Autochthony: Local or Global? New Modes in The Struggle Over Citizenship and Belonging in Africa and Europe

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Autochthony: Local or
Global? New Modes in the
Struggle over Citizenship
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005.34:385-407. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org
and Belonging in Africa and

by Ontario Council of Universities Libraries on 07/09/09. For personal use only.
Europe
Bambi Ceuppens1 and Peter Geschiere2
1
Catholic University of Leuven, IMMRC, Tiensestraat 102, 3000 Leuven, Belgium;
email: bambi.ceuppens@ant.kuleuven.be;
2
University of Amsterdam, ASSR, Kloveniersburgwal 48, 1012 CX Amsterdam,
The Netherlands; email: p.l.geschiere@uva.nl
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. Key Words

2005. 34:385–407
citizenship, nation-building, belonging, strangers, New Right
The Annual Review of
Anthropology is online at
anthro.annualreviews.org
Abstract
doi: 10.1146/ The past 15 years have brought an upsurge of “autochthony.” It has
annurev.anthro.34.081804.120354 become an incendiary political slogan in many parts of the African
Copyright
c 2005 by continent as an unexpected corollary of democratization and the new
Annual Reviews. All rights style of development policies (“by-passing the state” and decentral-
reserved ization). The main agenda of the new autochthony movements is
0084-6570/05/1021- the exclusion of supposed “strangers” and the unmasking of “fake”
0385$20.00 autochthons, who are often citizens of the same nation-state. How-
ever, Africa is no exception in this respect. Intensified processes of
globalization worldwide seem to go together with a true “conjunc-
ture of belonging” (T.M. Li 2000) and increasingly violent attempts
to exclude “allochthons.” This article compares studies of the up-
surge of autochthony in Africa with interpretations of the rallying
power of a similar discourse in Western Europe. How can the same
discourse appear “natural” in such disparate circumstances? Recent
studies highlight the extreme malleability of the apparently self-
evident claims of autochthony. These discourses promise the cer-
tainty of belonging, but in practice, they raise basic uncertainties
because autochthony is subject to constant redefinition against new
“others” and at ever-closer range.
385
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as on the right of first-comers to special pro-

Contents tection against later immigrants. Nonetheless,
these two terms have followed separate trajec-
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 386
tories, with different repercussions for issues
COLONIAL ROOTS:
of belonging today. Over the past decades, the
AUTOCHTHONY AND
notion of “indigenous peoples” has acquired a
FRENCH RULE IN THE
new lease of life with truly global dimensions,
SUDAN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 387
especially since the founding of the United
AUTOCHTHONY IN THE
Nations Working Group on Indigenous Pop-
POSTCOLONY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 389
ulations (1982), representing groups from all
Cameroon: Autochthony Versus
six continents. The notion of autochthony
National Citizenship . . . . . . . . . . 390
has had a more limited spread. During the
Ivory Coast: Autochthony and the
1990s, it became a burning issue in many parts
Difficult Birth of a “New”

of Africa, inspiring violent efforts to exclude
Nation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393
“strangers”—especially in francophone areas,
The “Great Lake Region” and
but spilling over into anglophone countries.
Other African Settings . . . . . . . . . 395
During roughly the same period it became a
ALLOCHTHONS BETWEEN
key notion in debates on multiculturalism and
ETHNIC AND CIVIC
immigration in several parts of Europe, no-
CITIZENSHIP IN FLANDERS . 397
tably Flemish Belgium and the Netherlands.1
CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 402
The spread of the notion into Western con-
texts is of particular interest. Most Western-
ers think of “indigenous peoples” as “others”
who live in far-flung regions and whose cul-
INTRODUCTION tures can only “survive” if they receive spe-
The aim of this article is to explore the recent cial protection, but the epithet of autochthon
upsurge of the notion of “autochthony”— is claimed by important groups in the West
with its implicit call for excluding strangers itself. This term thus highlights the promi-
(“allochthons”), whoever they may be—as a nence that the obsession with belonging and
political slogan with virulent undertones in the exclusion of strangers have assumed in
different parts of the world. This upsurge day-to-day politics worldwide, in the North
points to a general obsession with belonging as much as in the South.
that seems to be the flip side of the intensi- The new, global dynamics of the discourse
fying processes of globalization. Comparing on autochthony can therefore serve as a strate-
autochthony with the more widespread no- gic entry point for understanding the intrigu-
tion of “indigenous peoples” reveals certain ing intertwining of globalization with inten-
ambiguities inherent in this volatile quest for sified struggles over belonging and exclusion.
belonging and for limiting the ranks of those The New World Order, announced by Pres-
who lay claim to be “real” citizens. ident Bush, Sr., and others at the end of the
“Autochthony” and “indigenous” go back cold war, seems to be marked less by freely cir-
to classical Greek history and have similar im- culating cosmopolitans than by explosions of
plications. “Autochthony” refers to “self” and communal violence and fierce attempts at ex-
“soil.” “Indigenous” means literally “born in- clusion. Appadurai (1996) signaled some years
side,” with the connotation in classical Greek
of being born “inside the house.” Thus, 1
Recently, Umberto Bossi’s Lega Nord in Italy has adopted
both notions inspire similar discourses on the the term as well. Redefining its “other” from the southern
Italian to the allochthonous immigrant (especially from
need to safeguard “ancestral lands” against North Africa), it increasingly adopts the term autochthon
“strangers” who “soil” this patrimony, as well to refer to its “own” people.
386 Ceuppens · Geschiere

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ago that globalization and the undermining of lar discourses, inspiring almost identical slo-
the nation-state inspire a vigorous “produc- gans, can have great mobilizing power in ex-
tion of locality.” Meyer & Geschiere (1999) tremely different contexts, from present-day
characterized globalization as “a dialectic of Africa to Europe. Studies that place the no-
flow and closure.” In a seminal contribution tion in a longer historical perspective (Arnaut
based on research in Indonesia on the poli- 2004, Bayart et al. 2001, Geschiere & Nyam-
tics of “indigenous peoples,” Tanja Murray Li njoh 2000, Socpa 2003) show how easily au-
(2000) evokes a “global conjuncture” of widely tochthony discourses can switch from one
different trends that all converge toward a “other” to the next one, without losing their
growing concern with belonging. Neoliberal credibility. This may explain their great re-
economics, which inspire new development silience in the face of modern changes, eas-
policies of “by-passing the state” and “de- ily adapting to the constant redrawing of bor-
centralization;” political liberalization, which ders that seem to be inherent to processes of
turns questions like “who can vote where?” globalization. The flip-side is a certain fuzzi-
into burning issues; global concern with eco- ness. In any given situation, who can claim
logical degradation; the strong interest in the autochthony may appear to be self-evident.
West in “disappearing cultures”—all these Yet, any attempt to define the autochthonous
trends seem to be working toward a de- community in more concrete terms provokes
fense of local roots. This conjuncture also fierce disagreements and raises nagging sus-
creates great uncertainty and intense doubt. picion about “faking.” Indeed, autochthony
Belonging promises safety, but in practice it discourse is of a segmentary nature: Belong-
raises fierce disagreement over who “really” ing tends to be constantly redefined at ever-
belongs—over whose claims are authentic and closer range. It is precisely this emptiness—an
whose are not. identity with no particular name and no spec-
Two points stand out with some urgency ified history, only expressing the claim to have
from the literature discussed below. First is come first, which is always open to contest—
the point—made most explicitly for Africa by that can give this notion such very violent
Achille Mbembe (2001, p. 283; 2002, p. 7) and implications.
AbelMaliq Simone (2001, p. 25)—that no- Below follows a brief discussion of the ge-
tions such as autochthony or indigenous ap- nealogy of “autochthony” in Africa—notably
pear to defend a return to the local, but in its role in the imposition of French colonial
practice are more about access to the global. rule, a crucial link to its current upsurge on
It may seem logical to equate “autochthony” the continent. Next we discuss its new dy-
with a celebration of the local and of “clo- namics in postcolonial Africa in the 1990s, in
sure” against global “flows”; yet, in practice it the context of what can be termed the new
is often directly linked to processes of glob- politics of belonging, using Cameroon, Ivory
alization. Simone (2001, p. 25) is correct to Coast, and the Great Lakes Region in Central
insist that “. . . the fight is not so much over Africa as specific examples. We conclude with
the terms of territorial encompassment or clo- a brief comparison with the flowering of au-
sure, but rather over maintaining a sense of tochthony discourses in Europe, particularly
‘open-endedness.’” What is at stake is often in Belgian Flanders.
less a closer definition of the local than a strug-
gle over excluding others from access to new
avenues to riches and power. COLONIAL ROOTS:
A second point is the surprising elasticity AUTOCHTHONY AND FRENCH
of autochthony discourses, allowing for con- RULE IN THE SUDAN
stant shifts and redefinitions, but also making Like endogenès, the term autochtonos had pos-
this discourse a somewhat empty one. Simi- itive connotations in classical Greek. The
www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 387

