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PHENOMENOLOGY OF RELIGION AND THE STUDY OF AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGIONS

Author(s): Ezra Chitando


Source: Method & Theory in the Study of Religion, Vol. 17, No. 4 (2005), pp. 299-316
Published by: Brill
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23551743
Accessed: 30-09-2016 15:46 UTC

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PHENOMENOLOGY OF RELIGION AND THE STUDY
OF AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGIONS

Ezra Chitando

The phenomenology of religion has come under increasing attacks within


the academic study of religion in Western Europe and North America.
Scholars such as Donald Wiebe (1999: 4) have charged that the phe
nomenological approach to the study of religion is in fact theology in
disguise. Timothy Fitzgerald has boldly asserted that "[p]henomenology
of religion is conceptually and institutionally dominated by ecumenical
theology" (2000: 20). Frank Whaling (1995: 20) also admits that the
fundamental principles of the phenomenology of religion have been
sharply attacked. The limits and possibilities of the phenomenology of
religion have come under intense scrutiny (Dupre 1992). Although some
proponents of the phenomenology of religion have emphasised its pos
itive contributions to the study of religion (Sharma 2001: 275-279), the
method has lost its stature in religious studies in Western Europe and
North America.

Phenomenology of religion, however, continues to be popular in the


academic study of African Traditional Religions (also referred to as
African indigenous religions in this article). Many African scholars rec
ommend and apply phenomenological principles in their researches into
the indigenous religions of Africa. Emefie Ikenga-Metuh contends that
the phenomenological method "may after all prove to be the solution
to the problem of methodology of African Religions" (1984: 151). Jude
Aguwa also maintains that the phenomenological method is ideal in an
African context since it "calls for a new approach to the concretely
experienced phenomenon" (1995: 7). Some dissertations and theses sub
mitted to departments of Religious Studies in Africa utilise aspects of
the phenomenology of religion in their descriptions and interpretations
of indigenous religions.
The popularity of the phenomenology of religion in the study of
African Traditional Religions and its decreasing profile in Western reli
gious studies constitutes a significant methodological challenge. Why has
the phenomenological method gained currency in the study of indige
nous African religions? What are its relative strengths and weaknesses
in an African context? Who are some the leading Western and African
scholars who have employed the phenomenological approach in their

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2005 Method & Theory in the Study of Religion
Also available online - www.brill.nl 17, 299-316

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300 EZRA CHITANDO

researches on African Traditional Relig


religion an effective approach in the specif
Religions?
In this article I trace the ascendancy of the phenomenology of reli
gion in the study of African Traditional Religions. I will approach the
foregoing questions by briefly describing how the academic study of
African Traditional Religions has suffered from prejudice and theological
reductionism. I will then turn to methodological pronouncements in
favour of adopting phenomenological principles, as well as attempted
applications within researches into African Traditional Religions. I will
also highlight some of the dominant criticisms facing the adoption of
phenomenological tools in the study of African indigenous religions.
Overall, this article is an attempt to summarise the achievements and
challenges facing the phenomenology of religion in the study of African
Traditional Religions. Through an examination of phenomenological
works by European and African scholars, the study seeks to highlight
the status of the method in the academic study of African Traditional
Religions.

1. The need for phenomenology of religion in the study of African Traditional


Religions: An overview

Before undertaking an analysis of why phenomenology of religion became


popular in the study of African Traditional Religions, it is important
to outline the key features of this particular method. As Arvind Sharma
(2001) has noted, phenomenology of religion has attracted a lot of schol
arly attention. While there is debate regarding its overall character, it
is possible to isolate its central tenets. These include the concept of
bracketing, where the researcher is encouraged to refrain from evaluating
religion, cultivating empathy, accurately naming and describing religious
phenomena and avoiding all forms of reductionism. Various writers
within the phenomenological tradition have applied these concepts in
their efforts to understand religion (Flood 1999).
Phenomenological principles have been designed to enable scholars
to study the religions of the world in their plurality, without paying
attention to questions of truth. The concept of bracketing has been
used to empower researchers to refrain from evaluating religious traditions.
It is a technique that calls upon scholars to concentrate on directly
observable phenomena of religion, without allowing the issue of values

