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Albanian

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ALBANIAN E T Y M O L O G IC A L D IC T IO N A R Y
ALBANIAN ETYMOLOGICAL
DICTIONARY
BY

VLADIM IR OREL

' >6 8 '

BRILL
LEIDEN • BOSTON • KÖLN
1998
To my beloved Natasha
CONTENTS

Preface ................................................................................... ix

Introduction .......................................................................... xv

List o f references ............................................................... xxiii

Abbreviations for languages and dialects ...................... xli

Dictionary ............................................................................ 1

Indices ................................................................................... 529


PREFACE

The present Dictionary results from twenty years of my work in the


field of Albanian etymology. A considerable number of my etymologi­
cal studies were published as a series of articles on Balkan etymologies.
Since 1985, I have been accumulating material for a comprehensive
etymological dictionary of the Albanian language corresponding to con­
temporary standards applied to the works of this genre.
The present Dictionary is based on works of my predecessors G U S ­
TAV M E Y E R and H Ö R E M Ç a b e j , authors of earlier Albanian etymologi­
cal dictionaries (Ç A B E J’ s work, unfortunately, remained unfinished), as
well as on studies of other outstanding scholars such as N O R B E R T JO K L ,
M a x V a s M E R , and E R IC H a m p . At the same time, dozens of words in
my Dictionary have received new explanations suggested here for the
first time or already mentioned in one of my Balkan etymologies or oth­
er publications.
The Dictionary is based on a certain view of the prehistory of Alban­
ian. It is a purely etymological work; hence, its lack of interest in early
Albanian texts (unless their data are, occasionally, of crucial etymologi­
cal importance). As far as the inherited vocabulary is concerned, the
Dictionary deals with three main stages in the development of the
Albanian lexicon: Indo-European, Proto-Albanian and (contemporary)
Albanian. While Indo-European in the framework of this book is treat­
ed as reconstructed for the latest period of its existence immediately
preceding its disintegration and the appearance of the ancient Indo-
European languages, particularly, as far as the phonetic history is con­
cerned (where I follow mainly B r u g M A N N ’ s reconstruction with cer­
tain minor changes such as laryngeals), Proto-Albanian language and
reconstruction are relatively new concepts developed in my earlier pub­
lications. They denote a stage of development between Indo-European
and (contemporary) Albanian immediately preceding the intensive lin­
guistic contacts with Latin, i.e. before the I - II centuries C.E. Thus,
Proto-Albanian may be functionally compared to the notion of Late
Proto-Slavic in modern Slavic linguistics. The following period from II
century to VII century remains unnamed in the present work (I used a
rather clumsy term, Early Albanian, in my Russian articles), but its
main developments can be described in terms of the Proto-Albanian sit­
uation changed by Romance and Slavic lexical and phonetic influences.
X PREFACE

As to (contemporary) Albanian, this period starts with the language


attested in the earliest written documents of the Albanian culture.
Proto-Albanian, as demonstrated by its vocabulary and isoglosses
linking it to other Indo-European languages, is connected with a certain
type of material and spiritual culture and with a certain territory. There
are serious reasons to believe that this territory did not coincide with
the contemporary Albania, i.e. with the ancient Illyrian coast of the
Adriatic (see W E IG A N D BA III 277-286; G E O R G IEV Trakite 212-215).
On the contrary, numerous proofs (the absence of indigenous sea-faring
terminology in Albanian borrowing corresponding words from
Romance and Greek or using transparent metaphors; the existence of
Albanian-Rumanian bilateral isoglosses; the lack of Proto-Albanian
toponymy in Illyria and so on) seem to corroborate the original settling
of Proto-Albanians in Dacia Ripensis and farther North, in the foothills
of the Carpathian Mountains and the Beskidy/Bieszczady (believed by
some to come from Proto-Albanian definite plural *beskâi tai, see
bjeshkë). The Proto-Albanian migration to Illyria via the Eastern slopes
of the Balkans must have taken place before (but not considerably ear­
lier than) their contact with Romance speakers and the end of the Proto-
Albanian period in the history of the Albanian language.
The Dictionary includes an Introduction, a short reference source
where the reader will find basic information on the development of the
phonetic system from Indo-European to Proto-Albanian to Albanian as
well as the basic historical phonology of early loanwords in Albanian.
A much more detailed description of Proto-Albanian will appear in my
Historical Grammar o f Albanian which I hope to publish soon. The
Introduction also includes short notes on the Albanian phonetics and
orthography. In the main body of the Dictionary, every item contains
basic lexicological information (main word form, including the Geg
variant after tilda if differing from Tosk, meaning, basic paradigmatic
forms for nouns and verbs or characteristic of the part of speech and
the like) and the suggested etymology with a reference (if this etymolo­
gy has been given earlier). Other etymologies and references are
adduced after the sign of 0. In this section, some references are adduced
with their etymological versions briefly summarized, while other
sources are just mentioned, for the convenience of the reader. A blank
reference normally means that the source may be helpful but does not
contain an etymological explanation of its own. Occasionally, Geg
forms having no Tosk parallels are adduced as separate etymological
entries, marked as (G). The Dictionary also contains indices of forms.
PREFACE XI