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Athenians justified their claim to superiority it as a first step in categorizing the daz-
over other Greeks by emphasizing that only zling variety of indigènes: Some indigènes were
they were truly “autochthons” of their area. autochthons, whereas others definitely were
To them, moreover, their autochthony ex- not (Delafosse 1912, p. 280; Arnaut 2004,
plained their natural propensity for democ- p. 207). His emphasis on this distinction was
racy (Loraux 1996). Yet Nicole Loraux shows derived from the politique des races, a fixed
also that this defense of rootedness was para- principle for setting up a colonial administra-
doxically balanced by a celebration of a “fun- tion during the early decades of French rule
damental alterity” in the myths, highlighting (see Suret-Canale 1964, p. 103). Unlike the
the role of strangers as founders of the society. British with their Indirect Rule, which con-
We will come back to both these aspects. centrated on finding “real” chiefs, French pol-
The term never gained wide currency in icy, at least initially, was to by-pass chiefs (who
English. The Oxford English Dictionary de- might prove troublesome) in favor of homo-
fines autochthony, as “son of the soil” but lists geneous cantons, populated by the same race;
only historical examples for this meaning; in- hence, ruling immigrant groups had to be dis-
terestingly, more recent etymologies refer to tinguished from true autochtones. In practice,
its secondary usage in geology and botany (as however, the French as well soon resorted
in autochthonous rock formations or plants). to involving local chiefs in the administra-
Jean and John Comaroff (2001) pick up this tion of the new colonies (see Crowder 1964,
usage in an article on the widespread panic Lombard 1967, Suret-Canale 1964). Indeed,
over a huge fire on the Cape Peninsula, which in spite of Delafosse’s determined search for
destroyed South Africa’s cherished heritage autochtones, in line with the politique des races,
of fynbos (a unique plant community) that fed he shows himself in practice to be more in-
into the national preoccupation over the post- terested in mobile groups who had created
Apartheid invasion of “aliens” from other larger political units. For instance, he devotes
parts of Africa. The Comaroffs see this sur- nearly 40 pages to the Peul—he is clearly
prising convergence as a possible explanation fascinated by their peregrinations through-
for the haunting power of the autochthony out West Africa and their reputation as em-
discourse in current contexts, emphasizing pire builders, whereas most “autochthonous”
its “naturalizing” capacity, as a “naturalizing groups receive only a brief mention (Delafosse
allegory of collective being-in-the-world,” 1912; see Triaud 1998). Also notewor-
that makes it seem “. . . the most ‘authentic,’ thy is Delafosse’s somewhat condescending
the most essential of all modes of connection” language for these autochthonous groups,
(pp. 648–49). describing them as malheureux (Delafosse
In the French version, now prevalent in 1912, p. 238).
francophone Africa, autochtones are people, This paradox of looking for autochthons
not plants or rocks. First introduced by the as an anchor for the administration while at
French at the time of the colonial conquest the same time treating them as some sort of
of Sudan in the late nineteenth century, the lesser group became even more pronounced
concept itself was envisaged as playing a vital as the autochthon/non-autochthon distinc-
role in categorizing these new subjects to aid tion became sanctioned under French rule.
in adminstering these vast, newly conquered In many of the societies in the Senegal-Niger
areas. For the administrator and ethnogra- area that Delafosse described, a complemen-
pher Maurice Delafosse, for instance, later tary opposition between “people of the land”
to become a towering figure in organizing and “ruling” groups, who claimed to have
French rule in West Africa, autochthony was come in from elsewhere, dominated local pat-
a kind of first criterion in his seminal three- terns of organization. Thus, “the chief of the
volume Haut-Sénégal-Niger (1912). He used land” formed (and still forms) a kind of ritual

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
counterpoint to the chief of the ruling dy- ported elsewhere. A major factor precipitat-
nasty. To the French “autochthony” was an ing this violence was the wave of democrati-
obvious term to describe this opposition. zation that overran the continent. Democra-
A good example is the vast literature on tization as such was certainly welcomed, but
the Mossi (the largest group in present-day as several authors (Arnaut 2004, Geschiere &
Burkina Faso). For generations of ethnol- Nyamnjoh 2000, Socpa 2003) point out, the
ogists, this opposition between what they reintroduction of multipartyism inevitably
termed autochtones and “rulers” became the turned into red buttons such questions as
central issue inspiring highly sophisticated, “who can vote where?” or, more important,
structuralist studies (Izard 1985, Luning “who can stand candidate where?”—that is,
1997, Zahan 1961; see also Gruénais questions of where one belongs.3 In the more
1985). In this context, the notion of au- densely settled areas and in larger cities in
tochthony again took on somewhat conde- particular, the fear by locals of being out-
scending overtones. Luning (1997, p. 11), voted by more numerous “strangers,” often
for instance, points out how in the prevailing citizens of the same nation-state, reached such
discourse of the Mossi Maana, the tengabiise a pitch that the defense of autochthony seems
(now translated as autochthons) were charac- to take precedence over national citizenship.
terized as some sort of “presocial” terrestrial A further complication is that the regimes in
beings, who were only included into human power in many countries encourage this kind
society by the coming of the naam, their for- of strife over belonging: The old slogans of
eign rulers. In practice, naam power was lim- nation-building and reinforcing national citi-
ited in all sorts of ways by the tengabiise. zenship rapidly give way to support for localist
Nonetheless, the naam, as foreign rulers, were movements, clearly with the aim to divide the
formally at the top of the prestige scale, de- opposition.
cidedly above the “autochthons.”2 This stands A more hidden factor was an equally dra-
in sharp contrast to how the opposition au- matic switch in the policies of the develop-
tochthon, stranger, came to be seen in later ment establishment during the 1980s from
phases of postcolonial rule. a decidedly statist approach to development
(emphasizing nation-building as a prerequi-
site for achieving progress) to an empha-
AUTOCHTHONY IN THE sis on decentralization, by-passing the state
POSTCOLONY and reaching out to “civil society” and non-
In the 1990s especially, after the end of the governmental organizations. Several authors
cold war and the demise (at least formally) (Chauveau 2000, Geschiere 2004, Jackson
of one-party authoritarianism on the African 2003) have pointed out that, again, this switch
continent, the seemingly clear-cut catego- in policy almost inevitably triggered fierce de-
rizations of colonial administrators according bates about belonging, i.e., over who could or
to the autochthons/non-autochthons divide could not participate in a project new-style.
turned out to be explosive. Ivory Coast made Nearly all authors note, moreover, that
the headlines recently for the fierce hatred such upsurges of autochthony during the
underlying the violence with which self-styled 1990s were triggered not simply by political
autochtones are trying to push out immi- manipulations from above, but were equally
grants. But similar outbursts have been re-
3
This was certainly not limited to francophone Africa. A
2
There is an intriguing similarity between forms of “di- notorious case was in Zambia when former President Ken-
archy” between land-chief and ruler (usually coming from neth Kaunda was ousted from political competition by his
elsewhere) described by anthropologists for SE Asia (for an successor Frederick Chiluba on the grounds of Kaunda’s
overview, see Schefold 2001; Spyer 1992, 2000). descent from foreigners.

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
impelled by strong feelings from below. Some his main rival ), who this time won only 17%
authors (Geschiere & Gugler 1998, Monga of the vote. Biya’s capacity for political sur-
1995, Vidal 1991) discuss the proliferation of vival is indeed impressive, all the more so
funeral rituals, turning the burial “at home” since this was taking place in the midst of a
(that is, in the village of origin) into a key mo- deep economic crisis. This regime is gener-
ment in the contest over belonging. Others ally counted among the most troubling exam-
point to struggles over land (Lentz 2003 on ples of the “criminalization” of the state (see
N. Ghana/Burkina Faso) or the staging of rit- Bayart et al. 1999), giving the country a top
ual associations (Austen 1992 on Duala) as position on the list of the world’s most cor-
crucial moments in popular manifestations to rupt countries. Not only is Biya almost totally
defend people’s autochthony. lacking in personal charisma, he has also be-
General studies of the autochthony ex- come increasingly invisible to the population,
plosion in postcolonial Africa are still rare. spending much of his time abroad and lim-
Therefore we will enlarge on the themes iting his public appearances to a minimum.
outlined above with reference to three spe- This begs the question as to how he and his
cific regional contexts: Southern Cameroon, team nonetheless managed to completely out-
Southern Ivory Coast, and the Great Lakes maneuver the opposition, which had seemed
Region. in such a strong position in the early 1990s.
For the authors quoted below one obvious
answer lies in the regime’s success at playing
Cameroon: Autochthony Versus the autochthony card. Indeed, Cameroon of-
National Citizenship fers a prime example of the effectiveness that
The upsurge of autochthony as an incen- autochthony slogans can acquire in national
diary issue in Cameroon during the 1990s politics.
has to be understood in relation to the de- Geschiere & Nyamnjoh (2000) show how
termined, sometimes even desperate, strug- the regime used the growing fear among au-
gle of President Paul Biya, the former one- tochthons in the core economic areas of the
party leader, to remain in power. Only toward Southwest Province and Douala city of being
the end of 1990 did Biya, and then probably outvoted under the new, democratic constel-
under direct pressure from François Mitter- lation by more numerous immigrants from
rand, at the time President of France, permit the highlands of the Northwest and West
freedom of association. This immediately un- Province (Bamenda and Bamileke; see also
leashed a proliferation of opposition parties. Bayart et al. 2001). After the 1996 munic-
The regime’s stubborn refusal to meet pop- ipal elections, the government actively sup-
ular demand for a National Conference in- ported large-scale and quite violent demon-
spired the opposition to launch “Operation strations by “autochthons” in Douala, who
Ghost Town,” which blocked public life in were protesting that Bamileke had won elec-
the major cities for over a year. Biya refused tion to mayor on an opposition ticket in 4 of
to give in and after 1992 the operation pe- the 6 communes of the city. The demonstrators’
tered out. The crucial presidential elections slogans were all too clear: The came-no-goes
of 1992 turned into a scandal since Biya’s 38% (the evocative pidgin term for immigrants)
to 35% victory over his main rival ( John Fru should go home and vote where they really
Ndi) was obtained through massive vote rig- belonged. The government defended its sup-
ging. However, Biya continued to hold out port for this viewpoint with reference to the
against all pressure, his party won all subse- new Constitution (1996), which emphasizes
quent elections, and the recent presidential the need to protect the rights of “minorities”
election (October 2004) gave him a landslide and “indigènes.” There is a telling contrast
victory (more than 70%) over Fru Ndi (still here between this and the earlier Constitution