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AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGIONS 301

to influence them. Empathetic interpolation has also been rec


as a technique that equips the researcher to enter into the life e
of the believers and approach reality from their point of view.
naming and description of religious phenomena seeks to avo
imize the use of abusive terms. Scholars who apply phenom
principles maintain that the method allows them to do jus
inner meaning of religion to the adherents (Chitando 1998
should be noted that the applicability of these principles ha
tral to most debates in the broad area of religious studies. I
trate this in my discussion of the criticism of the phenom
method in the study of African Traditional Religions in a lat
The key features of the phenomenological method outlin
have proved to be very attractive to some scholars within
African Traditional Religions. They have argued that the p
logical method might help to eliminate most of the challenge
acterize the discipline. To appreciate the popularity of the
the study of African Traditional Religions, it is necessary to bri
light the history of the discipline. In the paragraphs below I
tion to some of the significant phases in the development of th
The study of African Traditional Religions began in defec
biased ways when foreign traders, slavers, travellers, missio
itary men, colonial administrators and others wrote reports
customs and traditions of African societies (Platvoet 1996: 106). A
to one of the leading authorities, John S. Mbiti, in the nine
tury foreign writers provided their home countries with inform
African Traditional Religions. Unfortunately, pure arrogan
prejudice, insufficient knowledge and other factors led to
(Mbiti 1996: 170). Although these early reports were often s
and perpetuated the "Dark Continent" mentality, it would be
to jettison these resources. They contain valuable information on
Traditional Religions.
If the negative descriptions of African Traditional Religion
by these earlier European writers are subjected to rigorous s
icism they remain valuable. David Westerlund has accurately
that many missionaries have been greatly interested in African
Religions and have written various reports, papers and boo
58). Unlike the travellers and pleasure-seekers, missionaries
live for many years amongst Africans, allowing them to attain
understanding of African religious beliefs and practices. Laurent
has also acknowledged the importance of studies and records

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302 EZRA CHITANDO

officers and administrators. He observes


of condescending and insulting language, th
(Magesa 1998: 40).
It requires a longer narrative to provid
study of African Traditional Religions (V
be noted that negative portrayals of the
by some foreign writers prompted Afric
own researches. In his popular critique
p'Bitek (1971) argued that Western sch
African Traditional Religions for the sak
sionaries, anthropologists and colonialists
rior motives, he charged. For their part
publishing consistently on African indig
1960s. As the influence of African nation
Africans conducted research into aspects
hope of "recovering the lost African iden
strongly to all pejorative and loaded labe
Traditional Religions. Such terms includ
"primitive religion", "tribal religion", "anim
people" and others (Lugira 2001: 53). As t
exactitude persisted, the term "African T
currency. The Nigerian scholar, E. Bolaji
term, having adopted it from Geoffrey P
It was in this quest for desirable terminolo
of African Traditional Religions that cal
nomenological principles emerged. Where Eu
to emphasise magic, barbaric religious ri
(Evans-Pritchard 1965: 8), African scholar
cious application of terms. The phenomen
in that it encourages its practitioners to e
and non-evaluative when describing the
1996a: 33). While the label "African Trad
popularity due to its long usage and portray
of Africa as "an enduring heritage" (Opok
to rage over its applicability. Some critic
ideological construct that tends to proje
Africa as static and unchanging (Shaw 19
As the phenomenological injunction for s
care and empathy continues to guide the
Religions, other competing terms have b
(1976) has put forward the description "

