.3 14.5 29.2 25.2 18.6 22.2 15.5
city
large city 30.3 9.7 12.3 15.5 22.0 20.0 17.6 8.0 16.5 28.5
Total ‰ 27.9 7.2 6.9 13.0 21.4 24.7 16.3 7.4 16.7
% 35.8 8.5 4.4 3.5 25.4 13.3 4.6 4.5 100
Data source: 2002 census of population and housing, National Institute of Statistics (NIS), own computations
(DS). Number of emigrants considered for computations 359352. A number of 1958 emigrants are missed
into the crosstab due to the fact that village classification does not cover some villages.
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Institutions
Oficiul pentru Migraţia Forţei de Muncă [Office for the Migration of the Labour force]
http://www.omfm.ro
Publications
*
Cosmin Radu
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References
Berg, E. (2000). “Border Crossing in Manifest Perceptions and Actual Needs”. In van der
Velde, M., Van Houtum H. (eds.) Borders, Regions and People. European Research
in Regional Science 10. London: Pion Ltd., 137-165.
Chelcea, L. (2002). “Informal Credit, Money and Time in the Romanian Countryside”.
Paper given to the Fourth Nordic Conference on the Anthropology of Postsocialism,
http://www.anthrobase.com/txt/C/Chelcea_L_01.htm
Chelcea, L. (2002). “The Culture of Shortage during State Socialism: consumption
Practices in a Romanian Village in the 1980s”. Cultural Studies 16 (1), 16-43.
Ciobotea, R. “Graniţa sfidării”. Evenimentul Zilei, 13 iulie 2004.
Evenimentul Zilei. «Pod de zahăr între România şi Ungaria». 28 iunie 2004.
Hammar, Tomas; Brochann, Grete; Tamas, Kristof; Faist, Thomas. 1997. International
Migration, Immobility and Development. Multidisciplinary Perspectives. Oxford,
New York: Berg.
Horvath, I. (2002). “Facilitating Conflict Transformation: Implementation of the
Recommendations of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities to
Romania, 1993-2001”. CORE Working Paper 8, Hamburg.
Juhasz, J. (1995). «International Migration in Hungary». Innovation: The European
Journal of SocialSciences 8 (2), 201-220.
Kohlbacher, J., Reeger, U. (1999). “’Polonia’ in Vienna: Polish Labour Migration during
the 1990s”. In Crampton, G. (ed.) Regional Unemployment, Job Matching and
Migration. European Research inRegional Science 9. London: Pion Ltd., 111-142.
Kornai, J. (1992). The Socialist System. The Political Economy of Communism. Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
Lăzăroiu, S. (2002). «Migraţia circulatorie a forţei de muncă din România. Consecinţe
asupra integrării europene».[“The circulatory migration of the Romanian work
force. Consequences on European integration”]. Bucharest.
http://www.osf.ro/ro/initiative.pdf.
Lăzăroiu, S. et al. (2003). «Migration Trends in Selected Applicants Countries. Volume IV
– Romania ‘Out’ than ‘In’ at the Crossroads between Europe and the Balkans”.
International Organization for Migration, Vienna.
Massey, Douglas S.; Arango, Joaquin; Hugo, Graeme; Kouaouci, Ali; Taylor, J. Edward.
Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal. in Population and
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Massey, Douglas; Arango, Joaquin; Hugo, Graeme; Kouaouci, Ali; Pellegrino, A. and
Taylor, J. Edward. 1999. Worlds in Motion: Understanding International Migration
at the End of the Millennium. Oxford: Clarendon.
Miat, S. “Lacăt pe graniţa cu sârbii”. Evenimentul Zilei, 2 iulie 2004.
Ministerul Administraţiei şi Internelor, comunicat de presă, 26-12-2003.
31
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32
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Notes
1
Government’s Decision no. 1320/2001, Art. 2, quoted in Lăzăroiu et al. (2003).
2
The Office of Labour Force Migration, press release, 18-08-2004.
3
Ministerul Administraţiei şi Internelor, comunicat de presă, 26-12-2003.
