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Contents
Title Page
Copyright
Also by
Dedication
Explanation
Blank Page
Before the Doubt
From Nazi to NASA
Van Allen Belts Show Stopper
The Saturn V
Spacesuit or Costume?
Accident or Murder?
Lights Camera Action
The Fritz Lang Template
NASA East
Rocks & Lasers
Chutes & Splashdown
400,000 Secrets & Russia
Apollo 11 Interview
One Small Step
Final Thought
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WHY THERE'S DOUBT

Moon Landings
by

Craig Fraley

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 Copyright © 2016 Craig Fraley
All rights reserved.
Cover art licensed through Shutterstock
 Also available on Amazon by Craig Fraley

Extraordinary Evidence JFK Assassination Afterthoughts

Zodiac Killer Afterthoughts
Partners in Blood: Media & Jack the Ripper
Houdini: Magic, Mediums & Murder
Killers Only the Michael Savini Story
It's Nothing Personal: Mobster Nicknames

Under the pen name Iam Funee

Menopause Midlife & Murder: A Husband's Survival Guide
Why We Do It
Crap! My Zombie is a Vampire!
Fun Football Facts
Why We Do It Part 3-1
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This book is dedicated to you. Thank you for buying, borrowing or stealing it.

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 EXPLANATION
Why do people doubt that America succeeded in landing men on the Moon? Is it simply a matter of
wild speculation or are there actual facts to support the claim that man has never stepped foot on the
lunar surface?
In the face of all the evidence: thousands of photographs, hours of film footage, nearly 400,000
personnel who worked on the project, and astronaut testimony, millions of people the world over believe
the Moon landings were a hoax.
This work focuses on answering two questions:
1. Why do so many people doubt the Moon landings took place?
2. What evidence do they cite to support their contrary beliefs?
Was it one small step for man, or one giant lie to mankind? One thing is for sure, after reading this
book you'll know... Why There's Doubt!
Quotes in this book were transcribed verbatim which may include errors in spelling and grammar.
Opinions expressed in quotes do not represent those of this author.
 BEFORE THE DOUBT
Although the space race between the United States and Soviet Union can be traced back to the end of
World War II and Operation Paperclip, for most Americans the race began with a speech by President
Kennedy before a joint session of congress on May 25, 1961.

Kennedy speaking to Congress May 25, 1961

The following is a partial transcript of that speech:
"...Finally, if we are to win the battle that is now going on around the world between freedom and
tyranny, the dramatic achievements in space which occurred in recent weeks should have made clear to
us all, as did the Sputnik in 1957, the impact of this adventure on the minds of men everywhere, who are
attempting to make a determination of which road they should take. Since early in my term, our efforts
in space have been under review. With the advice of the Vice President, who is Chairman of the National
Space Council, we have examined where we are strong and where we are not, where we may succeed
and where we may not. Now it is time to take longer strides-time for a great new American enterprise-
time for this nation to take a clearly leading role in space achievement, which in many ways hold the key
to our future on Earth.
I believe we possess all the resources and talents necessary. But the facts of the matter are that we
have never made the national decisions or marshaled the national resources required for such
leadership. We have never specified long-range goals on an urgent time schedule, or managed our
resources and our time so as to insure their fulfillment.
Recognizing the head start obtained by the Soviets with their large rocket engines, which gives them
many months of lead-time, and recognizing the likelihood that they will exploit this lead for some time to
come in still more impressive successes, we nevertheless are required to make new efforts on our own.
For while we cannot guarantee that we shall one day be first, we can guarantee that any failure to make
this effort will make us last. We take an additional risk by making it in full view of the world, but as
shown by the feat of astronaut Shepard, this very risk enhances our stature when we are successful. But
this is not merely a race. Space is open to us now; and our eagerness to share its meaning is not
governed by the efforts of others. We go into space because whatever mankind must undertake, free men
must fully share.
I therefore ask the Congress, above and beyond the increases I have earlier requested for space
activities, to provide the funds which are needed to meet the following national goals:
First, I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of
landing a man on the Moon and returning him safely to the Earth. No single space project in this period
will be more impressive to mankind, or more important for the long-range exploration of space; and
none will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish. We propose to accelerate the development of the
appropriate lunar space craft. We propose to develop alternate liquid and solid fuel boosters, much
larger than any now being developed, until certain which is superior. We propose additional funds for
other engine development and for unmanned explorations-explorations which are particularly important
for one purpose which this nation will never overlook: the survival of the man who first makes this
daring flight. But in a very real sense, it will not be one man going to the Moon-if we make this judgment
affirmatively, it will be an entire nation. For all of us must work to put him there.
Secondly, an additional 23 million dollars, together with 7 million dollars already available, will
accelerate development of the Rover nuclear rocket. This gives promise of some day providing a means
for even more exciting and ambitious exploration of space, perhaps beyond the Moon, perhaps to the
very end of the solar system itself.
Third, an additional 50 million dollars will make the most of our present leadership, by accelerating
the use of space satellites for world-wide communications.
Fourth, an additional 75 million dollars-of which 53 million dollars is for the Weather Bureau-will
help give us at the earliest possible time a satellite system for world-wide weather observations.
Let it be clear-and this is a judgment which the Members of the Congress must finally make-let it be
clear that I am asking the Congress and the country to accept a firm commitment to a new course of
action, a course which will last for many years and carry very heavy costs: 531 million dollars in fiscal
'62-an estimated seven to nine billion dollars additional over the next five years. If we are to go only
half way, or reduce our sights in the face of difficulty, in my judgment it would be better not to go at all.
Now this is a choice which this country must make, and I am confident that under the leadership of
the Space Committees of the Congress, and the Appropriating Committees, that you will consider the
matter carefully.
It is a most important decision that we make as a nation. But all of you have lived through the last
four years and have seen the significance of space and the adventures in space, and no one can predict
with certainty what the ultimate meaning will be of mastery of space.
I believe we should go to the Moon. But I think every citizen of this country as well as the Members
of the Congress should consider the matter carefully in making their judgment, to which we have given
attention over many weeks and months, because it is a heavy burden, and there is no sense in agreeing
or desiring that the United States take an affirmative position in outer space, unless we are prepared to
do the work and bear the burdens to make it successful. If we are not, we should decide today and this
year.
This decision demands a major national commitment of scientific and technical manpower, material
and facilities, and the possibility of their diversion from other important activities where they are
already thinly spread. It means a degree of dedication, organization and discipline which have not
always characterized our research and development efforts. It means we cannot afford undue work
stoppages, inflated costs of material or talent, wasteful interagency rivalries, or a high turnover of key
personnel.
New objectives and new money cannot solve these problems. They could in fact, aggravate them
further-unless every scientist, every engineer, every serviceman, every technician, contractor, and civil
servant gives his personal pledge that this nation will move forward, with the full speed of freedom, in
the exciting adventure of space."
Kennedy's audience wasn't just Congress. He was letting the American people know, as well as the
Soviet Union, that the cold war battle front would soon include space.
What was the condition of America's space program prior to Kennedy's speech? United State's rocket
technology was far behind the Soviet Union's. The Soviet Union had already launched the first satellite
and the first man in space. America had yet to put an astronaut into orbit. The closest America had come
was a 15-minute sub-orbital flight with Alan Shepard. The Redstone rocket that had launched him
simply didn't have enough power to break Earth's atmosphere. Consequently, Shepard barely skimmed
the atmosphere's outer edge before falling back to Earth.
The American and the Soviet Union rocket programs began at the end of World War II, although both
countries adopted different strategies on how to apply them. The Germans had shocked and surprised the
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Americans and Russians with their V1 and V2 rockets. Their power and accuracy were far beyond
anything the Allies had been working on. Both Allied powers captured hundreds of German scientists.
The crowning jewel on the American side was Wernher von Braun.

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 FROM NAZI TO NASA

Werner von Braun

John Lennon said, "Before Elvis there was nothing." The same could be said for Werner von Braun
and the United States space program.
Werner von Braun was born March 23, 1912, in the Posen Province of Prussia which fell under the
German Empire. His mother, Emmy von Quistorp descended from European royalty from both parents.
She was related to Philip III of France, Valdemar I of Denmark, Robert III of Scotland, and Edward III
of England. Thus von Braun was born into nobility and inherited the title of Freiherr (Baron).
As a child von Braun showed a passion for astronomy. Upon his Lutheran confirmation, his mother
presented him with a telescope. According to the 1963 Recollections of Childhood: Early Experiences in
Rocketry as Told by Werner von Braun at age 12 he attached a large number of fireworks to the back of
his toy wagon in an attempt to emulate the recently developed rocket-propelled cars. He succeeded in
startling people on a public street when his wagon blew up. He was taken into police custody and shortly
thereafter released to his father.
By all accounts, von Braun was a brilliant child and his education and interests were well rounded.
For a time, during his youth, he wanted to be a composer and learned to play both the cello and piano.
He could play Beethoven and Bach from memory. A few of his youthful compositions are still in
existence.
When von Braun was 13, (1925) he obtained the book By Rocket into Planetary Space written by the
pioneer of rocket science, Hermann Oberth. Von Braun was hooked. He focused his attentions on the
study of physics and mathematics which he applied to rocket engineering. Von Braun would later say of
Oberth, "...I, myself, owe to him not only the guiding-star of my life, but also my first contact with the
theoretical and practical aspects of rocketry and space travel."
Five years later he joined the VfR Verein für Raumschiffart (Spaceflight Society). During this time he
assisted in liquid-fueled rocket motor tests with none other than Hermann Oberth. In 1932, von Braun
graduated with a Bachelor's degree in mechanical engineering from Technische Hochschule Berlin.
Von Braun understood then that for there to be true space exploration advancements would have to be
made with the technology of the time. In order for him to be a part of the breakthroughs that were
needed, he would have to learn more. He enrolled in the Friedrich-Wilhelm University in Berlin. In
1934, he graduated with a degree in physics. Beyond his post-graduate studies, von Braun continued his
education at ETH Zürich. His passion was always space exploration. In 1930, after meeting the pioneer
of high-altitude ballon flight, August Piccard, von Braun told him: "You know, I plan on traveling to the
Moon at some time." This account comes from Auguste's son Jacques Piccard related to deep-sea
explorer Hans Fricke in the book Der Fisch, der aus der Urzeit kam.
 The political world was changing in the late 1930s and the events of World War II would sideline von
Braun's space exploration dreams, but at the same time the German war machine would allow him to
make advancements in rocket technology.
After the war, von Braun tried to minimize his participation in the Nazi party. In an affidavit provided
to the U.S. Army, he stated: "In 1939, I was officially demanded to join the National Socialist Party. At
this time I was already Technical Director at the Army Rocket Center at Peenemünde (Baltic Sea). The
technical work carried out there had, in the meantime, attracted more and more attention in higher
levels. Thus, my refusal to join the party would have meant that I would have to abandon the work of my
life. Therefore, I decided to join. My membership in the party did not involve any political activity."
One thing the Nazi's were really good at was record keeping. The record shows that von Braun
applied for membership to the Nazi party on November 12, 1937. His membership number was
5,738,692. The following is from Michael Neufeld's von Braun Dreamer of Space Engineer of War:
"...there is no evidence that he did more than send in his monthly dues. But he is seen in some
photographs with the party's swastika pin in his lapel - it was politically useful to demonstrate his
membership."
Von Braun's relationship with the Nazi party was a complex one. In a 1952 article he wrote: "I fared
relatively well under totalitarianism." He also wrote: "...to us, Hitler was still only a pompous fool with
a Charlie Chaplin moustache {sic}"
Records show that von Braun joined the SS in 1940 with the rank of Allgemeine SS. In 1947 he
stated to the U.S. War Department: "In spring 1940, one SS-Standartenfuehrer (SS-colonel) Mueller
from Greifswald, a bigger town in the vicinity of Peenemünde, looked me up in my office and told me,
that Reischfuehrer SS Himmler had sent him with the order to urge me to join the SS. I told him I was so
busy with my rocket work that I had no time to spare for any political activity. He then told me, that the
SS would cost me no time at all. I would be awarded the rank of an "Untersturmfuehrer" (lieutenant)
and it were {sic} a very definite desire of Himmler that I attend his invitation to join.
I asked Mueller to give me some time for reflection. He agreed.
Realizing that the matter was of highly political significance for the relation between the SS and the
Army, I called immediately on my military superior, Dr. Dornberger. He informed me that the SS had for
a long time been trying to get their "finger in the pie" of the rocket work. I asked him what to do. He
replied on the spot that if I wanted to continue our mutual work, I had no alternative but to join."
Von Braun's SS membership number was 185,068. He was promoted several times by Himmler,
reaching the rank of SS-Sturmbannführer (major). Von Braun claimed they were nothing more than
technical promotions that he received in the mail.

Werner von Braun at Peenemünde 1941

Attribution: Bundesarchiv, Bild 146-1978-Anh.024-03 / CC-BY-SA 3.0
Under the Nazi regime civilian German rocket societies were not allowed to exist. Only the military
could work on rocket technology. A large rocket development facility was constructed along Germany's
Baltic Sea region in the village of Peenemünde. Von Braun was the facilities technical director. His team
worked with the Luftwaffe to develop liquid-fuel rocket engines for jets and a long range ballistic
missile known as A-4.
 Adolf Hitler ordered the production of the A-4 as a "vengeance weapon" on December 22, 1942. Von
Braun's team built the rocket to specifically target London. On July 7, 1943, von Braun showed Hitler a
color film of an A-4 launching. Hitler was so thrilled with the presentation that he personally made von
Braun a professor. This was considered unprecedented for a 31 year old engineer.
The A-4 was renamed Vergeltungswaffe 2 which translated to "Vengeance Weapon 2" or V-2 for
short. On September 7, 1944, the V-2 was used in war for the first time when it was launched toward
England. Von Braun insisted that his interest in rockets was always space travel and not harming people.
In regards to the V-2's striking London, von Braun was quoted as saying, "the rocket worked perfectly,
except for landing on the wrong planet." In the 1960 film I Aim at the Stars, von Braun is quoted as
saying, "I aim at the stars, but sometimes I hit London."
Von Braun has been accused of being a war criminal. Slave laborers were used from the Mittelbau-
Dora concentration camp at the Mittelwerk rocket plant. More people (prisoners) died building the V-2
rockets than were killed by their use as a weapon. It was clear that von Braun was aware of the brutal
conditions, but was powerless to intervene. In the book Wernher von Braun: Crusader for Space, von
Braun was quoted as saying about one of his visits to Mittelwerk, "It is hellish. My spontaneous reaction
was to talk to one of the SS guards, only to be told with unmistakable harshness that I should mind my
own business, or find myself in the same striped fatigues!...I realized that any attempt of reasoning on
humane grounds would be utterly futile."
Konrad Dannenberg, a rocket team member of von Braun, was asked by a reporter of The Huntsville
Times if von Braun had the power to do anything about the treatment of the slave laborers. Dannenberg
answered, "if he had done it, in my opinion, he would have been shot on the spot."
By the spring of 1945 the outcome of the war was no longer in doubt. Von Braun and his staff did not
want to get captured by the Soviet Army who were known to be cruel to prisoners of war. When the
Russians were less than 100 miles from Peenemünde conflicting orders came to von Braun's team. One
order said they were to be relocated to central Germany. The other order said they were to join the army
and fight. Von Braun wanted to defect to the Americans and decided their best chance was by following
the order to relocate further into Germany.
Von Braun and hundreds of his staff and team members dispersed around Mittelwerk. Von Braun was
afraid the SS would destroy all documents of their work so he had blueprints hidden in a mine shaft for
safekeeping. In April, with American and Russian forces advancing deeper into Germany, von Braun
and his team were transported by train to the town of Oberammergau in the Bavarian Alps. They were
under the watchful eye of SS guards who were under orders to kill them if it appeared they were going
to be captured by the enemy. They were essentially already prisoners of war at this point.
Von Braun talked SS Major Kummer into allowing his group to spread out into several villages so
that they would not make a single target for bombing raids. Von Braun, along with a large contingent of
his team, made their way to Austria where they were able to surrender to the 44th U.S. Infantry
Division. Shortly after his surrender, von Braun made the following comment to the press: "We knew
that we had created a new means of warfare, and the question as to what nation, to what victorious
nation we were willing to entrust this brainchild of ours was a moral decision more than anything else.
We wanted to see the world spared another conflict such as Germany had just been through, and we felt
that only by surrendering such a weapon to people who are guided by the Bible could such an assurance
to the world be best secured."
Werner von Braun's name was on a list of top German engineers and scientists the U.S. Military had
marked for interrogation as soon as they were captured. Two days before the U.S. Army handed the
conquered territory over to the Russians, von Braun, and members of his team, were whisked away in
what has become known as Operation Paperclip.
 In June 1945, von Braun arrived in America. This fact was kept secret from the public until October.
The U.S. Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency manufactured fake employment histories and expunged
his Nazi Party affiliations from public records after which he was granted a security clearance to work in
the United States where he continued working on rocket and missile guidance technology.

Walt Disney & Werner von Braun

In 1955, von Braun became a technical director for Walt Disney Studios working on three television
films about space exploration. The goal of the programs were to generate public support in a future
space program. Two years later the Soviet Union made sure all of America's attention was focused on
space when they launched the world's first satellite: the Sputnik 1.
The launching of Sputnik terrified the American public. They feared the Soviet Union would be able
to drop nuclear warheads on U.S. soil from space. What everyone knew for sure was that Russia was
winning the space race.
The following year on July 29, 1958, NASA was established. Von Braun was transferred to NASA
two years later where he worked on the development of the Saturn V rocket, which was an evolution of
the V2 rockets from the war, and ultimately used to launch all of the Apollo manned Moon missions.
In 1958, NASA was a long way away from the Moon. The following is from The Myth of Apollo:
"The first problem was this. No one actually knew how to fly to the Moon and back, or even if it was
possible. At the time, the USA had barley been able to get a man fifty miles up into the air; the Moon
was almost a quarter of a million miles away, a round trip of almost half a million miles. NASA had no
system or plan for executing a mission of this nature, nor even a proper way of assessing its feasibility.
NASA's first task therefore was to devise a methodology for reaching the Moon. Having done that it
would have to design, build and test all the equipment required and train the astronauts in its use -- all
in a little over eight years.
There was a second major problem. It was something, at the time, only NASA itself and Soviet space
scientists fully appreciated. This was the problem of the Van Allen belts."
 VAN ALLEN BELTS
SHOW STOPPER?
Those who doubt history's official version of events cite radiation as one of the most compelling
reasons why man never walked on the Moon. In fact many researchers such as Italian physicist, Marco
Durante, question whether radiation is a "show stopper." All other Moon landing hoax theories are moot
if man couldn't get there in the first place.
In January 1958, Explorer 1 was launched by the U.S. On board were scientific instruments to
transmit data to Earth. The probe also included a Geiger counter by physicist Dr. James Van Allen. Its
purpose was to measure how much radiation is in space.
Van Allen's experiments on-board the Explorer I and II satellites revealed two belts of radiation
(charged particles from the sun trapped by the Earth's magnetic field) that have become known as the
Van Allen belts. The two belts wrap around the Earth like the rings of a donut.

Van Allen Belts

The inner belt extends from an altitude of 2 Earth radii (600 to 1k miles) above the Earth's surface.
There are times when strong solar activity such as the South Atlantic Anomaly can cause the inner belt
to drop down to as low as 125 miles above the Earth. The belt is made up of highly energetic protons.
The energy exceeds 30,000,000 electron volts. The intensity of these protons is 20,000 particles per
second crossing a spherical area of one square cm in all directions. There's no getting away from it.
The outer belt extends from an altitude of six to ten Earth radii (8k to 38k miles) above the Earth's
surface. It consists of charged energetic electrons and helium ions from the solar winds which are a
steady stream of particles emanating from the sun. The energies from the outer belt particles can reach
up to several hundred million electron volts.
Dr. Van Allen referred to the belts around the Earth as "a sea of deadly radiation." In March of 1959,
Dr. Van Allen stated in Scientific American: "So far, the most interesting and least expected result of
man's exploration of the immediate vicinity of the earth is the discovery that our planet is ringed by a
region-to be exact, two regions- of high-energy radiation extending many thousands of miles into space.
This discovery is of course troubling to astronauts; somehow the human body will have to be shielded
from this radiation, even on a rapid transit through the region."
In December 1961, Dr. Van Allen stated in Space World: "The successful operation of the solar
batteries and the transmitter of Vanguard I (Satellite 1958 Beta) for over two years (as of the present
date of writing) and the successful operation of similar equipment in Sputnik III (Satellite 1958 Delta)
over similar period provide the most direct evidence for the survival of electronic equipment in space
vehicles. The integrated radiation exposures in these two cases are still much below the level at which
serious deterioration may be expected.
"But, though mechanical and electronic equipment can operate within the high areas, a living
organism cannot survive this level of radiation damage. Hence, all manned space flight attempts must
steer clear of these two belts of radiation until adequate means of safeguarding the astronauts has
been developed."
During the summer of 1960, Robert O. Poland and Stanley C. White of NASA's Space Task Group
presented to Washington the results of their research into the radiation problem. They concluded it
would be impracticable to shield astronauts against the high radiation of the inner Van Allen belt. The
reason is because the best protection against radiation is lead. Scientist have determined it would take up
to six feet of lead shielding to protect the manned crew of a space flight. There has never been a rocket
invented that could lift that much payload out of Earth's atmosphere and into orbit.
From 1957, when the radiation belts were first discovered, to 1969, when man first walked on the
Moon, did something change in the radiation belts to make them less deadly? No. In fact just the
opposite is true.
In July 1962, Dr. Van Allen addressed the American Rocket Society on radiation and Apollo. He
confirmed that the energized protons of the belts could be a serious hazard for extended manned
missions. His solution was to detonate a nuclear bomb in the belts. He theorized a nuclear payload
would give the proton particles the energy needed to escape the Earth's magnetic field. In other words it
would blow a hole in the Van Allen belts through which the astronauts could safely travel.
NASA denies they had anything to do with such an experiment. However, coincidently...the
following is from NASA's Apollo Experience Report - Protection Against Radiation: "A major
complication concerning radiation stability within the belts (including the South Atlantic anomaly
portion) is a result of high-altitude nuclear detonations.
1962, the United States detonated a 1.5-megaton thermonuclear device (Project Starfish) in a portion
of the Van Allen belt region and caused the radiation levels within the belts to rise significantly. By
1969, the high-energy electron component of the injected radiation had decayed to only one-twelfth of
the 1962 intensity."
The Starfish Prime detonation took place on July 9, 1962. Depending on the source, the bomb was
100 to 1,000 times more powerful that the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima. The following is from
Star Fish Prime Wiki: "Starfish Prime caused an electromagnetic pulse (EMP), which was far larger
than expected, so much larger that it drove much of the instruments off scale...While some energetic beta
particle followed the Earth's magnetic field and illuminated the sky, other high-energy electrons became
trapped and formed radiation belts around the earth...The weaponeers[sic] became quite worried when
three satellites in low Earth orbit were disabled... These man made radiation belts eventually crippled
one-third of all satellites in low Earth orbit. Seven satellites failed over the months following the tests, as
radiation damaged their solar arrays or electronics..."
So, instead of having to survive two belts of deadly radiation the Apollo missions would have to
survive three.
How dangerous is radiation to the human body? The following is from Space.com: "Radiation in
space takes the form of subatomic particles from the sun as well from sources like the Milky Way galaxy
and beyond. These high-speed particles tear through DNA molecules, splitting them or damaging the
instructions they have encoded for cell reproduction. The damaged DNA can lead to cancers or other
diseases."
The following quote is from Peter Dedon who is a member of MIT's Radiation Protection
Committee: "What happens is that the nucleus of radioactive elements undergoes decay and emits high-
energy particles. If you stand in the way of those particles, they are going to interact with the cells of
your body. You literally get a particle, an energy packet, moving through your cells and tissues."
Radiation in the body is accumulative and changes our DNA molecules. Cells can quickly become
damaged to the point that they can no longer replicate and they die. The immediate effects of "radiation
sickness" are: nausea, swelling, and hair loss. Radiation can interrupt a cell's normal function causing
their division to grow uncontrollably leading to cancers.
The risk of radiation exposure is measured in units called sieverts. An average human over the course
of a year may receive two or three millisieverts. We receive this radioactivity from plane flights and
medical procedures. During an average dental x-ray we receive 0.005 millisieverts, which is equivalent
to less than one day of natural background radiation. Even with this small dose of radiation we are
protected with a lead shield during the dental x-ray.
Just one sievert dose in a single day is enough to make you feel sick. According to Peter Dedon: "At
one to three, you have damaged bone marrow and organs, and you'll really be sick. At three to six you
add hemorrhaging, and more infection. From six to ten, at that level death is something like 90 percent.
And above ten, they just call that incapacitation and death."
The following is from an article on BoingBoing.net by Maggie Koerth-Baker How space radiation
hurts astronauts: "Space is full of radiation. It's impossible to escape. Imagine standing in the middle of
a dust storm, with bits of gravel constantly swirling around you, whizzing by, pinging against your skin.
That's what radiation is like in space. The problem is that, unlike a pebble or speck of dirt, ionizing
radiation doesn't bounce off human flesh. It goes right through, like a cannonball through the side of the
building, leaving damage behind...All of the astronauts we've sent into space so far have, at least
partially, benefited from Earth's protective barriers, Francis Cucinotta told me. He's the director of the
NASA Space Radiobiology Program, the go-to guy for finding out how radiation hurts astronauts. He
says, with the exception of Apollo flights to the Moon, the human presence in space has happened within
the Earth's magnetic field. The International Space Station, for instance, is above the atmosphere, but
still well inside the first line of defense. Our astronauts aren't exposed to the full force of galactic cosmic
radiation...If our future really does lie in the stars, then this is a mystery we're going to have to figure
out." (Didn't NASA already figure this out when they sent manned missions beyond the belts 9 times?)
In a CNN article published October 13, 2016, Charles Limoli, professor of radiation oncology at the
University of California, Irvine said in regards to space radiation: "These charged particles are very
dangerous. The reason is, they are very energetic and fully ionized, and when they travel through the
body, they produce this type of damage that the cells and tissues of your body find very difficult to
recover from..." In regards to radiation shielding, Limoli said: "...Currently, there is no technology that
can stop these particles from penetrating spacecraft and affecting the astronauts." Even after fifty years
of advanced technology since Apollo 11 there is still no technology that can protect the astronauts in the
spacecraft from space radiation.
Italian physicist, Marco Durante is an expert in radiobiology, and medical physics in charged particle
therapy. The following is from Marco Durante Wiki: "During his career, Marco Durante gained
extensive experience in the biophysics of heavy ions and space radiation protection performing
experiments in top-level institutes all over the world. He actually invented a new method for
biodosimetry of charged particles in order to estimate the late risks of patient undergoing radiotherapy,
as well as to predict the consequences of long-term exposures for the astronauts. Concerning space
research, he also developed a technique to evaluate the shielding effectiveness of different materials
using high-energy ions."
During a Ted Talks in Germany, Durante said: "...we are all scared of radiation...if you are scared of
radiation on Earth, you'd be much more scared if you go in space flight. To the point the question of this
thought would be is this a show stopper?"
In his talk, Durante explains that lead is the best protector against the heavy, high-speed particles of
space radiation, but the amount of lead needed is impossible to lift into orbit.
According to physicists the world over, the astronauts would require between 3 and 6 feet of lead
shielding to survive deep space radiation. Why is lead a good protector against radiation?
 The following is from The Naked Scientist: "...the reason that lead is a good choice is because it's a
very dense substance, because dense substances can get in the way of the radiation and soak it up. And
the denser something is the more atoms, and in the case of things like x-rays and gamma rays the more
electrons, there are to potentially interact with that ray as it goes through and stop it....But lead is very,
very heavy to wear for personal protection!"
How much lead shielding did the Apollo capsules contain?
None.

Apollo 11 capsule

Bill Wood is a scientist with degrees in mathematics, physics and chemistry. He is a space rocket and
propulsion engineer. He held a high security clearance for several top secret projects and has worked
with MacDonald Douglas engineers who worked on the Saturn 5 rocket. During the Apollo missions he
worked for Goldstone Communications as a Communications Engineer. Goldstone was responsible for
receiving and distributing the images that were sent from Apollo to Houston. Bill Wood stated the
following in the documentary What Happened on the Moon. "The Apollo capsule was made unusually
thin to keep the weight down. They couldn't even carry enough air to be equivalent to sea level air
pressure. They ran at reduced pressure to make the walls thinner. The LEM was made out of very thin
material. Almost no protection against radiation. The size of the ship they would need to deal with the
radiation would be much more massive and it wouldn't have made the weight requirement for the Saturn
5 to get out of orbit. They decided this was a problem they were not going to deal with and just tell
everyone the radiation was okay."
The Apollo missions sent 9 manned crews through the Van Allen belts (2x per trip) without a single
astronaut suffering from radiation sickness or dying from radiation poisoning. How did NASA manage
to do this? What protection did the Apollo capsules use?
The following is from an article in Popular Science September 2014: APOLLO ROCKETED
THROUGH THE VAN ALLEN BELTS: "By February of 1964, NASA was confident that Apollo crews
would be passing through the belts fast enough that the spacecraft's skin and all the instrumentation
lining the walls would be enough protection. It might seem foolhardy in hindsight for NASA to have
accepted the risk of sending astronauts through the Van Allen belts without extra protection, but it was a
minor risk in the scheme of the mission."
NASA claims that the trajectory and speed in which they traveled protected the astronauts from the
"sea of deadly radiation." The spacecraft traveled at speeds up to 17,000 mph through the belts. At those
speeds, even by NASA's own accounting, they were in the belts for 2 hours on each trip. 1 hour up and 1
hour back.
Researchers point out that it doesn't matter how fast they were going, the astronauts were still
immersed in deadly radiation for 2 hours with no additional protection. It's akin to swimming at the
bottom of a pool at tremendous speed or walking for 2 hours. Either way, you're equally as wet. Unlike
water however, radiation doesn't wipe off. As we have read, radiation passes through the body damaging
DNA as it does so.
 How dangerous is radiation on the Moon? The following is from Science.NASA.gov., Radioactive
Moon: "The surface of the Moon is baldly exposed to cosmic rays and solar flares, and some of that
radiation is very hard to stop with shielding. Furthermore, when cosmic rays hit the ground, they
produce a dangerous spray of secondary particles right at your feet. All this radiation penetrating
human flesh can damage DNA, boosting the risk of cancer and other maladies...According to the Vision
for Space Exploration, NASA plans to send astronauts back to the Moon by 2020 and, eventually, to set
up an outpost. For people to live and work on the Moon safely, the radiation problem must be solved...
To carefully measure and map the Moon's radiation environment, NASA is developing a robotic
probe to orbit the Moon beginning in 2008. Called the Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter (LRO), this scout
will pave the way for future human missions not only by measuring space radiation, but also by hunting
for frozen water and mapping the Moon's surface in unprecedented detail. LRO is a key part of NASA's
Robotic Lunar Exploration Program, managed by the Goddard Space Flight Center.
One of the instruments onboard LRO is the Cosmic Ray Telescope for the Effects of Radiation
(CRaTER).
"Not only will we measure the radiation, we will use plastics that mimic human tissue to look at how
these highly energetic particles penetrate and interact with the human body," says Spence, who is the
Principal Investigator for CRaTER...
Out in deep space, radiation comes from all directions. On the Moon, you might expect the ground, at
least, to provide some relief, with the solid body of the Moon blocking radiation from below. Not so.
When galactic cosmic rays collide with particles in the lunar surface, they trigger little nuclear
reactions that release yet more radiation in the form of neutrons. The lunar surface itself is radioactive!
So which is worse for astronauts: cosmic rays from above or neutrons from below? Igor Mitrofanov,
a scientist at the Institute for Space Research and the Russian Federal Space Agency, Moscow, offers a
grim answer: "Both are worse.""