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AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGIONS 303

has been embraced by a number of scholars writing on Afr


tianity, particularly Harold W. Turner, Andrew F. Wal
Bediako and Lamin Sanneh. However, James L. Cox, a pheno
of religion, has argued that the term is in fact a theologica
and not a scientific one (Cox 1996c: 56). Other scholars hav
ward the term "African indigenous religions" in an effort t
neutral labels. While the term has been applied to the nativ
of other continents, it is used to capture the notion of belo
particular place and people (Harvey 2000: 11). It is certai
than the ambitious and contestable "Africism" that seeks t
African Traditional Religions on Hinduism and other religio
2001). In this article, the terms "African Traditional Relig
"African indigenous religions" are used synonymously. How
clear that the absence of vernacular concepts for "religion"
the problem of naming the phenomena in the study of religion
(Chitando 1997a). This quest for acceptable terminology in
of the indigenous traditions of Africa goes outside the purv
present article.
From the foregoing discussion, it can be inferred that Afr
ars adopt phenomenological principles in an effort to avoid
denigrate African Traditional Religions. In addition, they see
the danger of theological reductionism where African Tradition
are viewed through the prism of Christianity. The backgrou
ing and vocation of the first generation of African scholars wh
on African Traditional Religions shows that they were ordained
ministers (Ejizu 1992: 24). As a result, they used Christi
interpret African Traditional Religions. A number of critics hav
that African scholars tend to "Christianise" African Traditional
(p'Bitek 1971: 88; Ndlovu 1997: 24).
The dominant position enjoyed by Christianity in the acade
of religion in Sub-Saharan Africa has ensured the popularity of
theology. Since the phenomenology of religion emerged in
separate the non-confessional study of religion from the matrix
logy in European religious studies (Wiebe 1999), it is envisag
will play a similar task in Africa. Advocates of a phenomen
proach to the study of African Traditional Religions contend th
liberate indigenous religions from theological reductionism
enology's emphasis on the integrity of specific religions, its
of empathy and respecting the believer's point of view const
tive features in an African context. Postcolonial researchers
feel that the method empowers African Traditional Religio

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304 EZRA CHITANDO

viewed as legitimate religions, worthy of


beings. The inclusion of African Tradi
recent books on the religions of the worl
debate continues on the peripheral trea
The need to employ phenomenology to
emerges from the power wielded by A
the study of African Traditional Relig
Bediako, Mercy Amba Oduyoye, Des
others have shown keen interest in
However, their main concern has be
Traditional Religions with Christianit
Christian identity. As Bediako (1996: 2
pursued as self-consciously Christian an
Cox (1995: 348) charges that the preparati
gospel) theory dominates the writings
They tend to regard African Traditional R
that finds "fulfilment" in Christianity. A
therefore been interested in African Tr
that the latter are relevant to their t
generally not viewed African Traditio
gions in their own right. Missiologically
Sanneh and Bediako have celebrated the m
in Africa, portraying African Traditi
foundation for the success of Christian
Alongside the challenge posed by Afr
nomenology of religion has been regar
strategies in the study of African Tra
enological emphasis on the sui generis (
religious phenomena is seen as shieldin
from psychological and sociological reduc
"Attempts by anthropologists and othe
terms of Western, secular theories ha
nomenologists" (1993: 44). In rejecting
away" African Traditional Religions, p
ogy of religion argue that these relig
Where some theories portray African
superstition or the result of latent so
religion maintain that these religions
For those who regard phenomenology
being inextricably intertwined (King
help to clarify the historical developmen

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AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGIONS 305

While the exact nature of the relationship between these tw


of scholarly research remains problematic, some scholars lik
W. Turner have argued that both approaches are critical to
of African Traditional Religions. He is convinced that these "
religious disciplines" will clarify the importance of African T
Religions as part of humanity's common spiritual heritage (
Given the absence of convincing historical studies of African Tra
Religions (Ranger and Kimambo 1972: 3), phenomenological ap
are seen as addressing this glaring limitation.
As the academic study of religion has gained support in many A
universities (McKenzie 1989), phenomenological approaches to t
of African Traditional Religions have enjoyed a high prof
Western and African scholars have projected the method as m
most of the methodological problems found in the field. Th
bution of phenomenology to the study of African Traditional
has generated debate at conferences (Hackett 1993: 67) and in
publications. In the ensuing sections I examine attempted ap
of the method in the study of African indigenous religions.