4
. This section is based on field research carried out in January 2002 (International Organization of
Migration, Bucharest) and July 2004 (University of Bucharest).
5
Woman from the village of Balta Verde, Mehedinţi county, July 2004.
6
Woman from the village of Balta Verde, Mehedinţi county, July 2004.
7
At least in February 2002, when we carried out the first field trip in the region
8
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, press release, 29-06-2004.
5 Ciobotea, R. “Graniţa sfidării”. Evenimentul Zilei, 13 iulie 2004.
10
Miat, S. “Lacăt pe graniţa cu sârbii”. Evenimentul Zilei, 2 iulie 2004.
11
Petrovici, G. “Adio bişniţă”. Evenimentul Zilei, 29 iunie 2004.
12
The elaboration of this section is partly supported by fieldwork carried out in the counties of
Mureş (University of Bucharest, September 2001) and Harghita (International Organization for Migration,
Mission Bucharest, February 2002).
13
The World Association of Hungarians, quoted in Stewart (2002).
14
“With reference to Romanians, the lifting of travel restrictions at the end of 1989 in Romania led
to a fourty-fold increase of the number of Romanians travelling to Hungary in 1990 as compared to 1989”
(Juhasz 1995).
15
Hungarian Ministry of Interior, quoted in Juhasz (1995).
16
Ibid.
17
“Within this buffer zone, we are considering small scale cross-border traders who come mainly
from the East and South. They were identified in our previous research as responsible for some of the rapid
escalation in mobility within the region” (Wallace, Chmouliar and Sidorenko 1995, 1996, quoted in Wallace
1997).
18
Basically, autonomy, as proposed by the Romanian Magyar Democratic Union in 1993, has three
dimensions: personal, local government and regional.
19
Prundea, M. «Cetăţeni de mâna a doua». Evenimentul Zilei, 7 mai 2004.
20
Ibid.
21
Evenimentul Zilei. «Pod de zahăr între România şi Ungaria». 28 iunie 2004.
22
Ibid.
23
Trocan, S. «Ungurii vin la la cumăpărături în România». Evenimentul Zilei, 2 iunie 2004.
24
Bucharest University research projects, 2000; 2002, IOM, 2002;
25
Coslada is a town in the suburbs of Madrid, a location for an important Romanian migrants
community
26 4 5
‚ , , Cities from Romania
27
Data presented in Claudia Clavijo, Mariano Aguirre(eds.),Politicas sociales y estado de bienestar
en Espagna: Las migraciones, Informe 2002, Fundacion Hogar del Empleado, Madrid, 2002
28
Data from Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales, http://dgei.mir.es/
29
D. Sandu – Sociabilitatea în spaţiul dezvoltării, Polirom, Bucureşti, 2003, p: 205,
30
Ibid. (p: 205)
31
Ibid. (p: 211 – 214)
32
In this case is more appropriate to discuss about „region daughter communities”, the origin area
not being a community but more a region (micro – region).
33
Data extracted from the report D. Mihail, D. Diminescu, V. Lazea – Dezvoltarea rurală şi reforma
agriculturii româneşti, Centrul Român pentru Politici Economice, 2004
34
The fieldwork was part of a more complex research conducted entitled ”The research of
circulatory migration at the community level” in 2001 – 2002 by a team coordinated by prof. dr. Dumitru
Sandu, Dana Diminescu, Sebastian Lăzăroiu şi Louis Ulrich. The community studies ware conducted in eight
rural comunities by eight students and a Ph.D. from the Universitaty of Bucharest, The Sociology and Social
Assistance Faculty. The fieldwork in Jebel was conducted by Oana Ciobanu and Alexandra Mihai, who also
wrote the rapport together.
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35
Romania is divided in several cultural areas (Sandu 1999) – cultural areas being a structure made
of homogeneous counties under the aspect of seven dichotomic variables: level of rural development, level of
urban development, the percentage of orthodox population, the percentage of (agricultural) land, the historical
region of belonging (Sandu 1999:143).
34