Orion capsule
What does NASA have to say about their ability to protect astronauts against the radiation of the Van
Allen belts today. NASA produced a series of films regarding their newest space program: The Orion
Project. During the film: Orion Test Flight - Lift Off To Splashdown NASA Engineer Kelly Smith says
the following: "As we get farther away from Earth we'll pass through the Van Allen belts an area of
dangerous radiation. Radiation like this can harm the guidance systems, on board computers, or other
electronics on Orion. Naturally we have to pass through this danger zone twice. Once up and once back.
But Orion has protection. Shielding will be put to the test as the vehicle cuts through the waves of
radiation. Sensors on board will record radiation levels for scientists to study. We must solve these
challenges before we send people through this region of space."
Researchers question: if NASA solved the radiation problem fifty years ago, which they must have
done since they traveled through the Van Allen belts 18 times on 9 manned missions, then why can't
they send people through them today? Every manned mission, from every country that has sent humans
into space, have stayed well below the Van Allen belts except for the Apollo missions. The
 Free ebooks ==> www.Ebook777.com

International Space Station stays within the Earth's protective layer hundreds of miles below the Van
Allen belts.
What about the astronauts? What did they have to say about the Van Allen belts? Apollo 12 astronaut
Alan Bean was asked what effect the radiation belts had on him during the documentary We Never Went
To The Moon. The following was his reply: "I'm not sure we went far enough out to encounter the Van
Allen Radiation Belt."
How is it possible for an Apollo astronaut to not know he passed through the belts twice? There are
many researchers who agree that Alan Bean never in fact went through the Van Allen Belts because,
they claim, the Saturn V rocket was not capable of reaching the Moon.

www.Ebook777.com
 THE SATURN V
Werner von Braun was in charge of the Saturn V's design. It was in large part a continuation of the
work he had done on the V 1 & V II rockets in Germany.
The Saturn V was a three-stage liquid-fueled launch vehicle used by NASA between 1966 and 1973.
15 rockets were built and 13 were launched sending 24 astronauts to the Moon, 12 of which walked on
the Moon.

Saturn V schematic

With the Apollo spacecraft on top, the rocket stood 363 feet tall and 33 feet in diameter. It weighed
6.5 million pounds when fully fueled. That's 2,950 metric tons and had a payload capacity of 260,000
pounds. The Saturn V was powered by five F-1 engines that generated 7.5 million pounds of thrust. In
2.5 minutes the booster burned 203,000 gallons of RP-1 refined kerosene and 331,000 gallons of liquid
oxygen. The rocket's second stage was powered by five J-2 engines that generated a million pounds of
thrust.
There are many researchers who don't believe that the Saturn V was capable of getting men to the
Moon. Von Braun appears to have been one of them. The following is from Conquest of the Moon by
von Braun: "It is commonly believed that man will fly directly from the Earth to the Moon, but to do this
we would require a vehicle of such gigantic proportions that it would prove an economic impossibility. It
would have to develop sufficient speed to penetrate the atmosphere and overcome the Earth's 'gravity',
and having traveled all the way to the Moon it must still have enough fuel to land safely on the Moon
and then make the return trip to Earth. Furthermore, in order to give the expedition a margin of safety,
we would not use one ship alone but a minimum of three.
Calculations have been carefully worked out on the type of vehicle we would need for the non-stop
flight from the Earth to the Moon...The figures speak for themselves: each rocket ship would be taller
than New York's Empire State Building (1250 feet), almost a quarter mile high, and weigh about ten
times the tonnage of the Queen Mary or some 800,000 tons."
For the Saturn V to have accomplished what NASA claims it did, von Braun would had to have been
off with his "carefully worked out" calculations by more than 69,000%!
The following is from Man on the Moon: "NASA also used only 1% of the fuel that it would take to
reach the Moon today, and they supposedly made the trip in only four days, when it has taken an
average of four days for rocket rides to reach the International Space Station, which is only 200 to 240
miles up in low Earth orbit. That altitude is only 00096 or .096%, which is less than 1/1000th or .1% of
the way to the Moon. The Saturn V was equipped with Rocketdyne F-1 and J-2 engines that were fueled
by common rocket fuel kerosene similar to jet fuel. Neither the maximum nor any sustained velocity of
the Saturn V would have been sufficient to catch the Moon."
Among the others who agree that the Saturn V would not have made it to the Moon are space rocket
and propulsion engineer Bill Wood, and senior technical writer for Rocketdyne Bill Kaysing.
Rocketdyne made the engines for the Saturn V. The following is from Kaysing's book: We Never Went
to the Moon: "As a witness to many rocket engine tests at the Santa Susana lab, I saw many failures,
blowups and premature engine cutoffs due to incipient disaster. Even after the relatively modest Atlas
engine cluster was accepted by the Air Force for use in the Atlas ICBM, failures occurred with repeated
regularity.
For example, on April 20, 1964, the DOD announced that the Air Force had 13 consecutive failures
with Atlas D, E and F rockets in the summer and fall of 1963. This was at a time when the F-1, a much
larger engine, was under intensive development. My point is this: if the Atlas couldn't achieve reliability
after almost a decade of development, how could a far larger and more powerful rocket engine be
successful? Further, the Atlas was a military missile engine, while the F-1 was intended to transport
human beings.
As late as the spring of 1963, special contracts were awarded to Rocketdyne to try to determine the
cause of failures, most of them believed to be based on combustion instability. Subsequently, little
information ever reached the public concerning this problem. Was the problem solved? Was it partially
solved? Answers to these questions will not be forthcoming until NASA makes these data available to the
public."
Bill Kaysing's security clearance put him in a unique position to see internal memos from various
departments involved in the Apollo program. One such memo concerned a NASA feasibility study
where it was determined that there was only a 0.0017 (1 in 60,000) percent chance of landing a man on
the Moon and returning him safely back to Earth.
Kaysing asked, how was it possible for NASA to go from 0.0017% chance to 100% in only a few
years?
Another who doubts the Saturn V claim is Russian candidate of technical sciences and General
Director of the scientific-manufacturing enterprise "Project-D-MSK", Stanislav Pokrovsky.
The following is from The Center for Media and Democracy: "In 2007, he (Pokrovsky) studied the
filmed staging of the first stage (S-IC) of the Saturn V rocket after the launch of Apollo 11. Analyzing it
frame by frame, he calculated the actual speed of the Saturn V rocket at S-IC staging time using four
different, independent and mutually verifying methods. With all of them, the calculated speed turned out
to be at maximum half (1.2 km/s) of the declared one at that point (2.4 km/s.) He concluded that due to
this, no more than 28 t could be brought on the way to the Moon, including the spacecraft, instead of the
46 t declared by NASA, and so a loop around the Moon was possible but not a manned landing on the
Moon with return to Earth.
In 2008, Pokrovsky also claimed to have determined the reason why a higher speed was impossible -
problems with the Inconel X-750 superalloy used for the tubes of the wall of the thrust chamber of the
F-1 engine, whose physics of high-temperature strength was not yet studied at that time. The strength of
the material changes when affected by high temperature and plastic deformations As a result, the F-1
engine thrust had to be lowered by at least 20%. With these assumptions, he calculated that the real
speed would be the same as he had already estimated. Pokrovsky proved that six or more F-1 engines
(instead of five) could not be used due to the increased fuel mass required by each new engine, which in
turn would require more engines, and so on.
 Pokrovsky claims that his Saturn V speed estimation is the "first direct proof of the impossibility of
the Apollo Moon landing." He says that fifteen specialists with scientific degrees (e.g. Alexander
Budnik) who reviewed his paper, of which at least five aerodynamics experts and three narrow
specialists in ultrasonic movement and aerosols, raised no objections in principle, and the specific
wishes and notes they (e.g. Vladimir Surdin) did have could not change his results significantly even if
followed. Pokrovsky compares his own frame-by-frame analysis of the filmed Saturn V flight to the
frame-by-frame analysis of the filmed Trinity nuclear test (1945) done by the Soviet academician Leonid
Sedov who created his own blast wave theory to estimate the then top secret power of the explosion.
Pokrovsky's findings about the rocket speed were later confirmed by Alexander Reshnayk and
Alexander Popov, and his smoke lag method proven to be valid."
Pokrovsky's complete research papers: Investigation into the Saturn V velocity and its ability to place
the stated payload into lunar orbit & Improved estimates of the Saturn V velocity and its ability to place
the stated payload into lunar orbit can be downed loaded as PDFs online.
The following is from the first paper stated above: "Examination of the motion picture film record of
the Apollo 11 Saturn V flight near the first stage separation permitted the estimation of the actual
booster speed. This analysis was possible due to the Saturn V using solid propellant retro-rockets which
created an exhaust cloud. The result of this analysis was substantially lower (from 800 to 1000 m/s) than
expected and substantially lower than stated in the NASA documentation. The calculations were
obtained from three independent and mutual inter-relating methods. Therefore the principal conclusions
are the same....The conclusion reached as a result of this study into the ability of the Apollo 11-Saturn V
rocket to place the stated payload into lunar orbit suggests that these findings completely nullify NASA's
declared propulsion capability with regard to the Apollo mission."
The following is from The Center for Media and Democracy: "Alexander Ivanovich Popov is a
Russian senior research associate, doctor of physical-mathematical sciences, and author of more than
100 scientific works and inventions in the fields of laser optics and spectroscopy. Helped by more than
forty volunteers, most of which with scientific degrees, he wrote the book "Americans on the Moon"
(2009). In it, Popov placed the burden of proof on NASA, and denied all Moon landing evidence,
dividing it to five groups:
1. Visual (photo, film and video) material that can successfully be made on Earth, in cinema studios.
2. Obvious counterfeits and fakes, when visual material from ordinary space flights on Earth orbit its
presented as Moon material.
3. Space photos, attributed to the astronauts but which by that time could already be made and were
made by space robots, including American ones.
4. Devices on Moon (e.g. light reflectors) - by that time both American and Soviet automatic
"messengers" had sent on Moon several tens of similar devices.
5. Unfounded, unprovable claims, e.g. for about 400 kg of soil, overwhelming part of which NASA
keeps safe and gives only grams for checking.
Thus he concluded that the NASA claims on Moon landings are left unproven, and pursuant to
science rules, in the absence of trustworthy evidence, the event, in this case the American Moon
landings and their loops around the Moon, cannot be considered real, that is, having taken place. He
also confirmed Pokrovsky's results for the speed of the Saturn V at S-IC staging time."
Some researchers claim the Saturn V blueprints have been destroyed. The following is from Ask
MetaFilter: "Paul Shawcross, from NASA's Office of Inspector General... "There is no point in even
contemplating trying to rebuild the Saturn 5...The real problem is the hundreds of parts that are simply
not manufactured any more."
 SPACESUIT OR COSTUME?

Neil Armstrong & Apollo 11 suit

Clearly radiation on the Moon is lethal to humans. So how did NASA protect astronauts on the
Moon's surface with 1969 technology? One answer is the spacesuit. There is no understating how
critical the suit was to the survival of the men who wore them. Here are a few of the requirements the
suits had to meet:
• Pressure. The suit had to regulate internal pressure so that the astronaut could live in a climate
controlled environment while he was walking around in a vacuum. The atmospheric pressure was lower
than what we have on Earth which required the astronaut to breath pure oxygen at times to prevent
decompression sickness.
• Mobility. When a spacesuit is fully pressurized it balloons up making the astronaut look like the
Michelin man. This makes bending the elbows, knees and even fingers nearly impossible. The suit
requires specialized joints and gloves to ensure movement. (Researchers point out that photos of
astronauts on the Moon do not depict the suits as being fully pressurized).
• Oxygen. Not only did the suit have to supply enough breathable oxygen it had to eliminate carbon
dioxide. If this system of exchanging gases did not operate correctly the astronaut could die.
• Climate control. Temperatures on the Moon are extreme and vary greatly from sunlight to shadow.
Without the protection of an atmosphere, the sunlight temperatures can reach up to 275º and minus 250º
in shadow. On Earth heat can be transferred using convection technology. On the Moon heat can only be
transferred by thermal radiation or conduction. This can only be done with an object that is in physical
contact with the suit's exterior such as the PLSS (Portable Life Support System).
• Communication. The suit would have to contain a communication system to keep the astronaut in
contact with NASA or the spacecraft at the very least.
• Waste. The suit would have to be able to collect both liquid and solid bodily waste.
• Radiation. The suit would have to act as a shield against all of the deadly radiations found in deep
space and on the Moon's surface. This protection must extend to the helmet and face shield.
• Micrometeorites. The outer layer of the suit had to protect against micrometeorites that constantly
pelt the Moon's surface. Since there is no atmosphere to slow down the projectiles they can travel at
speeds up to 16,000 MPH. A bullet travels at 1,700 MPH. A micrometeorite as small as a grain of rice
could be lethal.
Robert Frost, an Instructor and Flight Controller at NASA, estimates that the Moon gets hit everyday
with about 2800 kg of material. The following lunar rock shows numerous micrometeorite strikes in
only a 6 inch area.
 There was one more requirement NASA had for the suits. They had to be fireproof.
Taking into account all of the functions the suit had to fulfill, in the short amount of time they had to
fulfill it, you would think the top scientific minds of NASA, and possibly the military (after all the suits
would essentially have to be bullet proof) would have been employed to research, engineer and perfect
the suit. In Kennedy's own words our commitment to space exploration would require: "...every scientist,
every engineer, every serviceman, every technician, contractor, and civil servant..." This turned out not
to be the case. NASA awarded the contract for designing and building the most iconic suit in history to
the International Latex Corporation (ILC).
ILC, later known as Playtex, was founded in 1932 and was best known as a manufacturer of women's
undergarments. Each spacesuit was handmade by seamstresses who came straight off the bra and girdle
assembly lines. Their supervisors were a former TV repair man and a former sewing machine salesman.
According to Space.com Warner Brothers Pictures hired screenwriter Richard Cornier to adapt the
book Spacesuit which chronicled the story of how the suits were made.
Nicholas de Monchaux, author of Spacesuit, told National Public Radio: "When you look at how
Playtex put these suits together, it was this really kind of fabulous combination of, on the one hand some
engineering expertise, but on the other hand, an enormous amount of informal knowledge..." In other
words, they "winged it."

Some researchers claim that the Apollo spacesuits were more science fiction than science fact and
that they could not have done what NASA claims they did: protect against deadly space and Moon
radiation, micrometeorites, and extreme temperatures.
The following is from Of Men Moon and Moonsuits: "NASA claims the spacesuits were cooled by a
water system which was piped around the body, then through a system of coils sheltered from the sun in
the backpack. NASA claims that water was sprayed on the coils causing a coating of ice to form. The ice
then supposedly absorbed the tremendous heat collected in the water and evaporated into space. There
are two problems with this that cannot be explained away. 1) the amount of water needed to be carried
by the astronauts in order to make this work for even a small length of time in the direct 55 degrees over
the boiling point of water.(210 degrees F at sea level on Earth) heat of the sun could not have possibly
been carried by the astronauts. 2)NASA has since claimed that they found ice in Moon craters. NASA
claims that ice sheltered from the direct rays of the sun will NOT evaporate destroying their own bogus
"air conditioning" explanation.
...In addition, that a water cooling apparatus such as that which they claim cooled the astronauts
suits cooled the spacecraft. No rocket could ever have been launched with the amount of water needed
to work such a system for even a very short period of time. Fresh water weighs a little over 62 lbs. per
cubic foot. Space and weight capacity were critical given the lift capability of the rockets used in the
Apollo Space Program. No such extra water was carried by any mission whatsoever for suits or for
cooling the spacecraft."
Researcher Marcus Allen is on record stating he asked the Playtex company if the Apollo suits could
be used by technicians to help clean up nuclear disasters such as Chernobyl or Three Mile Island. After
all, 12 astronauts wore the suits on the Moon during 6 missions. So Playtex clearly perfected the suits
against radiation. Allen was told that would not be a good idea. He asked why and was referred to
NASA. Allen asked NASA and is still waiting for a reply.
There is also a question as to whether the Lunar Module was too small for the astronauts to climb in
and out in their pressurized suits.

LM interior
James Collier was allowed to measure the interior of the LM. The space was about the size of two
small phone booths with barely enough room for two men to stand while dressed in their spacesuits. The
useable space, taking into account the engine bell and instrumentation, was 24 inches front to back and
32 inches side to side. The door opening was 32 inches.
There is a saying "math doesn't lie". Here's how the math works out: an astronaut in a fully
pressurized suit (4 1/2 pounds of pressure per square inch), the life support backpack and the camera
attached to the chest measures three feet from the back of the suit to the front. Yet the space inside the
LM was just over 2 feet at most. The door opening they had to navigate through, in their pressurized
suits, was 32 inches - - that's 2.6 feet of opening for 3 feet of suit. Also the door opened inward cutting
down still further on the useable space the astronauts had available to them.
Collier contacted Grumman, the manufacture of the LM, and asked for the blueprints for the LM.
After all, how could Grumman have overlooked the fact that the door should have opened outward?
Collier was told the blueprints had all been destroyed.
 ACCIDENT OR MURDER?
Apollo 1 was slated to be the first manned mission to the Moon with a target launch date of February
21, 1967. That launch never happened due to a catastrophic event on January 27, 1967.

Apollo 1 astronauts White, Chaffe & Grissom

At 1:00 p.m., the three Apollo 1 astronauts entered the Command Module on top of a Saturn 5 rocket
on pad 34 at Cape Kennedy Air Force Station Launch Complex. First to enter was Command Pilot Virgil
"Gus" Grissom. Next was Pilot Roger Chaffee followed by Senior Pilot Edward H. White. It was
supposed to be a "plugs-out" test to measure how the spacecraft would operate when it was eventually
detached from all of the cables and umbilicals. Since the launch vehicle and Command Module
contained no fuel it was considered a low risk test.
Right after the astronauts were strapped in and hooked up to the communications system and oxygen
supply, Grissom reported that an odd odor he compared to "sour buttermilk" was circulating through his
suit. The simulated countdown was paused at 1:20 p.m. Air samples were taken. When no cause of the
odor could be determined, the countdown resumed. It was 2:42 p.m.
A few minutes later the hatch installation began. The hatch is made up of three parts. There is a
removable inner hatch; a hinged outer hatch, which becomes part of the craft's heat shield. Finally there
is an outer hatch cover. The outer hatch cover could not be latched completely due to some cables that
had to run beneath it to provide internal power for the simulation. Once the inner and outer cover
hatches were sealed, the cabin air was replaced with pure oxygen.
There were problems with the communications system between the Complex 34 blockhouse control
room and the Command Module. Grissom's microphone was stuck open. One of the last recordings of
Grissom's voice was when he said, "How are we going to get to the Moon if we can't talk between two or
three buildings?" The countdown was paused again while attempts were made to fix the communication
problem. It was 5:40 p.m. By 6:30 p.m., the countdown was still on hold at T minus 10 minutes. The
crew members were keeping themselves busy by going over their checklists.
At 6:30:54 a voltage transient was recorded. At 6:31:04.7 (ten seconds later) an astronaut was heard
to yell "Hey!" or "Fire!". Grissom's open microphone picked up a couple seconds of scuffling sounds.
At 6:31:06.2 a person believed to be Chaffee said, "I've - or we've- got a fire in the cockpit." 6.8 seconds
later another garbled transmission took place. There are various interpretations as to what was said. One
account was, "They're fighting a bad fire. Let's get out. Open'er up. We've got a bad fire. Let's get out.
We're burning up." Another account was, "I'm reporting a bad fire. I'm getting out."
Witnesses in the blockhouse control room stated they saw on the monitor flames sweeping from left
to right as White reached for the inner release hatch.
During the first phase of the fire the Command Module's inner wall ruptured which caused flames
and gasses to burst from the module and reach two levels of the pad service structure. The ground crew's
gas masks were better suited for protecting against toxic fumes rather than the heavy smoke. The ground
crew was hampered by both ineffective gear and a real fear that the Command Module might explode
which could ignite the solid fuel rocket in the launch escape tower located above the Command Module.
Such an explosion could have destroyed the entire pad and any personnel nearby.
 During the second phase of the fire a convective rush of air spread the flames through the cabin as
pressure was released due to the cabin rupture. During the third phase the oxygen was consumed and
replaced with atmospheric air which smothered the flames and filled the cabin with dust, smoke, and
carbon monoxide.
It took the rescue crew five minutes to get all three hatches open. They were initially blinded by the
thick smoke. As the smoke dissipated they were able to see the condition of the three astronauts.
Grissom had managed to get out of his restraints and was found lying on the floor of the spacecraft. His
nylon suit had melted along with the hoses that connected him to the life support system. White's body
was lying sideways just below the hatch. His restraints had burned completely through. All indications
were that he had tried to open the hatch as emergency procedure dictated. It was determined that he had
been unable to do so because of the cabin's internal pressure. Chaffee's body was still strapped into his
seat. This made sense since proper procedure dictated that he stay in communication with the
blockhouse control room until White opened the hatch. All three astronauts were fused to the module's
interior by large strands of melted nylon. It took an hour-and-a-half for the bodies to be removed.

Apollo 1 Command Module

One of the first things NASA Administrator James E. Webb did following the Apollo 1 accident was
to ask President Lyndon B. Johnson to let NASA conduct the investigation using its established
procedures which stated: "It is NASA policy to investigate and document the causes of all major mission
failures which occur in the conduct of its space and aeronautical activities and to take appropriate
corrective actions as a result of the findings and recommendations."
This in effect allowed NASA to police itself. They established the Apollo 204 Review Board chaired
by Floyd L. Thompson the Director of Langley Research Center. The Board had the Command Module
impounded and disassembled where every part was inspected. The Board also interviewed witnesses and
studied the autopsy findings. The Board turned in their final report on April 5, 1967.
The Board cited five main factors which contributed to the fire:

• An ignition source most probably related to exposed electrical wiring and leak-prone plumbing.
(they were unable to conclusively identify a single ignition source)
• Pure oxygen atmosphere at high pressure.
• Flammable materials in the cabin.
• A hatch cover which could not be quickly removed at high pressure.
• Inadequate emergency preparedness.

The autopsy report found that all three astronauts died of cardiac arrest brought on by the high
concentrations of carbon monoxide. The Board concluded that most of the burns the astronauts suffered
were postmortem.
There are a host of researchers who believe that the Apollo 1 accident was an act of intentional
sabotage intended to murder Gus Grissom. One of the largest supporters of this theory is Grissom's own
son, Scott Grissom who went public with his suspicions in a February, 1999 article for Star Magazine
where he stated, "My father's death was no accident. He was murdered."
Scott Grissom had been granted access to the charred capsule and claims he discovered a
"fabricated" metal plate that should not have been there located behind the panel switch. Scott Grissom
insists that the metal plate was put there as an act of sabotage. When the switch was toggled to transfer
power to the spacecraft's batteries, a spark ignited the pure oxygen atmosphere into a fireball.
Scott Grissom's beliefs are shared by his mother Betty Grissom. She told the Star, "I believe Scott
has found the key piece of evidence to prove NASA knew all along what really happened but covered up
to protect funding for the race to the Moon."
Clark Mac Donald corroborated the Grissom's suspicions. He was a McDonnell-Douglas engineer
hired by NASA to investigate the tragedy. Three decades later Mac Donald came forward and stated that
a spark caused the fire when the changeover to battery power occurred. In an article from The Phoenix
Educator dated February 23, 1999, Mac Donald claims that NASA destroyed his reports and interview
tapes to hide the truth. "I have agonized for 31 years about revealing the truth, but I didn't want to hurt
NASA's image or cause trouble. But I can't let one more day go by without the truth being known."

Why would anyone want to murder Grissom? Researchers point to Grissom as being one of the first
Apollo whistle bowlers. He was an outspoken critic of the Apollo program. He told reporters the project
could never be accomplished on time. He referred to the space capsule as a "bucket of bolts." When
asked by a reporter what he thought his chances were of successfully making it to the Moon and back he
answered, "pretty slim."
Shortly before his death, Gus Grissom held a press conference where he hung a lemon on the space
capsule for the photographers.

Gus Grissom began receiving death threats. His family believes they were coming from inside
NASA. The threats were taken seriously. Grissom's family was put under Secret Service protection and
moved to a secure safe house.
Betty said that her husband warned her, "If there is ever a serious accident in the space program,
it's likely to be me."
Gus Grissom was not the only person who tried to sound alarms about the Apollo program. Thomas
Ronald Baron worked as a safety inspector for North American Aviation. At the time NAA was the
primary contractor for building the Apollo Command Module. In January 1967, Baron wrote a 57 page
report citing improper actions and irregularities he had witnessed while working at the Kennedy Space
Center. Baron met with NAA mangers who decided while some of his criticisms were valid most were
unfounded. Baron was blamed for leaking the report to the press and was fired. On his own he worked
on a more thorough investigation.
After the Apollo 1 disaster, Baron told a reporter on camera that his findings made him a target and
that he and his family were being harassed at their home.