2. Applications of the phenomenological method in the study of African


Traditional Religions by Western scholars

The basic tenets, scholarly value and applicability of the pheno


of religion have formed the basis of many debates over the y
not possible to discuss these debates within the confines of th
whose focus is on the application of the method in African c
have already outlined some of the key features of the phenom
of religion in my discussion of its emergence in the study of
Traditional Religions. It should also be noted that phenomen
a complex history and is characterised by internal diversity (
Conser 1992: 2-3). Its key tenets include bracketing (epoche)
description, cultivating empathy, irreducibility, and others. Some
in the study of African Traditional Religions have been attr
these principles.
Clear pronouncements for the adoption of the phenomeno
religion in the study of African Traditional Religions were
the late 1970s. Although scholars were aware of its principles
this period and were probably inspired by them, it is only
later date that specific writers called for the adoption of the
Arguing that the method availed accurate knowledge of "th

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306 EZRA CHITANDO

religious world", Taylor argued for bas


nomenology of religion (1976: 13). He m
would empower researchers to attain a
nous religions. John S. Pobee, an Afric
the adoption of the phenomenology of r
Traditional Religions. He recommended
as "the method for collecting the basic
21). Although Taylor and Pobee were
moting the expansion of Christianity in
nomenology of religion as a viable op
Traditional Religions. Reference has a
(1981) and Ikenga-Metuh's (1984) sugges
logical and historical approaches in conduc
religions of Africa.
After the initial declarations in favour o
method to the study of African Traditi
a leading practitioner of phenomenology o
genous religions in the mid 1990s. In hi
religions of Zimbabwe, Cox argues that
perform empathetic interpolation. This is
the point of view of the participants, a
According to him, "I seek understandin
ers in order that ultimately I can ascert
of the religion under study in terms w
(1996b: 162). As a Western scholar, Cox
or religion facilitates his entry into th
beliefs and practices. The citation abov
nomenological principles like seeing rea
the believer, accurate description of religi
the "essence" of religion.
In another study, Cox underlines the
nological method in field research. He e
pretation of myths and rituals in Zimba
1998a). He emphasises the need to expu
pretations of African Traditional Religi
scholars to embrace hermeneutical phen
with his methodological convictions, Cox
indigenous religions as valid religions of
he also portrays the phenomenology of
He argues that the phenomenological cla
Bleeker and Smart remain relevant (19

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AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGIONS 307

himself firmly within the phenomenological tradition and r


consistent application of the method. Cox (1995) also argue
logical interests have distorted Zimbabwean indigenous relig
researchers emphasising the centrality of God instead of the
Another Western scholar who has promoted the applicati
phenomenology of religion in the study of African Traditional
is Peter R. McKenzie. While Cox has concentrated on Shona tradi

tional religions, McKenzie has applied phenomenological principles to


Yoruba religion. Like Cox, McKenzie argues that phenomenology of
religion holds a lot of promise for the academic study of African
Traditional Religions. He observes, "Overall I believe that phenome
nology of religion has a good claim to be considered as an adjunct to
local ethnographical studies, and a corrective to overly theological inter
pretations" (McKenzie 1997b: 33).
McKenzie contends that the phenomenological method is relevant
to the study of contemporary African religions as well as to efforts to
reconstruct the nature of indigenous religions prior to their encounter
with missionary religions. He attempts to recover mid-nineteenth cen
tury Yoruba religion by applying phenomenological tenets in his book,
Hail Orisha! (1997a). Using archival material from missionary bodies, he
endeavours to eliminate bias and bracket out value-judgements. His
hope is to capture "the way the world of the orisa worshippers actu
ally presented itself" (1997a: viii). Deriving phenomenological insights
from Friedrich Heiler, McKenzie seeks to categorise indigenous Yoruba
religion following "universal types".
Although an extensive review of McKenzie's book lies outside the
purview of this article, it is important to observe that he utilises the phe
nomenological method to place Yoruba religion at a par with the other
"world religions" (1997a: 559). He maintains that despite missionary
condemnation, religious features like symbols of nature, sacred action,
sacred word, sacred person and others were found in Yoruba religion.
According to McKenzie, his book is a case study of "the phenomeno
logical and historical study of African religions, namely that of the
Yoruba peoples in the mid-nineteenth century" (2002: 110).
McKenzie, like Turner and Cox, defends the application of the phe
nomenology of religion in the study of African Traditional Religions
(2002: 116-119). He identifies its emphasis on getting as close as possible
to the believers themselves, categorising religious phenomena and recog
nition of the integrity of African Traditional Religions as enduring val
ues. Against the dominance of Christianity and missionaries, McKenzie
regards phenomenology as the method to liberate the indigenous religions.