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of 1972, at the high tide of nation-building, overview of competing visions on this burning
which emphasized the right of any Cameroo- topic. While several contributors (e.g., Ngijol
nian to settle anywhere in the country. Ngijol, Bertrand Toko, and Philip Bissek)
The regime’s support for new-fangled elite warned of the dangers of using discourses
associations created another arena for conflict on autochthony for political ends, the con-
over belonging and autochthony (Nyamnjoh tribution by Roger Nlep of exactly the oppo-
& Rowlands 1998). Again, there is a strik- site purport was to attain a central position
ing reversal of former policies. Under one- in the debates in Cameroon. His “theory” of
party rule, any form of association outside le village electoral argues that “integration” is
the party was strictly discouraged. But af- the central issue in Cameroonian politics, and
ter the onset of democratization, the regime people can only be fully integrated in the place
even obliged regional elites (who were mostly where they live if there is not un autre chez soi
civil servants and therefore in the pay of the (another home). Therefore, if a person runs
government) to form their own associations, for office in Douala and still defends the in-
often with ostensible cultural aims, but in terests of his village elsewhere, this must be
practice with the firm order to go home and considered as “political malversation.” There
campaign for the President’s party. These re- is a clear relation here to the regime’s ma-
gional associations thus offered a welcome nipulation of voters’ lists, telling people to go
channel by which to mobilize votes and “home”—i.e., to the village—to vote.5
neutralize the effects of multipartyism—all However, also emerging from these de-
the more effective since they also served bates were other notions on belonging, less
to exclude elites who were not “really” au- directly linked to the vicissitudes of national
tochthonous to the area, thereby blocking po- politics. A crucial statement, as seminal as
litical participation by allogènes who mostly it is succinct, came from Samuel Eboua, an
supported the opposition parties.4 Konings éminence grise of Cameroonian politics, in the
(2001) describes how effective this tactical review Impact Tribu-Une (1995, pp. 5, 14):
mix of support by the regime to elite asso- “Every Cameroonian is an allogène anywhere
ciations and minority groups, coupled with else in the country. . . apart from where his
a general emphasis on belonging, has been ancestors lived and. . . where his mortal re-
in dividing the anglophone opposition that mains will be buried. Everybody knows that
had seemed to form a solid front in the only under exceptional circumstances will a
early 1990s. In subsequent years, the South- Cameroonian be buried. . . elsewhere.” State-
west’s autochthons (Anglophones), just as ments such as this emphasize how strongly
fearful as the (francophone) Douala of be- the Cameroonian version of autochthony op-
ing overwhelmed by come-no-go immigrants, poses the very idea of a national citizenship
became the regime’s staunchest supporters and the principle that every Cameroonian
(see also Konings & Nyamnjoh 2003). “. . .has the right to settle in any place. . .,” cel-
All this turmoil provoked a fierce debate ebrated by the earlier Constitution at the time
among academics and other intellectuals over of nation-building. Geschiere & Nyamnjoh
the rights of autochtones versus allogènes. The (2000) underscore the growing emphasis, in
Cameroonian review La Nouvelle Expression the context of autochthony politics, on the
devoted its May 1996 issue to a seminal place of burial as the ultimate test of be-
longing. Protagonists of autochthony repeat
time and again that as long as immigrants,
4
See Geschiere & Nyamjoh 2000 and Konings 2001 on
the “Association of the Elites of the Tenth Province”—an
5
imagined province (Cameroon has only nine provinces), For an overview of more extreme voices (for instance on
proclaimed by elites who feel excluded from belonging any- the supposed “ethnofascism” of Bamileke), see Geschiere
where else. & Nyamnjoh 2000, pp. 430 ff.

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
even if they are Cameroonian citizens, still in Yaoundé, furious fights broke out between
want to be buried back home in the village, rival local clans who claimed the mayor’s po-
it is clear that this is their home to which sition on the grounds that they were the
they should return to vote (see also Geschiere “real” autochthons. In this very bastion of au-
2004b and Monga 1995 on the prolifera- tochthony that Yaoundé remains within the
tion of “neotraditional” funeral rituals in this Cameroonian context, the discourse shows
context). its “segmentary” character, subject as it is to
Similar arguments play a central role in a constant tendency to redefine the “real”
the confrontation between autochthons and autochthon at ever closer range.
allogènes studied by Antoine Socpa (2003) in Socpa’s parallel study (chapters 6–8) of
two very different parts of the country: the the bloody collisions in the North between
capital Yaoundé and the Extrême Nord Province Kotoko and Arab Choa illustrates another as-
where violence first erupted after democrati- pect of the malleability of the autochthony
zation. In both areas autochthony has a long discourse. Here, in sharp contrast to any-
history. In Yaoundé it was mainly the issue where else in the country, the Biya regime is
of land, the alleged tricks whereby Bamileke now clearly siding with the immigrants (the
immigrants succeeded in appropriating land Arab Choa) against the Kotoko who claim au-
from the Beti autochthons, that had been tochthony. This surprising volte-face springs
a source of animosity between the groups from the determination on the part of the
since the time the town first became capi- Biya regime to divide the northern bloc on
tal of the colony under the French (1921). which the power of Ahidjo, Biya’s predeces-
But it was the new-style elections that made sor, was built and in which the Kotoko sultans
these tensions acute. Socpa (p. 117 ff) de- played a pivotal role. Biya’s shift to the Arab
scribes how the Bamileke who succeeded in Choa caused an explosion of banditism—this
buying a plot for building continue to ad- is the area where les coupeurs des routes are al-
dress the former owner as their “landlord” ways threatening the highways (see Roitman
(bailleur), whereas former owners refer to 2004)—and a series of bloody confrontations
their “tenants” (locataires) even though they between Kotoko and their former subjects.
have sold the land. This choice of words be- Socpa shows just how easy it is for the gov-
came heavy with meaning with the new style ernment to reverse its arguments for deter-
of elections. To the “landlords” it was self- mined support to autochthony movements in
evident that at these occasions their “ten- the South and justify its support for allogènes
ants” should behave as good “guests” and in the North.
not vote for the opposition, i.e., not try and In a recent article, Geschiere (2004a)
rule in their “landlord’s house.” It was espe- studies the vicissitudes of autochthony in yet
cially the autochthons’realization that their another part of the country: the sparsely pop-
“guests“ nonetheless introduced the SDF, the ulated forest area of the Southeast. The article
main opposition party, in the heart of Beti discusses the repercussions of the new style
country (supposedly the fief of Biya’s ruling of development politics, with its emphasis on
party) that led to violent confrontations in the decentralization and “by-passing the state.”
early 1990s. Socpa (p. 208 ff) also points out The impact of the dramatic fall in world
the elusive nature of the autochthon notion commodity prices for Cameroon’s main cash
despite the emphasis it receives. In the com- crops (cacao, coffee, and cotton) and the
petition for political posts, autochthons take looming depletion of its oil reserves have
it for granted that they should rule in their made timber a crucial export product. Thus
own area, but some are apparently more “au- the Southeast, formerly the most backward
tochthonous” than others. After Biya’s party part of the country, has become a region
and his Beti won the 1996 municipal elections of crucial importance on account of its rich

