Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Imtiyaz Yusuf
Introduction
Presenting this research after 25 years of passing since the one held in
1987 on same topic published as Ethnic Conflict in Buddhist Societies:
158 Yusuf
Sri Lanka, Thailand and Burma (1988) by K.M. de Silva, Pensri Duke,
Ellen S. Goldberg and Nathan Katz (eds) which I read as a student at
Temple University, Philadelphia, USA and the events since then such
as Taliban’s destruction of the Bamiyan Buddha statues in March
2001; the 2013 bomb blasts at Bodh Gaya—the Mecca of Buddhists on
which 57 Muslim member-countries body of the Organisation of
Islamic Cooperation observed complete silence, yet is vocal about the
Rohingaya, southern Thailand and Sri Lanka does not augur well for
the future of Muslim-Buddhist relations in Asia, will have important
consequences for the future socio-cultural dimension of the ASEAN
group of nations.
On the religious front, the modern age saw the rise of religious
fundamentalism and also religious nationalism leading to terrorism
(Juergensmeyer 1994, 2003; Almond 2003; Marty & Appleby 1994; Stern
2009).
The recent bomb blasts at Bodh Gaya’s Mahabodhi Temple and the
ongoing Muslim-Buddhist crisis in Sri Lanka and Myanmar tell us
that the messages of the Buddha and Muhammad are lost on the
world today even among their own followers.
other ethnic groups. There Buddhism and Islam are evoked to mobilise
people viz-a-viz on both sides, the anti-Muslim 969 movement is calling
for putting curbs on Muslims citizens of Myanmar. A Thai journalist
calls such use of Buddhism for nationalist purpose as being sheer racism
not Buddhism (Ekachai 5 September 2012; Kristof 28 May 2014; Beech
1 July 2013).
While Muhammad Iqbal, in his poem ‚Bang-e-Dara‛ also above, calls the
teaching of the Buddha as a message of truth and humanism that was
lost on Indian Brahmins while it flourishes today outside India.
Nanak
The nation could not care less about Gautama’s message—
It did not know the price of its unique pearl!
The main difference between Islam and Buddhism lies in their being
theistic and non-theistic religions. Thus Muslims should not seek the
presence of a creator God or a single holy scripture in Buddhism.
And Buddhists should not search for the concepts of Nirvana,
dependent origination and rebirth in Islam. It is a futile exercise from
a dialogical perspective. The two religions need to be understood on
their own terms without Islamising Buddhism or Buddhising Islam.
For the Buddhists, the Buddha is more than a prophet and for
Muslims Muhammad is the last prophet.
And never have We sent forth any apostle otherwise than [with
a message] in his own people's tongue, so that he might make
[the truth] clear unto them; but God lets go astray him that wills
[to go astray], and guides him that wills [to be guided] for He
alone is almighty, truly wise. (Qur’an 14:4)
166 Yusuf
The main difference between them lies around the question of the
relationship between religion and violence, the fact is that the
prophet Muhammad lived in the hostile and warring environment of
Arabia where war and violence were normal features of life during
his life time which he reduced to the minimum while India at the
time of the Buddha was witnessing violence in form of religio-social
exploitation and not physical wars.
And never have We sent forth any apostle otherwise than [with
a message+ in people’s own tongue . . . . (Qur’an 14: 4)
would have not known about the sage status of the Buddha who had
passed centuries before.
In other words, the message of the Buddha was perfect and complete
in itself require no future confirmations. On the other hand while
some Muslims are open to the view that Buddha as one among the
unnamed prophets of the Qur’an others who take an exclusivist view
of Islam, view the Buddha as a false religious figure. But it is
interesting to note that the early Muslims viewed the Buddhists as ahl
al-Kitab—the people of Book similar to the Sabians mentioned in the
Qur’an. Historical evidences suggest that early Muslims extended the
Qur’anic category of ahl al-Kitab (people of the book or revealed
religion) to include the Hindus and the Buddhists.2
2 The term Ahl al-Kitab or ‘the People of the Book’, is a Qur’anic term and
Prophet Muhammad’s reference to the followers of Christianity and
Judaism as religions that possess divine books of revelation (Torah,
Psalter, Gospel) which gives them a privileged position above followers
of other religions in Arabia. See Encyclopedia of Islam, s.v. ‘Ahl al-Kitab’.
For a more circumspect attitude on the question see Muhammad Hifz al-
Rahman Sewharwi 1964.