Baron entering the hearing with his report

On April 21, 1967, Baron gave his 500 page report to Rep. Olin E. Teague's investigation at Cape
Kennedy, Florida. The following transcription is from Mr. Baron's House Subcommittee testimony:
Mr. Teague: "Will you give your full name and your address?"
Mr. Baron: "Thomas Ronald Baron, 2856 Folsom Road, Miss, Florida."
Mr. Teague: "Take just a few minutes and tell us something about your background."
Mr. Baron: "As far as my background goes, I have been in research the last 12 years. Four of it in the
Air Research Proving Ground in Eglin Field, Florida, mostly in the research and development of
subsystems of all the aircraft that we had up there which I think was mostly the U.S. Air Force inventory.
I have been in private business for some time in the past years in different trades, locksmithing work,
approximately three years out of the last ten. I have been in high altitude research probes for Device
Development Corp. out of Massachusetts for approximately four months in 1963. This took place also in
Eglin Field. I have been in the manufacturing of environmental test chambers primarily for use by NASA
and the U.S. Navy and a little over two years on the North American Hound Dog program at Eglin Field
as a Calibration technician, console operator, and with the Apollo program since September 1965."
Mr. Teague: "What is your education background?"
Mr. Baron: "Only high school."
Mr. Teague: "Would you tell us where you were in the North American Organization. Just where did you
fit, for example, with the safety plan for North American?"
Mr. Baron: "I don't follow you, Mr. Chairman."
Mr. Teague: "Just what was your job with North American?"
Mr. Baron: "My task called out that I was a missile preflight inspector. My own particular tasks were
quite varied, like many of the other inspectors. We were used quite often in other areas that we weren't
familiar with because there was nobody else there to do the job and we were shifted around. I worked on
the manned module on the service module, on the water-glycol system for ground support. I have worked
in component testing of the environmental control system in the life support building. I have been over at
the receiving section, warehouse section, inspecting parts coming in from vendors and going out to
spacecraft and working sites. I have worked in all the areas of the pads, pad 16, pad 34 - - quite a
roundabout area."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Baron, I have read your first report. I believe it was the 50 page report. I have listened
to about two hours of taped interviews of yours. One of the statements you made was that non certified
items were placed in the spacecraft. The Review Board found that non certified equipment items were
installed in the command module at the time of the test. It was testified in Washington that a number of
these items were identified and known and were to be taken out before flight. Of these items that you
spoke of, do you know whether these were the same items that would have been taken out before flight?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. I don't see how they could be actually taken out. Some of them were in the epoxy
category and paint category and tape category. Possibly the tape could be removed. We use some tape
the Command Module which could be removed. We use some tape for identification purposes in the
Command Module which could be removed during flight.
Mr. Teague: "Do you think the items you are speaking of are items which would have stayed in during
flight if the capsule had flown?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes."
Mr. Teague: "You stated that North American had not lived up to their contractual obligations to the
Government. Is that correct?"
Mr. Baron: "I don't feel that they did. No, sir."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Baron, did you ever see their contract?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. I have never seen it."
Mr. Teague: "Will you tell us what you meant by that, what you had in mind?"
Mr. Baron: "Well, there are certain things that a contractor has to comply with in my past experience
especially working with the Allentown Scientific Associates in Allentown, Pa. I was very familiar with
the Government contracts, the basis of a lot of Government contracts as far as safety is concerned for
personnel and working conditions and things of this nature. This is primarily what I was talking about."
Mr. Teague: "You were talking about safety and things that you have in your report?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes. I believe most of the Government contracts read out as to safety pretty much the same."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Baron, either in your tape or in your report, I don't remember which, you said you met
a man in a grocery store who worked on the pad and who knew exactly what caused the fire and he said
others did."
Mr. Baron: "This is what he said to me. Yes, indeed."
Mr. Teague: "Who was that man?"
Mr. Baron: "Are you going to press me for that name?"
Mr. Teague: "Yes. We want to ask him about it."
Mr. Baron: "Very good. His name is Al Holmburg."
Mr. Teague: "Who is he, do you know?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir. He is a spacecraft electronics technician."
Mr. Teague: "That is a rather serious statement. We would like to ask him that question."
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir, I realize it is a very serious statement."
Mr. Teague: (to Mr. Gurney): "Do you have any questions?"
Mr. Gurney: "Did you find out who the man worked for? Who did you say he was?"
Mr. Baron: "Who his boss is, Mr. Gurney, I don't know. He is a spacecraft electronics technician."
Mr. Gurney: "Does he work here?" (this hearing was convened at the Kennedy Space Center.)
Mr. Baron: "Yes, on this particular command module."
Mr. Gurney: "Does he work for the Government or a contractor?"
Mr. Baron: "North American Aviation."
Mr. Fulton: "When and where did he make the statement?"
Mr. Baron: "He made the statement to me February 2 at a drugstore, in Titusville, Fla."
Mr Fulton: "Do you know the name of the drugstore?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir. Cutler's Drugstore."
Mr. Fulton: "Who was there?"
Mr. Baron: "No one was there - - well, there were other customers in the area, but no one that we knew."
Mr. Fulton: "Was this a casual meeting?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes."
Mr. Fulton: "You had known him before?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir."
Mr. Fulton: "Were you there for the purpose of talking this over?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. It was an unintentional meeting."
Mr. Teague: "He didn't tell you what he had in mind?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir."
Mr. Heckler: "Is this the same man who told you that the astronauts smelled smoke, noticed smoke
before the fire, and were talking about it 10 or 12 minutes before the fire?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir, the same man gave me this information."
Mr. Heckler: "Did the same man give you the information that the astronauts tried for 5 minutes to get
out of the capsule?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir, he did."
Mr. Heckler: "Thank you."
Mr. Wydler: "I know what you are doing is a very difficult thing and to try to put it in the best
perspective we have, as Members of Congress, could you give us what you consider the most serious of
your charges and summarize those for us? I realize that this may not be possible. If so, explain and I will
understand. I know you have made many specific points and so forth. I wonder if you could tell us from
your own point of view what you think the most serious charges are and why. I would appreciate that if
you could."
Mr. Baron: "Are you asking me what the actual source of all our trouble is?"
Mr. Wydler: "Well, if you want to express that, yes."
Mr. Baron: "I don't know if that is exactly what you are asking."
Mr. Wydler: "I am really giving you a chance to tell us what you think. This is what I am offering to you.
You can take the question the way you want. I am not trying to limit you in any particular way."
Mr. Baron: "Very well. It is quite varied as to what our problems are. As most people have said and
realized, it is so extensive and covers so many areas it is difficult to believe that some of them even
existed. I would say basically that we have had problems, extensive problems in safety, in cleaning
materials, in items getting in the spacecraft that weren't supposed to be there, the morale of the people,
the pressures put on the people by management are the things that really indicate that we don't have the
proper management that we should have in this program."
Mr. Wydler: "That is all well and good and those are a conclusion. I am sure you realize people disagree
about thing of that nature, and you can make an argument for and against it."
Mr. Baron: "Yes."
Mr. Wydler: "And I am sure you realize how people can go back and forth on that."
Mr. Baron: "Sure."
Mr. Wydler: "Tell me what you consider to be the most serious deficiencies you can point to as a matter
of fact and tell me what they are from your point of view."
Mr. Baron: "This would be going into detail on some points?"
Mr. Wydler: "Pick out what you would consider to be the most significant of those points."
Mr. Baron: "I would have to go back and read my manuscript again. It is quite long. I would say
probably that the - - I don't know if I am answering your question again. I don't even entirely understand
it. Probably the lack of communication between almost everyone concerned with this project and the
sectionalism that exists in this particular project is probably our main problem. By this I mean if I were
to write a letter about a particular instance or a fire or something like this or something that we have
had and try to get it up through channels, it would be stopped along the way. This has occurred. Not
only to me, it has occurred to other individuals in quality control, also. The communication going up is
very, very poor and the communication coming down is very, very poor."
Mr. Wydler: "Do you have some specific illustrations of that fact which you consider the most significant
illustrations of that?"
Mr. Baron: "I don't believe that there is any most significant illustration of it, because there are too
many of them and you couldn't possibly pick one out of the others. If you want to pick out an instance on
a particular problem that I have written about or covered, then I could possibly do that."
Mr. Wydler: "I am asking you to pick one out."
Mr. Baron: "Okay, I am going to give one instance which goes into the communications problem literally
during the escape operation. This is the self contained apparatus that we have for working with the toxic
fuels, the nitrogen tetroxide and nitrogen hydrazine during the filling of our tanks. This is not in relation
to spacecraft 012 - - it is spacecraft 9. It was a general problem at that time. We did not have a good
communication link with the people that were actually in control of us and our air packs during the
entire operation. We had too many communication breaks. We couldn't talk to them in case somebody
got hurt. If a man got out of air we had to get him down ourselves and in most cases we would be
walking back to the escape trailer which is operated by another contractor, Bendix, before the truck
would even get out to assist us in any way. This is primarily because we didn't have any good headset
communication between them or they were not on the net and talking to somebody else."
Mr. Wydler: "Thank you, Mr. Chairman."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Fulton."
Mr. Fulton: "Of course when you are testifying, you are giving your word. Naturally, the inquiry then
results as to corroboration of your word. So my first question is after the meeting with this Al Homburg,
has he contacted you or have you contacted him since, and if so, how, when, and where?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes. I have contacted him several times on several occasions since this accident."
Mr. Fulton: "In connection with his accident?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes."
Mr. Fulton: "Did he, on his own, motion to try to contact you after you made these statements either
confirming or denying what you had said he had stated?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. He made no direct attempt ever to contact me."
Mr. Fulton: "This committee, of course, wants a clear and fair examination of the facts. You have cited
certain events that have occurred with other people involved. Do you have recommendations to this
committee of a person or persons or a company or a supplier or a systems engineer that we should
contact to corroborate what you - - ? What corroboration can you give us that what you say is true?
How shall we do that?"
Mr. Baron: "You mean aside from Mr. Holmburg?"
Mr. Fulton: "Yes."
Mr. Baron: "Well..."
Mr. Fulton: "You have given other instances. We are listening to your words. The question is whether the
committee should take them on their face value. We need to know who you recommend to us to
corroborate what you say. Is it a company? Individuals? Engineers? System engineers? Who is it? Pad
operations people?"
Mr. Baron: "Well, in reference to Mr. Holmburg's statement to me, I'd suggest that you talk to Mr.
Holmberg."
Mr. Fulton: "Oh, we clearly will do that. But you have clearly given other instances. The question is,
how do we corroborate these instances on what you say? Who shall we get in touch with and put our
investigation to check so that it corroborates your statements?"
Mr. Baron: Yes, sir. If you will give me the instances you have in mind, I will be more than happy to."
Mr. Fulton: "All or any of them. Do you know of anybody that this committee has not called as a witness
whom you could recommend we call to corroborate what you say?"
Mr. Wydler: "Would the gentlemen yield to me?"
Mr. Fulton: " I couldn't on that. I would rather have him answer."
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir. I can give you a list of their names if I have a list of the North American personnel
because some of the names I don't recall."
Mr. Teague: There are a number of names in your report."
Mr. Baron: "May I pull my report out? I will be glad to read them."
Mr. Fulton: "Is Robert Lucas one?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes."
Mr. Fulton: "Would you suggest we call him?"
Mr. Baron: "He would certainly have to corroborate what I said in relation to him."
Mr. Fulton: "Who else?"
Mr. Baron: "A mechanic by the name of Donald Butcher could verify that particular item I am
discussing there."
Mr. Fulton: "Who else?"
Mr. Baron: "William Aimerson."
Mr. Fulton: "You have a list here on the water-glycol operations and you have given us the names of
ground support people: Mel Gill, Bill Aimerson, Chuck Levitt, Dennis Jolly, Bill de Jumat, Sam Moody,
Ed Wright of NASA, and Jerry Dahl of Air Research. What do you say about those people?"
Mr. Baron: "If you talk to either one, they will have to corroborate what I have said, because what I
have said in the report is certainly true. They were there in most instances in all those cases that I have
written about."
Mr. Fulton: "To whom did you report the statement by Mr. Holmburg? That was a serious statement, as
you realized, regarding the cause of this accident. To whom did you make such a report and when did
you do it."
Mr. Baron: "I discussed it with a newspaperman, this particular report."
Mr. Fulton: "Who was it?"
Mr. Baron: "Sanders Lamont of Today newspaper, or possibly Dick Younger of Orlando Sentinel."
Mr. Fulton: "You didn't go to NASA and you didn't come to Congress or the Review Board which had
been appointed to investigate the accident directly?"
Mr. Baron: "I am trying to recall whether or not I discussed this with John Brooks of NASA. "In fact, I
may have on one occasion, because I did discuss with him what Mr. Holmburg was discussing with me."
Mr. Fulton: "What is his title?"
Mr. Baron: "He is a quality control regional investigator."
Mr. Wydler: "Would the gentleman yield to me for just an instant?"
Mr. Fulton: "I will be glad to."
Mr. Wydler: "As I understand the testimony that the committee received in Washington, the North
American Aviation Company, which has reviewed your specific charges in great detail, obviously
testified that you are about half right. That was their testimony, so we can assume from that you are
probably at least half right. There is some basis, obviously, for the things you have said and charged. I
think that is part of our record in Washington."
Mr. Fulton: "May I comment on that? I make no assumptions as to whether he is right or wrong. I want
the corroboration and hope the people who will support his testimony as well as the physical facts that I
think we should go into. That is what I was calling to the witness's attention, what must this committee
do to corroborate what he said. I make no assumption to whether or not he is right or wrong in whole or
in part."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Gurney."
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Mr. Gurney: "Mr. Baron, you mentioned something about the morale factor in connection with the
people who are working on the Apollo program or here in the spaceport in general. Let us amplify that a
bit. How would you describe this morale?"
Mr. Baron: "The morale as of less than 3 weeks ago was very poor and I have never seen the morale
since the time I have been with the company at what anyone would call a normal high point at all. In
other words, you could possibly say it was a "blah" feeling among the people as far as the morale is
concerned."
Mr. Gurney: "This is a serious matter. The morale of people working, whether it is good or bad,
certainly reflects in the quality of their work. Be more specific. What do you mean by poor? In what
way?"
Mr. Baron: "In two cases in regard to morale on spacecraft 9, and spacecraft 11, there has been or there
were cases of people who were shifted to different shifts prior to the launch of these two separate
vehicles. In the case of spacecraft 9, the people did not get the pay benefits which would normally
happen if they were transferred to another shift. In the case of spacecraft 11, some of the people got
these benefits and some of the people did not."
Mr. Gurney: "But again, going back to a morale question, it is a difficult thing to assess. You know in the
Army, and most of us here, spent some time in the service on way or another, we often said that if a
soldier wan't "bitching real loud" as we put it, there was something the matter with him. Actually this
sort of thing goes on a good deal. There is morale, and morale. People do get upset and they complain.
But I am saying, do you think that there was a really serious morale factor with people generally
dissatisfied all over the place with their jobs and what they are doing?"
Mr. Baron: "I would say for the most part yes, and I would be more than happy to give you other names
of people you can talk to."
Mr. Gurney: "Who would they be?"
Mr. Baron: "Mr. Wade McCrary, who is no longer with us - - these are North American people who have
left us - - Mr. Myron Cross, Mr. Al Miller, Mr. Jack Berger - - I think Mr. Berger is still with us; I don't
know for sure. Mr. Dick Menthorn - - if I had a list in front of me, I really could reel them all off to you,
but this is what I have on the top of my head right now."
Mr. Gurney: "Of those who have left, do you know where they have gone?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir."
Mr. Gurney: "Where?"
Mr. Baron: "Mr. Cross is working for Grumman. Mr. McCrary and Miller are working for Lockheed."
Mr. Gurney: "That is here?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir. In this area."
Mr. Gurney: "What would you say was the chief reason for this lack of morale, as you put it?"
Mr. Baron: "Well, I think basically personnel treatment and how some of them were treated and just in
general as far as overtime was concerned. A case in point is two particular instances when I called in
because I was not feeling well and actually not up to par for working. I called in two particular
afternoons that I was going to stay home that particular day, because I wasn't feeling well, and I almost
was demand to go to work, and that I would work- especially since I was the only one in that particular
area that was working; this was in the receiving and inspection area."
Mr. Gurney: "The morale factor is connected only with the North American Corporation. Are there
others involved?"
Mr. Baron: "Not that I know of. It is primarily North American."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Gurney."
Mr. Gurney: "What about NASA people? Are they involved?"

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Mr. Baron: "I have never really seen them in too bad of a morale picture at all. They are not contractor
workers. They are government workers." (Laughter)
Mr. Gurney: "Why do you make this distinction? (Laughter)
Mr. Baron: "Well for the most part, naturally NASA is supposed to be the controlling outfit in this
organization and usually if a quality control inspector-well, normally he is put on the spot in many cases
as to whether he is going to buy something or what, and then NASA - - the NASA man will turn around
and argue the point and either go or not go with him. I would consider they are one notch higher mostly,
and they don't concern our morale problem."
Mr. Gurney: "With respect again to the morale, you identified the poor quality of the morale, as you put
it, due to shifts in jobs and uncertainty in jobs. Is that the sort of thing you are talking about?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, actually it is. One case in point, again after spacecraft 9 was launched, we were
supposed to have a shift rotation on a man-for-man basis and for the most part this did not come about,
and it was difficult to get transferred to another shift. I myself was on a second shift for well over a year.
There were many reasons why I wasn't put on the first shift, because somebody else was going to school,
or some such reason as that. We were limited as to our amount of people. The person was left in the area
in that particular spot and he just stayed there. Some of these shift changes were actually put in the desk
drawer and forgotten about."
Mr. Gurney: "You mean a request for a shift change?"
Mr. Baron: "No. The manager supervision, one supervisor made an attempt to get people's names and
what shifts they wanted to go to but that was usually as far as it ever went."
Mr. Gurney: "Are you saying that it didn't reach the top, is that the idea?"
Mr. Baron: "I couldn't know right now whether it reached the top or it reached the top and it was just
shut off or whatever. This problem is supposed to be still in existence now."
Mr. Gurney: "Are there any particular groups of workers that you would say were particularly affected
by poor morale as you call it?"
Mr. Baron: "Well in relation to the receiving and inspection area at North American, we had several
people in there. In fact, all the people in there, that were working there in August and September and
October this last year, I don't know any of them that wanted to stay in. They were all trying to get out but
I guess they were corralled in that particular area and that is where they stayed. They were not actually
receiving inspectors."
Mr. Gurney: "Was this because they didn't like that particular kind of a job?"
Mr. Baron: "Well, the receiving inspector job is a labor grade 6 or 8 or possibly 10 and many of us were
top 12 in a particular area and just didn't have any business being there really, where our job codes
called for other jobs, although this is a vital area."
Mr. Gurney: "But nothing wrong with the treatment of the people who are doing this kind of job?"
Mr. Baron: "Well, I think if you had an interview with Mr. Wade McCrary about treatment of people, I
believe he will give you a better answer on the subject. He was supposedly acting leadman for quite
some time and had the responsibility of acting leadman and when he finally challenged the management
for his job for leadman, he was not made leadman, so he left the company."
Mr. Gurney: "One final question; assuming what you say about morale is true, do you think this affected
the work on the job?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir. I do."
Mr. Gurney: "In what way?"
Mr. Baron: "Well, especially in reference to safety, lackadaisical in some job operations, sleeping on the
job, people just - a lot of them- just didn't care one way or the other and I am not talking about isolated
instances. Many times of book reading and sleeping and things of this nature."
Mr. Gurney: "That is all."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Daddario?"
Mr.Daddario: "Mr. Baron, as I take it from the response to Mr. Gurney's question, you certainly were
personally unhappy with the situation."
Mr. Baron: "Well, I don't know what you mean by personally unhappy."
Mr. Daddario: "You were testifying as to the morale of others. How did this affect you individually?"
Mr. Baron: "Well, I didn't feel too well about the other people being treated and myself being treated as
we were being treated. I have had a health problem for some time on this particular contract as a
diabetic and it was supposedly difficult for me to work many of the long hours that I did have to work."
Mr. Daddario: "This same characteristic that you apply to others, you agree to, and that there was a bad
general overall condition amongst North American employees?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir."
Mr. Daddario: "Yet in your report, which I have before me when your work was terminated with North
American you said, "I was terminated at 4 o'clock that evening. It was a very sorrowful event for me.
There was nothing more that I wanted than to be associated with the space program.""
Mr. Baron: "That is correct."
Mr. Daddario: "How do you tie that in with your previous statements?"
Mr. Baron: "Which previous statements?"
Mr. Daddario: "Why would it have been a sorrowful event to leave a program that you wanted to be
associated with if, in fact, the conditions under which you were working were so terrible as you
indicated them to be in answer t Mr. Gurney's question?"
Mr. Baron: "Regardless of whether or not North American Aviation treated its people properly, you
would still have a job to do and the bird is up there, and the people are up there, and you have a task to
perform."
Mr. Daddario: "What was your job?"
Mr. Baron: "I was a quality control inspector."
Mr. Daddario: "What did that include and involve?"
Mr. Baron: "An extensive amount of responsibilities."
Mr. Daddario: "Well, extensive sir, is something that is hard for me to comprehend under these
circumstances."
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir."
Mr. Daddario: "You had a job as a missile preflight inspector."
Mr. Baron: "That is what is on my particular record."
Mr. Daddario: "What were your hours of employment and what were you supposed to be doing during
those hours?"
Mr. Baron: "When I was a foreman my hours of employment varied tremendously. They normally were
3:30 in the afternoon until midnight. I usually reported to work approximately 1 hour early and in some
cases - well, in many cases in the past year or so we have worked 55 and 60 hour weeks. My job
included verifying the proper installation of components, verifying that tests were being run per
procedure or documented changes, verifying the proper identification and damage of materials going in
the spacecraft and out of the sites to be used in the ground support work."
Mr. Daddario: "Where did you do that?"
Mr. Baron: "What?"
Mr. Daddario: "Where did you work?"
Mr. Baron: "Location wise, I worked at pad 34 on the complex and on the gantry. I have worked at pad
16, which is pre pressure test facility, propulsion test facility. I have worked in the life support area. I
have worked in receiving inspection. I have worked in the site lab or computer room, as we call it. It is a
test troubleshooting area, and I have worked at the MSOB right here at the high bay area on the floor."
Mr. Daddario: "You didn't feel that was a proper designation for have had another the work that you
were doing? You should have had another designation?"
Mr. Baron: "It all depends on what outline the personnel will give you for labor grade 12."
Mr. Daddario: "You said you were an LG-12, but that you shouldn't have been there. Even though you
were designated as that, you should have been something else. I wonder what idea you had in mind with
reference to your classification?"
Mr. Baron: "I think in reference to that it was when I was describing my work at launch complex 34. At
that time I was not a top labor grade 12. It was just several months or a couple months after I was hired
by the company and in some cases the water glycol engineer would leave the net, then I would be the
only one on the net as far as the blockhouse participant was concerned."
Mr. Daddario: "You felt that you should have had a higher classification and greater responsibility?"
Mr. Baron: No, sir. I felt someone else should be there with more authority. A labor grade 12 is at the
bottom and doesn't have hardly any authority, and to be left in his hands shouldn't occur."
Mr. Daddario: "Was it a matter of authority or competency and experience? Did you feel you had
experience to do the job?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir. I did."
Mr. Daddario: "You were dissatisfied not with the job being properly done on that occasion, because you
felt that you personally had the competence. But you did not have the job classification and authority to
go along with it?"
Mr. Baron: "No. That is negative. I felt that the engineer who was in charge of the test should have
stayed on the test, either he or his NASA counterpart, of which there was no one."
Mr. Daddario: "You worked at North American for how long?"
Mr. Baron: "On the Apollo program since September 20, 1965."
Mr. Daddario: "You started out in what capacity?"
Mr. Baron: "At the bottom of labor grade 12."
Mr. Daddario: "You continued in that capacity during the course of your employment with them, until
terminated?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. I was promoted until I got to the top of labor grade 12."
Mr. Daddario: "During the course of your employment with North American you proceeded from a level
12 to the top level 12. Were you properly promoted within that period of time?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir."
Mr. Hechler: "Mr. Chairman."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Hechler."
Mr. Hechler: "Mr. Baron, the Board of Review very meticulously examined the events leading up to the
fire and the Board conclusively repudiates the allegation that you have carried to this committee that the
astronauts tried for five minutes to get out of the spacecraft, and this committee heard the last 6 minutes
of the tape which, in itself, repudiates this allegation. And I think it is utterly irresponsible for you to
come before this committee and attempt to dignify a conversation that you had in a drugstore in an effort
to set forth conclusions which have been repudiated by a very thorough examination of a Board Review.
I feel it is unfortunate that this has been brought before this committee. I think this report of the Review
Board speaks for itself. I would just like to ask one or two brief questions. Do you know who Mr. Slayon
is, Mr. Baron?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir. I know who he is."
Mr. Hechler: "Do you know what position he holds in the space program?"
Mr. Baron: "Well, not exactly."
Mr. Hechler: "You don't know what position he holds in the space program?"
Mr. Baron: "You mean direct connection with it?"
Mr. Hechler: "Yes."
Mr. Baron: "I think I know what he is, yes, sir. But I don't know his title."
Mr. Hechler: "Do you know what his first name is?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir-well, no, sir. I only know and refer to him as Deke."
Mr. Hechler: "Do you know how he spells his last name?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes."
Mr. Hechler: "How does spell his last name?"
Mr. Baron: "S-l-a-y-t-o-n, I believe."
Mr. Hechler: "Thank you. I observed on three or four different occasions you spelled it a different way in
the report, and I just felt that wasn't very good quality control at that point. Thank you, Mr. Chairman."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Fulton."
Mr. Fulton: "The question arises on your opportunity to observe and your qualifications for observation.
You were hired by North American as a labor grade 12, and stayed within that class all during your
service since September 20, 1965, is that correct?"
Mr. Baron: "That is correct."
Mr. Fulton: "That is not in a professional nor engineering category, but a labor category, is it not?"
Mr. Baron: "What do you classify as labor?"
Mr. Fulton: "It is a nontechnical qualified engineering or nonprofessional position, is that not right?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. I think it calls for technically qualified people, but not anyone with an engineering
degree."
Mr. Fulton: "Therefore from your previous experience and education you are not qualified to give an
expert opinion on engineering processes or systems. Is that correct?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. That is not correct. If I see a particular indication that is improper, whether or not
an engineer agrees with it, it may be wrong. This had occurred on many occasions where engineering
itself has argued the point. I have won many arguments on this point, and engineering has. Testing out
these vehicles and systems is no more complicated than running field quality check on an old B-52
bomber. I was an airman second class, nontechnical, non-engineering type when I was doing that kind
of work."
Mr. Fulton: "Is the basis of your criticism in the engineering procedures either- -"
Mr. Baron: "Would you repeat the question, please."
Mr. Fulton: "I will ask the reporter to read the question to you."
The Reporter: "I didn't understand the question either. Would you be good enough to repeat it?
(Laughter.)
Mr. Fulton: "Is your criticism either of NASA, or North American, directed at engineering procedures or
systems? I don't believe it is, is it?"
Mr. Baron: "In some cases it is, on the water glycol system."
Mr. Fulton: "Now, the other point that I would like to inquire into is your ability to observe or whether
your observations might be colored by your own personal reasons or motives. You have spoken that you
have physical difficulties. What were those physical difficulties during this time of employment?"
Mr. Baron: "Mostly from overwork and not being able to go home."
Mr. Fulton: "Well, those are the reasons, but what were the difficulties?"
Mr. Baron: "Well, exhaustion would be one of them, tiredness."
Mr. Fulton: "Were you under the care of a physician or physicians, a chiropractor or psychiatrist at any
time during this period?"
Mr. Baron: "Which period, sir?"
Mr. Fulton: "Of our employment since September 20, 1965, under North American."
Mr. Baron: "I have been under a doctor's care quite often."
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Mr. Fulton: "Who were the doctors?"

Mr. Baron: "Dr. Chastain of the Jess Parish Hospital or the Titusville clinic here."
Mr. Fulton: "For what did you see him?"
Mr. Baron: "Nervous condition."
Mr. Fulton: "Is the a doctor or psychiatrist?"
Mr. Baron: "He is a doctor, doctor of internal medicine, I believe."
Mr. Fulton: "How many times did you see him over this period for a nervous condition?"
Mr. Baron: "I saw him on one day. He was an associate of Dr. Osmond who was treating me as a
diabetic and an ulcer."
Mr. Fulton: "You have had an ulcer during this time?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir, I most certainly did."
Mr. Fulton: "Could your complaints have been caused by the condition of your ulcer acting on your own
feelings?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. I think Dr. Chastain could possibly verify that the reason I got the nervous and ulcer
condition was that I was concerned with spacecraft 12."
Mr. Fulton: "What other doctor had you seen and for what purpose?"
Mr. Baron: "Prior to that time, Dr. Blackburn in the Melbourne General Hospital in Melbourne, Fla."
Mr. Fulton: "What for?"
Mr. Baron: "Diabetes."
Mr. Fulton: "Who else did you see?"
Mr. Baron: "A Dr. Killinger at the Holiday Hospital in Orlando during Christmas of last year when I
was in the hospital."
Mr. Fulton: "Why did you see him?"
Mr. Baron: "It was for a diabetes problem."
Mr. Fulton: "Was it anything to do with any problems that caused physical stress on you and your
mind?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir. This is one of the reasons why my diabetes at this particular time was going off
kilter, I guess you could say."
Mr. Fulton: "Who else did you see during this period?"
Mr. Baron: "During my hospital stay, you mean, aside from doctor - -"
Mr. Fulton: "How long were you there? We are trying to get your medical history to see what power you
had to observe."
Mr. Wydler: "Would it be possible for Mr. Baron to submit it for the record? We don't want to listen to
every doctor he has ever seen in his life."
Mr. Fulton: "I want to know if his observations were made from a capacity which is unbiased or
uncolored by his physical condition. I think that information would contribute to the hearing. Would you
quickly give me another one or two?"
Mr. Baron: "That is all the doctors I had seen lately. I talked to Dr. Hare, the astronauts' doctor, I
believe, or one of them on the staff."
Mr. Fulton: "Was that for a physical condition or a mental condition?"
Mr. Baron: "I wouldn't know. It was after the inquiry board hearing. And I took it as a psychiatric
examination."
Mr. Fulton: "Was there any report given on that?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir, not that I know of."
Mr. Fulton: "Was it an extensive examination?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir, it was a half-hour conversation with him about problems on the spacecraft, and I
believe he went into some personal things also."