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
forest resources. However, vehement oppo- the formal equality of all citizens and defend-
sition from global ecological movements, in ing special forms of access to the state, in Ivory
this area coupled with strong support from the Coast it refers to efforts to redefine, or even
World Bank, against any further plunder of “save,” the nation.
this “lung of the world,” led to the new forest In this country the concept of autochthony,
law (Law 94/01) of 1994, which the Cameroo- again introduced by French colonials, was
nian government agreed to only under heavy quickly appropriated by local spokesmen. One
pressure from the Bank and the IMF. As is of the first signs of a new local élan was the
typical in the new approach to development, foundation, as early as 1934, of an associa-
the law emphasizes the role of local “commu- tion calling itself Association de Défense des
nities,” unfortunately not further defined, as Intérêts des Autochtones de Côte d’Ivoire (see
central stakeholders in the exploitation of the Arnaut 2004, p. 208; Dozon 2000a, p. 16). At
forest and advocates far-reaching financial de- that time, Senegalese and Dahomean clerks
centralization. Thus, municipalities of a few occupying the lower ranks of the colonial ad-
thousand inhabitants stand to receive almost ministration were the main target for Ivorian
half of their taxes from logging in their areas. autochthony. However, soon they were re-
This insistence on redistribution and protect- placed by other “strangers” in the self-
ing “the” community, however well-meant, definition of autochthons. From the 1920s on-
immediately set off fierce infighting over be- ward, cocoa production in the southern part
longing in this sparsely populated area. Local of the colony was a magnet for immigrants
communities here are notoriously diffuse, from the North who first came as laborers, but
regularly splitting up according to malleable soon managed to establish their own farms.
oppositions between lineage branches. In After independence in 1960, this immigration
practice, the village committees responsible became one of the mainstays in the miracle
for managing the new “community forests” ivoirien, the spectacular flowering of the coun-
are constantly at odds over accusations that try’s economy. Both Dozon (2000a,b) and
some people do not “really” belong. Even Arnaut (2004) mention the role of President
kin can be unmasked as allogènes who really Houphouët-Boigny’s Pan-African ideas in de-
belong in another village and therefore liberately encouraging immigrants to push the
should join the new development project “frontier” of cocoa production ever further
there. Apparently there is no end to the seg- into the South. Local communities were en-
mentary tenor of the autochthony discourse, couraged to grant land to enterprising immi-
hence its violent implications: Even within grants. Chauveau (2000, p. 107) explains how
the intimacy of these close-knit villages that the autochthons’ main chance of continuing
seem lost in vast tracts of almost uninhabited to profit from their original rights was to hang
forest, it has become possible to unmask on to their role as tuteurs, which would allow
one’s neighbor or relative as “really” being a them to ask for regular “gifts.” Over time, as
stranger. the value of land rose, this “tutorship” be-
came a “permanent and conflict-ridden ne-
gotiation.” Immigrants came mainly from the
Ivory Coast: Autochthony and the northern parts of the country as well as from
Difficult Birth of a “New” Nation the neighboring countries of Mali and espe-
In Ivory Coast during the same troubled pe- cially Burkina Faso. But Dozon (2000b) em-
riod of democratization, the concept of au- phasizes that southerners hardly distinguish
tochthony has taken a markedly different tra- between Ivorian citizens and others among
jectory, notably in its relation to the nation. these northerners. Their shared similar char-
Whereas in Cameroon autochthony implies acteristics, e.g., many are Muslims, generated
some sort of rival for citizenship by denying the idea of le grand Nord from which all these

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
people, commonly called Dyula, whether Ivo- tochthony of southerners against northerners.
rians or non-Ivorians, originated. But Chauveau (2000, p. 121) warns that they
As the 1980s ended, Houpouët-Boigny’s are very aware that “real” autochthons may
miracle seemed to stagnate. There was at any time redirect their grievances against
pressure on increasingly scarce land; world them.
commodity prices for cocoa collapsed; and The defense of autochthony became
the economic crisis forced young urban- couched in more ideological terms after 1993
ites to return to their villages. The re- when Houpouët-Boigny’s successor, Henry
sulting increase in rural tensions gave rise Konan Bédié, launched the notion of ivoirité,
to a réactivation de l’idéologie de l’autochtonie mainly as a way of ousting one of his main
(Chauveau 2000, p. 114). After the 1990 elec- rivals in the election for presidency, Alas-
tions, opposition parties in the South openly sane Ouattara—on the grounds that both
accused Houphouët-Boigny of owing his re- his parents came from Burkina Faso. Do-
election to the votes of “strangers” and even zon (2000a,b) and Arnaut (2004, chapter 3)
claimed that he himself was some sort of show that this was part of a broader ideo-
“allochthon” (Arnaut 2004, p. 216; Dozon logical offensive to justify the need to distin-
2000a, p. 16). Developments since his death guish Ivoiriens de souche (trunk) from others.
in 1993 and more particularly since 2000 have Dozon speaks of an aéropage of intellectuals
reinforced the fear expressed by several au- and writers around Bedié, brought together
thors of a southern bloc of autochthons con- in Curdiphe (Cellule universitaire de recherche
solidating against the North (Chauveau 2000, et de diffusion des idées et actions du président
Dozon 2000b, Losch 2000). Konan Bédié). Politique Africaine (Curdiphe
This broad trajectory may in retrospect ap- 2000, pp. 65–69) published extracts of a col-
pear almost inevitable. So it is all the more loquium at this institute in which Professor
important to signal that it was marked by all Niangoran-Bouah (the country’s first anthro-
sorts of unexpected turns and still contains pologist, as director of the patrimoine culturel
quite different implications. For instance, of the Ministry of Culture) proposes a “re-
Chauveau (2000) notes how the defini- grouping” of “the ancestors of Ivorians, or
tion of the autochtone keeps shifting as the Ivorians de souche.” For him, this firstly refers
frontier of the cocoa zone changes. Pro- to “the autochthons with a mythical origin”
duction began in the Southeast and from and then to les autochtones sans origine mythique.
there expanded gradually into the South- He insists, and this is clearly very important
west and the West. In earlier phases, to him, that these groups were all already set-
Baule (in the center of the southern part tled in the country on March 10, 1893, when
of the country) were the main migrants, “. . .Ivory Coast was born” (Curdiphe 2000.
moving first into the Southeast as cocoa See Arnaut 2004, chapters 3 and 4, for a dis-
production took off. Cacao subsequently en- cussion of similar texts).
tered their own region, but they continued In these enumerations ivoirité seems to
to follow the cacao frontier into the western be consistent with the notion of a south-
and southwestern parts. Thus in the 1960s, ern autochthony. But Dozon (2000a,b) warns
autochthony was mainly claimed by groups in that, again, Bédié’s celebration of Ivoiriens
the Southwest and West (Bete, Dida) against de souche contained hidden subtexts. At a
Baule “immigrants.” Terms like allogène or deeper level, it underscores the special voca-
immigrant have become nearly synonymous tion of the Baule (the group to which Bédié
with northerner and Baule leaders, who since and Houphouët-Boigny both belonged) as
independence have been heavily represented some sort of super-autochthons. As part of
in the national centers of power and are the broader Akan group (also including the
now at the forefront of defending the au- neighboring Ashanti in Ghana), the Baule

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
see themselves as endowed with state-forming sis on “War Making” in Goma, the capital
talents that distinguish them from other of North Kivu, is based on research since
southern groups (such as the “more seg- the late 1990s when RDC “rebels,” backed
mentary” Bete). Thus, the idea of Ivoiriens by Rwandan and Ugandan troops, conquered
de souche implies a double exclusion: on the this part of Congo. He speaks of “. . .a break-
one hand of northern immigrants, but on neck chase to exert control over fluctuating
the other hand of other southerners too, be- identity categories. . .” (p. 247). His sec-
cause they are supposedly less capable of lead- ond chapter, “Making History and Migra-
ing the nation on account of their cultural tory Identities,” evokes a dazzling vortex of
heritage. identities with ever-changing names and his-
According to Arnaut, the discourse shifts torical claims. However, a recurring divid-
not only over region but also over time. In ing line seems to be the opposition between
1999, Bédié was ousted in a military coup un- “autochthons” and “allochthons;” and a fixed
der general Guéı̈. In 2000, Laurent Gbagbo, pole in defining the latter are the deeply re-
another southern politician (but a Bete from sented Banyarwanda, Rwandophones who are
the Southwest) won the election, from which always suspected of plotting to deliver the re-
Ouattara, the candidate of the North, was gion to neighboring Rwanda. However, even
again excluded. In September 2002, a military this more or less fixed beacon is ambigu-
insurgency in the North effectively split the ous: It can refer to recent Hutu refugees
country between North and South, “the kind (who fled to Congo after the 1994 geno-
of geographical framework within which the cide of Tutsi in Rwanda and the subsequent
discourse of autochthony flourishes so well in takeover by Kagame and his Tutsi army), but
Côte d’Ivoire” (Arnaut 2004, p. 240). Under also to their arch-opponents, the enigmatic
Gbagbo, the idea of ivoirité acquired new im- Banyamulenge, whom autochthons often call
plications, according to Arnaut (2004, pp. 242, “Congolese Tutsi.” Jackson’s study describes
252) now more in tune with globalization pro- both the surprising resilience of the idea of a
cesses. It sets up the “frontier” in Bete land Congolese nation among the “autochthons”
(rather than any Baule element) as a symbol of of this remote part of the country and the
the nation, but then as a “purified” community fierce debates over history in this context.
of “real” Ivoirians. Arnaut (p. 254) concludes, Where do these Banyamulenge come from?
“Autochthony is. . . also a powerful discourse When did they settle in Congo? How can they
for a regional minority to reinvent itself as a claim to belong here as well? Like Jackson,
‘national’ majority. . . .” Jean-Claude Willame (1997) emphasizes, as
In Ivory Coast, autochthony may remain an important factor underlying these un-
more closely linked to the nation, albeit in certainties, Mobutu’s volatile manipulations
purified form, but there are segmentary ten- of national citizenship, first promising the
dencies similar to those found elsewhere. Banyamulenge to recognize their Congolese
Who the “real” autochthon is remains sub- citizenship when he needed their support, and
ject to bitter controversy, just as “the Other” then reneging when he looked for support
continues to take on ever new guises. from other groups.
Malkki’s references (1995, pp. 63 ff) to
“autochtonisation” as a central trait in the
The “Great Lake Region” and Other construction of a group history among Hutu
African Settings refugees from Burundi similarly highlight the
Another hotbed of autochthony is the Great narrow link, albeit with a somewhat differ-
Lakes Region, notably Rwanda-Burundi and ent tenor, between the claims to autochthony
the adjacent parts of Congo (North and South and the struggle over national citizenship.
Kivu). Stephen Jackson’s (2003) recent the- The Hutu historical claim for autochthony