Muslim-Buddhist Relations between Nalanda and Pattani 169
After reading the above mentioned rich tributes by Rumi and Iqbal to
the Buddha, it is hard to believe that Islam is the sole cause for the end
of Buddhism in India. Rumi and Iqbal wrote their appreciations of the
Buddha and his message in the thirteenth and the twentieth centuries
respectively. And in between their periods, there are numerous other
examples of Muslim appreciations of the Buddha and Buddhism
which unfortunately are unknown to both the contemporary Muslims
and Buddhists. The main reason for this is that after the age of
medieval Islam, Muslims abandoned the study of Buddhism from its
own sources. They started to depend on Orientalist interpretation of
Islam as Europeans discovered and interpreted Buddhism in their
ways. One consequence of this is seen in Muslim viewing Buddhism as
being nihilistic religion—a common notion found in Western
understanding of Buddhism which essentially a fallacy (Lopez 1995;
Lopez & McCracken 2014; Allen 2002).
Muslim-Buddhist Relations between Nalanda and Pattani 171
Ibn al-Nadim (d. 385/995), the author of al-Firhist, remarked that the
Buddhists are the most generous of all the inhabitants of the earth
and of all the religionists. This is because their prophet Budhasf
(Bodhisattva) has taught them that the greatest sin which should never
be thought of or committed is the utterance of ‘No’ (Ibn al-Nadim 1971:
407; Yusuf 1955: 28).
The early Abbasid caliphs who ruled Baghdad for five centuries
(132–656/750–1258) let the Buddhist Barmak family supervise the
Buddhist monastery of Naw Bahar near Balkh in addition to other
Iranian monasteries; the Samanid dynasty which ruled Persia during
the third and fourth/ninth and tenth centuries, modelled the
madrasahs in eastern Iran devoted to Islamic learning after the
Buddhist schools; the pondoks or pasenterens—the Muslim religious
schools of Southeast Asia are shaped along the Buddhist temple
schools that existed in the region prior to the arrival of Muslims.
3 Among few such works are: Sivaraksa and Muzaffar (1999); Buddhadasa
and Swearer (1991); Ikeda and Tehranian (2003).
172 Yusuf
4 Hamidullah 1974: 54 & 160f; See also Scott (1995: 141–55). An Egyptian
mid-twentieth century scholar, Hamid Abd al-Qadir (1957), published a
work in which he takes the position that the Prophet Dhu ’l-Kifl
(meaning ‘the one from Kifl’) mentioned in the Qur’an (21: 85 and 38: 48),
refers to Buddha. Although most scholars identify Dhu ’l-Kifl with the
Jewish Prophet Ezekil, Abd al-Qadir believes that ‘Kifk’ is the
Arabicised form of Kapil, the abbreviation of Kapilvastu (the site where
Buddha grew up). See also Berzin (June 1996). For a more circumspect
attitude on the question see Sewharwi (1964: 229–33).
174 Yusuf
Thapar goes on to say that the Turkic warriors from Central Asia
who were nomadic pastoralist invaded India not for religious but for
financial reasons. Mahmud of Ghazni needed money for his wars
and the Indian temples were rich, no doubt he was an iconoclast and
as Sunni Muslim he also fought other Muslim sects. The Turkic
victory over India was also the result of their new war technique of
horse-mounted archery which the elephant-centric armies of Hindus
could not match (Roy 2012: 160). In fact, while the Turk viewed their
campaign as jihad whose meaning had change from ‘to strive’ to
qital—‘fighting,’ while the Hindus viewed their war against the
Turks as dharmayuddha—just war, the effect of this violent persists
until today. The final destruction of last Nalanda University came at
the hands of the Tirthaka mendicants.5
While Thapar has addressed the issue of Islam as the cause for the
decline of Buddhism from the point of view of Indian history,
Marshall Hodgson, the doyen of Islamic studies, whose three-volume
magnum opus The Venture of Islam is a classic and an authoritative
source for the study of Islamic world or what he calls the ‘Islamicate’
remarks that it is a misunderstanding to hold that Islam wiped out
Buddhism by means of conversion and persecution. Hodgson
comments:
not friendly to it, but there is no evidence that they simply killed
off all the Buddhists, or even all the monks. It will take much
active revision before such assessments of the role of Islam,
based largely on unexamined preconceptions, are eliminated
even from educated mentalities. (1977: 557)
More recently Johan Elverskog has shown that the notion Muslims
destroyed the Nalanda University in 1202 and that Islam caused the
demise of Buddhism in India is an invented myth. For the Nalanda
University continued to function until the thirteenth century, the
Buddhist rulers continued to be in power after making deals with the
Muslims and the Dharma survived in India until the seventeenth
century. Thus there are various reasons for the decline of the Dharma
in India which are economic, political, environmental and religious.
The Dharma declined because of its own failings thus blaming
Muslims for it is simplistic and a cobbled story (Elverskog 2010: 2).
6 Nagarjunakonda, located on the banks of the river Krishna not far from
Hyderabad was an important center for Buddhist learning.
Nagarjunakonda was one of the main Buddhist centers of India from
second century B.C until the third century A.D. It is believed that
Buddhist scholar and founder of Mahayana Buddhism, Nagarjuna, the
proponent of the philosophy of sunyata (void) founded the University
here.