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308 EZRA CHITANDO

Some African scholars who have utilised the method in their researches
share McKenzie's convictions. In the next section I seek to analyse the
application of phenomenological principles by African scholars.

3. African scholars and the phenomenology of religion

While Western scholars like Turner, Cox and McKenzie have been
instrumental in the adoption of phenomenological approaches in the
study of African Traditional Religions, the method has attracted many
African scholars. As has been highlighted in the foregoing sections,
African scholars have embraced the method in the hope that indigenous
religions will receive better coverage from phenomenological perspectives.
Scholars like Jacob K. Olupona, who has emerged as one of the new
leaders in the scientific study of African Traditional Religions, argue
that the method allows the indigenous religions to be understood on
their own terms. Olupona is the chairperson of the African Association
for the Study of Religion and his approach is mainly phenomenological
and non-theological in orientation. He criticises the tendency to sub
ordinate African Traditional Religions to Christianity. According to
him, theologians like Idowu have clothed the indigenous African world
view in Christian garments (Olupona 1993: 247).
Olupona has also argued that religious studies in Africa should greatly
benefit from "phenomenological-hermeneutical investigation and inter
pretation" (1991a: 28). He maintains that such an approach would elim
inate theological reductionism and allow African Traditional Religions
to be studied on their own terms. In his Kingship, Religion and Rituals in
a Nigerian Community (1991b), Olupona argues that the phenomenology
of religion provides, "an especially valuable framework for analyzing
the data on the religious life of the Ondo-Yoruba people" (1991b: 18).
Where most scholars of African Traditional Religions operate with a
predetermined structure with God at the apex, Olupona concentrates
on popular religion.
In his phenomenological analysis of Ondo-Yoruba religion, Olupona
focuses on Ogun, a lesser divinity. While African theologians tend to
highlight the primacy of the Supreme Being, Olupona concentrates on
popular religion. He concludes thus, "Ogun is the religion of the masses
par excellence" (1991b: 112). He provides valuable material on myths
and rituals within a specific African community, thereby avoiding hasty
generalisation. Furthermore, he uses phenomenological tools to attempt
an interpretation of the meaning of religion. In this exercise, he is obvi

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AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGIONS 309