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Mr. Fulton: "Your problems, too?"
Mr. Baron: "That is correct."
Mr. Fulton: "So that both you and your mind and the spacecraft had problems, didn't you?"
Mr. Baron: "I think we all have our own problems. (Laughter.) The spacecraft definitely had its
problems."
Mr. Fulton: "That is all."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Baron, if things were really as bad as you pictured them by the things that you have
said to this committee in your report, do you believe we would ever have gotten a shot off to the Moon?
Do you think we ever would have had one successful shot?
Mr. Baron: "Certainly, sir."
Mr. Teague: "With the conditions you pictured here, do you think we could be successful in any of our
shots?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. No, sir, I don't think so."
Mr. Teague: "We have had a lot of successes?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir, you have. But not on the Apollo program."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Wydler."
Mr. Wydler: "I just want to get very clear about that one doctor that you told us about. You say that a
doctor from NASA talked to you about something or other. How did that come about? Did you ask to see
them, or did he request you to talk to him, or what?"
Mr. Baron: "Mr. Wydler, since I discussed this report with the first man I ever met in the hospital back in
November I had a NASA man in the hospital with me over here as a roommate for a 24-hour period. I
had a NASA man in the Orlando hospital talk to me about the same problems I am discussing right now.
When I was transferred over there he showed up the next day and talked to me for 2 days. I also saw Mr.
John Brooks over at the Orlando hospital. He was an investigator from Washington headquarters in
NASA. He held an interview with me over there. When I got back home after the accident had occurred I
was called to meet with the inquiry board. I believe there was nine of them there, one of the subboards
[sic], and Dr. Hare was there also, and he wanted to have a half hour or so private session with me after
the board left, which he did have, and he indicated to me certainly that he was delving into personal
problems of my own, asking me about them - well, it was another case of a NASA man talking to me
about the same problems."
Mr. Wydler: "Did he say he was acting on anybody's behalf or on NASA's behalf, or on the review
board's behalf?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. Only one NASA man, Mr. Brooks said this. No one said they were acting on behalf
of any board."
Mr. Wydler: "Let me understand this. Do all these matters of deficiencies, as you expressed them in this
program, relate directly to matters of safety? I know in a broad sense they all relate to safety. But, if you
can tell us, do any of them relate to matters of what we could call immediate safety to the crew of the
spacecraft?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir."
Mr. Wydler: "Let me ask you one final question: you know, exhibit A here is the picture I had asked some
questions about to the witnesses from NASA and North American that were here just before you. Do you
know anything about the wire which is theorized to be the wire that is guilty of causing this fire? Do you
know anything regarding its installation, its inspection, or anything that might throw some light on this
particular wire, the lithium door, or anything of that nature?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir, I do. But, here, again, it is something that has been referred to me by another
individual, and if I do bring it up, I dislike being called irresponsible in making any of these comments
to you. People have to understand, especially this committee, that these people could not say anything to
anybody about this thing when it did occur. I happened to have been terminated the day I got back to
work. I wasn't out for allowing these people here - I got a lot of anonymous calls from people about
troubles on the spacecraft prior and immediately prior to the fire. These people that I discussed it with
knew they were jeopardizing their jobs if they were caught talking to me or got discussing something
they got out of the news. This is how the company feels about it, naturally."
Mr. Wydler: "You say you don't know anything about this personally, but you are indicating somebody
might have said something to you about it. Is that right?"
Mr. Baron: "Definitely."
Mr. Wydler: "You don't feel that you want to discuss that with the committee at this time?"
Mr. Baron: "I would be more than happy to say it, if Mr. Hechler would take a more objective view of the
statements."
Mr. Wydler: "I can't answer for Mr. Hechler, but I would like to hear it."
Mr. Baron: "Yes, sir. I will be more than happy to."
Mr. Wydler: "Please tell us."
Mr. Baron: "I discussed it with another individual at his home, and he witnessed one evening when he
was working with three technicians who were supposed to flush out, this is by purging the environmental
control unit with an alcohol solution to apparently clean it and get it ready for proper use. He disclosed
to me that a 55-gallon drum had been delivered to the site, I guess it was right here at MSOB. I don't
know for sure. I guess it was - - a 55 gallon drum of 190- proof alcohol that was delivered to them. The
three men who were assigned to flushing this unit out were - - well, one of them took a 5-gallon jug of
this stuff home and one other, or perhaps all three of them, I don't really recall right now, had mixed this
stuff and cut it with water and were drinking it right here at the site, and they were carrying it around in
plastic bags."
Mr. Wylder: "Well, that doesn't have anything to do with this particular wire or this particular door. - -
Mr. Baron: "Possibly so, because they were working on that unit and the spacecraft, and this is the only
link I could put between them, between what you have there and the drinking."
Mr. Fulton: "Would you yield? I want to say who, when, and where?"
Mr. Wylder: "I just want to finish this up, if I could. Mr. Baron, I noticed one other thing under life
support you pointed out in your report. It is our report of your report, on page 17. It does relate to
spacecraft 12, and you were talking about the fuel tank being worked on without any paperwork and so
forth. Would this have anything to do with the wire or lithium door that we are talking about here?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir."
Mr. Wydler: "That is all."
Mr. Fulton: "When you are speaking about people, it naturally raises the question, who, when, and
where. Who was there to observe with you?"
Mr. Baron: "The same gentleman is Mr. Holmburg that disclosed that information to me. That is the only
name I know. And I have related to Mr. Wydler exactly what he related to me."
Mr. Fulton: "This Mr. Holmburg was not involved in this situation, was he? He was simply the relay of
hearsay of what went on, wasn't he?"
Mr. Baron: "That is right, sir."
Mr. Fulton: "I would like to make clear that this committee has no official position with regard to you
nor have I said anything favorably or unfavorably about your testimony. I certainly want to inquire and
get corroboration so we can determine the correctness and the truth of your statements. If you will
cooperate with this committee, and with the chairman's permission, put into the record any further
suggestions of witnesses, times, or events we can look into, outside of the report which we have all read.
Please let us hear."
Mr. Baron: "Which report was that, sir?"
Mr. Fulton: "The original report."
Mr. Baron: "I have sent to the chairman of this committee a more through report which includes all the
names."
Mr. Fulton: "I have all the names, but I read them and said to myself, who should we call?"
Mr. Baron: "No, sir. You are talking about the 55-page report. I am talking about the 500-page report."
Mr. Teague: "Your report went to the chairman of the full committee, not to me. He told me he received
it."
Mr. Baron: "I have a 500- page report. I have an opening statement which I wanted to read, which
described this 500-page report, and in this I think you can get all the possible names that there are, the
times, the dates, the tests that were being run and the internal letters of the company, proper
specifications, especially in regard to flammability of materials. All this is in this new report."
Mr. Fulton: "When did you start to take such a serious and active interest in what you felt was what you
felt was wrong and kept such detailed records? Why did you do it? Why didn't you refer it to someone
else within your company who had responsibility to investigate?"
Mr. Baron: "This was done. I started working for this company in September 1965. I started taking notes
in November of 1965 when I was assigned to the pad 34 complex. All my daily notes and many, many
more letters and reports I had made out were sent up through my headman and through assistant
supervision. If they did not get through to the top then I don't know what happened to the notes and
letters. But they were sent up. The information in either of my reports were given to North American on
a time-to-time basis, on a daily basis, practically. I used to run my supervisor out of these forms because
I had so many letters, because I used to write so many of these letters about discrepant actions."
Mr. Fulton: "Did other people who were working with you do this too, or were you the only one?"
Mr. Baron: "I don't believe anybody did it to the extent that I did it, sir."
Mr. Fulton: "That is all, sir."
Mr. Wydler: "Could I suggest that if Mr. Baron has some concluding remarks, or if he would like to
submit a statement for the record, that he may be afforded an opportunity? I see you have something
before you, and perhaps you would like to put it in."
Mr. Baron: "I think I have covered most of it. I have a report that I would like to be submitted as part of
the record, the 500-page report."
Mr. Wydler: "That means printing it. That is something we should leave to the committee, something of
that length, whether we want to print it as part of the public documents. We can take it as an exhibit.
Whether we will print it as part of the public record is something we should decide after we see it. Is that
all right with you?"
Mr. Baron: "Yes."
Mr. Teague: "I think we are through with you. The Board has found some of the things you have said to
be true. What you have done has caused North American to search their procedures. Thank you very
much."
Mr. Baron: "Thank you."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Holmburg, are you in the room?" (whereupon Mervin Holmburg was called before the
committee, and being first duly sworn was examined and replied as follows:)
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Holmburg, did yo come here of your own free will?"
Mr. Holmburg: "Yes, sir."
Mr. Teague: "Would you give us your full name and address for the sake of the record?"
Mr. Holmburg: "Mervin Holmburg. 3031 Pimbrook Road, Titusville, Florida."
Mr. Teague: "Mr. Holmburg, Mr. Baron has testified, as I am sure you know, that you told him that you
knew what caused the accident and all about it. Did you ever tell in anything of that nature?"
Mr. Holmburg: "No, sir."
Mr. Fulton: "Will you put your hand down away from your mouth?"
Mr. Teague: "Did you ever discuss the cause of the accident in a drugstore with Mr. Baron?"
Mr. Holmburg: "No. I talked to him many times in the drugstore, but that was about it."
Mr. Teague: "But you did not say that you and other people know what caused the fire?"
Mr. Holmburg: "No, sir."
Mr. Daddario: "What was the nature of your conversation with him on those occasions in the
drugstore?"
Mr. Holmburg: "Well, most of them was about his report, why he wrote it and when he wrote it and so
forth. Whether he was making progress on it."
Mr. Daddario: "Did you in any instance, while he was relaxing this to you, agree with him as to the
difficulties which the Apollo spacecraft had run into and the tragedy that had occurred which would
give him any indication that you did have the answer to the problem which caused the fire?"
Mr. Holmburg: "Never."
Mr. Daddario: "Can you say that with as clear a recollection as possible of the conversation you had
with Mr. Baron?"
Mr. Holmburg: "Yes, sir. I bumped into him accidentally almost every time I met him. I told him I
shouldn't even be talking with him because of the report he is writing, and he is probably being watched.
He gets all his information from anonymous phone calls, people calling him and people dropping him a
word here and there. That is what he tells me."
Mr. Daddario: "What caused you to come here today? We had not scheduled you as a witness. I had no
idea; in fact, I can't recall that I ever heard your name before today. What brought you here?"
Mr. Holmburg: "Well, I work right outside the door here, and it is my time to come to work now."
Mr. Daddario: "Why would you have asked that you might be allowed to testify?"
Mr. Holmburg: "Well, Mr. Baron had brought my name up a couple of times in here, and I thought I
should come in here to defend it."
Mr. Daddario: "You come here for that purpose?"
Mr. Holmburg: "Yes, sir."
Mr. Wydler: "Who told you that?"
Mr. Holmburg: "I can't recall who that was now."
Mr. Wydler: "You mean you can't recall who told you that?"
Mr. Holmburg: "There are several people right outside the door and I overheard it being mentioned."
Mr. Smart: "I am Mr. Robert Smart, Assistant to the President of North American Aviation. When Mr.
Holmburg's name was injected into this testimony in the manner in which all of you know, I did not feel
that we could leave it unanswered at this time, if there was an answer to it, therefore I asked one of our
employees here to see if he could find him. He did find him. He asked him to come out in the hall. I told
him the accusations which had been made by Mr. Baron. If he wanted to appear and testify under oath,
to tell the truth, that he would have an opportunity, and I then came in - - and he said he did want to so
testify - - I came in, and I sent that word to Mr. Teague, and you know what has happened from that
point to now."
Mr. Wydler: "I do."
Mr. Teague: "We have 2 minutes left, Mr. Wydler."
Mr. Wydler: "Did you ever speak with Mr. Baron about the 012 fire?"
Mr. Holmburg: "Casually, yes."
Mr. Wydler: "What does that mean, "casually?""
Mr. Holmburg: "He has ideas of what caused the fire. He did most of the talking about it and I listened
to speculations on that thing. I never made any comments about what caused it or I never told him
exactly what caused it. I was never near the accident when it happened."
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Mr. Fulton: "Mr. Chairman."

Mr. Teague: "One question."
Mr. Fulton: "You are certain at no time you gave any statement that you had knowledge of the cause of
the Apollo 204 accident that killed three astronauts, that you at no time said that they were in the
capsule for 5 minutes without getting out, nor that there had been 9 minutes' noticed of a fire and
nothing was done about it?"
Mr. Holmburg: "No, sir."
Mr. Fulton: "You are absolutely sure?"
Mr. Holmburg: "Yes, sir."
Mr. Fulton: "Thank you. That is all."
Mr. Teauge: "The committee will be adjourned."
Mr. Wydler: "I would just like to get straight for the record that I have certain additional witnesses that I
would like to see before the committee here. I will take this up at the time that the Chair suggests would
be the most convenient time. But, I want to make it clear as we adjourn here today that I will make this
request sometime either in executive session or public sessions, whichever may turn out to be the best
time. I would like to, however, say that I would like to see one thing, and I think the committee should
see it. That is the picture, and I think there are moving pictures of the fire that was simulated of the 012
spacecraft fire. They simulated the fire. NASA did some test somewhere, I would like to see the motion
pictures of that fire if there are any motion pictures of that test."
Mr. Teague: "The committee is adjourned."
Mr. Daddario: "Mr. Chairman, one moment, before you adjourn. I would like to just say one thing at this
time. One matter has stood in my mind since we questioned some of the people at the top of the pad
where the tragedy took place. The names of the men I don't recall, but I am referring to the pad leader
and the people with him. I would like to have their names. (Information requested is as follows)
D.O. Babbitt, NAA Pad Leader.
J.D. Gleaves, NAA Quality Control.
L.D. Reece, NAA Quality Control.
H.H. Rogers, NASA Quality Control.
Above personnel are those interviewed by the Committee at Complex 34 on the morning of April 21,
1967. For a complete list of those personnel on level A-7 and A-8 of the Service Structure during the
accident, refer to Panel 12 report, pages D-12-7 through D-12-9.
Mr. Daddario: "I believe that under the conditions that they were operating under at the time of the
accident-the great heat, flame, and smoke, these men, notwithstanding the finding of the Board that there
was not adequate fire and rescue teams available at the time, and acting on their own under extremely
dangerous conditions, acted with great courage. I think that we all ought to commend them, and
understand that they reacted as competent, experienced and brave men should. We are in their debt for
what they tried to do on that day."
Mr. Teague: "I certainly agree with the gentlemen, and the committee is adjourned."
( At 3 p.m., the committee was adjourned.)

Researchers believe that Baron's report would have been instrumental in halting the Apollo
program. Exactly one week after giving testimony on April 27, 1967, Thomas Baron, and his wife and
stepdaughter, were killed when a train crashed into their car.
Even though it is on record that the 500 page report was given to the committee, and there is a
video of him walking into the proceedings with the report wedged under his arm, the report disappeared
after his death and has never resurfaced.

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 LIGHTS, CAMERA, ACTION
Researchers cite NASA's own photographs and film footage as proof man never walked on the
Moon. The problem with the still images start with the camera itself.

Hasselblad camera
Astronauts of Apollo 11 were issued two Hasselblad 500 EL cameras of which only one was
used. It had an electric motor that ran on two ordinary D 2 batteries. The motor was used to advance the
film. A magazine was loaded into the camera that contained 35 feet of 70 mm Kodak film capable of
producing 150 photographs. The camera was mounted to a bracket in the center of the astronaut's
spacesuit.
Due to restriction of movement in the spacesuit, the astronaut could not look down and see the
camera so modifications were made to the camera for ease of use. The viewfinder was removed. This
made framing a perfect shot visually impossible. The astronauts had to rely on a point and click method.
Point their chest at the subject and press the shutter button. The cameras also did not contain any form of
light metering or even automatic exposure. For focusing, the f-stop was kept high and a wide angle (60
mm) lens was used. The result is a large depth of field.
Researchers and photographic experts have uncovered hundreds upon hundreds of anomalies in the
still photos and film footage that contradict NASA's official version of events.
The most iconic Apollo 11 image was taken by Neil Armstrong of Buzz Aldrin on the Moon. NASA
sent the image below to newspapers and magazines all over the world. You can see Armstrong's
reflection in Aldrin's face mask. It's a perfect image. Too perfect some photographic experts say.

Professional photographer and researcher, Marcus Allen used the same model Hasselblad 500 El
camera during the course of his career. He points out that the background in the photo above is out of
focus which would not be the case had this photo been taken with a wide angle lens (which was the only
lens the astronauts took with them). This iconic photo was taken instead with a telephoto lens.
Another problem is that Buzz Aldrin is standing in a pool of light that is not the sun. NASA did not
have a secondary light source, yet Aldrin is clearly illuminated by a spotlight.
 Jan Lundberg, a photographic expert, was the Space Projects Manager for Hasselblad from 1966 to
1975 and was the person who modified the cameras for the Apollo missions. In a filmed interview in
2000 for the documentary What Happened On The Moon, Lundberg was handed the iconic image of
Buzz Aldrin and asked if he was indeed standing in a spotlight. Lundberg replied, "Yes, it seems like he's
standing in a spotlight. And I can't explain that. That escapes me why. You'd have to ask the astronaut..."
Researchers also pointed out that in the original image NASA distributed there is no antenna. The
antenna was crucial because without it there would be no way to communicate with Armstrong, Collins
in the orbiting ship above, or Houston back on Earth. In the diagram below the antenna is clearly shown
to be part of the suit.

Researchers claim that NASA addressed both the spotlight and no antenna issue by photoshopping
the iconic image for later distribution. In the side by side images below we can see the differences.

In the later photo the image has been cropped to cut off the view above the suit hiding the fact there
is no antenna. The photo was also brightened to wash out the effect of the spotlight in the original image.
Arguably the largest problem with the image is that you can make out the details at all. The extreme
temperatures would have reeked havoc with the camera's function and the film. For the film to advance
required the electric motor to run on two D batteries. The temperatures in excess of 200° in the sun and
minus in the shade would essentially kill ordinary D batteries.
When asked what protection the cameras were given to protect against radiation and the extreme
temperatures, Jan Lundberg replied, "They were not protected at all other than being painted silver...
they might have had trouble if the film got too cold. Because then it cracked."
Investigative reporter, James Collier contacted Kodak and asked at what temperature does film melt?
The answer was 150°. How was it possible that in an unprotected Hasselblad, electric motor, camera the
film operated perfectly in temperatures reaching 275°?
 Even if the cameras and film were magically able to survive and perform in such hostile conditions
the images would have been worthless thanks to radiation.
Dr. David Groves is a physicist and holographic computer image analyst. He tested a film strip
against radiation, the same film used in the Apollo Hasselblad cameras. During a filmed interview in
2000, Groves said, "the lowest radiation dose we applied to the film was 25 rem. After exposure to the
25 rem radiation the image is almost entirely obliterated. This means, in my estimation, a dose as little
as 5 rem would seriously undermine the transparency. It would look significantly fogged. It would be a
very thin image."
Images taken at the Chernobyl reactor after the accident were fogged out due to the radiation. Even
with our protective atmosphere photographs taken on earth loose there images over time. This is due to
radiation.
After examining NASA's Apollo images, Dr. David Groves had this to say, "I would expect to see on
the transparencies evidence of small bright dots where high velocity nuclear particle had imprinted on
that film. I have no evidence whatsoever that this has occurred. We're protected here on earth by a nice
thick atmosphere, and that combined by the magnetic field keep these ionizing particles away from us
and film of course.
In space you are not offered that protection. To prevent an ionizing particle, or very energetic
particles you get in space, from damaging the film you would need significant thickness of lead
protecting that film."
Of course we know there was no such protection. Jan Lundberg said the cameras were: "not
protected at all."
What about letting an independent third party examine the Apollo 11 cameras to see if they could
perform as NASA stated? Nope. NASA says the cameras were left on the Moon.
A major problem with the Apollo photographs are the sheer number that were taken. Photographic
specialist Jack White conducted an in-depth mathematical study on this topic. Here's a breakdown of
how many photos were taken on each mission:
Apollo 11 (121)
Apollo 12 (504)
Apollo 14 (374)
Apollo 15 (1,021)
Apollo 16 (1,765)
Apollo 17 (1,986)
That makes a total of 5,771 photographs taken by astronauts on the Moon. The problem was the time
allowed. The following is from Shattering the Matrix: "That seemed excessively large to me, considering
that their TIME on the lunar surface was limited, and the astronauts had MANY OTHER TASKS OTHER
THAN PHOTOGRAPHY. So I returned to the Lunar Surface Journal to find how much TIME was
available to do all the scientific tasks AS WELL AS PHOTOGRAPHY.
Apollo 11....1 EVA....2 hours, 31 minutes....(151 minutes) Apollo 12....2 EVAs....7 hours, 50
minutes....470 minutes) Apollo 14....2 EVAs....9 hours, 25 minutes....(565 minutes) Apollo 15....3
EVA's....18 hours, 30 minutes.... (1110 minutes) Apollo 16....3 EVAs....20 hours, 14 minutes....(1214
minutes) Apollo 17....3 EVAs....22 hours, 04 minutes.... (1324 minutes)
Total minutes on the Moon amounted to 4834 minutes. Total number of photographs taken was 5771
photos.
Hmmmmm. That amounts to 1.19 photos taken EVERY MINUTE of time on the Moon,
REGARDLESS OF OTHER ACTIVITIES. (That requires the taking of ONE PHOTO EVERY 50
SECONDS!)"
 Taking into account that there were only two astronauts on the Moon at any given time, White
calculated how much time it took to perform all of the scientific tasks and how much time it left for
taking photographs. Here are some of his conclusions: "Apollo 11...subtract 2 hours (120 mins), leaving
031 mins for taking photos. Apollo 12...subtract 4 hours (240 mins), leaving 230 mins for taking photos.
Apollo 14... subtract 3 hours (180 mins), leaving 385 mins for taking photos. Apollo 15...subtract 6
hours (360 mins), leaving 750 mins for taking photos. Apollo 16...subtract 6 hours (360 mins), leaving
854 mins for taking photos. Apollo 17...subtract 8 hours (480 mins), leaving 844 mins for taking photos.
So do the math:
Apollo 11....one photo every 15 seconds. Apollo 12....one photo every 27 seconds. Apollo 14....one
photo every 62 seconds. Apollo 15....one photo every 44 seconds. Apollo 16....one photo every 29
seconds. Apollo 17....one photo every 26 seconds.
...Was it possible to take that many photos in so short a time? Any professional photographer will tell
you it cannot be done. Virtually every photo was a different scene or in a different place, requiring
travel. As much as 30 miles travel was required to reach some of the photo sites. Extra care had to be
taken shooting some stereo pairs and panoramas. Each picture was taken without a viewfinder, using
manual camera settings, with no automatic metering, while wearing a bulky spacesuit and stiff clumsy
gloves."
Numbers do not lie. There simply was not enough time for the astronauts to have completed all of the
recorded tasks and take the volume of photos claimed.
The following timeline is from EP-72 Log of Apollo 11:
"JULY 16
9:32 a.m. EDT- On schedule to within less than a second, Apollo 11 blasts off from Launch Pad 39A
at Cape Kennedy, Florida to start what is looked upon as the greatest single step in human history-a trip
to the Moon, a manned landing and return to Earth.
Watching is a world-wide television audience and an estimated million eyewitnesses. Standing three
and one-half miles away on the sandblast or seated in grandstands are half the members of the United
States Congress and more than 3,000 newsmen from 56 countries.
Strapped to their couches in the command module atop the 363-foot, 7.6-million-pound thrust space
vehicle are three astronauts, each born in 1930, each weighing 165 pounds, all within an inch of the
same height-five feet, 11 inches. They are Commander Neil A. Armstrong, civilian and ex-test pilot;
Command Module Pilot Michael Collins, and Lunar Module Pilot Edwin E. (Buzz) Aldrin, Jr., the latter
two, officers of the U.S. Air Force.
The launch comes after a 28-hour countdown. It takes place in highly suitable weather, with winds 10
knots from the southeast, temperature in the mid-80's, and clouds at 15,000 feet.
At 4:15 a.m., the astronauts had been awakened. After a breakfast of orange juice, steak, scrambled
eggs, toast and coffee, they began suiting up at 5:35 a.m At 6:27 a.m., they left in an air-conditioned van
for the launch pad eight miles away. At 6:54 a.m., Armstrong entered the command module and took
position on the left. He was followed five minutes later by Collins on the right, and Aldrin, in the center.
Two minor problems that developed in the ground equipment, a leaky valve and a faulty signal light
were corrected while the astronauts were en route to the pad.
The Apollo access arm retracted at 9:27 a.m. Eight and nine-tenths seconds before launch time, the
first of the Saturn V's first stage engines ignited. From the viewing stands, the flame appeared as a
bright yellow-orange star on the horizon. Soon the other four engines fired and the light of the first
engine became a huge fireball that lit the scene like a rising Sun. No sound was heard. For two seconds
the vehicle built up thrust. The hold down clamps were released and the space vehicle began moving
slowly upward from the pad, as near 9:32 a.m. as human effort could make it.
 Free ebooks ==> www.Ebook777.com

As it reached the top of the service tower, the hard-edged clattering thunder of the firing engines [3]
rolled over the scrubby Florida landscape and engulfed the viewers like a tidal wave. They witnessed the
beginning of the fifth manned Apollo flight, the third to the vicinity of the Moon and the first lunar
landing mission.
From Launch Control the last words were: "Good luck and Godspeed." Commander Armstrong
replied, "Thank you very much. We know this will be a good flight."
9:35 a.m. - The spacecraft is 37 nautical miles high, downrange 61 nautical miles and traveling at
9,300 feet per second or about 6,340 miles per hour. Armstrong confirms the engine skirt and launch
escape tower separations.
9:44 a.m. - With the three Saturn stages fired one after the another and the first two jettisoned,
Apollo 11 enters a 103 nautical mile-high Earth orbit, during which the vehicle is carefully checked by
the astronauts and by the ground control crew.
12:22 p.m. - Another firing of the third-stage engine, still attached to the command service module,
boots Apollo 11 out of orbit midway in its second trip around the Earth and onto its lunar trajectory at
an initial speed of 24,200 miles an hour.
12:49 p.m. - While the spacecraft moves farther and farther from Earth, the lunar landing craft,
code-named Eagle is unpacked from its compartment atop the launch rockets. The astronauts first fire
some explosive bolts. These cause the main spaceship, given the came Columbia, to separate from the
adapter and blow apart the four panels that make up its sides, exposing the lunar module (LM) tucked
inside. They stop the spacecraft about 100 feet away - 34 feet farther than they were supposed to turn
the ship around, facing the landing craft, and dock head-to-head with it. The docking complete, the LM's
connections with the adapter are blown loose and the mated command/service and lunar modules
separate from the rocket and continue alone toward the Moon.
2:38 p.m. - By dumping its leftover fuel the third rocket stage is fired into a long solar orbit to
remove it from Apollo 11's path.
2:43 p.m. - With the flight on schedule and proceeding satisfactorily, the first scheduled midcourse
correction is considered unnecessary.
2:54 p.m. - The spacecraft is reported 22,000 nautical miles from Earth and traveling at 12,914 feet
per second. Crew members keep busy with housekeeping duties.
8:52 p.m. - Mission Control at Houston, Texas, says good night to the crew as they prepare to go to
sleep two hours early.
10:59 p.m. - Because of the pull of Earth's gravity, the spacecraft has slowed to 7,279 feet per second
at a distance of 63,880 nautical miles from Earth.
JULY 17
8:48 a.m. - Mission Control gives Apollo crew a brief review of the morning news, including sports
developments. They are informed about the progress of the Russian space ship Lunar 15 and that Vice
President Spiro T. Agnew, ranking government official at the Apollo 11 blastoff, has called for putting a
man on Mars by the year 2000.
12:17 p.m. - Midcourse correction is made with a three-second burn, sharpening the course of the
spacecraft and testing the engine that must get them in and out of lunar orbit.
7:31 p.m. - Astronauts begin first scheduled color telecast from spacecraft, showing view of the Earth
from a distance of about 128,000 nautical miles. During the 36-minute transmission, views are also
shown of the inside of the command module.
9:42 p.m. - Mission Control bids the crew goodnight.
JULY 18
9:41 a.m. - Mission Control lets Astronauts sleep an hour later than scheduled on the third day of the
outward journey. After breakfast, they begin housekeeping chores, such as charging batteries, dumping

