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BYZaNTIÕN
R ê v u e INTERMTÍON/ILE DES ÉTUDE5 B ^ z / i n T I N E 5
fondée en 1924
TOME LXXIV
(2004)
Fascicule 2
Jean BALTY
Publié avec l'aide financière du Ministère de la Communautéfrançaise
(Direcüon génércde de VEnseignement non obligatoire et de la Recherche scientifique)
et de la Fondation Universitaire de Belgique
BRUXELLES
2004
THEODEMIR'S VICTORY OVER
THE BYZANTINES IN THE JOINT REIGN OF
EGICA AND WITIZA:
A REFERENCE BY THE CHRON1CLE OF 754 (')
(1) It has been possible to undertake this research thanks to the consultation
of the resources of the Institute of Classical Studies, the Warburg Institute, the
School of Oriental and African Studies and the British Library during our stay in
London in March-April 2002 and April 2003. It is part of the Research Project
BHA2003-00838 of the Dirección General de Investigación (Ministério de
Ciência y Tecnologia).
(2) Cunt. Hisp., 74 (MGH.AA., XI, p. 3 5 4 ) : nomine Theudimer, qui in Spanie
partes non módicas Arabum intulerat neces et, diu exageratos, [pacem cum eis
fejderat habiendus. [sed et iam] sub Egicam et Wittizam Gothorum regibus in
Grecis, qui equorei nabalique descenderant sua in patria, de palmam victorie
triurnphaverat.
( 3 ) Cf. J. MONTENEGRO and A. DEL CASTILLO, The Chronology of the Reign
of Witiza in the Sources : an Historiographical Problem in the Final Years of the
Visigothic Kingdom of Toledo, in Revue Belge de Philologie et d'Histoire, 80
(2002), pp. 367-370 and 382.
404 A. DEL CASTILLO & J. MONTENEGRO
matter does not mcan we can rcjcct the evidence of the Chronicle of 754,
who was contemporanean to Theodemir and his son ("). Naturally we
agree with this author that, even if the Chronicle of754 is the only source
for this event, it cannot simply be discounted. Moreover, with regard to
the annotator of Juan de Mariana's work, who changed Byzantines for
Arabs in the text, J. Tailhan maintains that while it is easy to indulge in
unfounded speculation, it is not so easy for this to be accepted by the seri-
ous critic (5). Really F. Dahn had already said that Theodemir's victory
over an Arab fleet was an invention ( 6 ); and in a note he stated that the
Chronicle of 754 refers to the losers as Byzantines and that the Arabic
sources say nothing (7).
R. Grosse considers a naval victory by Theodemir over the Byzantines
very doubtful, since it is not mentioned by either Byzantine or Arabic
sources ; but, since the Byzantine fleet fought the Arabs for the posses-
sion of Africa, he does not discount the possibility that the Visigoths may
have participated in such confrontations as allies of the Arabs, in their
later damage (8). Such a hypothesis is very original, but there is no evi-
dence to support it. It seems highly improbable, since such a position
would have been absolutely suicidai, and this could not have escaped the
rulers of the Visigothic kingdom. Moreover, the text does not say it was
a naval battle, but simply that the Byzantines had arrived by sea. This also
invalidates the hypothesis put forward by E. A. Llobregat Conesa that it
was a naval battle between Visigoths and Byzantines, in which Theo-
demir was the admirai of the Visigothic fleet, which would have used the
Portus Illicitanus, on the site of modem Santa Pola, in Alicante, as the
point of departure or supply base, since the great port of the area,
Cartagena, had been destroyed (9).
(22) STRATOS, Byzantium, V, pp. 84-85. At this time the Byzantine fleet was
made up of the «Imperial fleet», based in Constantinople, and the «fleet of the
Carabisians», whose leader had supreme command over the admirai of the
Cibyrrhaeots ; cf. ID., Byzantium, V, p. 84 n. 352.