ously indebted to phenomenology's focus on the eidetic intu


vision where the scholar tries to detect the meaning of religi
eral. Olupona also refuses to comment on the truth or falsit
African indigenous religions under study. In line with the phenom
of religion, he seeks to empathetically capture the role of in
religions in the life of the community.
Olupona's application of phenomenological techniques in th
of African Traditional Religions also allows him to avoid the
reductionism. As I have illustrated, many African theologians
the African concept of God in Christian terms. They use Ch
ideas to describe the African notion of a Supreme Being. Thr
adoption of the phenomenology of religion, Olupona has
been able to illustrate the tenacity of African Traditional Rel
contemporary society. He maintains that African spirituality i
of social stability and cohesion (Olupona 2000). As a leadin
within the academic study of African Traditional Religions,
cation of the phenomenology of religion has given the m
increased profile. However, it is not possible to review his method
reflections in detail within the confines of this article.
Olupona's emphasis on the religious experiences of ordinary African
believers has been taken up by his compatriot, Jude C. U. Aguwa. In
his study of Agwu, the Igbo patron spirit of divination and medicine,
Aguwa applies the phenomenological method. He argues that it is an
ideal method since it offers greater opportunities for understanding
the interrelatedness of the various Agwu symbols (Aguwa 1995: 8). In
line with the phenomenology of religion's emphasis on the various
categories of religious phenomena, Aguwa investigates the role of art
and symbols in the Agwu cult. Unlike other works on Igbo religion
that concentrate on the Supreme Being, Aguwa's research is on a lesser
deity that, however, is quite influential. In his pronouncements and
applications, Aguwa rates the phenomenology of religion highly.
A Zimbabwean researcher, Tabona Shoko, adopts a phenomenological
approach to the study of Karanga Traditional Religion. Under Cox's
supervision, Shoko explores the "core concern" of an indigenous religion.
His work may be classified within the "essential voice" in the pheno
menology of religion (Twiss and Conser 1992: 2-3). He identifies "health
and well-being"as the essence of Karanga religion. Shoko maintains
that by making use of insights from phenomenology, his study will intro
duce "new models of empirical research into the study of African
Traditional Religions in the Departments of Religious Studies" (Shoko
1993: 6). As an African "insider", Shoko is convinced that applying

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310 EZRA CHITANDO

phenomenological principles enhances his un


Traditional Religions.
The phenomenological approach has becom
African Traditional Religions with many sch
researches. African scholars who embrace this
that it addresses the central concerns of the a
Most dissertations on African Traditional Re
cent) submitted to the University of Zimbabw
to apply the phenomenological method. One
the method, seeking to examine the extent t
and African scholars applied phenomenological
(Chikuni 1995). However, the application of p
ples by both European and African scholar
debate. In the following section I raise some o
been brought out in these methodological ref

4. Phenomenological approaches and the study of Afr


A critical review

Despite its popularity, the phenomenological


able to escape criticism in its application in A
inant criticism relates to the viability of the a
ics have dismissed phenomenology as religionist,
In his review of Cox's work, Jeffrey Carter
has failed to defend the key concepts of phen
that Cox illustrates the limitations surroundin
Gavin Flood (1999: 116) maintains that the ph
has not succeeded in clarifying many practic
Critics claim that such a method should no
study of African Traditional Religions.
The question of power is also felt in the a
logical techniques when studying indigenous
of the "insider/outsider" debate in the study
Religions, Western scholars have been regarded
our to understand a world that is different f
2001). Scholars like Turner, Cox, McKenzie an
the phenomenological method as a means of acces
Religions. Through phenomenology, they hope
into the religious experiences of the various A
rately describe these experiences. However, s

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AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGIONS 3 1 1

liberal approach as a strategy to tone down the scholars' "out


identity and a ploy to pretend to be sympathetic to African Tr
Religions (Kgatla 1997: 645). It has been argued that phenomen
is only a pass code adopted by some Western scholars to allow
to continue to generate material on African Traditional Religio
some measure of legitimacy.
A review of phenomenological approaches to the study of A
Traditional Religions by both Western and African scholars of
lends some justification to the view that the term "phenomen
religion" is too loose. The term does not describe a specific met
connotes a particular attitude towards religion. The variation i
of approach, application and conclusions in the study of Afric
tional Religions illustrates this limitation. In addition, the ex
between Cox (2001) and McKenzie (2002) regarding the applica
phenomenological techniques indicate internal tension. These tw
cates of the method do not agree on how the method should
in the study of religion in Africa. Cox (2001: 351) charges that McK
efforts to adopt phenomenology as a way of filtering out bia
the missionary records fail dismally. McKenzie (2002) has reto
reiterating the importance of phenomenology. He argues that the m
allows him to retrieve and represent Orisha consciousness. Su
damental differences between two representatives of the method h
the need for further reflections on the character of the phenomen
of religion.
African scholars who have adopted the phenomenological approach
also appear to be too keen to underline their separation from African
theologians. Olupona, Aguwa, Shoko and others emphasise the dis
torting effects of theological approaches on African Traditional Religions.
They apply phenomenology as a corrective tool that overcomes theo
logical reductionism. However, this emphasis on phenomenology under
mines the contributions of African theologians to the study of African
Traditional Religions. While one can admit that pioneering African the
ologians like Mbiti and Idowu had their limitations, it is important for
African phenomenologists to recognise that they have contributed
immensely to the shaping of the discipline (Chitando 2000: 395).
In its application in both Western and African contexts, phenome
nology of religion has been accused of operating with a generalised the
ory of religion. Consequently, the method has not been able to respond
to new approaches that select specific perspectives. Phenomenology of
religion has not embraced approaches that emphasise religion and gen
der, the environment, sexual orientation and others. This is due to its