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waste water, and checking fuel and oxygen reserves. Announcement is made to them that course
corrections scheduled for afternoon will not be necessary.
2:57 p.m. - Astronauts are given report on day's news.
4:40 p.m. - One of the clearest television transmissions ever sent from space is begun, with the
spacecraft 175,000 nautical miles from Earth and 48,000 from the Moon. It lasts an hour and 36
minutes. While in progress, the hatch to the LM is opened and Armstrong squeezes through the 30-inch-
wide tunnel to inspect it. He is followed by Aldrin.
10:00 p.m. - Mission Control tells the crew goodnight.
11:12 p.m. - Velocity of spacecraft has slowed to 2,990 ft. per second just before entering the Moon's
sphere of influence at a point 33,823 nautical miles away from it.
JULY 19
6:58 a.m. - Astronauts call Mission Control to inquire about scheduled course correction and are
told it has been canceled. They are also advised they may go back to sleep.
8:32 a.m. - Mission Control signals to arouse crew and to start them on breakfast and housekeeping
chores.
10:01 a.m. - Astronauts are given review of the day's news and are told of worldwide interest in
Moon mission.
10:31 a.m. - Collin's reports: "Houston, it's been a real change for us. Now we are able to see stars
again and recognize constellations for the first time on the trip. The sky is full of stars, just like the
nights on Earth. But all the way here we have just been able to see stars occasionally and perhaps
through monoculars, but not recognize any star pattern."
10:42 a.m. - Armstrong announces: "The view of the Moon that we've been having recently is really
spectacular. It fills about three-quarters of the hatch windows and, of course, we can see the entire
circumference, even through part of it is in complete shadow and part of it's in earth-shine. It's a view
worth the price of the trip."
12:58 p.m. - The crew is informed by Mission Control: "We're 23 minutes away from the LOI (Lunar
Orbit Insertion) burn. Flight Director Cliff Charlesworth is polling flight controllers for its status now."
Then quickly, seconds later: "You are go for LOI." Aldrin replies: "Roger, go for LOI."
1:13 p.m. - Spacecraft passes completely behind the Moon and out of radio contact with the Earth
for the first time.
1:28 p.m. - The spacecraft's main rocket, a 20,500-pound-thrust engine, is fired for about six minutes
to slow the vehicle so that it can be captured by lunar gravity. It is still behind the Moon. The resulting
orbit ranges from a low of 61.3 nautical miles to a high of 168.8 nautical miles.
1:55 p.m. - Armstrong tells Mission Control: "We're getting this first view of the landing approach.
This time we are going over the Taruntius crater and the pictures and maps brought by Apollo 8 and 10
give us a very good preview of what to look at here. It looks very much like the pictures, but like the
difference between watching a real football game and watching it on TV-no substitute for actually being
here."
About 15 minutes later he adds: "It gets to be a lighter gray, and as you get closer to the sub-solar
point, you can definitely see browns and tans on the ground."
And a few moments still later: "When a star sets up here, there's no doubt about it. One instant it's
there and the next instant it's just completely gone."
3:56 p.m. - A 35-minute telecast of the Moon's surface begins. Passing westward along the eastern
edge of the Moon's visible side, the camera is focused especially on the area chosen as a landing site.
5:44 p.m. - A second burn of the spacecraft's main engine, this one for 17 seconds, is employed while
the spacecraft is on the back side of the Moon to stabilize the orbit at about 54 by 66 nautical miles.
 6:57 p.m. - Armstrong and Aldrin crawl through the tunnel into the lunar module to give it another
check. The spacecraft is orbiting the Moon every two hours.
JULY 20
9:27 a.m. - Aldrin crawls into the lunar module and starts to power-up the spacecraft. About an hour
later, Armstrong enters the LM and together they continue to check the systems and deploy the landing
legs.
1:46 p.m. - The landing craft is separated from the command module, in which Collins continues to
orbit the Moon.
2:12 p.m. - Collins fires the command ship's rockets and moves about two miles away.
3:08 p.m. - Armstrong and Aldrin, flying feet first and face down, fire the landing craft's engine for
the first time.
3:47 p.m. - Collins, flying the command ship from behind the Moon, reports to Earth that the landing
craft is on its way down to the lunar surface. It is the first Mission Control has heard of the action.
"Everything's going just swimmingly. Beautiful!" Collins reports.
4:05 p.m. -Armstrong throttles up the engine to slow the LM before dropping down on the lunar
surface. The landing is not easy. The site they approach is four miles from the target point, on the
southwestern edge of the Sea of Tranquility. Seeing that they are approaching a crater about the size of
a football field and covered with large rocks, Armstrong takes over manual control and steers the craft
to a smoother spot. His heartbeat has risen from a normal 77 to 156.
While Armstrong flies the landing craft, Aldrin gives him altitude readings: "Seven hundred and fifty
feet, coming down at 23 degrees... 700 feet, 21 down...400 feet, down at nine...Got the shadow out
there...75 feet, things looking good...Lights on...Picking up some dust...30 feet, 2 1/2 down... Faint
shadow...Four forward. Four forward, drifting to the right a little...Contact light. Okay, engine stop."
When the 68-inch probes beneath three of the spacecraft's four footpads touch down, flashing a light
on the instrument panel, Armstrong shuts off the ship's engine.
4:18 p.m. - The craft settles down with a jolt almost like that of a jet landing on a runway. It is at an
angle of no more than four or five degrees on the right side of the Moon as seen from Earth. Armstrong
immediately radios Mission Control: "The Eagle has landed."
Aldrin, looking out of the LM window, reports: "We'll get to the details around here, but it looks like a
collection of just about every variety of shapes, angularities and granularities, every variety of rock you
could find. The colors vary pretty much depending on how you're looking...There doesn't appear to be
much of a general color at all; however, it looks as though some of the rocks and boulders, of which
there are quite a few in the near area...are going to have some interesting colors to them."
A few moments later he tells of seeing numbers of craters, some of them 100 feet across, but the
largest number only one or two feet in diameter. He sees ridges 20 or 30 feet high, two-foot blocks with
angular edges, and a hill half a mile to a mile away.
Finally, in describing the surface, Aldrin says: "It's pretty much without color. It's gray and it's a very
white chalky gray, as you look into the zero phase line, and it's considerably darker gray, more like
ashen gray as you look up 90 degrees to the Sun. Some of the surface rocks close in here that have been
fractured or disturbed by the rocket engine are coated with the light gray on the outside but when they've
been broken they display a dark, very dark gray interior, and it looks like it could be country basalt."
The first task after landing is that of preparing the ship for launching, of seeing that all is in
readiness to make the ascent back to a rendezvous with the command spacecraft orbiting above.
6:00 p.m. - With everything in order, Armstrong radios a recommendation that they plan to start the
EVA (Extra Vehicular Activity), earlier than originally scheduled, at about 9:00 p.m. EDT. Mission
Control replies: "We will support you anytime."
 10:39 p.m. - Later than proposed at 6:00 p.m., but more than five hours ahead of the original
schedule, Armstrong opens the LM hatch and squeezes through the opening. It is a slow process.
Strapped to his shoulders is a portable life support and communications system weighing 84 pounds on
Earth, 14 on the Moon, with provision for pressurization; oxygen requirements and removal of carbon
dioxide.
Armstrong moves slowly down the 10-foot, nine-step ladder. On reaching the second step, he pulls a
"D-ring," within easy reach, deploying a television camera, so arranged on the LM that it will depict
him to Earth as he proceeded from that point.
Down the ladder he moves and halts on the last step. "I'm at the foot of the ladder," he reports. "The
LM footpads are only depressed in the surface about one or two inches... the surface appears to be very,
very fine-grained, as you get close to it, it's almost like a powder."
10:56 p.m. - Armstrong puts his left foot to the Moon. It is the first time in history that man has ever
stepped on anything that has not existed on or originated from the Earth.
"That's one small step for a man, one giant leap for mankind," Armstrong radios. Aldrin is taking
photographs from inside the spacecraft.
The first print made by the weight of man on the Moon is that of a lunar boot which resembles an
oversized galosh. Its soles are of silicon rubber and its 14-layer sidewalls of aluminized plastic.
Specially designed for super-insulation, it protects against abrasion and has reduced friction to
facilitate donning. On Earth, it weighs four pounds, nine ounces. On the Moon, 12 ounces.
Armstrong surveys his surroundings for a while and then moves out, testing himself in a gravity
environment one-sixth of that on Earth. "The surface is fine and powdery," he says. "I can pick it up
loosely with my toe. It does adhere in fine layers like powdered charcoal to the sole and sides of my
boots. I only go in a small fraction of an inch. Maybe an eighth of an inch, but I can see the footprints of
my boots and the treads in the fine sandy particles. There seems to be no difficulty in moving around as
we suspected. It's even perhaps easier than the simulations..."
Feeling more confident, Armstrong begins making a preliminary collection of soil samples to the
landing craft. This is done with a bag on the end of a pole.
"This is very interesting," he comments. "It's a very soft surface, but here and there...I run into a very
hard surface, but it appears to be very cohesive material of some sort...it has a stark beauty all its own.
It's like much of the high desert of the United States."
He collects a small bagful of soil and stores it in a pocket on the left leg of his spacesuit. This is done
early, according to plan, to make sure some of the Moon surface is returned to Earth in case the mission
has to be cut short.
11:11 p.m. - After lowering a Hasselblad still camera to Armstrong, Aldrin emerges from the landing
craft and backs down the ladder, while his companion photographs him.
"These rocks...are rather slippery," Armstrong says. The astronauts report that the powdery surface
seems to fill up the fine pores on the rocks, and they tend to slide over them rather easily.
Armstrong fits a long focal length lens into position on the TV camera and trains it upon a small,
stainless steel plaque on one of the legs of the landing craft. He reads: "Here men from the planet Earth
first set foot on the Moon. July 1969 A.D. We came in peace for all mankind." Below the inscription are
the names of the Apollo crew and President Nixon.
Armstrong next removes the TV camera from its fixed position on the LM and moves it away about 40
feet so it can cover the area in which the astronauts will operate.
As scheduled, the astronauts set up the first of three experiments. From an outside storage
compartment in the LM, Aldrin removes a foot-long tube containing a roll of aluminum foil. Inside the
roll is a telescoped pole that is driven into the lunar surface, after which the foil is suspended from it,
with the side marked "Sun" next to the Sun. Its function will be to collect the particles of "solar wind"
blowing constantly through space so that they can be brought back and analyzed in the hope they will
provide information on how the Sun and planets were formed.
11:41 p.m. - From a leg of the spacecraft, the astronauts take a three-by-five-foot, nylon United
States flag, its top edge braced by a spring wire to keep it extended on the windless Moon and erect it on
a staff pressed into the lunar surface.
Taken to the Moon are two other U.S. flags, to be brought back and flown over the houses of
Congress, the flags of the 50 States, the District of Columbia and U.S. territories, as well as those of 136
foreign countries.
11:47 p.m. - Mission Control announces: "The President of the United States is in his office now and
would like to say a few words to you." Armstrong replies: "That would be an honor."
11:48 p.m. - The astronauts listen as the President speaks by telephone: "Neil and Buzz. I am talking
to you from the Oval Room at the White House. And this certainly has to be the most historic telephone
call ever name for every American this has to be the proudest day of our lives. And for people all over
the world I am sure they, too, join with Americans in recognizing what a feat this is. Because of what
you have done, the heavens have become a part of man's world. As you talk to us from the Sea of
Tranquility, it inspires us to redouble our efforts to bring peace and tranquility to Earth. For one
priceless moment, in the whole history of man, all the people on this Earth are truly one."
As the President finishes speaking, Armstrong replies: "Thank you, Mr. President. It's a great honor
and privilege for us to be here representing not only the United States but men of peace of all nations.
And with interest and a curiosity and a vision for the future. It's an honor for us to be able to participate
here today."
The two astronauts stand at attention, saluting directly toward the television as the telephone
conversation concludes.
Armstrong next sets up a folding table and opens on it two specimen boxes. Using tongs and the
lunar scoop, a quantity of rocks and soil are picked up and sealed in the boxes, preparatory to placing
them in the ascent stage of the landing craft.
Aldrin, meanwhile, opens another compartment in the ship and removes two devices to be left on the
Moon, taking each out about 30 feet from the ship. One is a seismic detector, to record moonquakes,
meteorite impact, or volcanic eruption, and the other a laser-reflector, a device designed to make more
precise measurement of Earth-Moon distances than has ever been possible before.
JULY 21
12:54 a.m. - After checking with Mission Control to make sure all chores have been completed,
experiments set up, and photographs taken, Aldrin starts back up the ladder to re-enter the LM.
1:09 a.m. - The hatch is closed. The astronauts begin removing the portable life support systems on
which they have depended for two hours and 47 minutes.
4:25 a.m. - Astronauts are told to go to sleep, after attending to final housekeeping details and
answering a number of questions concerning the geology of the Moon.
9:44 a.m. - Shortly after arousing Collins, still circling the Moon in the Command/Service module,
Mission Control observes: "Not since Adam has any human known such solitude as Mike Collins is
experiencing during this 47 minutes of each lunar revolution when he's behind the Moon with no one to
talk to except his tape recorder aboard Columbia."
11:13 a.m. - The astronauts in Eagle are aroused. Aldrin announces: "Neil has rigged himself a
really good hammock...and he's been lying on the hatch and engine cover, and I curled up on the floor."
12:42 p.m. - Answering a question raised before they went to sleep, Aldrin reports: "We are in a
boulder field where boulders range generally up to two feet, with a few larger than that...Some of the
boulders are lying on top of the surface, some are partially exposed, and some are just barely exposed."
 1:54 p.m. - Ascent engine is started and LM, using descent stage as a launch pad, begins rising and
reaches a vertical speed of 80 feet per second at 1,000 feet altitude.
The astronauts take with them in the ascent stage the soil samples, the aluminum foil with the "solar
wind" particles it has collected, the film used in taking photographs with still and motion picture
cameras, the flags and other mementos to be returned to Earth. Behind they leave a number of items,
reducing the weight of the ship from 15,897 pounds as it landed on the Moon to 10,821 pounds.
The largest item left behind is the descent stage, that part of the landing craft with the plaque on one
of its spidery legs. Others include the TV camera, two still cameras, tools used in collecting samples,
portable life support systems, lunar boots, American flag, rod support for the "solar wind" experiment
instrument, laser beam reflector, seismic detector, and a gnomon, a device to verify colors of objects
photographed.
5:35 p.m. - Eagle re-docks with Columbia while circling on the back side of the Moon.
7:42 p.m. - The landing craft is jettisoned.
JULY 22
12:56 a.m. - While on the back side of the Moon, with the LM 20 miles behind the CSM, the trans-
earth injection burn of Apollo 11 is begun, with the spacecraft traveling at 5,329 feet per second at an
altitude of about 60 nautical miles.
4:30 a.m. - Astronauts start sleep period.
1:00 p.m. - Astronauts begin waking for first day of return trip.
1:39 p.m. - Spacecraft passes point in space, 33,800 nautical miles from the Moon and 174,000 from
the Earth, where the Earth's gravity takes over and begins drawing the astronauts homeward.
4:02 p.m. - Midcourse correction is made to readjust the flight path of the spacecraft.
9:08 p.m. - Eighteen minutes of live TV transmission to Earth begins.
JULY 23
2:14 a.m. - Crew starts sleep period.
12:20 p.m. - Crew awakens. Begins relaxed checking of systems and conversation with Mission
Control.
3:56 p.m. - Spacecraft passes midway point of journey homeward, 101,000 nautical miles from
splashdown.
7:03 p.m. - Final color television transmission begins.
JULY 24
6:47 a.m. - Crew awakens and begins to prepare for splashdown.
12:21 p.m. - Command and service modules are separated.
12:35 p.m. - Command module re-enters the Earth's atmosphere.
12:51 p.m. - Spacecraft splashes down 825 nautical miles southwest of Honolulu and about 13
nautical miles from the recovery ship, the U.S.S. Hornet.
1:20 p.m. - Hatch of command module opens and frogman hands in isolation suits.
1:28 p.m. - Astronauts emerge from the spacecraft in isolation suits and are sprayed with a
disinfectant as a guard against the possibility of their contaminating the Earth with Moon "germs."
1:57 p.m. - Astronauts arrive by helicopter on the flight deck of the Hornet. Still inside the helicopter
they ride an elevator to hangar deck and then walk immediately into the mobile quarantine trailer in
which they will remain until they arrive at the Lunar Receiving Laboratory at Houston early July 27.
3:00 p.m. - President Nixon welcomes the astronauts, visible through a window of the trailer.
Speaking over an intercom, he greets them, extends them an invitation to attend a dinner with him
August 13. and tells them: "This is the greatest week in the history of the world since the Creation...As a
result of what you have done, the world's never been closer together...We can reach for the stars just as
you have reached so far for the stars."
 3:55 p.m. - The command module arrives on board the Hornet after traveling 952,700 nautical miles
since July 16."

Another problem with the photographic record of Apollo 11 is that the photos do not match up with
what was said in the timeline log. On July 20 at 4:18 p.m., Aldrin states that surface rocks have been
disturbed by the "rocket engine", yet the photos do not reflect this. The gold foiled footpads of the Lunar
Module are pristine without so much as a single grain of dust on them. If the thrust of the engine had
indeed fractured and scattered dust and rocks it seems highly improbable, if not impossible, that not a
single grain would have settled on the pads.

At 10:39 p.m., Armstrong reports that the LM footpads are depressed one to two inches, and that the
surface is very, very fine-grained like a powder. Once again the photos do not reflect this. The footpads
are not depressed. The Lunar Module appears to have been lowered down to the ground by a crane and
not a rocket. There is no sign of disturbance beneath the engine and the footpads are resting on top of the
ground and not depressed into it.

1902 A Trip to the Moon

Film footage that researchers cite as absolute proof man never walked on the Moon involves the
Lunar Rover.
The first Rover to explore the Moon wasn't from America at all. On November 17, 1970, Lunokhod 1
from the Soviet Union successfully landed on the Moon.

Soviet Lunokhod 1
The Rover had eight wheels and was operated by engineers in the Soviet Union. The Rover was
powered by solar power during the day and parked at night where thermal energy from a polonium-210
radioisotope heater helped it survive the sever cold of -150°. The Lunokhod 1 operated for 10 months
and traveled 10 km. It took six years for the Mars Rover to explore 12 km. The Lunokhod 1 collected
and sent back data on soil composition and topography. The Rover was replaced two years later by
Lunokhod 2. It possessed updated cameras and equipment. It operated for only four months. It was
suspected that its service was cut short due to dust covering key components which caused it to
overheat.

The concept of a Lunar Rover precedes the first Apollo mission by more than a decade. Collier's
Weekly magazine ran a series of articles from 1952-1954 titled Man Will Conquer Space Soon. The
author was Wernher von Braun. In the articles von Braun stated that man would need vehicles on the
Moon including 10-ton tractor trailers.
By 1964, von Braun was the Director of NASA's Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC). In February
of that year, von Braun wrote in Popular Science that MSFC were conducting studies with Lockheed,
Bendix, General Motors, Brown Engineering, Grumman, Bell Aerospace, and Boeing on the
construction of a lunar surface vehicle.
After studying the feasibility of using lunar roving vehicles it was determined by MSFC that two
Saturn V rockets would be needed for each lunar mission. One rocket would bring the crew and Lunar
Surface Module to the Moon and the other rocket would bring the roving vehicle, equipment and
supplies to operate it. Weight restrictions were simply too great for one Saturn V rocket the get the entire
payload out of orbit. This is consistent with von Braun's calculation that more than one rocket would be
needed in his 1953 book Conquest of the Moon: "It is commonly believed that man will fly directly from
the earth to the Moon, but to do this, we would require a vehicle of such gigantic proportions that it
would prove an economic impossibility. It would have to develop sufficient speed to penetrate the
atmosphere and overcome the earth's gravity and, having traveled all the way to the Moon, it must still
have enough fuel to land safely and make the return trip to earth. Furthermore, in order to give the
expedition a margin of safety, we would not use one ship alone, but a minimum of three ... each rocket
ship would be taller than New York's Empire State Building [almost ¼ mile high] and weigh about ten
times the tonnage of the Queen Mary, or some 800,000 tons."
Just prior to the Apollo 11 launch in July 1969, MSFC sent out a request for proposal for the building
of the Lunar Rover Vehicle (LRV). Grumman, Bendix, Chrysler, and Boeing turned in proposals. On
October 28, 1969, Boeing was awarded the contract.
The initial cost-plus-incentive-fee contract was for $19,000,000. The first LRV was to be delivered
on or before April 1, 1971. Due to cost overruns the final cost was $38,000,000. A total of four Lunar
Rovers were built. Three were used for Apollo missions 15, 16, and 17. The fourth was used for spare
parts after cancelation of the Apollo program.
The purpose of the Rover was to expand the exploratory range for the astronauts who were restricted
to short walking distances due to the life support systems in their spacesuits. Even so, they were required
to travel no further than walking distance from the Lunar Module in case the Rover malfunctioned. The
Rover was designed to travel no faster than 8 mph.
The Rover frame was 10 feet long with a wheelbase of 7.5 feet. The height was 3.6 feet. The frame
was constructed of 2219 aluminum alloy tubing. The Rover weighed 460 pounds with a payload weight
of 1,080 pounds. It was made with welded assemblies and a three-part chassis hinged in the center so
that it could be folded on a 90° angle and placed in the Lunar Module Quadrant 1 bay.

LM at the National Air and Space Museum.

Investigative journalist, James Collier visited the Johnson Space Center in Houston where he was
allowed to take measurements of the Lunar Module. (All the Lunar Modules for all six manned Moon
missions were identical. No modifications were made after the first, or fifth missions. This leads some
researchers to believe that one "model" was used for all the fakery.) The bay in which the Lunar Rover
was to be transported was five-feet in height and six-feet in width in a triangular corner of the LM. The
problem Collier discovered was that the Rover was three-feet too long to fit in the bay. Even with the
Rover folded at 90° it would have been eight-feet long. The bay was only 5-feet long. Collier contacted
Grumman (who constructed the LM) and was told they never increased the size of the bay. Which means
the Saturn 5 rocket would had to have been increased by three-feet in order for it to fit.
Collier traveled to Washington to measure the Lunar Rover and confirmed that even folded it would
not fit. Collier wanted to refer to the schematics on the Rover's construction. He contacted Boeing and
was told all the paper work on the Rover had been destroyed. (He learned that all the paper work on the
Lunar Module had been destroyed as well). What they did have were drawings and illustrations from
press kits.
The following two images are from the Apollo 15 press kit showing where the Rover was stored and
how it was deployed.
 How exactly was the Rover deployed onto the Moon? The following is the audio clip from the
Apollo 15 Lunar Rover deployment:
"119:52:55 - Irwin: "Here's the jett bag, Dave."
119:52:57 - Scott: "I've got it."
119:53:00 - Irwin: "And I'll pass you the LEC."
119:53:02 - Scott: "Okay. Let's see; I certainly don't want to hit that neat little round rock down
there."
119:53:17 - Scott: "Well, the jett bag's gotten pretty dirty."
119:53:38 - Allen: "Jim, Houston. Requesting intermediate cooling."
119:53:47 - Irwin: "Stand by, Joe."
119:54:03 - Scott: "Get it Okay, Jim?"
119:54:09 - Irwin: "Yeah. This should be your portion."
119:54:12 - Scott: "Say again...Yeah. Okay...Let's see here... Fed up with string."
119:54:41 - Irwin: "You tied it too tight."
119:54:42 - Scott: "Oh, yeah!... Okay. Okay. Going down the Rover's side. Okay; it's down... Okay.
Ease on down the ladder here."
119:55:42 - Allen: "Dave, an extraordinary television picture here."
119:55:45 - Scott: "Okay, Houston. As I stand out here in the wonders of the unknown at Hadley, I
sort of realize there's a fundamental truth to our nature. Man must explore... And this is exploration at
its greatest... Well, I see why we're in a tilt... We've got... (Laughter) That's very interesting. There's so
much hummocky ground around here we're on a slope of probably about 10 degrees. And the left-rear
foot pad is probably about 2 feet lower than the right-rear foot pad. And the left-front's a little low too.
But the LM looks like it's in good shape. The Rover's in good shape."
119:57:14 - Scott: "Tell the Program Manager I guess I got his engine bell. (Laughter) It's a little
rise right under the center of the LM. The rear leg's in a crater and the rim of the crater is right
underneath the engine bell."
119:57:32 - Allen: "Roger, Dave. Jim got the message."
119:57:33 - Scott: "Okay. Sorry about that Jim, but IFR landings, you know." (IFR stands for
instrument flight rules).
119:58:00 - Scott: "Okay. ETB. Jim, you can transfer the ETB. I think you'll find the stability is pretty
good."
119:58:05 - Irwin: "Okay."
119:58:23 - Irwin: "Stand by, Dave. Let me..."
119:58:25 - Scott: "Okay. Give me a word, anytime."
119:58:34 - Irwin: "Okay, Dave, it's...Ready?"
119:58:38 - Scott: "Over the rail here. All righty. Down she comes."
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119:59:02 - Scott: "Rather interesting sight, Houston. I can look straight up and see our good Earth
back here."
119:59:08 - Allen: "Roger."
119:59:28 - Scott: "Okay. ETB is on the ladder hook, and we'll pick the old MESA up here."
119:59:32 - Allen: "Roger, Dave. And Jim, the diverter valve is yours - whatever position you'd like.
And did something else come out with the ETB?"
119:59:45 - Scott: "The wrapping on the package for the LEC."
119:59:51 - Allen: "Roger."
120:00:00 - Irwin: "Okay, Dave. I'm going to come on out."
120:00:02 - Scott: "Come on out. It's nice!"
120:00:31 - Scott: "One of the interesting things, Jim, is the momentum you generate. Get going
and... It's easy to get going, but once you get all that momentum going there, why, it takes a bit to stop...
That looks like a reasonable place for the MESA."
120:01:08 - Scott: "Okay; get those locked... I think maybe a little higher."
120:01:33 - Irwin: "Hey, Dave, can you what I'm hung up on here."
120:01:35 - Scott: "Okay; let me come over. Just a second. Stay right there."
120:01:56 - Scott: "Yeah... Coming up to take a look."
120:02:06 - Scott: "Stand by... Okay, come left, Jim. Left."
120:02:13 - Scott: "Okay; now ease back out. Head down... Keep coming. Ease out. That a boy."
120:02:22 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:02:23 - Scott: "Okay; you're clear."
120:02:26 - Irwin: "Okay. I'm closing the hatch."
120:02:29 - Scott: "Oh, and it's dirty out here."
120:02:47 - Scott: "And, Jim, I'm going to put a big circle around this glass ball, so we don't mess it
up. It's pretty neat."
120:02:56 - Irwin: "You want me to take it in the contingency sample?"
120:02:58 - Scott: "Yeah, wish we had... Oh, we ought to document it. We don't lose it."
120:03:04 - Irwin: "Boy, that front pad is really loose, isn't it?"
120:03:09 - Scott: "Yeah."
120:03:10 - Irwin: "Okay; why don't you get my antenna."
120:03:11 - Scott: "Get your visor, Jim. Let me get your antenna."
120:03:17 - Scott: "Gonna open this snap here; take care of that little fellow...Okay Your antenna's
up."
120:03:29 - Irwin: "Your boots are black already."
120:03:30 - Scott: "And so are yours."
120:03:31 - Irwin: "Whad did we decide? I'll get this glass ball here on the..."
120:03:34 - Scott: "No, why don't you save it. Let's document it. It's..."
120:03:37 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:03:38 - Scott: "I've got a circle around."
120:03:39 - Irwin: "Okay. I'm going to move out and get the contingency sample."
120:03:42 - Allen: "Roger, Jim."
120:03:47 - Scott: "How do the PLSSs look now, Joe?"
120:03:49 - Irwin: "Oh, boy. It's beautiful out here! Reminds me of Sun Valley."
120:03:59 - Allen: "Roger, Jim."
120:04:45 - Irwin: "I think I can get a rock here. It's about 2 inches, subrounded,[sic] in the
contingency sample, along with the soil."
120:04:53 - Allen: "Roger, Jim; we copy that. And did Dave get your EV visor down?"

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 120:05:00 - Irwin: "Yup, he did."
120:05:04 - Allen: "Outstanding."
120:05:10 - Scott: "You might note for the next time around that, in addition to the velcro on the
MESA blankets, they have all the tape. It really makes it tough. If we need tape, I guess we ought to
learn how to do it all with tape on there."
120:05:43 - Irwin: "Okay, I have the contingency sample. I'm taking it back to the ladder."
120:05:46 - Allen: "Roger, Jim."
120:06:02 - Irwin: "No wonder we slide, Dave. Boy, that's really soft dirt there around the front
footpad."
120:06:07 - Scott: "Sure is, isn't it?"
120:06:08 - Irwin: "Like about 6 inches deep of soft material."
120:06:13 - Allen: "That's also like Sun Valley, Jim."
120:06:18 - Irwin: "Yeah, powder."
120:06:20 - Scott: "Hey, don't move back; I've got the tripod over here."
120:06:27 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:06:28 - Allen: "That makes for easy trench digging."
120:06:35 - Irwin: "Always thinking, huh, Joe?"
120:06:38 - Allen: "Looking ahead."
120:06:43 - Scott: "Okay, TV's coming off to go to the tripod. There it is; don't step on it."
120:06:48 - Irwin: "I won't."
120:06:50 - Scott: "Let me get this out of your way first, Jim."
120:06:52 - Irwin: "Yeah."
120:07:53 - Scott: "Look at that little glass ball. Let's run it around."
120:07:07 - Irwin: "Hey, I got to do my Fam now!"
120:07:08 - Scott: "Yup."
120:07:43 - Irwin: "A crater here that I'm standing by, Joe, it's about a meter in diameter. And then,
there's a smaller crater right in the center of it, and that one has fragments around it that have glass
exposed on them - where the larger crater does not have any glass exposed. Just the smaller crater
within the large one."
120:07:44 - Allen: "Roger, Jim. Copy. And careful with the Sun, Dave."
120:07:52 - Scott: "Yes, sir! Well, when I turn this thing back and point it at you at 12 o'clock, it's
going to be looking right into the Sun, so you'd better think about that."
120:08:08 - Scott: "Matter of fact, I think a little discretion here might put it over about 10:30 or
11:00."
120:08:12 - Allen: "Roger, Dave. That sounds good."
120:08:17 - Scott: "I'll tell you, looking even that way, with the Sun angle - Oop - why, by golly, it's
pretty bright. Joe, I'm going to swing the camera around towards the ground. And now it's pointing back
at the LM, but down. I want you to take a look as I move it up slowly. Make sure that we're okay on what
you see. Okay?"
120:08:50 - Allen: "Dave, we read all of that. We're getting a beautiful picture now. We're going to
try to wind up with the tripod in the shade, it that's possible, looking back towards the LM."
120:09:03 - Scott: "Yeah, that's possible. We'll do that."
120:09:16 - Allen: "Outstanding."
120:09:20 - Scott: "Okay. Managed to set it right in a crater."
120:09:32 - Irwin: "Okay, Mag C is going on the 16 millimeter."
120:09:37 - Allen: "Mag Charlie?"
120:09:41 - Irwin: "Charlie."
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120:09:45 - Scott: "Okay, Joe. That ought to do it for your TV, I hope."
120:09:49 - Allen: "Dave, we're happy. It looks good."
120:09:56 - Scott: "Okay. You want... You like it like that? Or do you want to go to the settings in the
checklist?"
120:10:04 - Allen: "Stand by, Dave. Stand by."
120:10:08 - Scott: "Okay."
120:10:37 - Irwin: "Dave, I have the camera all configured for those pictures."
120:10:40 - Scott: "Good. Okay, Houston, I'll give you about 10 more seconds."
120:10:49 - Allen: "Roger, Dave. Very slightly more to the right so we can watch the Rover come
down. Looks good. Looks good."
120:10:57 - Scott: "How's that? Okay, you want to leave those settings at f/8 instead of f/11?"
120:11:09 - Allen: "It's okay, Dave. Beautiful. Okay."
120:11:13 - Scott: "Okay... Okay, Jim. Let's take a look at our Rover friend here."
120:11:24 - Scott: "Watch that TV cable. Man, that's really a...
120:11:28 - Irwin: "Yeah, I might trip on...
120:11:29 - Scott: "You know..."
120:11:30 - Irwin: "Let me see if I can get it under the pad so I don't trip on it."
120:11:37 - Scott: "Okay, the outriggers look okay."
120:11:45 - Irwin: "Okay, I'm going to go up the platform."
120:11:48 - Scott: "Okay. Don't pull it yet."
120:11:50 - Irwin: "No."
120:11:56 - Scott: "Aha! One walking hinge was loose. It's reset."
120:12:04 - Irwin: "How about this one over here, Dave? Did you check this one?"
120:12:05 - Scott: "Yeah. I'm going to get it."
120:12:06 - Irwin: "Yeah, because I think it's loose."
120:12:07 - Scott: "Yeah, it's loose, too."
120:12:08 - Irwin: "Yeah."
120:12:10 - Scott: "Both walking hinges were open, Joe."
120:12:12 - Allen: "Roger. Copy."
120:12:12 - Scott: "And they're locked. Chassis looks generally parallel. And...take a look at the
pins."
120:12:28 - Irwin: "Contingency sample's on the platform, Joe."
120:12:31 - Allen: "Roger."
120:12:39 - Scott: "Yeah, I think they're...How does the pins look up there, Jim?...Can you see
those?"
120:12:47 - Irwin: "Pins look okay up here, Dave."
120:12:49 - Scott: "Okay... Glad we learned about those."
120:12:57 - Irwin: "Walking hinges."
120:12:58 - Scott: "walking hinges. A surprise."
120:13:07- Allen: "And, Dave, the LRV tools should come down with that strap."
120:13:14 - Scott: "Yeah. I got it... Okay, I guess we..."
120:13:33 - Irwin: "Let's just lay it in there."
120:13:34 - Scott: "Yeah...And I'll stick it right down here in case we need it...Okay."
120:13:45 - Irwin: "Whenever you're ready."
120:13:47 - Scott: "Get the right tape out."
120:13:48 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:14:08 - Scott: "Okay, Jim, go ahead."