The alphabetic order used in the Dictionary as far as Albanian forms


are concerned corresponds to the accepted standard of the Albanian
lexicography: ë follows e; gj and nj are separate letters following g and
n correspondingly; the same is true of II and rr appearing after / and r
as separate symbols and of sh, zh, xh and th after .v, z, x and t.
It should be kept in mind that in Albanian there still exist certain
problems of agreeing on a standard orthography. My orthography sim­
ply follows the main lexicographic sources I used and may well be not
quite consecutive in some cases. The dictionaries on which the choice of
words for the present work (as well as the orthography and meanings)
was based, were K R ISTO FO R ID H I, L e o t t i , D R IZ A R !, Fjalor, B U C H H O L Z -
F i e d l e r - U h l i s c h and M a n n HAED. Other lexicographic sources
mentioned in the List of references were also used occasionally.
The Dictionary includes the following layers of the contemporary
Albanian vocabulary:
(1) Inherited words of Indo-European origin;
(2) Words of expressive origin, onomatopoeias and the like;
(3) Loanwords from ancient Greek, Latin (and Romance), Slavic and
other languages.
The approximate limit post quern non chosen in this Dictionary is X -
XII century. Therefore, 1 did not include here most of the Italian,
Rumanian, modern Greek and Turkish loanwords as well as many local
and dialectal loans from Bulgarian, Macedonian and Serbo-Croatian.
However, some difficult or interesting words of these groups were
included, if they were of any specific etymological interest, particularly,
if there was a discussion on their etymologies. The omitted lexical lay­
ers were successfully studied and described elsewhere (see HE L B IG ,
B o r e t z k y , H a r d y Gk. and other sources). In the case of Slavic loan­
words, I was often unable to distinguish older borrowings from recent
ones, and it seemed proper to keep Slavic material in case of any
doubts.
Non-Latin scripts other than Greek have been transliterated. This
applies in particular to Cyrillic for which a compromise system is used,
preserving t, and b as signs for vowels in Bulgarian, Church Slavonic
and Old Russian but presenting a as a palatalization sign (’) elsewhere.
As already mentioned above, Indo-European reconstructions reflect a
pragmatic compromise, too, and may be generally described as modi­
fied Brugmannian. Laryngeals (wherever necessary) are represented by
a generalized symbol *H (also used in quotations of other scholars as a
convenient label for various laryngeal phonemes). I did my best to
X II PREFACE

check and double-check cited forms and meanings using the basic and
most authoritative reference sources. Thus, Greek words were normal­
ly controlled with L lD D E L L -S C O T T , Sanskrit words - with M O N IE R -
W IL L IA M S , Old Irish - with D1L and so on.
Bibliographic references are abbreviated. References to books con­
sist either of the author’s name (D IE FE N B A C H , V A SM E R ) or of the
author’s name and an italicized and abbreviated name of the book (JO K L
Stucl., D ESN IC K A JA Sravn.). References to papers in journals and collec­
tions of articles consist of the author’s name and an italicized and
abbreviated name of the serial edition (PE D E R SE N Festskr. Thomsen,
D U R ID A N O V 1IBE). In the list of references, only books and serial edi­
tions are listed. Roman numerals after the reference indicate the vol­
ume, Arabic figures are page numbers. In rare cases when the serial
edition has no numbered volumes, I adduce the year of publication
instead. Occasional combinations of the Roman and Arabic numbers
stand for the volume and the fascicle.
***

I owe a debt of gratitude to my late teacher of etymology Leonid A.


Gindin (blessed be his memory) and my late teacher of Albanian Roza
Koçi (blessed be her memory).
At early stages of my etymological work, I benefited from valuable
advice and help provided by my colleagues of the Russian Academy of
Sciences: Vladimir Dybo, Sergei Nikolaev, Sergei Starostin and Vladi­
mir Toporov in Moscow and Alexander Rusakov in St. Petersburg. I
also think with gratitude of my former co-author Irina Kaluzskaja and
of the late Agnija Desnickaja.
In 1981-1990 I was greatly assisted by the librarians of the Institute
for Slavic and Balkan Studies in Moscow. The whole work would not
have been carried out without the everyday help and co-operation of the
staff of th é Greek and Slavonic Annexe of the Taylorian Library where
I spent most of my time in Oxford in 1995-1996. In particular, I would
like to thank David Howells and Richard Ramage. I am also grateful to
the staff of the Slavic and East European Library of the University of
Illinois (Urbana-Champaign) and, in particular, to Helen Sullivan.
Important material was collected in the National Library in Tirana and
in the Celtic Library (Jesus College, Oxford), where I was admitted due
to the courtesy of my respected friend D. Ellis Evans who was always
generous in sharing his vast knowledge of Celtic with me. Invariable
PREFACE X III