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3 12 EZRA CHITANDO

conviction that religion is unique, irreduc


right. Thus, "The heritage of phenomen
predilection for the irreducibility of 'religi
has not served the study of gender well,
eralized, essentialized, and a decontextual
2000: 238). Phenomenological approach
Traditional Religions have not highlighte
shaped these religions. African womanist
this task, and they have explored the
Traditional Religions. If phenomenolog
emerging trends in the study of religio
modate these new perspectives.
Scholars who apply investigative princi
nomenology of religion avoid any attempt t
beliefs and practices. In line with the nee
goals, they only seek to provide accurate
gions. However, these religions are bound up
that may expose adherents to HIV infection
sanctioned by African Traditional Religio
are directly implicated in the high incide
Africa. On the other hand, aspects of A
may be relevant to the struggle for peace
Critics of phenomenology argue that the
and is therefore a luxury that the study
afford. The issue of whether the scholar
intellectual has elicited varying responses
ics of phenomenology argue that it is cr
help to transform society. Thus:
Scholars or religion must reclaim this histo
if we are to remain relevant to the societies that constitute the focus of
our research. Thus, in addition to whatever else that we do, we must also
take seriously the challenge of mining and harnessing the resources of reli
gion for the transformation of life in Africa (Ilesanmi 2001: 60).

The application of phenomenological principles by both European and


African scholars has not satisfactorily addressed the question of histor
ical consciousness in the study of African Traditional Religions. The
need for a historical approach to the indigenous religions of Africa has
been noted by a number of commentators. However, the dominance
of oral sources has meant that the reconstruction of the historical devel
opment of African Traditional Religions remains a difficult exercise
(Ejizu 1992: 24). Phenomenological efforts to distil information from

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AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGIONS 313

missionary sources, such as McKenzie's, have not convinced m


ics. African scholars who have applied the method have also t
focus on contemporary modes of religious expression, overloo
terns of change and continuity. However, the growing interest in
Traditional Religions by African historians is a positive develo
Although phenomenological approaches to the study of
Traditional Religions are characterised by the challenges out
the foregoing section, many African scholars continue to ad
method. Principles such as bracketing, accurate description a
ing of religious phenomena, and cultivating empathy remain a
to postcolonial researchers. The low status occupied by African Tr
Religions in the league of "world religions" motivates some
scholars to appropriate the phenomenological method. As can be d
from McKenzie's work, phenomenology has the potential
voice to the indigenous religions of Africa. It has also been ad
undermine theological and social scientific forms of reduction
traits have helped to confirm its status as one of the most p
approaches to the study of African Traditional Religions.

5. Conclusion

While the phenomenology of religion has lost its stature in


demic study of religion in the West, it continues to attract
lowers in the study of African Traditional Religions. In this
have highlighted the context that gave rise to the phenomen
religion in Africa. I described the quest for accurate terminolo
study of indigenous religions and the application of the met
European and African scholars. I also summarised the domin
cisms that have accompanied the application of the method to
of African Traditional Religions. Further reflections are necessary
insights are to be gained into how the indigenous religions o
can be studied in a "scientific, well-planned and directed ma
an institution of learning" (Awolalu 1991: 123).

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