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 120:14:09 - Irwin: "Okay, here it comes."
120:14:15 - Irwin: "Released."
120:14:16 - Scott: "It's released."
120:14:17 - Irwin: "Okay. Coming down."
120:14:19 - Scott: "Now, as you come down, don't disturb our little glass ball."
120:14:22 - Scott: "The Rover's going to come down into a slight tilt to the left. But I think we'll be
okay."
120:14:44 - Irwin: "I want to get the camera, too, Dave."
120:14:45 - Scott: "Yeah."
120:14:46 - Irwin: "Start taking this out."
120:14:49 - Scott: "I'll just start it. It takes a while to unwind...Walking on all these slopes makes it
sort of sporty, doesn't it?"
120:14:57 - Irwin: "It does."
120:15:10 - Scott: "You're hooked up on the LEC, Jim."
120:15:12 - Irwin: "(garbled) the TV."
120:15:16 - Scott: "Oh, yeah. Don't knock the TV over. Be in trouble."
120:15:21 - Irwin: "Don't know whether I move it or not?"
120:15:23 - Scott: "No, you didn't move it. Looks okay I think. TV still look okay to you, Joe?"
120:15:28 - Allen: "TV's fine."
120:15:30 - Scott: "Okay, you're on the TV, Jim."
120:15:32 - Irwin: "Yeah, I see that. I was moving the..."
120:15:35 - Scott: "Okay, why don't you just go around? Let's go... You're on the TV with your left
foot. Your left foot's on the TV. No, you're still on it, Jim."
120:15:45 - Scott: "Don't keep coming..."
120:15:47 - Scott: "There you go. Now you're out... Okay."
120:15:57 - Irwin: "I've got to get around that... You would put that circle right there."
120:16:01 - Scott: "Oh, yeah. Too bad."
120:16:03 - Irwin: "Let me get around here."
120:16:05 - Scott: "Okay... Ready? Here we go...Okay...Oh! Oh! That a boy. A little more. Looks like
you're going to have to do the bulk of the work today. More. Keep it taut. Atta boy. Okay, we're coming
up here, 45... Up to about...Easy, Jim! Easy! Oop. Okay. Here, let me help you. Take it easy; take it easy.
Give you a hand...Okay, come on up. Up we go! Come one. Easy."(Here the front wheels flop out of the
bay)
120:16:59 - Irwin: "(garbled)"
120:17:00 - Scott: "Okay, just pull. Just stand there a little easy...Forget the pictures. Just pull real
easy, right there. Okay? Just go easy now."
120:17:10 - Irwin: "Go ahead."
120:17:19 - Allen: "Pretty sporty there, Jim."
120:17:27 - Scott: "Okay?...Okay, we're...Oh, shoot. The walking hinge again."(Here the Rover is
lowered by 20 degrees)
120:17:42 - Irwin: "Did it come loose?"
120:17:44 - Scott: "Yeah. Let's see. Houston, the walking hinges are unlocked again. Is that right?"
120:17:52 - Irwin: "(Garbled) Dave..."
120:17:53 - Allen: "They're supposed to be unlocked now, Dave."
120:17:56 - Irwin: "...at that point."
120:17:58 - Scott: "Oh, okay."
 120:18:00 - Scott: "Once you see those things unlocked up there in the stowed position, it doesn't
give you too good a feeling...Looks like she's coming down okay."
120:18:32 - Scott: "Okay, can you pull it out a little bit, Jim?"
120:18:34 - Irwin: "How's that?"
120:18:36 - Scott: "That looks good... Okay, that's good. Outrigger cables are... well, the one over
there's not...Okay, outrigger cables are loose."
120:18:48 - Allen: "Roger."
120:19:02 - Irwin: "Watch...Watch the rope, and watch the glass ball."
120:19:06 - Scott: "Rog. I got it."
120:19:11 - Scott: "Okay, outrigger cable is loose and off...Okay... Okay, let's come down with the
left tape...Easy does it. It's coming okay."
120:19:51 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:20:16 - Scott: "Okay. It looks like it's loose to me!"
120:20:19 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:20:21 - Scott: "That's good."
120:20:22 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:20:24 - Scott: "Why don't you go put the.. Come on over and we'll (garbled) Man, this thing's
nice and light."
120:20:36 - Scott: "Check the old hinge pins. Oop! Out. Pin out... Let's see. Got a hinge pin out. I'm
going to get you the tool. Maybe you can reach it, Jim... Maybe I can reach it. Hey, Jim."
120:21:21 - Irwin: "Yeah."
120:21:22 - Scott: "Need you to get this hinge pin over here."
120:21:23 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:21:25 - Scott: "Wait. Let me get the... Oh, shoot. See my hinge pin on my side?"
120:21:34 - Irwin: "Yeah. It looks like it's almost all the way in."
120:21:37 - Scott: "Yeah, but not quite. How about putting the tip of the tool on it and pushing it."
120:21:44 - Irwin: "There you go."
120:21:46 - Scott: "Okay. Now, let's... Let's line this up a little straighter. Let's pull the rear-end back
towards me."
120:21:46 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:21:55 - Scott: "There. Okay."
120:22:01 - Irwin: "Okay, chassis hinge pins are good on my side."
120:22:05 - Scott: "Okay... Now if I could get the telescoping rods off...Okay, let's...Jim? Hold on a
minute there. I'm not sure the telescoping rods are disconnected. Let's pick it up and move it back and
turn it around. Okay?"
120:22:40 - Irwin: "Okay, turn it what, your way?"
120:22:42 - Scott: "No, your way."
120:22:43 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:22:47- Scott: "Wait a minute. It's not disconnected. Let me... Put it down right there."
120:22:54 - Irwin: "And maybe take it forward a little bit, huh?"
120:22:56 - Scott: "Well, the pin's out. The rods...The whole saddle up here is still on. Both pins are
out. See what I mean?"
120:23:09 - Irwin: "I think we can maybe lift the front end up, can't we?"
120:23:13 - Scott: "We can try."
120:23:18 - Irwin: "Let me get in there and lift up. Maybe..."
120:23:20 - Scott: "Here."
120:23:21 - Irwin: "Let me pull it this..."
 120:23:23 - Scott: "Wait a minute. Let me twist it this way to give you a little more room... Okay. See
that saddle? Oh, you'll never get in there with the PLSS, Jim."
120:23:37 - Irwin: "Am I too tight?"
120:23:38 - Scott: "Yeah. Forget it."
120:23:39 - Allen: "Jim..."
120:23:40 - Scott: "Hey, Houston..."
120:23:41 - Allen: "...verify you pulled the saddle pin, please."
120:23:42 - Scott: "...any suggestions?"
120:23:46 - Irwin: "Yes, the saddle pin has been pulled."
120:23:51 - "Rog."
120:23:51 - Irwin: "We've got to somehow..."
120:23:55 - Scott: "Okay. Joe, the situation is that both pins are out of the saddle, and it still seems
to be connected to the frame of the LRV."
120:24:13 - Allen: "Roger. We copy, and we're working it."
120:24:18 - Scott: "Okay."
120:24:19 - Irwin: "Let's finish setting up the Rover, huh?"
120:24:21 - Scott: "Yeah."
120:24:44 - Scott: "I remember a guy who once said "dirt dirt" and it is ever! Whew!"
120:25:07 - Allen: "Dave and Jim, pull the Rover as far out as you can away from the LM, and then
pull on the front end, if you could."
120:25:16 - Scott: "Okay. Standby."
120:25:18 - Allen: "And, by that, we mean lift up on the front end."
120:25:20 - Irwin: "Does that mean pull up... Yeah. Lift up on the front end. Yea. We copy, Joe."
120:25:26 - Scott: "Get this stowed, so I don't lose the tool... Okay, let's try that, Jim. Okay?"
120:25:58 - Irwin: "Okay, pull it out as far as we can?"
120:26:01 - Scott: "Yeah."
120:26:02 - Irwin: "Back as far as we can?... Okay, I'm ready...That's about as far back as we are
going to be able to get it, Dave."
120:26:19 - Scott: "Yeah."
120:26:20 - Irwin: "If you want to hold it there, I'll get in front of it..."
120:26:23 - Scott: "Okay."
120:26:24 - Irwin: "...and try to lift it up."
120:26:25 - Scott: "Okay, I'm holding it."
120:26:26 - Irwin: "See how I clear this..."
120:26:35 - Scott: "Now, your PLSS is hung up, Jim."
120:26:42 - Irwin: "Well... It's coming!"
120:26:43 - Scott: "Okay."
120:26:44 - Irwin: "There we go."
120:26:45 - Scott: "Good show. Okay, let's turn it..."
120:26:47 - Irwin: "Okay, Joe, it's off."
120:26:48 - Allen: "Outstanding."
120:26:49 - Scott: "Let's turn it around now, Jim."
120:26:50 - Irwin: "Okay... Okay, I've got my grip here, Dave. We'll turn it..."
120:27:02 - Scott: "Yeah, (garbled) way... Come to your left; don't walk back! Just swing left."
120:27:08 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:27:08 - Scott: "That a boy."
120:27:15 - Irwin: "You want to get a downhill run here."
 120:27:17 - Scott: "Yeah, back up a little bit now. Just back up a little bit. Go in reverse. You... That's
good, right there."
120:27:34 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:27:35 - Scott: "Watch the ball behind you."
120:27:37 - Irwin: "I've been watching that all morning. I just about fell on it."
120:27:41 - Scott: "I noticed...Have you got your side of the console unlocked?"
120:27:51- Irwin: "Yeah, it's unlocked."
120:28:00 - Scott: "Lock it."
120:28:01 - Irwin: "Okay...Okay, my side is locked."
120:28:05 - Scott: "And my side is locked."
120:28:59 - Irwin: "This side looks okay, Dave."
120:29:01 - Scott: "Okay. Man, they've really done it with the Velcro."
120:29:11 - Irwin: "Yeah, you almost have to pull against the shear-force of that to get the seat up. I
had to really...really tug at it."
120:29:20 - Scott: "Yeah, man!...It's awfully bouncy too, isn't it?"
120:29:45 - Scott: "Okay. Get your seat belt out later, I reckon."
120:29:48 - Irwin: "Mine's in the...Yeah, I might as well get it now...Give a holler when you're ready
to drive, Dave, I'll come out and take pictures."
120:30:37 - Scott: "Okay...Sticky fenders. You've got a fender, Jim. Get your fenders?"
120:30:51 - Irwin: "No, I haven't."
120:30:52 - Scott: "Go ahead. I'll get them."
120:31:08 - Scott: "Boy, is this dirt soft! Man!"
120:31:15 - Irwin: "Like soft powder snow."
120:31:16 - Scott: "Really is."
120:31:17 - Irwin: "Except it's a little different. Different."
120:31:33 - Scott: "Okay, looks like the brake's on, so I'll see if I can't hop in it."
120:31:43 - Scott: "That's a reasonable fit."
120:31:52 - Allen: "Okay, Dave. And buckle up for safety here."
120:31:57 - Scott: "Oh, yeah...Oh, you sit up a lot higher than in one g, but that makes sense, does
it?"
120:32:22 - Scott: "Okay, hand controller is locked. Brake's on, reverse is down. Circuit breakers -
all except the Aux and the Nav - are coming closed. Okay, I get readings on bus B... All the switches are
off, by the way...Okay, switches are all closed. Okay, Houston, are you ready to copy some numbers?"
120:33:01 - Allen: "Go."
120:33:03 - Scott: "Okay. Amp-hours, 105 and 105. Amps of course, are at zero. Okay, volts: on
number 1 I've got about 82, and number 2 is reading zero. Hmm...Huh! Okay and on the battery
temperature, I'm reading 68...about 78 and 80. And the motor temps are off-scale low, of course."
120:33:49 - Allen: "Roger. Copy."
120:33:51 - Scott: "And the only discrepancy so far...I don't have any volts on number 2...PWM
Select is both; Drive Enable, 2 in forward, PWM 1, reverse, PMW 2. And Houston, I'll stand by for any
comments you might have on that readout."
120:34:24 - Allen: "Roger, Dave. I know you've rechecked your circuit breakers there."
120:34:30 - Scott: "That's correct. The circuit breakers are all in."
120:34:35 - Irwin: "Dave, just let me know before you drive."
120:34:36 - Scott: "Yeah."
120:34:43 - Allen: "Dave, we're standing by for you to drive away and monitor the amp...The amps
on battery 2, please."
 120:34:53 - Scott: "Okay, will do. Okay, 15 volt DC is going to secondary. Steering: forward, Bus A;
and Rear to Bus D. Drive power: forward to Drive Power, forward to Bus A."
120:35:12 - Allen: "Roger, Dave..."
120:35:13 - Scott: "And to Bus D."
120:35:14 - Allen: "...and if battery 2 is out on us, we'll have no rear steering or no rear drive. Just
be advised."
120:35:22 - Scott: "Okay...out of detent; we're moving."
120:35:31 - Allen: "Extraordinary."
120:35:40 - Scott: "Hey, Jim, you can probably tell me if I've got any rear steering."
120:35:45 - Irwin: "Yeah, you have rear steering."
120:35:46 - Scott: "Okay."
120:35:48 - Allen: "Do you have..."
120:35:49 - Scott: "But I don't have any front steering."
120:35:50 - Allen: "...amps on Batt 2, Dave?"
120:35:51 - Scott: "Joe, you sure about that battery bit? Negative. But I don't have any front
steering, Joe."
120:36:00 - Irwin: "Got just rear steering, Dave."
120:36:01 - Scott: "Yeah."
120:36:20 - Allen: "And, Dave, while you're rolling there, requesting forward steering to Bus C, Bus
Charlie."
120:36:29 - Scott: "Okay. Steering, forward, to Bus Charlie...Still no forward steering, Joe."
120:36:38 - Allen: "Roger."
120:36:40 - Scott: "Okay, got another suggestion?"
120:36:50 - Allen: "Cycle the forward steering circuit breaker, please."
120:36:57 - Scott: "Okay...Okay, I go to Bus Charlie and the circuit breaker is cycled...No forward
steering, Joe."
120:37:22 - Allen: "Roger, Dave. Press on."
120:37:25 - Scott: "Okay. That's a good idea. Here, Jim, I'm going to bring her around here and let's
get on with it."
120:37:33 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:37:47 - Scott: "Boy, we're going to have a great time with all these hills and mounds...Okay,
think you can handle it there?"
120:37:58 - Irwin: "Yeah, that's good."
120:38:00 - Scott: "Okay, brake's on. Drive Power 4 coming off. Off on the steering. Off on a 15 volt
DC...Okay, temps look about the same, Houston...Jim, soon as you get that dust brush out, I want to
brush you off so we don't get the old Rover too dirty."
120:38:38 - Irwin: "Okay."
120:38:49 - Scott: "You know, as I look back behind us, it almost looks like we landed in a...Another,
oh, 10 meters aft and we'd have been in Surveyor Crater.""
BEYOND A DOUBT
It is the video footage of the Rover from Apollo 16 that researchers claim prove (beyond a doubt)
that the Moon landings were faked. In the video you can see rooster-tails of dust being kicked up behind
the Rover's wheels. The problem here is that on the Moon there is no atmosphere to stop the dust being
kicked up. With only 1/6th the gravity of Earth, and no atmosphere to stop the dust, the dust should have
floated some sixty-feet up. What we see is the dust going up only about ten-feet before hitting a wall of
atmosphere then falling back down. In the photo below, from Apollo 16, you can see the dust hitting the
wall of atmosphere in waves just as on Earth!
 Researches also claim that when the film is sped up 2x you can see the Rover at the speed it was
actually moving which matches perfectly with how it would look driving on Earth. The reason for this,
they state, is because it WAS being driven on Earth.
Weight restrictions is yet another problem. By von Braun's own calculations one Saturn V rocket was
simply insufficient for getting the entire payload out of orbit. Yet no modifications were made to the
Saturn V engines from the Apollo 11 mission to the Apollo 16 mission despite the fact that Apollo 16
carried the extra weight of the Lunar Rover and all the equipment to operate it.
Super Powers
Man's weight on the Moon is 16.5% what it is on Earth. A man who weighs 200 pounds on Earth
would only weigh 33 pounds on the Moon. The reason for this is because of the Moon's lower gravity.
The Moon has lower gravity because of its mass. The Moon is 27% the size of Earth. Which makes the
mass of the Moon 1.2% the mass of Earth. That means man's weight on the Moon is 1/6th man's weight
on Earth.
Even with the difference in gravity man's muscles retain their same strength. This would make man
seem super human on the Moon. A man would be able to jump 6 times higher on the Moon. A 185
pound man, loaded down with the Apollo gear, can only jump up about 18 inches on Earth. On the
Moon he would be able to jump 108 inches or 9 feet. Apollo footage shows astronauts jumping on Moon
in an apparent attempt to show the effects of 1/6th gravity. We can mathematically show how high the
astronaut reached by measuring his height and the distance from the bottom of his boots to the ground.
So, with 1/6th gravity, in a vacuum with no air resistance, how high did the astronaut reach? ...18 inches!
With the help of a golf pro in Houston, Apollo 14 astronaut Alan Shepard had a piece of rock-
collecting equipment converted into a makeshift golf club with the head of a six iron. Shepard disguised
the club with a sock and smuggled it onboard the Saturn 5 rocket undetected. (That's the claim) On
February 6, 1971, Shepard used the makeshift club to hit two golf balls on the Moon. You can see the
video footage by searching "astronaut hits golf ball on Moon."

Researchers have several problems with this footage:

 1. While Shepard claimed the ball traveled for miles we don't see in the footage where the ball went
or how far.
2. The speed in which the balls fall to the ground and roll to a stop when Shepard drops them.
3. Shepard takes a couple of practice swings before contacting the ball, and in each case soil is kicked
up. In a vacuum, with no atmosphere and air resistance, the dust should continue floating up high into
the air. It does not. The soil falls immediately back to the ground as soon as it hits the atmosphere....just
as on Earth.
Researches have pointed out that if Shepard had simply tossed the golf ball up, if he were truly in a
vacuum, the ball would have continued rising reaching as high as 60 feet before the Moon's gravity
brought it back down. No such experiment was conducted.

Transparency
David Percy along with being a member of the Royal Photographic Society is an award winning
television and film producer. He co-authored the book Dark Moon: Apollo and the Whistle-Blowers. He
has studied all of the NASA's filmed footage from the Apollo missions. Percy was one of several
researchers who pointed out obvious faked footage from Apollo 11 involving a transparency of the Earth
taped to a window. The following is from The Faked Apollo Landings:
"...Another example that appears to be faked is the footage of Earth taken from Apollo 11 when it was
130,000 miles away. This is the very first view ever taken of Earth on the mission and it seems strange
that Buzz Aldrin would film the Earth when he stood far away from the window. Why would he do that?
Surely you would to get close to the window to get the best picture and also to eliminate light reflections
that are evident towards the end of this sequence? But no, we see the window frame come into view on
the left of the shot. The camera isn't set to infinity either to get the closest shot. The window frame that
comes into shot would have been out of focus if it was.
Did the astronauts actually film a transparency of the Earth that was stuck to the window? You may
think this odd, but a few minutes after filming the Earth, the cameraman adjusts his lens and focuses on
Mike Collins inside the craft. (You can see the video for yourself online) What we see is what appears to
be an exposure of the Earth taped to the window that is in the background to the right of him. That is the
very same window that Aldrin was filming the Earth. But the biggest shock is yet to come! The camera
pans left past Neil Armstrong towards the left hand side of the Apollo 11, and what do we see out of the
left window??? We see what appears to be another Earth...Go on and watch the video with your own
eyes...It must also be noted that the Apollo 11 at this point of the mission was supposedly half way to the
Moon. The time elapsed was 34 hours and 16 minutes, but from the view of Earth in the right hand
window, we can say that in fact they were not in deep space at all, but still in low Earth orbit! Look at
the blue sky outside. That would explain why they would be filming an exposure of the Earth that was far
away, to give the impression that they were in deep space. The exposure would be clipped to the window
and the Sun's luminance would light it up, a technique that was used to read star charts to help with
navigation and star reference."
In the documentary A Funny Thing Happened on the way to the Moon Apollo astronauts are
confronted with the footage referenced above. Their reactions are worth noting. They were not happy
and one in particular: Edgar Mitchell became violent kicking researcher Bart Sibrel as he escorted him
out of the house.
Why So Small?
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Photo of Earth from the Moon

A question asked by researchers is why does the Earth look so small in the Apollo photos taken from
the surface of the Moon? The radius of the Moon is 27% of the radius of the Earth. That means the Earth
is 73% larger than the Moon. Many people believe the image below is a more accurate depiction of how
the Earth should look from the Moon.

Photo licensed through Shutterstock

Why Slow Motion?

Some researchers believe the single most important "smoking gun" that proves the Moon landings
were faked is in the movement of the astronauts. The following is from an article in NEXUS Magazine
October 2002: "The biggest smoking gun, in my opinion, the one that pervades nearly all the Apollo
motion picture footage showing "astronauts" moving about on "the moon" is something so visible and so
obvious that it has literally been hiding in plain sight. It is the slow motion character of all the
movement which exists in nearly all the Apollo footage. We accept it as real due mainly to Hollywood's
depiction of men on the moon, especially in Kubrick's 2001: A Space Odyssey which was released the
year before Apollo 11. The Apollo "astronauts" appear to move as if underwater, walking along the sea
floor. All in slow motion. Even when they jump upwards it's all shown in slow motion. But, there is no
scientific basis for this. There is no reason that someone walking or moving on a low gravity planet or
moon would be moving in slow motion like this. At least not while jumping upwards. What would slow
them down? They are supposedly moving in a low gravity, no atmosphere environment. What is there to
slow them down?"
This brings up a good point. With less gravity...less drag, and zero resistance from air or atmosphere,
you would not move slower on the Moon than you do on Earth, you would move much faster. Does
math prove this point? It does according to the following article published on Krishna.org December
2015 by mr-freedom: "I believe I have found the most conclusive evidence to support the ? that the
Apollo missions to the Moon were hoaxed; in fact, I have proved it...In order to prove that the videos
were not shot on the Moon, you need to observe the footage from Apollo XV, where David Scott
demonstrates the Galilean principle by dropping a hammer and an feather to the ground in a vacuum,
i.e., on the Moon. The hammer is in free-fall for at most 1.1 seconds. The distance it would therefore
travel is:
0.5 x gravity x time x time =

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 0.5 x (9.8/6) x 1.1 x 1.1 - 0.99
Thus the hammer could not have fallen a distance of more than 99 cm, or 0.99m...The hammer is
dropped by David Scott from shoulder height, easily 150 cm, or 1.5 m. This is not possible. David Scott
cannot have been standing on the Moon when he dropped that hammer.
However, if we assume that NASA did indeed film the action on Earth, then halved the film speed, the
distance the hammer would travel is:
0.5 x 9.8 x 0.55 = 1.48 m = 148 cm.
I rest my case. My calculations have been verified by several of my friends who are math geeks like
myself, and I hope you will also verify them."
Still others have pointed out the Apollo 15 footage where David Scott losses his footing and falls
forward to the ground. He thrusts his arm out to break his fall and seems to impact the ground at full
Earth gravity. You can see the weight of his body collapsing his elbow. Also, the dust that is kicked up
behind his foot does not continue rising as it would have with no atmosphere and air resistance. Instead,
the dust falls immediately to the ground just as it would on Earth.
Another damning piece of evidence is from Apollo 16. You can see this for yourself by searching
"astronaut falls on the Moon". The footage is unscripted, unlike the hammer and feather. When you
watch the hammer and feather experiment you can see how slowly they fall to the Moon. In the
unscripted footage an astronaut falls and is helped up by the second astronaut. As he is being helped up a
rock sample falls from his backpack. It does not fall in slow motion as the hammer did. It falls at full
Earth gravity speed. The rock sample could not have fallen at that speed on the Moon. This crucial piece
of evidence is often over looked by researchers because they are focusing on how the astronaut is being
helped up by an obvious wire rig, and although we can't see the wire we can see the effects of the rig as
the astronaut rises unnaturally and we see the rock falling at full speed.
As pointed out above, many people believe that the reason astronauts are depicted moving in slow
motion is directly related to Kubrick's science fiction film.
 THE FRITZ LANG TEMPLATE
Were the Apollo missions merely elaborate television productions? Many researchers believe the
answer is yes and that the production had been staged many decades before.
Friedrich Christian Anton "Fritz" Lang was born December 5, 1890 and was an Austrian-German
filmmaker. He was dubbed the "Master of Darkness" by the British Film Institute. The film he is most
remembered for is the 1927 Metropolis. At the time it was the most expensive film ever made with a
budget of 5,100,000 Reichsmarks. Today the film is considered a classic, but in 1927 it was a box office
flop. Lang was in danger of being ousted by his production company, Ufa. Lang was in desperate need
of a hit movie. The subject matter was close at hand, the novel Die Frau im Mond (Woman in the Moon)
written by his wife Thea von Harbou.

Director Fritz Lang (on the right) on the set of Die Frau I'm Mond.
Attribution: Bundesarchiv, Bild 102-08538/CC-BY-SA 3.0

The plot centers on the idea that gold can be found on the Moon. Lang wanted the science to be as
accurate as possible. He hired physicist and founding father of rocketry and astronautics Hermann
Oberth as a scientific advisor. Oberth would later become mentor to Werner von Braun. The following is
from atlasobscura.com: "What followed was a historic collaboration between art and science. For each
obstacle that faced the spacefaring characters- rocket design, oxygen shortages, zero gravity-- Oberth
would calculate the most probable solution, and Lang and his crew would make it happen."
The following is from Woman in the Moon wiki: "Woman in the Moon (German Frau I'm Mond) is a
science fiction silent film that premiered 15 October 1929 at the UFA-Palast am Zoo cinema in Berlin to
an audience of 2,000. It is often considered to be one of the first "serious" science fiction films...The
basics of rocket travel were presented to a mass audience for the first time by this film, including the use
of a multi-stage rocket."
The movie was the resounding success Lang needed. The following is from Spiegel Online: "A
thousand lamps imitated the starry skies above and the facade of Berlin's UFA Palace cinema was
decorated to look futuristic. Albert Einstein was on the guest list crammed with celebrities and VIPs
from German government and industry. And the public was in a frenzy with every screening ending in
wild applause. The media outdid themselves in their praise. "A huge deal," they wrote. "A sensation." "A
wonder come to life.""
Forty years later it seemed fact followed fiction. The similarities between the 1929 silent film and the
launching of Apollo 11 are striking:

• Both have the rocket rolling vertically out of a large hanger to the launch pad. (The Russians,
whose space program was more advanced than America's in the early 60s, knew the safest way
to transport the rocket was horizontally, but it was less dramatic than the 1929 film and Apollo.)
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• Both used the 10 to 1 countdown to blastoff for dramatic effect. This was first used in the silent
film and was so effective its been used for every blastoff since.
• Both rockets had multiple stage engines that jettisoned one at a time.
• Both depict drops of liquid floating in the craft to simulate zero gravity.
• Both had footholds on the floor of the spacecraft so the crew could stand without floating
around.
• Both show the Moon to have a sandy, desert-like surface. Armstrong said while walking on the
Moon: "It's like much of the high desert of the United States."

&

• Both used the same technical advisors. Oberth eventually worked for his former student,
Wernher von Braun who was developing space rockets for NASA.

Fritz Lang would not be the last time NASA sought help from a famed film director.

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 NASA EAST
THE KUBRICK CONNECTION
There are a group of Kubrick theory believers who fall into one of two camps.
1. That man never went to the Moon.
2. That man did go to the Moon.
What the two camps have in common is their belief that all of the Apollo footage was faked and that
it was faked by famed director Stanley Kubrick.
"In six days God created the heavens and the Earth. On the seventh day, Stanley Kubrick sent
everything back for modifications." -- From Dark Side of the Moon
The following is from the 2005 documentary The Passionate Eye: "...During an interview with
Stanley Kubrick's widow an extraordinary story came to light. She claims Kubrick and other Hollywood
producers were recruited to help the U.S. win the the high stakes race to the Moon. In order to finance
the space program through public funds, the U.S. Government needed huge popular support, and that
meant they couldn't afford any expensive public relations failures. Fearing that no live pictures could be
transmitted from the first Moon landing, President Nixon enlisted the creative efforts of Kubrick, whose
2001: a Space Odyssey (1968) had provided much inspiration, to ensure promotional opportunities
wouldn't be missed. In return, Kubrick got a special NASA lens to help him shoot Barry Lyndon (1975)."
According to William Karel's documentary Dark Side of the Moon, which includes interviews with
Apollo 11 astronaut Buzz Aldrin, Alexander Haig, Richard Helms, Henry Kissinger, Donald Rumsfeld
and others including Kubrick's widow Christiane Kubrick, it was NASA who approached Stanley
Kubrick.
The U.S. government and NASA were taking a bold risk by broadcasting the Moon landing live. The
last thing they wanted was for the world to witness the death of an astronaut in space. In the event of
such a horrific event, Nixon had a speech prepared. The following is from Nixon's speech: "Fate has
ordained that the men who went to the Moon to explore in peace will stay on the Moon to rest in peace.
These brave men, Neil Armstrong and Edwin Aldrin, know that there is no hope for their recovery. But
they also know that there is hope for mankind in their sacrifice. These two men are laying down their
lives in mankind's most noble goal: the search for truth and understanding. They will be mourned by
their families and friends; they will be mourned by their nation; they will be mourned by the people of
the world; they will be mourned by a Mother Earth that dared send two of her sons into the unknown. In
their exploration, they stirred the people of the world to feel as one; in their sacrifice, they bind more
tightly the brotherhood of man. In ancient days, men looked at stars and saw their heroes in the
constellations. In modern times, we do much the same, but our heroes are epic men of flesh and blood.
Others will follow, and surely find their way home. Man's search will not be denied. But these men were
the first, and they will remain the foremost in our hearts. For every human being who looks up at the
Moon in the nights to come will know that there is some corner of another world that is forever
mankind."
There was also doubt that, even if man got there, film and pictures could be broadcast from the
Moon. Going to the Moon in front of the world and not being able to broadcast it live was unacceptable
to the Nixon administration. NASA needed a backup plan.
At the same time NASA was trying to figure out how to go the Moon, Kubrick was perfecting how it
should look. In the late 1960s realistic Moon sets and spaceships were constructed on sounds stages in
London for the filming of 2001: A Space Odyssey.
 Science-fiction author, Arthur C. Clarke sold the rights to seven of his stories: The Sentinel, Breaking
Strain, Out of the Cradle, Endlessly Orbiting, Who's There, Into the Comet, & Before Eden. These
stories became the basis for the film. The script was co-written by Kubrick and Clarke.
Kubrick was famous for his attention to detail. Everything had to be as realistic as possible. He
consulted the top minds in science, astronomy, and space exploration. Researchers claim that NASA was
involved with the film's production early on. The following is from The Stanley Kubrick Conspiracy:
"NASA became extensively involved with the production of the film. For over two years, his key NASA/
scientific advisors on the film were Frederick Ira Ordway III (a former member of the American Rocket
Society, space scientist and author of technical books about spaceflight. He worked with ballistic rockets
until 1960, followed by three years at Marshall Space Flight Center) and Harry Lange (an illustrator
and designer for the Aerospace Industry, as well as the head of NASA's future projects section -
illustrating the ideas of Werner von Braun's Team; such as nuclear propulsion, space stations, space
platforms, etc.) NASA's influence over the film became so pronounced that senior Apollo administrator
George Mueller and astronaut Deke Slayton nicknamed the film's production facilities at Borehamwood
(UK) as "NASA East" - after seeing all of the hardware and documentation lying around the studio."

Left to right: Arthur C Clarke, Stanley Kubrick, NASA's George Mueller at Borehamwood Studios UK

Film makers and researchers such as Jay Weidner believe the clues that Kubrick helped fake the
Moon landings are in the details of a process called front screen projection. The following is from Front
Projection Effect: "A front projection effect is an in-camera visual effects process in film production for
combining foreground performance with pre-filmed background footage. In contrast to rear projection,
which projects footage onto a screen from behind the performers, front projection projects the pre-filmed
material over the performers and onto a highly reflective background surface."
Although Front Projection was being experimented with in 1949, one of its earliest appearances was
during the filming of the opening sequence of 2001: A Space Odyssey in 1966. The following is from
The Stanley Kubrick Conspiracy: "...Jay Weidner, a researcher who has virtually dedicated his studies to
Stanley Kubrick and the global agenda, has plausibly demonstrated that the front-projection process
(used so successfully in the "Dawn of Man" sequences of Kubrick's "2001: A Space Odyssey") shares
key similarities with some of the abnormalities identified in the Apollo "Moon" footage - such as the
clear lines of definition between the rough foreground and the smooth background."
The following is from Orwell Today: "According to researcher Bill Wood, NASA heavily subsidized
Stanley Kubrick when he produced the movie "2001". Wood claims 2001 was used to develop the special
effects needed to fake a lunar landing and its purpose, when it premiered in 1968, was to show the
public what a real lunar landing was supposed to look like....Douglas Trumbull, head of Trumbull Film
Effects, and creator of many of the effects for the film "2001: A Space Odyssey" also worked on CBS
coverage of the Apollo 11 presentation. Trumbull worked in Studio City, California for six weeks to
prepare for the Apollo 11 broadcast. Trumbull developed a "graphic display projection system" that
composed sentences, created moving diagrams, and simulated events for CBS television news coverage
of the Apollo 11 mission. (Source: October 1969 issue of "American Cinematographer" magazine, page
984.) Trumbull's involvement in the Apollo broadcasts means that some of the same talent was involved
in 2001 and Apollo."
Since Kubrick could never "tell" anyone about the greatest project of his life, many researchers
believe that he left clues to that fact in his films. Every prop and article of clothing that found its way on
screen was handpicked by Kubrick and was there for a specific reason.
Here are a few of the clues that researchers believe Kubrick intentionally placed in his 1980 movie
The Shining (based on the Stephen King novel):

♦ There is a photo of a rocket launch on the refrigerator.