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
is essential to their hope of one day be- (2003) challenging comparison of develop-
ing liberated from domination by the Tutsi, ments in Senegal, Ivory Coast, and Ghana
with their false pretence of superiority. How- shows how easily similar discourses, again
ever, Malkki shows that such claims to be- centering on the access to land, cut across
ing autochthonous also have their flip side: the border between anglophone and fran-
Hutu have to share their autochthony with cophone Africa. Achim von Oppen’s recent
Twa (Pygmies), which illustrates how easily Habilitationsschrift (2003) on Bounding Vil-
this notion can be associated with “primi- lages in Zambia presents a similar focus on
tive,” as still being in a first stage of devel- the paradox of exclusionist discourses on lo-
opment. There is a return here to the con- cality and belonging that manage nonethe-
notation that the concept acquired in the less to remain open-ended and tuned in to
western Sudan, the area where the term was globalization.
first introduced to the continent by French In general, this upsurge of autochthony in
civil servants: The almost “prehuman” au- Africa is cause for surprise. Historians and
tochthons are socialized only by incoming anthropologists used to characterize African

foreign rulers. Malkki (p. 63) is justified in societies as being oriented toward “wealth-
emphasizing that for the Hutu refugees as in-people” in contrast to the conception of
well “. . .autochthony can be a double-edged “wealth-in-things” prevailing elsewhere (see
sword.” Miller 1988; Guyer 1993, 2004). Africa would
Various authors stress the centrality of pre- be characterized by its open forms of organi-
occupations with autochthony in recent po- zation with special arrangements—e.g., very
litical developments in other parts of Africa broad kinship terminology, adoption, forms
as well. Lentz (2003) emphasizes the long of clientelism—for including people into lo-
history of these tensions, predating colo- cal groups. The current emphasis on au-
nial times, in Burkina Faso and neighbor- tochthony and local belonging thus represents
ing parts of Ghana. But she also notes that a dramatic turn toward closure and exclusion.
“autochthony” became an especially powerful However, as the above analysis shows, this ap-
political slogan in the 1990s, in the compe- parent closure may again be deceptive given
tition for jobs, but even more in the strug- the extreme malleability of autochthony dis-
gle over access to land. The language of course. It is doubtful whether it can simply be
autochthony also extends into anglophone characterized as a “retraditionalization” and
regions of the continent; it is not restricted to a return to the village. Its exclusionary tenor
the anglophone part of Cameroon (see above), is rather about limiting access to the state
but also penetrated into areas of North Ghana and new global circuits (compare Mbembe’s
bordering on Burkina and Togo (see Wienia and Simone’s emphasis, quoted above, on
2003). But even where the notions as such the open-endedness of these discourses). Au-
are not current, similar discourses are highly tochthony can be presented as a rival to
mobilizing. The Comaroffs (2001) compare national citizenship, but it can also pre-
the ominous upsurge of xenophobia in South tend to reinforce the nation (by “purify-
Africa against the makwere-kwere (African im- ing” it). Despite its appeal to local belong-
migrants from across the Limpopo River) to ing as a self-evident criterion, its segmentary
the obsession over autochthony elsewhere on tenor creates nagging uncertainties in view
the continent. In reverse, their analysis of the of the ever-present risk of being unmasked
“zombification” of these makwere-kwere, the as “not really” autochthonous. Indeed, its
tendency to depersonalize immigrants, is ex- very emptiness, the elusiveness of who is
tremely relevant to the autochthony examples “really” an autochthon, gives it a dizzy
discussed above ( see also van Dijk 2003 on quality. African examples of recent au-
Ghanaian immigrants in Botswana). Boone’s tochthony movements suggest that the quest

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
for belonging is never-ending: promising izenship but rather with attempts to reserve
safety, yet raising basic insecurities.6 the benefits of the welfare state to those who
are said to really belong. Second, they ex-
press not so much a fear of being outvoted
ALLOCHTHONS BETWEEN by “strangers” under new democratic rules as
ETHNIC AND CIVIC a grass-root demand for a more representative
CITIZENSHIP IN FLANDERS democracy, in the face of the demise of the old
To what extent can the vicissitudes of au- political order—a protest against municipal,
tochthony in Africa help us gain closer insight regional, and federal governments accused of
into the prevalence of similar discourse in con- riding roughshod over local sensibilities. In
temporary Europe? Exponents of the Euro- Europe, as in Africa, autochthony discourses
pean New Right brandish exactly the same easily switch from one “Other” to the next,
slogans, in Denmark or France, in England but Muslims have become a favorite target
or Italy. This convergence is especially strik- throughout Europe, including Flanders.

ing for Flanders and the Netherlands, since in Like the Netherlands and Austria, Belgium
Dutch the same terminology, centered around used to be a pillarized society with a consoci-
the opposition between “autochthons” and ational democracy, an institutionalized form
“allochthons” gained currency from the 1980s of conflict management that is group oriented
onward. Obviously, the problems addressed rather than individual oriented and character-
are quite different from those of Africa to- ized by subcultural segmentation and elite ac-
day. How then can a similar discourse seem commodation (Lijphart 1977, 1981): the sta-
to be equally self-evident and “natural” here? bility of the system depends upon the ability of
In this final section, we turn our attention to elites that represent the different subcultures
Europe, particularly Flanders in Belgium to distribute the costs and benefits of gov-
where the Vlaams Blok, a New Right party, ernment so as not to advantage or disadvan-
has had notable success. tage any of these constituencies (Lamy 1986,
Autochthony discourses seem to thrive p. 117). The major Belgian subcultures
in those European countries, including Bel- are ideological and linguistic. Ideological
gium, that refuse to accept that they have be- and often overlapping cleavages separate
come immigration countries. In Europe, as in Catholics from anticlericals, and capital-
Africa, this rhetoric comes from politicians ists from proletariat through pillars.7 The
as much as from voters, but European au- language frontier divides the country in
tochthony discourses differ from their African two ethno-linguistically homogeneous re-
counterparts in two crucial ways. First, their gions (dutchophone Flanders and franco-
rise ties in not with the decline of national cit- phone Wallony) and one linguistically bilin-
gual region (Brussels), as well as a small
6
German community in Wallony. In Flanders,
For reasons of space we cannot address here the relation
with alternative notions of belonging that seem to feed on as in Northern Italy, autochthony discourses
people’s perception that the continent is in crisis. Notably, are largely part of a separatist, regionalist
a comparison with the upsurge of Pentecostalism would be rhetoric that views francophone co-citizens
of interest since it clearly offers a sense of belonging dif-
ferent from autochthony. Most authors (see Meyer 1999) as equally “alien” as individuals of foreign
signal the deep distrust among Pentecostalists of “the vil- descent.
lage” and “the family,” equated with the devil; instead they
want to belong to a (global?) community of “born-agains.”
7
However, for Malawi, Englund (2005) emphasizes the close Pillarization is a system of exclusive linkages between po-
links that urban Pentecostalists retain with their village litical parties, civic associations, and a wide range of auxil-
of origin. Apparently the relation between autochthony iary organizations; thus, individuals are immersed in their
and Pentecostalism, although seemingly opposing dis- segment from the cradle to the grave by attending their
courses on belonging, allows for varying contradictions and pillar’s schools, joining its trade unions, etc. (Méndez-Lago
articulations. 1999, p. 192).