(23) L.A. GARCIA MORENO, Prosopografía dei reino visigodo de Toledo (Acta
Salmanticensia, 77), Salamanca, 1974, p. 80 no. 152 n. 1 ; ID., El fin dei reino
visigodo de Toledo. Decadencia y catástrofe. Una contribución a su critica
(Antiqua et Mediaevalia, 1), Madrid, 1975, p. 62 and n. 49.
(24) L.A. GARCÍA MORENO, Ceuta y el estrecho de Gibraltar durante la
Antigüedad tardia (siglos V-VII1), in Actas dei Congreso Internacional «El estre-
cho de Gibraltar». Ceuta, 1987, I. Prehistoria e Historia de la Antigüedad,
Madrid, 1988, p. 1111.
( 2 5 ) GARCÍA MORENO, Ceuta y el estrecho de Gibraltar, p. 1111 n. 9 1 .
(26) L. A. GARCÍA MORENO, Historia de Espana visigoda, Madrid, 1989, p.
186.
( 2 7 ) L.A. GARCÍA MORENO, Las invasiones, la ocupación de la Península y
las etapas hacia la unificación territorial, in Historia de Espana de R.
MENÉNDEZ PIDAL, III-1. Espaiia visigoda. Las invasiones. Las sociedades. La
Iglesia, Madrid, 1991, p. 261.
( 2 8 ) L . A . GARCÍA MORENO, La talasocracia protobizantina en el Occidente
mediterrâneo, in P. BADENAS and J.M. EGEA (eds.), Oriente y Occidente en la
Edad Media. Influjos bizantinos en la cultura Occidental (Anejos de Veleia.
Series Minor, 2), Vitoria, 1993, pp. 104-105, and p. 105, n. 78.
408 A. DEL CASTILLO & J. MONTENEGRO
ing the existence of a Byzantine army in Ceuta, might have referred to the
army's names in government circles in Constantinople, alluding to its
presence there at an earlier date (36). Moreover, even assuming there was
a Byzantine army in Ceuta in 687 or even in 698, it is extremely doubt-
ful that this army would have remained the only stronghold in an area so
far away from its bases. It is simply not logical. And if the Byzantines
abandoned Ceuta by 698 at the latest, then Count Julian must doubtless
have been somebody integrated perfectly into the area, perhaps
Byzantinized, as F. Codera claims ("), or an ally of the Byzantines, as
A. M. Howell suggests ( 3 8 ); he must have established relations with the
Visigothic kingdom, it would be the least important part of it. The impor-
tant thing is that this person handed over Ceuta and this was decisive for
the Islamic invasion of the Iberian Península.
Naturally the thesis developed by L. A. García Moreno, which we have
been analysing, is also linked with the idea that Count Julian would be the
Byzantine commander of Ceuta, who, putting himself at the service of
King Witiza, would have held the Visigothic office of Count of the terri-
tory of Julia Traducta, i.e. Algeciras (39), together with Ceuta O ; a the-
course, as we have also pointed out, it seems unlikely that after such an
event there would still be any significant naval contingents in Ceuta. Thus
the only acceptable possibility would be an attack by Byzantine forces
from the islands of the Mediterranean, as M. Vallejo Girvés claims,
although we have already pointed out the difficulty involved in dating the
attack to the time proposed by this author. For this reason we think what
is most important is to establish the date and in connection with which
event in the Visigothic kingdom of Toledo the Byzantine attack occurred.
We think the attack could have taken place in 702, shortly before the
death of Egica and possibly in relation with Suniefred's rebellion. This
was when Suniefred led an insurrection and proclaimed himself king - as
the existence of a triens minted in Toledo would seem to show í50) - when
Egica and Witiza were in Cordoba, as the existence of a law dated in that
city in the sixteenth year of king Egica's reign shows (51). However, we do
not think it can be assumed that the sovereigns' absence from Toledo was
necessarily connected with Suniefred's uprising, and this is supported by
the Chronicle of754, who states that in 701 Egica and Witiza, unable to
support the aforementioned calamity abandoned the palace to travei
around Spain (52), as L. A. García Moreno (") and J. Orlandis (54) main-
tain. We think the "aforementioned calamity" to which the text refers
RÉSUMÉ