♦ Danny's clothes are a combination of red, white and blue throughout the entire film.
♦ In one scene the American flag is hanging in reverse on the wall. Some believe this was an
intentional statement that all was not right with America. (fake Moon landings)
♦ The typewriter Jack uses is an Underwood Adler. The world Adler means "Eagle" in German.
The name given to the Apollo 11 landing craft was "Eagle."
♦ On the window sill in the manager's office is the American flag and a gold bust of the American
Eagle, but not just any bust. It's the same design that was used for the Apollo 11 logo.
♦ Jack is throwing a ball against a wall that has Native American symbols painted on it which
resemble Saturn V rockets blasting off.
♦ In the book the haunted room is 217. Kubrick changed it to 237 in the film. Researchers point
out that in 1980 it was believed the Moon was 237,000 miles away from Earth.
♦ Danny is playing with his toys on the floor and arranges them in what can be interpreted as a
launch pad. When he stands up he is wearing a knitted sweater with a rocket on the front that is
blasting off. The rocket is embroidered with "Apollo 11".

♦ Danny enters room 237. The keychain in the door says "Room No.237." Two words can be
made up using those letters: Moon & Room. Danny enters the "Moon Room."

Researchers believe that Kubrick left hidden messages in other films as well such as: A Clock
Work Orange and Eyes Wide Shut. There are scores of websites and documentaries devoted to
unraveling these messages. It is interesting to note that Kubrick passed away days after completing Eyes
Wide Shut. Before his death, he insisted that the film be released on July 16, 1999 which just happened
to be the 30th anniversary of the Apollo 11 launch.
 ROCKS & LASERS
Moon landing believers often cite Moon rocks and laser reflectors as absolute proof that man walked
on the Moon. After all, how can we possess Moon rocks and bounce lasers off reflectors placed on the
Moon if man had not visited there?

Werner von Braun in Antarctica January 1967

Skeptics point out that Moon rocks are found in abundance in Antarctica. In January 1967, von
Braun was part of an Antartica expedition. Many researches believe "Moon" rock samples actually came
from these expeditions.
Considering the billions of dollars spent, and lives risked, on acquiring rocks from the Moon, and the
fact that it is illegal to own one, it's amazing that so many of them are unaccounted for. A 2011 audit
report stated: "NASA has been experiencing loss of astromaterials since lunar samples were first
returned by Apollo missions..." The report cited 517 Moon rock samples as missing.
Equally as disturbing as rocks going missing is the Apollo 11 rock that turned out to be a fake.

Fake Apollo 11 Moon rock

The following is from Telegraph uk news science/space: "A Moon rock given to the Dutch prime
minister by Apollo 11 astronauts in 1969 has turned out to be a fake...Curators at Amsterdam's
Rijksmuseum, where the rock has attracted tens of thousands of visitors each year, discovered that the
"lunar rock", valued at £308,000, was in fact petrified wood... The rock was given to Willem Drees, a
former Dutch leader during a global tour by Neil Armstrong, Michael Collins and Edwin "Buzz" Aldrin
following their Moon mission 50 years ago... "It's a nondescript, pretty-much-worthless stone," said
Frank Bunk, a geologist involved in the investigation."
There is also evidence from other countries that the Apollo Moon rocks were faked. On September
27, 2003 the Swedish designed SMART-1 satellite was launched. "SMART-1" stands for Small Missions
for Advanced Research in Technology-1. After orbiting the Moon the SMART-1 was intentionally
crashed into the Moon. The satellite contained an array of instruments one of which was the D-CIXS
(Demonstration Compact X-ray Spectrometer) used to identify chemical elements on the lunar surface.
It was reported that the minerals kicked up were different than the minerals that make up the Apollo
Moon rocks.
In 2013 China landed the Yutu rover on the Moon which contained a Particle X-ray Spectrometer
used to analyze soil on the lunar surface. They found the chemical makeup of the soil was completely
different than the soil brought back from the Apollo missions. The following is from researcher Jarrah
White: "The soil detected by the Yutu rover is chemically 43% by weight calcium oxide, 39% titanium
oxide and 4% silicon dioxide. It also contains chromium oxide as a major element (>1% by weight) and
strontium, yttrium and zirconium as minor elements (0.1-1% by weight). For direct comparison: Apollo
soils are generally 10% calcium oxide, 0.5-10% titanium oxide and --45% silicon dioxide; with
chromium oxide as a minor element and strontium, yttrium and zirconium as trace elements (>1% by
weight)."

Lunar Lasers
NASA claims that during Apollo missions 11, 14, and 15 retroreflectors were planted on the Moon's
surface so that lasers could be aimed at them from Earth to bounce signals back that would aid in
calculating the exact distance of the Moon from Earth. Skeptics point out that retroreflectors are not
needed to bounce signals off the Moon.
The following is from The Lasers Bright Magic: "Four years ago (1962) a ruby laser considerably
smaller than those now available, shot a series of pulses at the Moon, 240,000 miles away. The beams
illuminated a spot less than two miles in diameter, and were reflected back to Earth with enough strength
to be measured by ultra sensitive equipment."
What that means is that signals can, and have been, bounced off the Moon without the need of any
type of reflectors. It has also been pointed out that reflectors have been placed on the Moon remotely by
the Soviet Union using their Lunokhod 1 and Lunokhod 2 rovers. So even if lasers are bounced off
reflectors it does not mean they were placed there by man.
 CHUTES & SPLASHDOWN
There are many researchers who believe the Command Module's chute deployment and re-entry are
proof that the Apollo missions were hoaxed. The doubt starts with the lack of space to hold all of the
equipment NASA claims was contained in the nose of the Command Module. The CM was 10ft wide
and 8ft tall.

The top of the diagram above depicts the Command Module in the nose of which is supposed to
contain: three main parachutes, three pilot parachutes, two drogue parachute motors, three large self
righting buoyancy spheres, a sea recovery cable, a dye marker, and a swimmer umbilical.
The parachutes were made by Northrop Ventura Corporation. They were made of nylon, dacron and
steel. The main chutes measured 83.5 ft in canopy diameter and 130 ft in length. The pilot chutes
measured 7.2 ft in canopy diameter. The chutes weighed in at 134.5 pounds. Added to the chutes were
over 300 feet of parachute rope.
Researchers claim there was not enough space for all of that material along with the CM's equipment,
three men, and all of the samples they brought back from the Moon in a small 10 ft capsule.
How did the parachutes work to slow down the 45,000 pound Command Module? If the chutes failed
to deploy at the right altitude serious injury or death could occur for the astronauts when the capsule
slammed against the ocean's surface.
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According to NASA the Command Module re-enters the Earth's atmosphere at 25,000 mph. At
25,000 feet the drogue chutes are deployed. At 10,000 feet the three main chutes are deployed.
Taking into account the space and weight restrictions, everything contained in the CM was there for
a specific purpose and essential. So what would happen if something didn't go as planned? What if one
of the chutes got tangled and didn't deploy? That is exactly what happened during the re-entry for
Apollo 15.

Apollo 15 CM near splashdown

As a result the CM slammed into the ocean at speeds much greater than the projected 22 mph.
Researchers found it surprising that there were no injuries to any of the three astronauts who were
essentially strapped into a tin can crashing against the hard surface of the ocean. NASA had an answer
after the fact.
The following is from Apollo Command: "At 24,000 feet (7.3 km)the forward heat shield was
jettisoned using four pressurized-gas compression springs. The drogue parachutes were then deployed,
slowing the spacecraft to 125 miles per hour (201 km/h). At 10,700 feet (3.3 km) the drogues were
jettisoned and the pilot parachutes, which pulled out the mains, were deployed.
These slowed the CM to 22 miles per hour (35 km/h) for splashdown. The portion of the capsule
which first contacted the water surface was built with crushable ribs to further mitigate the force of
impact. The Apollo Command Module could safely parachute to an ocean landing with at least two
parachutes (as occurred on Apollo 15), the third parachute being a safety precaution."
There are researchers who believe the capsule's re-entry was faked in the fact that it did not return
from the Moon but was instead dropped from an aircraft at high altitude to simulate re-entry. Bill
Kaysing wrote in his book We Never Went to the Moon: "While appearing on a talk show, an airline
pilot phones in and said that he had observed an Apollo capsule being ejected from a large plane at
about the time the astronauts were due "back" from the Moon. Seven Japanese passengers also observed
the incident..."

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 CM drop test
We know that capsules were in fact dropped from airplanes during drop tests. The end result looked
identical to Apollo capsules returning to Earth.
Researchers: Andrei Bulatov, Alexander Popov and Jarrah White have studied the Apollo capsules'
re-entry in great detail. Using eyewitness testimony from pilots and passengers aboard commercial
airline flights who claimed to witness the re-entries, NASA's timeline of events, and the math taking into
account: initial velocity, initial altitude, velocity at the closest aircraft approach, altitude at the closest
aircraft approach, final speed, final altitude, Command Module/service module separation, entry
interface, begin blackout, end blackout, drogue deployment, main parachute deployment, and landing,
they came to the conclusion that: "...Were these reported Apollo CMs actually ejected from aircraft to
fake or simulate atmosphere re-entry from space and a return from the Moon? Taking these findings,
together with all the recent evidence resulting from other Apollo investigations led by Russian scientists,
the answer almost certainly must be a resounding yes."
You can read the details of their findings at apollofakereentry.
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4000,000 SECRETS & RUSSIA

A common argument made by Moon landing supporters is this: 400,000 people worked on the
Apollo program. Benjamin Franklin was quoted: "Three can keep a secret if two of them are dead." It
would be highly improbable, if not down right impossible, for that many people to be involved in the
greatest hoax of mankind and keep it a secret.
Researchers agree that it would be improbable for that many people to keep a secret about anything.
However, only a handful of key people would've had a secret to keep since almost all of them were not
in on the hoax. The subcontractors, ground crews, the parts manufactures, essentially all of the
departments were compartmentalized. For example, the people working on the Spacesuits had nothing to
do with, nor knew anything about, the people working on the Command Module.

Houston Mission Control

Once the Saturn V blasted off and was out of sight, all of the communications were controlled by
NASA. No independent second party could verify that the communications were authentic. Even the
men and women working at the Houston Mission Control Center could not distinguish the difference
between the Apollo simulations and the real missions.
For a comparable example of how the government can control a secretive project one needs only to
look at the Manhattan Project. From 1942 through 1946, 130,000 people worked at more than 30 sites
across the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Their work was compartmentalized and not
until the first nuclear device was detonated on July 16, 1945 did the vast majority of them learn they had
been working on "the" bomb.
Russia has its own example. From 1959 until the project was terminated in 1976, the Russians
secretly worked on the N1 rocket. It was a super heavy launch vehicle designed to carry men to the
Moon. The project was critically derailed when its chief designer Sergei Korolev died. The N1, and
other details of the Soviet's planned lunar programs, were kept secret from the Russian public until
1989, just before the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Another common question from Moon landing supporters is: Why didn't the Russians expose the
hoax? Researchers point out that at that time Russia lacked the ability to track the Apollo craft to the
Moon and back. They had to rely on the broadcasts released by NASA just as the rest of the world did.
The following is from Moonfaker.com: "...for the most part the Soviets had relied heavily on Jodrell
Bank just to track their own Moon-bound spacecrafts because they lacked the capability to do it
themselves (this was discussed in the BBC series, The Planets). ... Only the NASA Manned Space Flight
Network can attest to having tracked these vehicles all the way to the Moon and back. This network
comprised of Goldstone Tracking Station in California, the Madrid Deep Space Communications
Complex, and various facilities in Australia; most notably Parkes Observatory, Honeysuckle Creek and
Tidbinbilla. In the case of Parkes, it was (and still is) owned by the Australian government but was
under control of and under contract to NASA during the time of the Apollo missions. It was NASA's very
own Robert Taylor who controlled the release of any data from Parkes. And on the subsequent flights

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technicians and engineers from NASA's Tidbinbilla complex were heavily involved at Parkes. It's
essentially a fox guarding the hen house scenario."
Researcher Jarrah White also points out that during the Apollo missions the United States was
supplying Russia with much needed wheat. Screaming hoax would have essentially been biting the hand
that fed them.
 APOLLO 11 INTERVIEW

Aldrin, Armstrong & Collins

Twenty-seven days after they blasted off from Cape Kennedy, the Apollo 11 astronauts held their first
post flight press conference. Their body language, facial expressions and demeanor were anything but
what you would expect from three men who just accomplished one of the greatest achievements in
human history. They were obviously uncomfortable with several of the questions. The following
transcript is from the post flight interview on August 12, 1969:
ARMSTRONG: "It was our pleasure to participate in one great adventure. It's an adventure that
took place, not just in the month of July, but rather one that took place in the last decade. We had the
opportunity to share that adventure over its developing and unfolding in the past months and years. It's
our privilege today to share with you some of the details of that final month of July that was certainly
the highlight for the three of us, of that decade. We're going to talk about the things that interested us
most and particularly the things that occurred on and about the Moon. We will use a number of pictures,
with the intent of pointing out some of the things that we observed on the spot, which may not be obvious
to those of you who are looking at them from the surface of Earth. The flight as you know started
promptly, and I think that was characteristic of all the events of the flight. The Saturn gave us one
magnificent ride, both into Earth orbit and on a trajectory to the Moon. Our memory of that actually
differed little from the reports that you have heard from the previous Saturn V flights and the previous
flights served us well in preparation for this flight in the boost as well as the subsequent phases. We
would like to skip directly to the translunar coast phase and remind ourselves of the chain of events--
that long chain of events-- that actually permitted the landing, starting with the undocking, the
transposition and docking sequence."
COLLINS: "This was our first look at the magnificent machinery which had been behind us until
this point. The booster-- of course the first and second stages had long since separated, but this shows
the LM-- that's the LM inside the third stage after the translunar injection burn. This maneuver was an
interesting combination of manual and automated techniques in that we programmed the onboard
computer to make the turnaround. Then the final maneuvers were made completely manually. As I
approached the LM I had an easy time because I had a docking target which allowed me to align the
probe and the drogue. During this time, I also checked out the proper vehicle response to my strict
inputs."
ALDRIN: "We made two entries into the lunar module. This is the first view of the inside of this. The
final activation was made on the day of power descent and on the two previous days when we entered,
we removed the probe and drogue, and found that we had a rather long tunnel between the two vehicles.
In entering the lunar module one has to do a slight flip maneuver or a half gainer to get into position,
for the lunar module is in a sense upside down relative to the command module."
COLLINS: "This is in lunar orbit after separation of the lunar module from the command module as
viewed through my window. This was a busy time for me in that I was taking motion pictures through the
right hand window at the same time I was taking still photos through the left hand window and also
flying my vehicle-- and probably poorly-- and taking a close look at the LM as he turned it around. My
most important job here was to make sure that all his landing gear was down and properly locked prior
to his descent and touchdown. Next came his yaw maneuver and the white dots that you see are the
landing gear pads. This shows the LM-- either right side up or upside down-- I'm not sure which. It
looks more to me like a praying mantis than it does a first class flying machine in this view, but it was a
beautiful piece of machinery. The landing gear is at the top and you can see the probes which indicate
lunar contact as thin wires extending upward from the landing gear."
ALDRIN: "Of course before we could undock we had to complete the activation. Now the day before
we undocked we entered the LM and went through an entire switch configuration check and we
exercised the various communication modes. In retrospect, since we did have a little bit of a
communication problem during power descent, we would recommend that we might a more thorough
check of this on the day before descent. On the day that we did finally enter the LM for the landing
maneuver we went through a staggered sequence of suiting and we found that with all the simulations
that we had run back in Houston-- or with Houston tied with our simulations at the Cape-- that we were
quite confident that we would be able to complete this LM activation in the given time period. We
managed to get 30 minutes ahead of that time and it allowed us to get a more accurate platform
alignment check at one point. After the undocking maneuver we went through a brief radar check and
then the command module executed a 2 foot-per-second maneuver away from us so that we would be
able to independently exercise our guidance systems through a star alignment check which we did
following this separation maneuver. Soon after we were in the vicinity close to the landing site and then
the command module was traveling right over the center of our targeted point. It approached what we
call the Cat's Paw. Following this separation maneuver on the back side of the Moon we made a descent
orbit insertion which was slightly over 70 feet per second that lowers our altitude down to 50 thousand
feet. We had two guidance systems working for us. They behaved perfectly. Both of them agreed
extremely closely as to the results of this maneuver. Following this we used the radar to confirm the
actual departure rate from the command module.
ARMSTRONG: "This is a view of the descent trajectory area as viewed through the LM window
during our activation. In the bottom right of the photograph is the crater Maskelyne and the bottom
center is the mountain called Boot Hill. Immediately above Boot Hill is a small sharp-rimmed crater
called Maskelyne W which was the crater we used to determine our downrange and cross range position
prior to completing the final phases of the descent. The landing area itself is in the ? area at the top of
the picture just before we arrive at the shadow or what is called the terminator. We had seen a number of
pictures from Apollo's 8 and 10 which gave us an excellent understanding of the ground track over
which we would pass during the descent. The crater Maskelyne W appeared approximately two to three
seconds late and gave us the clue that we would probably land somewhat long. After completing those
position checks we rolled over face up so that the landing radar could lock on the ground and confirm
our actual altitude. Now, at this phase in the trajectory we were pointed directly at the planet Earth. In
the final phases of descent after a number of program alarms, we looked at the landing area and found a
very large crater. The camera is located in the right window and looks to the right and it just barley sees
the boulder field that we are passing over. We are at 400 feet and the boulders are about 10 feet across.
This is the area which we decided we would not to into; we extended the range downrange and saw this
crater which we passed over-- this 80-foot crater-- in the final phases of descent and later took some
pictures of it. The exhaust dust was kicked up by the engine and this caused some concern in that it
degraded our ability to determine not only our altitude and altitude-grade in the final phase, but also,
and probably more importantly, our transitional velocities over the ground. It's quite important not to
stub your toe during the final phases of touchdown. Once settled on the surface, the dust settled
immediately and we had an excellent view of area surrounding the LM. We saw a crater surface, pock-
marked with craters up to 15, 20, 30 feet and many smaller craters down to a diameter of 1 foot and, of
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course, the surface was very fine-grained. We could tell that from our view out the window, but there
were a surprising number of rocks of all sizes."
ALDRIN: "This is the view out the right window. Up close to the horizon you see a boulder field that
was probably deposited by some of the impacts in the craters that were behind us. You see, most of the
craters have rounded edges, however, there is a variation in the age of these as we can tell by the
sharpness of the edges of the crater. The immediate foreground area we will see more of later. It was
relatively flat terrain in contrast to some of the more rolling terrain that we could see out the front
window and out the left window. This is the view looking forward along where the shadow of the LM is
cast on the surface and we see a zero-phased glow around the upper portion of the LM. The general
color of the terrain looking down-Sun was a very light tannish color. This blended as we looked more
cross-Sun to sharper, more well-defined features to more of a gray color. During the initial time period
after touchdown, we went through various sequences to prepare us for immediate abort or liftoff, if we
found that this was necessary. We found that we had to vent the fuel and oxidizer manifolds a good bit
earlier than we had thought. We went through these various checks and prepared for a liftoff that would
have to occur about 21 minutes after the beginning of powered descent. The ground gave us a stay
during this period and we did not have to make use of that. We then proceeded, at that point, into our
simulated countdown which consisted of checking our guidance systems. We made use of gravity-align
feature where the inertial platform of the primary guidance system would defuse the gravity vector to
determine the local vertical. We then compared this with alignments that we had previously. We also
made use of the stars through the telescope in aligning a cross hair by rotating the field of view so the
cross hair superimposed on the star -- this would give us the angular measurement of the star within the
field of view of the telescope. We then determined the distance out by aligning another radical spiral on
this. We went through an averaging technique onboard and then fed this information into the computer
and came up with our various alignment checks. This was all in preparation for a possible liftoff that
would occur about two hours after touchdown as Mike and Columbia came over for the first revolution.
The ground network gave us a stay and we continued through the remainder of the checklist in our
simulated countdown and at this point we terminated and powered down the systems aboard the
spacecraft and went into an eat period."
ARMSTRONG: "A number of experts had, prior to the flight, predicted that a good bit of difficulty
might be encountered by people attempting to work on the surface of the Moon due to the variety of
strange atmospheric and gravitational characteristics that would be encountered. This didn't prove to be
the case and after landing we felt very comfortable in the lunar gravity. It was, in fact, in our view
preferable both to weightlessness and to the Earth's gravity. All the systems on the LM were operating
magnificently-- we had very few problems. We decided to go ahead with the surface work immediately.
We predicted that we might be ready to leave the LM by 8 o'clock, but those of you who followed on the
ground recognize we missed our estimate a good deal. This was due to a number of factors: 1; we had
housekeeping to perform (food packages, flight plans, all the items that we had used in the previous
descent had to be stowed out of the way prior to depressurizing the lunar module) 2; It took longer to
depressurize the lunar module than we had anticipated and 3; it also took longer to get the cooling units
in our backpacks operating than we had expected. In substance, it took us approximately an hour longer
to get ready than we had predicted. When we actually descended the ladder it was found to be very much
like the lunar gravity simulations we had performed here on Earth. No difficulty was encountered in
descending the ladder. The last step was about thee and half-feet from the surface, and we were
somewhat concerned that we might have difficulty in reentering the LM at the end of our activity period.
So we practiced that before doing the exercise of bringing the camera down which took the subsequent
surface pictures. Here you see the camera being lowered on what might be called the "Brooklyn
clothesline." I was operating quite carefully here because immediately to my right and off the picture

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was a six-foot-deep crater. And I was somewhat concerned about losing my balance on the steep slope.
The other item of interest in the very early stages of EVA, should it have been cut short for some
unknown reason, was the job of bringing back a sample of the lunar rocks. The photograph shows the
collection of that initial sample into a small bag and then that bag being deposited in my pocket. This
was the first of a number of times when we found two men were a great help. I quickly put up the TV
camera. And then more leisurely Buzz and I joined together to erect the American flag. We found on a
number of occasions when we were able to help each other in many ways on the surface. You probably
recall the times that I got my foot caught in the television cable, and Buzz was able to help me extract it
without falling down."
ALDRIN: "We had some difficulty at first getting the pole of the flag to remain in the surface. In
penetrating the surface, we found that most objects would go down about 5, maybe 6 inches, and then
meet with gradual resistance. At the same time there was not much of a support force on either side, so
we had to lean the flag back slightly in order for it to maintain this position. So many people have done
so much to give us this opportunity to place this American flag on the surface. To me it was one of the
prouder moments of my life, to be able to stand there and quickly salute the flag."
ARMSTRONG: "The rest of the activity seemed to be very rushed. There were a lot of things to do,
and we had a hard time getting them finished."
ALDRIN: "We did find that mobility on the surface was in general a good bit better than perhaps we
had anticipated it. There was a slight tendency to be more nearly toward the rear of a neutral stable
position. Loss of balance seemed to be quite easy to identify. And as one would lean a slight bit to one
side or the other, it was very easy to identify when this loss of balance was approaching. In maneuvering
around, one of my tasks fairly early in the EVA, I found that a standard loping technique of one foot in
front of the other worked out quite as well as we would have expected. One could also jump in more of a
kangaroo fashion, two feet at a time. This seemed to work, but without quite the same degree of control
of your stability as you moved along. We found that we had to anticipate three to four steps ahead in
comparison with the one or two steps ahead when you're walking on the Earth."
ARMSTRONG: "We had very little trouble, much less trouble than expected on the surface. It was a
pleasant operation. Temperatures weren't high. They were very comfortable. The little EMU, the
combination of spacesuit and backpack that provided or sustained our life on the surface, operated
magnificently. We had no cause for concern at any time with the operation of that equipment. The
primary difficulty that we observed was that there was just far too little time to do the variety of things
that we would have liked to have done. In earlier pictures, you saw rocks and the boulder field out
Buzz's window that were 3 and 4 feet in size-- very likely pieces of the lunar bedrock. And it would have
been very interesting to go over and get some samples of those. There were other craters that differed
widely, that would have been interesting to examine and photograph. We had the problem of the five-
year-old boy in a candy store. There was just too many interesting things to do. The surface as we said
was fine-grained with lots of rock in it. It took footprints very well, and the footprints stayed in place.
The LM was in good shape, and it exhibited no damage from the landing or the descent. Here is a
picture of the ladder with the well-known plaque on the primary strut. There was a question as to
whether the LM would sink in up to its knees. It didn't, as you can see. The footpads sunk in, perhaps, an
inch or two. And the probe in this picture was folded over and sticks up through the sand in the bottom
right-hand corner showing that we were traveling slightly sidewise at touchdown. There was a wide
variety of surfaces. Here Buzz is standing in a small crater and gives a very good picture of the rounded
rims of what we believe are very old features. The LM was in a relatively smooth area between the
craters and the boulder field. And we had some difficulty in determining just what straight up and down
was. Our ability to pick out straight up and down was probably several degrees less accurate than it is
here on Earth. And it caused some difficulty in having things like our cameras and scientific experiments
maintain the level attitude we expected."
ALDRIN: "The two experiments that you saw in the previous pictures were deployed in the Scientific
Equipment Bay. We found that getting them down produced no significant problem. And here you see a
view of my carrying these two experiments out to deployment site about 70 feet south of the lunar
module. You have a very good view of the varying depths of the upper surface layer. You see that along
the crater rim-- a small crater rim off to my left-- along this, the upper surface appears to be about 2 to
3 inches. The substance has a slope that is rather ill-defined, and one has to be very careful in treading
around these small craters. Any long excursions, I feel, would take a good bit of attention in moving
along to avoid walking along or down the slope of some of these smaller craters. This is the Passive
Seismic Experiment that was deployed and has been giving us good returns on the interactions of the
Moon. We had a little difficulty deploying one of the panels. I had to move around to the far side and
release the restraining lever, and then the second panel came out. We had a little bit of difficulty
determining, as Neil said, the exact local horizontal, and I think this is due to the decrease in the cues,
that a person has as to which way up really is. One has to lean a little bit more off to the side before you
get this body cue that your approaching off-balance, and of course the surface varied considerably in
this area. This second experiment is the Laser Reflector. We've been successful in bounding laser beams
off this, from its hundred arrays of reflectors. The other experiment, the Solar Wind Experiment you can
see, was deployed quite early in the flight and was rolled up, just one of the last things before I reentered
the LM. In this picture, you see me driving the core tube into the surface. We collected two different core
tube samples. It was quite surprising, the resistance that was met in this subsurface medium, and at the
same time, you see that it did not support very well the core tube as I was driving it into the surface."
ARMSTRONG: "This is a closeup picture. It's actually a stereo picture of fine particulate material
on the Moon. This is taken from about an inch or two away from the surface, and shows a shiny coating
on some of the clumps there. This appears to be melted glass and an analysis of the cause for that
characteristic is of extreme interest to the scientific community. The second picture taken with that
scientific camera shows the nature of the clods of lunar surface material, and this picture shows the
80-foot crater, which, you observed earlier during the final phases of descent. We had very much hoped
that this crater would be deep enough to show the lunar bedrock. It was about 15 or 20 feet deep, and
although there are rocks in the bottom, there is no evidence on the inner walls of the lunar bedrock."
ALDRIN: "We deposited several items on the lunar surface. I'm sure you're aware of these. One was
a disc with 73 messages from nations of the world. There was a patch from Apollo 1, and various medals
from the cosmonauts. We also elected, as a crew, to deposit a symbol which was representative of our
patch; that is, the U.S. Eagle carrying the olive branch to the lunar surface. We thought it was
appropriate to deposit this replica of the olive branch before we left."
ARMSTRONG: " After reentering the LM, we could see the effects of our activity on the surface.
You'll note that the surface looks considerably darker in the area where the majority of the walking took
place. However, on the left side of the picture, where it is not as dark, there was also a good bit of
walking. That indicates that the walking probably just increases your ability to notice the effects of the
strange lighting that Buzz talked about earlier, where the cross-Sun lighting is a good bit darker than the
down-Sun lighting."
ALDRIN: "Following the EVA, we had a sleep period, which in a word, didn't go quite as well as we
thought it might. We found it was quite difficult to keep warm. When we pulled the window shades over
the windows, we found that the environment within the cabin chilled considerably and after about two or
three hours, we found that it was rather difficult for us to sleep. You see mounted in the right hand
window, the 16-millimeter camera that was mounted for taking the pictures of the surface. Following the
sleep period, as we're approaching the lift-off point we progressed with a gradual power-up of the lunar
module, which included another star alignment check, and as Mike came over in Columbia, one
revolution before lift-off, we used the radar to track him as he went over. We continued the check out.
You see here, one of the data books that's mounted up in front of the instrument panel that was used to
record the various messages that were sent up to us, a whole host of numbers, for the particular
maneuvers that were coming up, that we could copy down. We would log these on that sort of a data
sheet."
ARMSTRONG: "This film clip shows our final look at Tranquility Base before our departure, and
the ascent was a great pleasure. It was very smooth. We were very pleased to have the engine light up. It
gave us an excellent view of our takeoff trajectory, and Tranquility Base as we left, and at all times
through the ascent, we could pick up landmarks that assured us that we were on the proper track. There
were no difficulties with the ascent and we enjoyed the ride, more than we could say."
ALDRIN: "Both guidance systems agreed very closely when we were finally inserted into orbit. I
believe they were something on the order of a half a mile, or seven-tenths of a mile difference in the
apogee, in the resulting orbit. Following an alignment check after insertion into orbit, we proceeded
with gathering radar data of relative positions between the two vehicles. The solution for the first
sequence of rendezvous maneuvers was extremely close and agreed very closely with the value that the
ground had given us. The surprising feature was that many of us were expecting a fairly large out-of-
planeness, due to perhaps some misalignment in azimuth on the surface. We were expecting somewhere
up to, maybe 20 or 30 feet per second out-of-plane velocity. We found that we didn't even have to make
use of a particular out-of-plane maneuver that had been inserted between two other sequential
maneuvers. In comparison with many simulator runs, we found that this was about as perfect a
rendezvous as we could have asked for."
COLLINS: "This is Eagle, or perhaps half an Eagle would be better since the landing gear and
lower part of the descent stage, of course, remained on the surface. This was a very happy part of the
flight for me. I, for the first time, really felt that we were going to carry this thing off at this stage of the
game, and it looks like, although we were far from home, we were a lot closer to it than the pure
distance might indicate. Neil made the initial maneuvers to get turned around, and then again I did the
final docking. The probe is the dark bundle on the top of the LM and the docking target is below it and
to the left in the lighter portion of the LM. As Buzz said, the rendezvous was absolutely beautiful. They
came up from below-- as if they were riding on a rail. There was absolutely no disturbance or any off-
nominal events during the last part of the rendezvous. Upper right you can see the RCS QUADS, and
down below the various antenna and other protuberances. This gives you some idea of the rough surface
available on the Moon. Of course, the maria on the front side are smoother than this, but in general the
back side of the Moon is quite rough. I have a series of slides which, in the interest of time, I'm not going
to dwell on, but I just like to point out that we did take a number of pictures, I believe, from Columbia.
We took probably a thousand stills and some of them show very interesting surface features, various
types of unusual craters, and some of them pose many riddles which we hope the geologists will, in time,
be able to answer for us. That line of craters, for example, is difficult to explain; or at least without an
argument it is. Here is a nearer crater with the white material having come from it. And this is a picture
of the solar corona. Neil, would you like to close with that?"
ARMSTRONG: "During our flight to the Moon, we flew through the Moon shadow, in fact the
Moon was eclipsing the Sun. We took the opportunity to try to take some photographs of it but our film
was just not sufficiently fast to capture the event. However, this does show the brightest part of the solar
corona . It extends several Moon diameters on each side. They're roughly parallel to that light, but the
striking thing to us, as observers, was not the solar corona, but the Moon itself. Of course, it was dark,
unilluminated by the Sun but it was illuminated by the Earth and at this relatively close range it had a
decided three-dimensional effect and was undoubtedly one of the most impressive sights of the flight. As
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we left the Moon, after successful TEI, this is the view that we observed. The colors that you see there
are quite close to being actually representative of the Moon as seen from that distance. We were sorry to
see the Moon go, but we were certainly glad to see that Earth return. We took a large number of
photographs on the way out and back and had our wristwatches set on Houston time. An interesting use
can be made of that. If you were looking at this picture and you looked at your watch and you watch said
7:00 in the evening, then you'd know that Houston is about 7:00 in the evening and it's about an hour
away from sunset. So it would be about one-twenty-fourth of an Earth's circumference away from the
shadow, which is just about 15 degrees there, so at anytime by looking at our wristwatch and looking
down at Earth, we knew what was underneath the clouds and it aided us in some ways in picking out
what we should be seeing. We could see a large number of details on the Earth's surface, certainly all
the continents and islands and details, many of which you followed perhaps in our discussions over the
radio communications but it was interesting to us to find out how well we could observe weather
patterns not only on the world wide scale that you see here, but in specific localities. This particular
shot shows the coasts of North America, the equatorial cloud layers, what we think is probably the
intertropical conversion zone and cirrus clouds over the Antarctic."
SCHEER: " We're ready now for questions and answers and wait for the microphone and we'll go
right down the line and we'll catch everyone if you will just be patient."
REPORTER: "How much time did you have left in your life-support backpacks at the time you got
back onboard the LM?"
ARMSTRONG: "I haven't seen the post-flight analysis of the numbers. We had roughly half of our
available oxygen supply remaining in the backpacks and somewhat less percentage in the water
supplies, which are used for cooling. Of course, particularly on our first experience with the use of that
backpack on the lunar surface, we were interested in conserving a good bit of margin, in case we had
difficulty with closing the hatch or repressuring the LM, or had any difficulties with getting the systems
operating again in a normal fashion inside the cockpit."
REPORTER: "Colonel Aldrin and Mr. Armstrong; when President Nixon made his phone call to
you on the Moon, it looked like the two of you suddenly stopped doing everything and stood there and
listened and talked to him. It looked there for a moment like you might be a little bit aware of what was
going on. Was there ever a moment on the Moon where either one of you were just a little bit spellbound
by what was going on?
ARMSTRONG: "About two-and-a-half hours."
REPORTER: "I'd like to ask Neil Armstrong when he began to think of what he would say when he
put his foot down on the lunar surface and how long he pondered this-- this statement about a small step
for man, gigantic leap for mankind."
ARMSTRONG: "Yes, I did think about it. It was not extemporaneous, neither was it planned. It
evolved during the conduct of the flight and I decided what the words would be while we were on the
lunar surface just prior to leaving the LM."
REPORTER: "I'd like to ask Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin, and I'm not quite sure how to ask this
question, when you first stepped on the Moon, did it strike you as you were stepping-- that you were
stepping on a piece of the Earth, or sort of what your inner feelings were, whether you felt you were
standing on a desert or that this was really another world, or how you felt at that point."
ALDRIN: "Well, there was no question in our minds, where we were. We'd been orbiting around the
Moon for some time. At the same time we had experienced one-sixth G before. We've been exposed, to
some degree, to the lighting that we saw. However, this was, in my case, an extremely foreign situation
with the stark nature of the light and dark condition, and of course we first set foot on the Moon in the
dark shadow of the area."