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
During the 1960s and 1970s, Belgian substituted a discourse of racial supremacy
society underwent some major changes. The for one of cultural incompatibility, by sin-
economic and political power base shifted gling out Muslim labor immigrants. Con-
from Wallonia to Flanders and the country demned for racism, Vlaams Blok recently be-
imported many guest workers (gastarbeiders) came Vlaams Belang. It is now the largest
from Morocco and Turkey. The language party in Flanders, held from power only
frontier was fixed, Belgium was federalized, by the cordon sanitaire (the agreement be-
and the decline of pillarization and the tween the mainstream parties not to join
ongoing secularization created a floating coalitions with it), which is now increasingly
electorate that regrouped itself around new under pressure. Publicly, the party tries to
social movements and regionalist parties reinvent itself as a mainstream, conservative
outside the pillarized system. The nego- party comparable to the American Republican
tiation processes that go into consensual Party; privately, it strengthens its ties with
politics are not transparent and coalition neo-Nazi and neofascist parties throughout
interests may supersede ideological princi- Europe.

ples. The Belgian consensual politics consist Blommaert & Verschueren (1997) and
in governments buying socioeconomic and Blommaert & Martens (1999) argue that,
linguistic peace by compensating one sub- in the wake of the rise of the Vlaams
culture when allocating certain resources to Blok, government agencies and academics mi-
another. This trade-off clearly works best norized disenfranchised Muslim labor im-
during times of economic prosperity (Huyse migrants as a specific ethnic group, alter-
1970), but it came under pressure from natively called migranten (migrants). Like
the 1960s onward as the links connecting Martiniello (1997), they relate the success of
politicians and electorate through pillars the Vlaams Blok rhetoric to a mainstream
weakened (Stouthuysen & Deschouwer Flemish-nationalist ideology that is exclusive
1993). This had far-reaching repercussions and assimiliationist insofar as it relies on a no-
for the new labor immigrants who were par- tion of ethnic citizenship, as opposed to a Wal-
ticularly hard hit by the economic recession. loon idea of civic citizenship. This would ex-
Moreover, this was a time when international plain why Flemings are less tolerant of ethnic
developments such as the American air pluralism (Caestecker 2000, 2001; Martens &
raids on Tripoli, the Salman Rushdie affair, Caestecker 2001). Blommaert & Verschueren
and the tumult over Muslim girls wearing (1997) show how elite antiracist discourses,
headscarfs in French schools all contributed including those of (Flemish) employees of
to a negative perception of Muslims. federal governmental agencies dealing with
Although not all of the new regionalist racism, are suffused with a kind of homo-
parties are extremist, they all rely upon a geneism that does not differ fundamentally
bifurcation between “us” and “them” that from the essentialist racist views associated
can take various forms. The Vlaams Blok with the Vlaams Blok. Quantitative research
is no exception. Its rise is proof of the fact confirms that Flemings with a strong Flem-
that many Flemings, who now live in one of ish identification and Walloons with a strong
Europe’s most prosperous regions, have de- Belgian identification tend to have a nega-
veloped a siege mentality, having convinced tive attitude toward Muslim labor immigrants
themselves that their wealth and/or culture and their descendants whereas Flemings with
are under threat from various groups of a strong Belgian and Walloons with a strong
“foreigners.” The Vlaams Blok was founded Walloon identification view them more posi-
in 1979 as a separatist Flemish-nationalist tively (Maddens et al. 2000).
party. It widened its appeal beyond the Since 1989, official federal policy has
right-wing fringe from 1984 onward as it stressed the need for migrants to “integrate”

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
themselves in Belgian society by relegating as- regional Flemish administration has officially
pects of their culture to the private sphere recognized allochthons on its territory as
and publicly conforming to Belgian norms. persons who are legal residents in Belgium,
However, any suggestion that federal pol- who have at least one (grand)parent who was
icy in relation to Muslims is shaped by an born outside the country and who are dis-
ideal of (Flemish) ethnic citizenship is coun- criminated against on the basis of their ethnic
tered by the observation that the norms as- descent or their weak socioeconomic status.9
sociated with Belgian society (democracy, the In actual practice, though not in theory, the
separation of church and state, equality be- category remains restricted to Muslim labor
tween men and women, etc.) refer more to immigrants and their descendants, including
civic than to ethnic citizenship insofar that those born on Flemish soil, although a dis-
they are not considered Belgian but Western. tinction is increasingly made between
In Martens’ (1997, p. 66) analysis, federal- nieuwkomers (newcomers) and oudkomers (lit-
ization of the country has exacerbated the erally oldcomers).

distinctions between Flemish and Walloon Most Flemish academics writing on the
approaches: Flemings initially expected al- subject share the assumption that there is
lochthons to emancipate themselves through a connection between economic recession
their own civic associations whereas Walloons and hostility against allochthons. They re-
still seek to remedy widespread discrimination late the problem to the mindset of individual
against allochthons through policy measures Flemings, be they members of a poor disen-
(see Caestecker 1997, p. 54). The decline of franchised proletariat in impoverished, urban
pillarization introduced the concept of indi- neighborhoods suffering from anomie (Billiet
vidual citizenship and its concomitant, civil & De Witte 2000, Swyngedouw 1990) or
citizenship into Flemish political discourse. poorly educated individuals who spend their
Muslims would constitute a problem not be- time indoors watching commercial television
cause of their ethnicity but because they are broadcasts (Elchardus & Smets 2002, Pelleri-
alien to Europe’s democratic traditions and aux 2001). Other authors opt for a more struc-
must be integrated through individual inburg- tural interpretation. Although Flemings iden-
ering (turning “foreigners” into citizens; Ver- tify primarily with their local communities
hofstadt 1992). This term reminds us that and municipal elections have always served
both ethnic and civic citizenship can imply a as the mechanism to incorporate groups into
process of complete assimilation, either to a the national polis, most academics writing on
specific ethnic culture or to a public, political
culture that is represented as universal and, as
such, is oblivious of its own culturalness. term is used to refer to the peoples who inhabited the land
Flemish policymakers started using the before British and French colonization. In Quebec, both
so-called indigenous people and Francophones make pri-
term allochthons from the 1990s on. They mordialist claims (Niezen 2003). The separatist Franco-
drew inspiration from the Dutch govern- phone Quebecois movement popularized the idea maı̂tre
ment, which introduced the term in its chez soi that inspired both the French Front National (les
Français d’abord) and the Vlaams Blok (eigen volk eerst, one’s
1989 report, Allochtonenbeleid (policy on al- own people first and baas in eigen land, boss in one’s own
lochthons), considering it more neutral than country); it differentiates between Québecois de souche and
foreigners or guest workers.8 Since 1998, the others.
9
Although the official term stresses a link between ethnic
descent and victimization, the Vlaams Blok owes its elec-
toral success to the connections it has made between (Mus-
8
The terms autochthon and allochthon may have entered lim) culture and criminal activities. However, this idea has a
the Netherlands via Canada, which became officially the gendered component: male Muslims pose a problem (they
world’s first self-proclaimed multicultural state in 1971. are criminals, a scourge on social welfare, etc.), whereas fe-
Quebec has a Secrétariat aux affaires autochtones and Franco- male Muslims are represented as victims of a misogynistic,
phone universities offer degrees in études autochtones. The “patriarchal” culture.

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
allochthons ignore the relevance of local poli- and “their” social welfare system. These vot-
tics, which were traditionally characterized by ers have a gnawing disrespect for a form of
a high degree of factionalism and clientelism. representative government that pays no heed
In his analysis of the rise of the Vlaams Blok to grassroot sentiments, and they see them-
in Antwerp, Swyngedouw (1998) observes selves as “the people” rising up against forms
that the decline of pillarization and economic of centralized authority that seems to care
recession coincided with a counterexodus more for “foreigners,” for whom voting is not
of urban working-class individuals to socially compulsory, than for “their own people,” who
mixed neighborhoods outside town and the expect something in return for their compul-
amalgamation of municipalities between 1976 sory vote. They are mobilized against “oth-
and 1982. The latter change interposed ge- ers” by voting for an “other” party outside the
ographical distance between the centers of pillarized system.
decision-making and residential areas, espe- Contrary to earlier expectations, the de-
cially in larger municipalities, at a time when cline of pillarization has not led to a more
national politicians were trying to woo a float- open, democratic political culture, and a num-
ing electorate by increasing clientelism. The ber of academics link xenophobia against al-
results were felt notably in urban working- lochthons to the decline of the pillars’ civic
class neighborhoods: first, the pillars lost organizations (Elchardus et al. 1999, 2001).
their grassroots volunteers and activists at Hooghe (2003) nuances this view by arguing
the same time as the decline of pillariza- that some organizations, notably trade unions,
tion was reducing the political power of trade have less positive perceptions of allochthons
unions; second, voters in large municipalities than others. The very notion of “foreigners”
lost personal access to local political patrons; acquired an edge in Belgium only since the
third, cash-strapped municipalities were in- extension of the suffrage to the male work-
vesting insufficiently in impoverished neigh- ing class after World War I and with the de-
borhoods. Inhabitants of previously indepen- velopment of the welfare state, as different
dent boroughs saw themselves surrounded by interest groups wanted to reserve the bene-
“foreigners,” and felt alienated, betrayed, and fits of the welfare state exclusively to citizens
abandoned by the municipality. The Vlaams (Caestecker 2000, 2001). After World War II,
Blok successfully stepped into this void, set- trade unions took a more inclusive approach,
ting itself up as the champion of erstwhile and started to defend the rights of all their
socialist voters. members, irrespective of their nationality or
Following on from Verhoeven’s (1997, ethnic background. However, their focus on
p. 131) observation that inhabitants of urban maintaining the standard of living of those in
neighborhoods view their Muslim neighbors fulltime employment rather than on securing
as emissaries of sinister powers in their coun- jobs for all means that in practice, they do not
tries of origin, Ceuppens (2003, chapter 9) ar- represent the great majority of Muslim labor
gues that Flemings conceptualize allochthons immigrants who are now unemployed. This
as “alien” in relation not only to the state or focus feeds into assumptions held by many
the region, but also to their local communi- members (some 80% of all Belgians belong
ties, in a political rhetoric whose appeal tran- to a pillarized trade union) that these people
scends these localities. She shows that rural, are “foreigners” and as such should not profit
middle-class voters vote for the Vlaams Blok, from the benefits of the welfare state; it goes
which tries to exploit their fear of incomers, some way toward explaining why even trade
be they Muslim labor immigrants, refugees, union members support a corporatist party
or gangs of Eastern European “criminals,” be- such as the Vlaams Blok. Although the party
cause they want to retain their wealth and re- is opposed to the presence of all “foreigners”
gain control over “their” local communities on Flemish soil, it is only its rhetoric that has