178 Yusuf
<they would have never been able to defeat the invaders and
that the welding between Muslims and Buddhists, already
successfully tested in eighth century Sind, was resurfacing in the
Gangetic India of the twelfth century, they accepted Muslim rule
in exchange for the extirpation of Buddhism and the repression
of the social sectors in revolt. Contrary to what is usually
believed, the great monasteries of Gangetic India, from Sarnath
to Vikramasila, from Odantapuri to Nalanda, were not
destroyed by the Muslims, but appropriated and transformed by
the Brahmans with only the occasional intervention of the
Muslim forces<.(Verardi 2011)
The pastoralist Turkic invaders entered India for looting its wealth
and the Mughal era since the reign of Akbar onwards is full of
evidences, whereby ‚Mughal rulers treated temples lying within
their sovereign territory as state property; accordingly they
undertook to protect both the physical structures and their Brahmin
functionaries<by appropriating Hindu religious institutions to serve
imperial ends—a process involving complex overlapping of political
and religious codes of power—the Mughals became deeply
implicated in institutionalised Indian religions, in dramatic contrast
to their British successors, who professed a hands-off policy in this
regard‛ (Eaton 2000).
Southeast Asia is the only part of the world today where Islam and
Buddhism coexist in direct religious, cultural and political contact.
Thus while the rest of the Muslim world may ignore Buddhism,
Muslims of Southeast Asia cannot afford to do so where Muslims and
Buddhists coexist in large numbers viz., 42 percent and 40 percent
180 Yusuf
The political saga of the Pattani conflict begins with 1906 Siamese
annexation of the independent Malay Muslim kingdom of Patani
which now named as Pattani in Thai and English schools. The
annexation was further strengthened in 1909 by an Anglo-Siamese
treaty that drew a border between Pattani and the Malay states of
Kedah, Kelantan, Perak and Perlis. As per the terms of the treaty the
British recognised Siam’s sovereignty over Pattani while giving up its
territorial claim over Kelantan and recognised British control over the
other Malay states of Kedah, Perak and Perlis.
Chaiwat Satha-Anand talks about the need for the Thai state to
understand Muslim (not Malay) religious sensitivity or it could lead
to terrorism (de Silva et.al. 1988: 35, 39).
The two 2004 incidents of Krue Se on 28 April 2004 and Tak Bai 25
October 2004 which turned deadly are now etched in the minds of
the Malay Muslims of the South which will take long time to heal.
The pen (writer) will also die, but the writing shall continue to
survive. Carried over by religious preachers (Da’wah), they shall
inherit words and take over the leadership. I name them as Wira
Shuhada (martyrdom fighters). Imam Shaheed, the Radiance of
Jihad. The Wira Shuhada will rise in Pattani with the radiance of
Jihad Fi-Sabilillah (Struggle in the Path of Allah). Wira Shuhada
will come to the children of the land (Pattani) who are in state of
ignorance and obsessed with material wealth and power.
(Berjihad di Pattani: 119)
Incidentally, the 2004 Krue Se mosque event took place on the same
date as that of ‘Dusun Nyur’ rebellion of 26-28 April 1948, which was
the first major uprising against Bangkok after Pattani was annexed by
Siam. Satha-Anand comments that the new feature involving
violence taking place involving mosques and temples in the deep
South of Thailand, ‚<cut into the cultural ties that bind together
peoples of differences in a political community. Once broken, these
ties will be difficult to mend‛ (Chaiwat 1948 & 2004, 2006: 34).
the close connection between the Thai state and Thai Buddhism and
its implications for the Thai Buddhists who reside in the deep South
as monks and citizens. Jerryson’s research, based on his residence in
Buddhist temples and among the monks of southern Thailand, brings
to light the contest between Thai Buddhist hegemony and the Malay
Muslims: ‚it subjugates, silences, and alienates the Malay Muslim
minority, their history and their identity‛ (Jerryson 2011: 5). The book
brings to light the role of Buddhist monks and soldier monks in the
ethno-religious conflict in relation to warfare (127-42).
Since the end of the Thaksin regime and ensuing period of political
instability in Thailand there have been several attempts at holding
peace talks between the Thai state and the Pattani nationalists.
After the 2006 military coup, the then-interim Prime Minister General
Surayud Chulanont recognised the need for dialogue with the
separatists. The Thai government also favoured the role played by
the former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in
contacting the separatist leaders for peace talks with Thai officials.
Since then Malaysia is playing the role of facilitator in resolving the
Pattani conflict. In his first visit to the South after taking office,
Muslim-Buddhist Relations between Nalanda and Pattani 191
As time marches into the future with no political end to the century-
old Pattani episode, the future of Buddhist-Muslim relations
especially in the Thailand’s deep South remains precarious and full
of growing mistrust.
Conclusion
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