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 ARMSTRONG: "It's a stark and strangely different place, but it looked friendly to me and it proved
to be friendly."
REPORTER: "Some people have criticized the space program as a "Misplaced item on a list of
national priorities." I'd like to ask any of the astronauts how do you view space exploration as a relative
priority compared with the present needs of the domestic society and the world community at large."
ARMSTRONG: "Well, of course we all recognize that the world is continually faced with a large
number of varying kinds of problems, and that it's our view that all those problems have to be faced
simultaneously. It's not possible to neglect any of those areas, and we certainly don't feel that it's our
place to neglect space exploration."
REPORTER: "There was a lot of discussion during the flight-- during the power descent portion of
the flight-- about the program alarms and so forth. I wondered if you all could describe your thoughts
on the subject, how it went and what advice you might have to offer the crews of Apollo 12 and
subsequent flights for this portion of the mission?"
ALDRIN: "Well, I think we pretty well understand what caused these alarms. It was the fact that the
computer was in the process of solving the landing problem and at the same time we had the rendezvous
radar in a powered- up condition and this tended to add an additional burden to the computer
operation. Now I don't think either the ground people or ourselves really anticipated that this would
happen. It was not a serious program alarm. It just told us that for a brief instant the computer was
reaching a point of being over programmed or having too many jobs for it to do. Now a computer
continually goes through a wait list of one item after another. This list was beginning to fill up and the
program alarm came up. Unfortunately it came up when we did not want to be trying to solve these
particular problems, but we wanted to be able to look out the window to identify the features as they
came up so that we would be able to pinpoint just where, in the landing ellipse stage, the computer was
taking us."
ARMSTRONG: "Suppose we were carrying on a rapid fire conversation with the computer at that
point, but we really have to give the credit to the control center in this case. They were the people who
really came through and helped us and said "continue," which is what we wanted to hear."
REPORTER: "Gentlemen, you're about to take some tours. I wonder what your feelings are. Is that
perhaps the most difficult part of the mission or are you looking forward to it?"
ARMSTRONG: "It's certainly the part that we're least prepared to handle."
REPORTER: "What do you consider the most important piece of advice and recommendation that
you will give the Apollo 12 crew before they take off for the Moon in November, gentlemen?"
ARMSTRONG: "I didn't hear the first part. Recommendations for 12 in which?"
REPORTER: "Which would be the most important piece of advice or recommendation for the
Apollo 12 crew?"
ARMSTRONG: "I think that we can say that overall we wouldn't change the plan that we used or
the plan that they intend to use. You know that there are a large number of individual details which we
think could stand improvement and we have had the opportunity in the past couple of weeks to go over
those details with the crew members and various people from around the program. In general I'd say
that we wouldn't recommend any major changes in the plan.
REPORTER: "Will you recommend any changes in procedures for the Moon-walking and
exploration procedure and did you find that your suits were mobile enough in view of the changes or
would you recommend further mobility features for them for operation on the Moon?"
ALDRIN: "Well, one gets used to the type mobility that your suit affords you and of course we would
like to always have more and more dexterity with arms moving and fingers moving. These things are
under study. Of course the Apollo 12 mission will have two different periods of EVA: one early in the
mission, and then a sleep period, and then another EVA following that. We in general looked at their
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plans and we talked to them about the durations. We talked to them about a brief period at the beginning
of their EVA for their familiarization with the EVA, the 160 environment. I don't think we have any
particular recommendations for how they should change their mission. It is a continuing evolvement of
EVA capability and scientific exploration that they're undertaking on that flight.
REPORTER: "I would like to ask Colonel Aldrin if he would elaborate a little bit on his comment
earlier about having to anticipate where you were going to walk three or four steps in advance as
compared to just one or two on Earth. Did you mean that in respect to avoiding craters or deep pits or
what?"
ALDRIN: "Well, I meant it with respect to the inertia that the body has in moving at this rate of five
to six miles an hour that we found to be fairly convenient. Due to the reduced force of gravity your foot
does not come down so often, so you have to anticipate ahead and control your body movement, and
since your foot is not on the surface for a long period of time in each step you're not able to bring to
bear large changes in your force application which would enable you to slow down. So in general we
found we had to anticipate three or four steps ahead instead of maybe that one or two that you do on the
surface of the Earth."
REPORTER: "You are now national heroes and you've had a couple of weeks in isolation in the
LRL to think about that. What are your initial feelings about being heroes? How do you believe it will
change your lives and do you think that maybe you'll get another chance to go to the Moon or are you
going to be too busy being heroes?"
ARMSTRONG: "Probably to get an answer to that question we might have to spend as long
preparing as we had to prepare for Apollo 11. In the Lunar Receiving Laboratory we had very little time
for meditation, as it turned out, we were quite busy throughout the time period with the same sort of
things that the crews of past flights have done after their flights. The debriefing schedules and writing
the pilot reports and getting all the facts down for the use of all the people who will include that in the
future flights."
REPORTER: "I'm struck from the movies and the still pictures by the difference in the very hostile
appearance of the Moon when you're orbiting over it or some distance from it and the warmer colors
and the relatively apparently more friendly appearance of it when you're on the surface. I'd like to ask
Colonel Collins if he gets that same impression from the pictures and the two of you who were on the
Moon, what impression do you have along those lines?"
COLLINS: "The Moon changes character as the angle of sunlight striking its surface changes. At
very low Sun angles close to the terminator at dawn or dusk, it has the harsh, forbidding characteristics
which you see in a lot of the photographs. On the other hand when the Sun is more closely overhead, the
midday situation, the Moon takes on more of a brown color. It becomes almost a rosy looking place-- a
fairly friendly place so that from dawn through midday through dusk you run the whole gamut. It starts
off very forbidding, becomes friendly and then becomes forbidding again as the Sun disappears."
REPORTER: "Neil, were you and Buzz-- did you get the feeling that you were getting a little low on
fuel during the landing? Were you concerned at that point about being low on fuel, and the second part
of it, I suppose for Buzz, is, out of your experience how tough do you think that pin-point precise landing
will be on the lunar surface on future flights?"
ARMSTRONG: "Yes, we were concerned about running low on fuel. The range extension we did
was to avoid the boulder field and craters. We used a significant percentage of our fuel margins and we
were quite close to our legal limit."
REPORTER: What changes will be based on your experience?"
ALDRIN: "Well, I think it requires some very pinpoint determination of the orbit that the vehicle is
in before it begins power decent. This requires extreme care in making sure of ground tracking because
the entire descent is based upon the knowledge that the ground has and puts into the onboard computer

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exactly where the spacecraft is and this starts several revolutions before and then is carried ahead as the
computer keeps track of the craft's position. So during sequences like undocking we have to be extremely
careful that we do not disturb this knowledge of exactly where it is, because this then relates in the
computer to bringing the LM down in a different spot than where everyone thought we were coming.
This is what defines the error ellipse, where we might possibly land having targeted for the center. Now
the ability to be able to control where you are requires that you be able to identity features and, of
course, in our particular landing site this was selected to be as void of significant features as possible to
give us a smoother surface. In any area like this there are always certain identifying features that you
can pick out-- certain patterns of craters-- to the extent that this can be used. If the crew sees that they
are not going exactly toward the preplanned point, they can begin to tell the computer to move to a
slightly different landing location. Now this can occur up in the region of 5 to 6 thousand feet. Then as
Neil took over control of our spacecraft to extend the range to get beyond this large crater-- West
Crater-- this again may be required if identification is made in the vicinity of 3, 4 or 5 hundred feet to be
able to maneuver that last few seconds in the vicinity of 1000 or 2000 feet to make a pinpoint landing.
So much depends on the early trajectory, the ability to then redesignate, and the final manual control."
REPORTER: "For Mr. Armstrong and more on the landing. Did you at any time consider an abort
while you were getting the alarms and so forth?"
ARMSTRONG: "Well, I think-- in simulations we have a large number of failures and we are
usually spring-loaded to the abort position and in this case, in the real flight, we are spring-loaded to
the land position. We were certainly going to continue with the descent as long as we could safely do so
and as soon as program computer alarms manifest themselves, you realize that you have a possible
abort situation to contend with, but our procedure throughout the preparation phrase was to always try
to keep going as long as we could so that we could bypass these types of problems."
Aldrin: "The computer was continuing to issue guidance throughout this time period and it was
continuing to fly the vehicle down in the same way that it was programmed to do. The only thing that
was missing during this time period is that we did not have some of the displays on the computer
keyboard and we had to make several entries at this time in order to clear up that area."
REPORTER: "Would the crew consider a Moon mission of a similar nature again or would you
prefer to have some other kind of mission; and secondly, I think this question was asked, but I did not get
the complete answer. How do you propose to restore some normalcy to your private lives in the years
ahead?"
ALDRIN: "I wish I knew the answer to the latter part of your question."
ARMSTRONG: "It kind of depends on you. But I think that the landings that are presently
considered for the next number of flights are appropriate to the conclusion that we reached as a result of
our descent. I would certainly hope that we are able to investigate the variety of types of landing sites
that they hope to accomplish."
REPORTER: "I have two brief questions that I would like to ask, if I may. When you were carrying
out that incredible Moon walk, did you find the surface was equally firm everywhere or were there
harder and softer spots that you could detect. And, secondly, when you looked up at the sky, could you
actually see the stars in the solar corona in spite of the glare?"
ALDRIN: "The first part of your question, the surface did vary in its thickness of penetration
somewhere in flat regions. The footprint would penetrate a half an inch or sometimes only a quarter of
an inch and gave a very firm response. In other regions near the edges of these craters we could find
that the foot would sink down maybe 2, 3, possibly 4 inches and in the slope, of course, the various
edges of the footprint might go up to 6 or 7 inches. In compacting this material it would tend to produce
a slight sideways motion as it was compacted on the material underneath it. So we feel that you cannot
always tell by looking at the surface what the exact resistance will be as your foot sinks into a point of
firm contact. So one must be quite cautious in moving around in this rough surface."
ARMSTRONG: "We were never able to see stars from the lunar surface or on the daylight side of
the Moon by eye without looking through the optics. I don't recall during the period of time that we were
photographing the solar corona what stars we could see."
ALDRIN: "I don't remember seeing any."
REPORTER: "Neil, you said you were a little bit concerned you said about stubbing your toe at the
point of landing because the surface was obscured by dust. Do you see any way around that problem for
future landings on the Moon?"
ARMSTRONG: "I think the simulations that we have at the present time to enable a pilot to
understand the problems of a lunar landing (that is, the simulator and the various lunar landing training
facilities and trainers that we have) will do that job sufficiently well. Above that, I think it is just a
matter of pilot experience."
REPORTER: "This is for Neil Armstrong. You said earlier in your presentation that Maskelyne W.
occurred about three seconds later giving you the clue that you might land somewhat long. Now this was
before you got the high gate so that it had nothing to do with maneuvering to find a suitable place to
land. I am wondering what would have caused this three seconds delay. Did it have something to do with
the time that you began the powered descent or what?"
ARMSTRONG: "The time that we started powered descent was the planned time but the question is
where are you over the surface of the Moon at the time of ignition and where that point is, is largely
determined by a long chain of prior events: tracking that has taken place several revolutions earlier, the
flight maneuvers that have been done in checking out the rate control systems, the undocking and the
ability to station keep accurately without ever flying very far away from where the computer thinks you
ought to be at the time. And, of course, the little bit of dispersions in a maneuver such as the deal I
burned on the back side of the Moon that were not quite properly measured by the guidance system.
Each of those things will accumulate into an effect that is an error-- a position error-- at ignition and
there is no way of compensating until you get to final phase for that error."
REPORTER: "Based on your own experiences in space, do you or any of you feel that there will
ever be an opportunity for a woman to become an astronaut in our space program?"
ARMSTRONG: "Gosh, I hope so."
REPORTER: "I would like to refer back to something that Neil Armstrong said a while back, that
there was so many other things he would have liked to have done. As it was, you ended up a
considerable number of minutes behind the schedule. Is that because the schedule was overloaded for
the EVA or can we expect all astronauts, when they reach the Moon for the first time, to enjoy
themselves and spend as much time doing so as you seemed to?"
ARMSTRONG: "We plead guilty to enjoying ourselves. As Buzz mentioned earlier, we are
recommending that we start future EVA's with a 15 or 20 minute period to get these kinds of things out
of the way and to get used to the surface and what you see, adapt to the 1/6 G in maneuvering around
and probably we just included a little more in the early phase than we were actually able to do."
REPORTER: "Two questions. Where did the weird sounds including the sirens and whistles come
from during the transEarth coast? I believe ground control had asked for explanations saying it had
come from the spacecraft. Secondly, I understand that although low-angle lighting caused no problem
walking around, there was a problem seeing obstacles in time when traveling at high speeds. I
understand this might indicate the need for flying machines rather than a rover for long distance lunar
surface travel. Can you explain this?"
ARMSTRONG: "We are guilty again. We sent the whistles and-- and bells-- with our little tape
recorder which we used to record our comments during the flight in addition to playing music in the
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lonely hours. We thought we'd share that with the people in the Control Center. The Sun angle was less a
problem for the things you mentioned than the lunar curvature and the local roughness. It seemed to me
as though it was like swimming in an ocean with 6- or 8-foot swells and waves. In that condition, you
never can see very far away from where you are. And this was even more exaggerated by the fact that
the lunar curvature is so much more pronounced."
REPORTER: "This is for Mr. Armstrong. Had you planned to take over semi-manual control, or
was it only your descent toward the West Crater that caused you to do that?"
ARMSTRONG: "The series of control system configurations that were used during the terminal
phrase were in fact very close to what we would expect to use in the normal case, irrespective of the
landing area that you found yourself in. However, we spent more time in the manual phase than we
would have planned in order to find a suitable landing area."
REPORTER: "Many of us and many other people in many places have speculated on the meaning
of this first landing on another body in space. Would each of you give us your estimate of what is the
meaning of this to all of us?"
ARMSTRONG: "You want to try it?"
ALDRIN: "After you."
ALDRIN: "Well, I believe, that what this country set out to do was something that was going to be
done sooner or later whether we set a specific goal or not. I believe that from the early space flights, we
demonstrated a potential to carry out this type of a mission. And again it was a question of time until
this would be accomplished. I think the relative ease with which we were able to carry out our mission
which, of course, came after a very efficient and logical sequence of flights . . . I think that this
demonstrated that we were certainly on the right track when we took this commitment to go to the Moon.
I think that what this means is that many other problems, perhaps, can be solved in the same way by
making a commitment to solve them in a long time fashion. I think, that we were timely in accepting this
mission of going to the Moon. It might be timely at this point to think in many other areas of other
missions that could be accomplished."
COLLINS: "To me there are near and far term aspects to it. On the near term, I think it a technical
triumph for this country to have said what it was going to do a number of years ago, and then by golly
do it just like we said we were going to do . . .not just, perhaps, purely technical, but also a triumph for
the nation's overall determination, will, economy, attention to detail, and a thousand and one other
factors that went into it. That's short term. I think, long term, we find for the first time that man has the
flexibility or the option of either walking this planet or some other planet, be it the Moon or Mars, or I
don't know where. And I'm poorly equipped to evaluate where that may lead us to."
ARMSTRONG: "I just see it as beginning, not just this flight, but in this program which has really
been a very short piece of human history -- an instant in history -- the entire program. It's a beginning of
a new age."
REPORTER: "Neil, how much descent fuel did you have left when you actually shut down?"
ARMSTRONG: "My own instruments would have indicated less than 30 seconds, probably
something like 15 or 20 seconds, I think. The analyses made here on the ground indicate something more
than that, probably greater than 30 seconds --40 or 45. That sounds like a short time, but it really is
quite a lot."
REPORTER: "This is for Colonel Collins. You used a rather colorful expression when there seemed
to be some problem with docking. Could you tell us precisely what was going on at that time? Were you
docked and then--"
COLLINS: "Are you referring to the lunar orbit docking when after the two vehicles made contact, a
yaw oscillation developed? This oscillation covered, perhaps, 15 degrees in yaw over a period of one or
two seconds and was not normal. It was not anything that any of us expected. It was not a serious

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problem. It was all over in an additional six or eight seconds. The sequence of events is that the two
vehicles are held together initially by three capture latches and then a gas bottle, when fired, initiates a
retract cycle which allows the two to be more rigidly connected by 12 strong latches around the
periphery of the tunnel. Now this takes six or eight seconds for this cycle, between initial contact and the
retract. And it was during this period of the time, that I did have a yaw oscillation, or we did. Neil and I
both took manual corrective action to bring the two vehicles back in line. And while this was going on
the retract cycle was successfully taking place. And the latches fired, and the problem was over."
REPORTER: "Two questions. Col. Aldrin, the pictures taken on the surface, your fold portrait,
show the distinct smudges of lunar soil on your knees. Did you fall down on the surface or kneel? And
then for Mr. Armstrong, during the last few minutes there, before the landing when the program alarms
were coming on and et cetera, would you have gone ahead and landed had you not had ground
support?"
ALDRIN: "To my recollection, my knees did not touch the surface at any particular time. We did not
feel that we should not do this. We felt that this would be quite a natural thing to do to recover objects
from the surface, but at the same time we felt that we did not want to do this unless it was absolutely
necessary. We found quite early in the EVA that the inter surface material did tend to adhere
considerably to any part of the clothing. It would get on the gloves and would stay there. When you
would knock either your foot or your hand against something, you would tend to shed the outer surface
of this material, but there remained considerable smudges. I don't know how that got on the knee."
ARMSTRONG: "Neither of us fell down. We would have continued the landing so long as the
trajectory seemed safe. And a landing is possible under these conditions, although with considerably
less confidence than when you have the information from the ground, and the computer in its normal
manner is available to you."
REPORTER: "For Mr. Armstrong and Col. Aldrin. Would you please give us a bit more detail about
your feelings, your reactions, you emotions during that last several hundred feet of powered descent?
Especially when you discovered that you were headed for a crater full of boulders and had to change
your landing spot."
ARMSTRONG: "Well, first say that I expected that we would probably have to make some local
adjustments to find a suitable landing area. I thought it was highly unlikely that we would be so
fortunate as to come down in a very smooth area, and we planned on doing that. As it turned out, of
course, we did considerably more maneuvering close to the surface than we had planned to do. And the
terminal phase was absolutely chock full of my eyes looking out the window, and Buzz looking at the
computer and information inside the cockpit and feeding that to me. That was a full-time job."
ALDRIN: "My role during the latter two hundred feet is one of relaying as much information that I
can that is available inside the cockpit in the form of altitude, altitude rate, and forward or lateral
velocity. And it was my role of relaying this information to Neil so that he could devote most of his
attention to looking out. What I was able to see in terms of these velocities and the altitudes appeared
quite similar to the way that we had carried out the last two hundred, one hundred feet in many of our
simulations."
The Apollo press conference ended here.
 ONE SMALL STEP

If the Moon landings took place, then the evidence presented in this book is insufficient to prove
otherwise.
The following excerpts provide support to NASA's claims. For more detailed information visit the
websites listed at the end.
THE FLIP SIDE
Moon Rocks
The following is from The Astronomy Rainbow: "Hoax supporters claim that all the moon rocks were
fake. "Some are just meteorites collected from Antarctica" ... Every meteorite has a 'fusion crust' around
it that developed on its fiery journey through the Earth's atmosphere. None of the moon rock samples
have a fusion crust. They therefore cannot be meteorites. If they were then why can't anybody produce a
meteorite rock today that is chemically & structurally identical to a Apollo Moon Rock sample?"
The following is from Earth and Solar System: "Rocks that were brought back from the Apollo 17
mission are around 4.4 billion years old which is much older than anything dated on the Earth."

Command Module Re-entry

If the Apollo Command Modules were simply dropped from an aircraft they would not have
exhibited any effects from the severe heat of re-entry. Each of the Command Modules did suffer the
effects of heat damage which left burned and scorched marks on the craft when the heat shields were
obliterated upon re-entry.
Also, there were scores of witnesses to the re-entries themselves. The following newspaper article
was published on July 27, 1969 in Sydney Australia's The Sun Herald: "Boeing saw re-entry spectacle.
Captain F.A. Brown, Qantas 707 pilot, yesterday described the awesome sight of the Apollo 11 Moon
capsule's re-entry into the atmosphere early on Friday...The fiery, disintegrating service module, from
which the command module occupied by the astronauts exploded into a flare that lit up the darkness
over the Pacific ocean near the Gilbert and Ellice Islands like daylight...The spectacle was seen by the
82 passengers and 13 crew members aboard the airliner."
The following article was published on April 18, 1970 in The Auckland Star: "A Champagne Re-
Entry for DC8 Flight. Sixty passengers and the crew aboard an Air New Zealand DC8, flying from
Nandi to Auckland this morning had a grandstand view of Apollo 13, as it re-entered the Earth's
atmosphere. The whole spectacle lasted for about 14 minutes. "A wonderful, never to be forgotten sight",
was the reflection of crew and passengers after they landed."

Lunar Module Doors

In regards to the lunar module doors being too small for the astronauts to navigate through in their
pressurized suits, the following is from Space Vehicles lunar module doors: "Collier just assumed the
astronauts were wearing a space suit and back pack (PLSS) any time they went through the overhead
hatch. They weren't; that hatch was only used when the spacecraft were connected to form one
continuous shirt-sleeve environment.
In fact, the PLSSes[sic] were actually stored in the lunar module until they were needed on the
lunar surface. You don't need a PLSS every time you wear a space suit. You can plug your hoses into the
spacecraft's oxygen supply if you aren't going outside. The PLSS is only for when you're outside the
spacecraft. To prepare for an actual landing, the astronauts could put on their space suit (minus helmets
and gloves) in the command module, go through the connection tunnel to the lunar module, and
complete the suit-up and pressurization there."
Photos of Small Earth
Mathematical calculations have been made to explain the illusion of the Earth appearing too small in
Apollo photos taken from the Moon. The following is from Giant Earth: "The lens used most often on
the moon was a wide standard lens without magnification unlike a zoom or telephoto. From the Earth
the moon appears just 0.5 degrees wide. From the moon, the Earth appears 2 degrees wide. Photos
taken with a standard lens are around 80 degrees across."
A 747 jumbo jet can be used as an example of how the Earth can look so small. When you see a
jumbo jet up close it is hundreds of times larger than a human, but when you look at the same jet flying
30,000 feet away it looks quite tiny. It stands to reason that an object only 4 times larger, at 238,000
miles away, would like smaller as well.
***********************************************************
A very thorough and compelling argument against Moon hoax advocates (DID WE LAND ON THE
MOON? A Debunking of the Moon Hoax Theory) can be found online at www.braeuing.us/space/
hoax.htm. The following is from Mr. Braeuing's Web page: "If you are interested in further information
regarding this topic, I recommend the following Web pages. All do a very fine job of debunking the
alleged hoax evidence, often delving into the various topics with great detail...

♦ Moon Base Clavius - - The best and most complete anti-hoax site on the Internet!
♦ Bad Astronomy - Fox TV and the Apollo Moon Hoax
♦ Are Apollo Moon Photos Fake?
♦ Were Apollo Pictures Faked?
♦ Non-Faked Moon Landings!
♦ Comments on the Fox Moonlanding Hoax special
♦ Moon Landing conspiracy theories (Wikipedia)
♦ Did we land on the Moon?
♦ Conspiracy Theory: Did We Go to the Moon?
♦ FOX Goes to the Moon, but NASA Never Did - The no-Moonies Cult Strikes
♦ The Great Moon Hoax
♦ NASA Facts - Did U.S. Astronauts Really Land On The Moon? (PDF)
♦ Was the Apollo Moon Landing a Hoax?
♦ Telescopic Tracking of the Apollo Lunar Missions
♦ The Van Allen Belts and Travel to the Moon
♦ Moonlandungsfluge? (In German, Moon-landing flights?)"
 FINAL THOUGHT
Whether or not you believe the Moon landings took place, is there any wonder why there's doubt?
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Also for your consideration

On a beautiful Friday afternoon from 12:30 to 12:30:05 in downtown Dallas, Texas, a hail of bullets smashed into the Presidential
limousine killing John F. Kennedy and severely wounding Governor John Connally. What actually happened before, during and
after those 5 seconds is far different than what we've been told. Why do millions of people doubt the Warren Commission's "official"
findings? Is there any evidence to support their contrary beliefs? Did you know that Lee Harvey Oswald was not arrested for the
assassination of the President? Did you know that Oswald defected to Russia and when he returned he was two inches shorter, and
missing scars from his body? Did you know that John F. Kennedy's body was illegally removed from Parkland Hospital in Dallas,
and that it was delivered to the Bethesda Naval morgue in two different caskets, at two different times, with two different sets of
wounds on the same day? Did you know that John F. Kennedy's assassination prevented Lyndon Baines Johnson from going to
prison?
"Once you eliminate the impossible, whatever remains, no matter how improbable, must be the truth." Arthur Conan Doyle

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