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
caught on, railing against those “aliens” who “others” whom they confront at different lev-
rely upon the benefits of the social welfare els; as such, the confusions offer security and
state or who are construed as posing a threat become a source of empowerment.
to Flemings’ prosperity (Ceuppens 2001). In sum, most Flemish academics stress
Arnaut & Ceuppens (2004) observe that the link between recession and xenophobia.
on the one hand, the idea that “allochthons” However, they also relate the rise of the
do not belong in Flanders builds on an older Vlaams Blok and the exclusion of so-called
discourse that denies the legitimacy of the allochthons to the different cleavages that ei-
presence of Francophones in the region, while ther preceded the immigration of laborers of
on the other hand, Francophones, not la- Muslim descent to Belgium or came into be-
bor immigrants or refugees, are now increasing independent of them. Overlooked is the
ingly represented as parasites feeding upon fact that identification with a pillar was never
a welfare system sustained almost exclusively officially recognized and that the identities
through Flemish toil. They argue that scal- of “Flemings” and “Walloons” refer only to
ing, combined with a conceptual confusion public language use in specific regions, irre-
between “race” and culture as well as be- spective of ethnic background or private lan-
tween different types of “others,” allows the guage use. By contrast, the Flemish adminis-
Vlaams Blok not only to paint a gloomy pic- tration’s formal recognition of allochthons (in
ture of “one’s own people” as threatened by contrast to the Brusseler or Walloon author-
“aliens,” but also to redefine the latter cate- ities) can introduce a difference between cit-
gory between the national, regional, and local izens. This oscillation between discourses on
levels: expatriates, Eurocrats, Anglophones, ethnic and civic citizenship risks obscuring the
refugees, non-European labor immigrants, socioeconomic dimension. The official defi-
Eastern European “thieves,” “niggers,” Mus- nition reinforces the idea that allochthons are
lims, Francophones, Walloons, etc. Even the discriminated against because of their cultural
category of “one’s own people” is not fixed. specificity and thus it hampers their inclu-
In its propaganda aimed at francophone vot- sion in the Flemish nation as a disenfranchised
ers in Brussels, until very recently, the party class. And inevitably, by including an ethnic
conveniently failed to mention that it wants to element in its definition of allochthons, the
incorporate the city into a Flemish republic. Flemish administration is itself subscribing in
It argues that “foreigners” sponge off “our” the logic of the Vlaams Blok, reinforcing the
(Belgian) welfare state despite rejecting the le- view that these “aliens” can be excluded from
gitimacy of the Belgian state while also accus- the benefits of “our” welfare state. Holmes
ing Francophones of feeding off Flemish la- (2000) reminds us that the ideal of the active
bor. Although it is no secret that some promi- welfare state, which the Belgian federal and
nent party members deny the Holocaust, Flemish regional governments now embrace,
the party publicly condemns anti-Semitism. disrupts the idea of automatic, national sol-
Many party leaders prefer paganism to Chris- idarity and creates new openings to exclude
tianity, which they view as a foreign import, people considered “foreigners,” even if they
but the party nevertheless identifies with a Eu- are fellow-citizens, as is the case with many
ropean “civilization” informed by the heritage allochthons in Flanders. Simultaneously, the
of Christianity and the Enlightenment (when notion of equality for all is replaced by the
first condemned for racism, it set itself up as a idea of equal opportunities for all. This allows
champion of freedom of speech) under threat autochthony discourses to represent Muslim
from Muslim “hordes.” Arnaut & Ceuppens labor immigrants, refugees, Francophones,
conclude that these mixed messages appeal to etc., as “undeserving poor” who have forfeited
voters because they create the illusion of being their chance for equal opportunities because
able to control and expel the different types of they refuse to “integrate” fully in Flemish

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
society. A deep-seated hostility towards cities ability or possibility of emancipating Muslims

(Kesteloot 1999) and working-class culture through a new Muslim pillar (Demeyere 1993,
(Ceuppens 2001) contributes to the idea that Jacobs & Tillie 2004, Neudt & Zarhoni 2002).
Muslims should assimilate individually to a (Note the general indignation about Dyab
public orthopraxy of Flemish middle-class Abou Jahjah, the charismatic leader of the
culture, relegating all expressions of their re- Arab-European League.) Ironically, Muslims
ligiosity to the private sphere; but the official have “assimilated” to such a degree that they
recognition of allochthons, independent of now demand federalization of the Muslim
public practices, undermines this assimilation. Executive, the body that represents Muslims
One can debate whether one must fight to the federal government, on the grounds
structural and endemic racism and discrim- that Flemish and francophone Muslims would
ination by recognizing group rights, be it have different interests. Thus, while the
from “allochthons” in Europe or “indige- pillarization of the Muslim population is
nous groups” elsewhere. (Within Europe, put on hold, its federalization, alongside an
Scandinavia also has its “indigenous peoples.”) “autochthonous” model, is well under way.
Ascribing a minority status to individuals on
the basis of criteria beyond their control, as
the Flemish administration does, is bound to CONCLUSION
stigmatize them and be counterproductive if From all the variations discussed above, au-
the aim is their emancipation; insisting that tochthony emerges as a never-ending game
all citizens are equal, as the French adminis- of mirrors. Its apparent “naturalness” hides a
tration does, obscures the fact that some are constant flux of redefining a kind of belong-
discriminated against on the basis of group ing that is equally elusive. Of special impor-
membership. For Flemish allochthons, taking tance are its widely divergent implications for
Belgian nationality is not a real solution, be- the nation-state. In Cameroon, it is presented
cause their appearance still marks them out as as an alternative to the very idea of national
allochthons and the official definition rejects citizenship. In Ivory Coast, by contrast, it is
the primacy of citizenship. They must also defined as the nation, albeit in a renovated, pu-
abandon their culture if they want to be in- rified form. In Flanders, it is caught between
cluded in Flanders as a civil nation. Although “civic” and “ethnic” definitions of citizenship,
many Flemish politicians recognize the exis- whereas its target is really the welfare state,
tence of a Muslim community in terms of eth- more in danger of being undermined by the
nic citizenship, there is sometimes a distinct global economy than by the influx of immi-
impression that they are wholly uninterested grants. For the Athenians long ago, it implied
in courting their votes as individual “civic” a kind of inborn propensity towards democ-
citizens, because they cannot be accommo- racy. In modern times, it has come to express
dated in the old pillarized system. Muslims are a deep disappointment about what democracy
recognized as members of a community that has become.
should preferably disappear but not as individ- Yet general trends are also perceptible. A
ual citizens whose vote and affiliation politi- crucial one is again highlighted by the classical
cians must seek. Even mainstream Flemish glorification of autochthony in early Athens,
politicians now reproach Muslims for iden- in the challenging interpretation by Loraux
tifying with their own (Muslim) community (1996, pp. 95–100). She evokes the paradoxi-
while being unwilling to include them in their cal instability of a discourse that celebrates sta-
own (Flemish) one. bility. Autochthony may invoke stasis as some
While “autochthonous” workers and peas- sort of norm. But for historians—and cer-
ants were emancipated through pillars, there tainly not only for academic ones—movement
is now strong disagreement about the desir- is the norm: All history starts with migration.

AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7
Even the Athenian families who were so proud counterpoint to define itself. It is precisely this
of their autochthony had myths about their basic instability that makes it such a danger-
origins from elsewhere. And even the Beti, ous discourse. It seems to offer a safe, even
who have now become the arch-autochthons “natural” belonging. But it is haunted by a
of Cameroon, express their unity by a myth basic insecurity: apprehension about its own
of an only partially successful crossing of the authenticity, the need to prove itself by un-
majestic Sanaga river on the back of a huge masking “fake” autochthons, that inevitably
python. Autochthony needs movement as a leads to internal division and violence.
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Contents ARI 12 August 2005 20:29
Annual Review of
Anthropology
Volume 34, 2005
Contents
Frontispiece
Sally Falk Moore p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p xvi

Prefatory Chapter
Comparisons: Possible and Impossible

Sally Falk Moore p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Archaeology
Archaeology, Ecological History, and Conservation

Frances M. Hayashida p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p43
Archaeology of the Body
Rosemary A. Joyce p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 139
Looting and the World’s Archaeological Heritage: The Inadequate
Response
Neil Brodie and Colin Renfrew p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 343
Through Wary Eyes: Indigenous Perspectives on Archaeology
Joe Watkins p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 429
The Archaeology of Black Americans in Recent Times
Mark P. Leone, Cheryl Janifer LaRoche, and Jennifer J. Babiarz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 575
Biological Anthropology
Early Modern Humans

Erik Trinkaus p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 207
Metabolic Adaptation in Indigenous Siberian Populations
William R. Leonard, J. Josh Snodgrass, and Mark V. Sorensen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 451
The Ecologies of Human Immune Function
Thomas W. McDade p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 495
vii
Linguistics and Communicative Practices
New Directions in Pidgin and Creole Studies

Marlyse Baptista p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p33
Pierre Bourdieu and the Practices of Language
William F. Hanks p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p67
Areal Linguistics and Mainland Southeast Asia
N.J. Enfield p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 181
Communicability, Racial Discourse, and Disease
Charles L. Briggs p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 269
Will Indigenous Languages Survive?
Michael Walsh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293

Linguistic, Cultural, and Biological Diversity

Luisa Maffi p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 599
International Anthropology and Regional Studies
Caste and Politics: Identity Over System

Dipankar Gupta p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 409
Indigenous Movements in Australia
Francesca Merlan p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 473
Indigenous Movements in Latin America, 1992–2004: Controversies,
Ironies, New Directions
Jean E. Jackson and Kay B. Warren p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 549
Sociocultural Anthropology
The Cultural Politics of Body Size

Helen Gremillion p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p13
Too Much for Too Few: Problems of Indigenous Land Rights in Latin
America
Anthony Stocks p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p85
Intellectuals and Nationalism: Anthropological Engagements
Dominic Boyer and Claudio Lomnitz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 105
The Effect of Market Economies on the Well-Being of Indigenous
Peoples and on Their Use of Renewable Natural Resources
Ricardo Godoy, Victoria Reyes-Garcı́a, Elizabeth Byron, William R. Leonard,
and Vincent Vadez p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 121
viii Contents
An Excess of Description: Ethnography, Race, and Visual Technologies

Deborah Poole p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 159
Race and Ethnicity in Public Health Research: Models to Explain
Health Disparities
William W. Dressler, Kathryn S. Oths, and Clarence C. Gravlee p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 231
Recent Ethnographic Research on North American Indigenous
Peoples
Pauline Turner Strong p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 253
The Anthropology of the Beginnings and Ends of Life
Sharon R. Kaufman and Lynn M. Morgan p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 317
Immigrant Racialization and the New Savage Slot: Race, Migration,

and Immigration in the New Europe
Paul A. Silverstein p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 363

Autochthony: Local or Global? New Modes in the Struggle over
Citizenship and Belonging in Africa and Europe
Bambi Ceuppens and Peter Geschiere p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 385
Caste and Politics: Identity Over System
Dipankar Gupta p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 409
The Evolution of Human Physical Attractiveness
Steven W. Gangestad and Glenn J. Scheyd p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 523
Mapping Indigenous Lands
Mac Chapin, Zachary Lamb, and Bill Threlkeld p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 619
Human Rights, Biomedical Science, and Infectious Diseases Among
South American Indigenous Groups
A. Magdalena Hurtado, Carol A. Lambourne, Paul James, Kim Hill,
Karen Cheman, and Keely Baca p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 639
Interrogating Racism: Toward an Antiracist Anthropology
Leith Mullings p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 667
Enhancement Technologies and the Body
Linda F. Hogle p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 695
Social and Cultural Policies Toward Indigenous Peoples: Perspectives
from Latin America
Guillermo de la Peña p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 717
Surfacing the Body Interior
Janelle S. Taylor p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 741
Contents ix
Theme 1: Race and Racism
Race and Ethnicity in Public Health Research: Models to Explain

Health Disparities
William W. Dressler, Kathryn S. Oths, and Clarence C. Gravlee p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 231
Communicability, Racial Discourse, and Disease
Charles L. Briggs p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 269
Immigrant Racialization and the New Savage Slot: Race, Migration,
and Immigration in the New Europe
Paul A. Silverstein p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 363
The Archaeology of Black Americans in Recent Times
Mark P. Leone, Cheryl Janifer LaRoche, and Jennifer J. Babiarz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 575

Interrogating Racism: Toward an Antiracist Anthropology

Leith Mullings p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 667
Theme 2: Indigenous Peoples
The Effect of Market Economies on the Well-Being of Indigenous

Peoples and on Their Use of Renewable Natural Resources
Ricardo Godoy, Victoria Reyes-Garcı́a, Elizabeth Byron, William R. Leonard,
and Vincent Vadez p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 121
Recent Ethnographic Research on North American Indigenous
Peoples
Pauline Turner Strong p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 253
Will Indigenous Languages Survive?
Michael Walsh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293
Autochthony: Local or Global? New Modes in the Struggle over
Citizenship and Belonging in Africa and Europe
Bambi Ceuppens and Peter Geschiere p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 385
Through Wary Eyes: Indigenous Perspectives on Archaeology
Joe Watkins p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 429
Metabolic Adaptation in Indigenous Siberian Populations
William R. Leonard, J. Josh Snodgrass, and Mark V. Sorensen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 451
Indigenous Movements in Australia
Francesca Merlan p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 473
Indigenous Movements in Latin America, 1992–2004: Controversies,
Ironies, New Directions
Jean E. Jackson and Kay B. Warren p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 549
x Contents
Linguistic, Cultural, and Biological Diversity

Luisa Maffi p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 599
Human Rights, Biomedical Science, and Infectious Diseases Among
South American Indigenous Groups
A. Magdalena Hurtado, Carol A. Lambourne, Paul James, Kim Hill,
Karen Cheman, and Keely Baca p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 639
Social and Cultural Policies Toward Indigenous Peoples: Perspectives
from Latin America
Guillermo de la Peña p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 717
Indexes
Subject Index p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 757

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 26–34 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 771

Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 26–34 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 774
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology chapters

may be found at http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml
Contents xi

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AR254-AN34-20 ARI 25 August 2005 15:7

and Belonging in Africa and

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. Key Words

as on the right of ﬁrst-comers to special pro-

Difﬁcult Birth of a “New”

386 Ceuppens · Geschiere

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 387

388 Ceuppens · Geschiere

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 389

390 Ceuppens · Geschiere

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 391

392 Ceuppens · Geschiere

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 393

394 Ceuppens · Geschiere

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 395

tochthons are socialized only by incoming anthropologists used to characterize African

396 Ceuppens · Geschiere

or Italy. This convergence is especially strik- throughout Europe, including Flanders.

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 397

interests may supersede ideological princi- Europe.

398 Ceuppens · Geschiere

ization of the country has exacerbated the erally oldcomers).

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 399

400 Ceuppens · Geschiere

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 401

society. A deep-seated hostility towards cities ability or possibility of emancipating Muslims

402 Ceuppens · Geschiere

d’un Africaniste (1870–1926). Paris: Maisonneuve. 305 pp.

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 403

404 Ceuppens · Geschiere

New York: Greenwood Press. 231 pp.

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 405

Méndez-Lago M. 1999. Electoral consequences of (de-)pillarization: the cases of Austria, Bel-

Vlaams Marx. Tijdschr. 36(3):26–35

406 Ceuppens · Geschiere

www.annualreviews.org • Autochthony: Local or Global? 407

Volume 34, 2005

Sally Falk Moore p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p xvi

Comparisons: Possible and Impossible

Archaeology, Ecological History, and Conservation

Early Modern Humans

Linguistics and Communicative Practices

New Directions in Pidgin and Creole Studies

Michael Walsh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293

Linguistic, Cultural, and Biological Diversity

International Anthropology and Regional Studies

Caste and Politics: Identity Over System

The Cultural Politics of Body Size

An Excess of Description: Ethnography, Race, and Visual Technologies

Immigrant Racialization and the New Savage Slot: Race, Migration,

Paul A. Silverstein p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 363

Theme 1: Race and Racism

Race and Ethnicity in Public Health Research: Models to Explain

Mark P. Leone, Cheryl Janifer LaRoche, and Jennifer J. Babiarz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 575

Interrogating Racism: Toward an Antiracist Anthropology

Theme 2: Indigenous Peoples

The Effect of Market Economies on the Well-Being of Indigenous

Linguistic, Cultural, and Biological Diversity

Subject Index p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 757

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 26–34 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 771

An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology chapters

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