friendliness and competence of my Brill editors, Trudy Kamperveen


and Jan Fehrmann, greatly contributed to my work at its last stage.
As mentioned above, a considerable part of this work was written
during my stay in Wolfson College (Oxford) whose members and staff
were of great help.
Finally, I would like to record my special thanks to numerous col­
leagues and friends: Bahri Beci, Merita Bruci and Shaban Demiraj
(Tirana), Michael Nicholson, Gerald Smith, Andrew Sherratt and John
Moorey (Oxford), John Greppin (Cleveland), Aron Dolgopolsky
(Haifa), Jens Elmegârd Rasmussen (Kopenhagen), Benjamin Isaac (Tel
Aviv), and Vitaly Shevoroshkin (Ann Arbor). My friend Jean Rosen
(Seattle) kindly agreed to edit my English. Indices were prepared in
collaboration with my wife Natasha Orel and my student Gregory
Zubakov.
I am particularly indebted to my friend Çlirim Bidollari (Tirana) who
carried out the difficult, boring and dedicated task of reading through
the Albanian part of the present book and correcting it, in the midst of
the Albanian national tragedy of 1996-1997.
IN TR O D U CTIO N

A lbanian P honetics an d O rthography

Modern Albanian (spoken in Albania as well as in large Albanian


colonies in Italy, Balkan countries, Northern America and the Ukraine)
exists in two basic forms based on two main groups of dialects, Tosk
(Southern Albania) and Geg (Northern Albania). These two dialectal
groups differ in a number of phonetic features as well as in certain mor­
phological phenomena (mainly, in the analytical forms of the verb such
as infinitive, future, imperfect, conditional and plusquamperfect). The
main phonetic differences are as follows (according to Ç A B E J St. Ill 96-
98):
1. In Geg there exist nasal vowels corresponding to non-nasal vowels
in Tosk, cf. Geg pêsë ~ Tosk pese, Geg lì ~ Tosk li.
2. In Tosk there exists (stressed) ë, an equivalent of Rum â, î, Bulg i,.
This Tosk vowel corresponds to various nasal vowels in Geg.
3. There is an opposition of short : long vowels in Geg (historically
explained by contractions and positional lengthenings). In Tosk there is
no such opposition.
4. Old Albanian uo and Tosk ua correspond to Geg ue. In most of
Geg dialects, ue, ie, ye yielded long vowels u:, i:, y:.
5. In several words, initial Tosk va- corresponds to initial Geg vo-.
6. In Tosk, voiced consonants are unvoiced in the auslaut. In Geg
they are not.
7. Tosk dialects preserve groups mb, ngj and nd assimilated to m, nj
and n in Geg.
8. Old Albanian groups kl and gl (preserved today in Chameria as
well as in Dardha and Italy) changed to q, gj in most of Albanian
dialects. However, in the North one finds k, g, in the Catholic part of
Shkodra - ki, gi.
9. Intervocalic -n- is preserved in Geg but underwent the process of
rhotacism in Tosk; hence, Tosk verë as an equivalent of Geg vene.
The contemporary literary standard is based on the Tosk variant.
There also exists a parallel Geg literary norm. In order to read in
Albanian, it is essential to make a few notes of the orthography (for
details see B u c h h o l z - F ied ler Alb. Gr. 27-42):
XVI INTRODUCTION

c stands for [ts].


f is a sign for [ts].
dh denotes an apicodental [ö],
ë stands for [a] or zero if unstressed. When stressed, it denotes a cen­
tral unrounded vowel [t>] similar to Bulg i,.
gj denotes a palatalized velar [g’].
j stands for [i].
I stands for “clear” European [1], It can also denote a palatal [F]
being a separate phoneme in certain local dialects.
II is a “dark" [1] similar to the non-palatalized [1] in Russian. It is
opposed to / as an alevolar-dental to an alveolar.
nj denotes a palatalized [n’].
q stands for a palatalized velar [k*].
rr represents a long and/or intense [R],
sh is a palato-alveolar spirant [s].
th denotes an apicodental [0],
X stands for |dz],
xh is a sign for [dz],
y denotes a front rounded [ü].
zh is a palato-alveolar spirant [z].
Nasality of vowels in Geg is shown by the sign of circumflex A: â
stands for a nasal [à], ê is [ë| and so on.

A lbanian H istorical P honetics

Vocalism

1. ShortTE *e was preserved as *e in Proto-Albanian but later, after


or during the period of Albanian - Latin contacts, it yielded a diphthong
*ie w'hile in certain positions it remained unchanged (a similar process
took place in Rumanian). These positions have not been accurately
defined. Short *e remains unchanged before n and nj (vend, ndenja,
rend), after */ (mbledh, lehtë, lend), after clusters containing *r (kredh,
shkrep, bredh) but not after the initial *r (rjep), after *j (ngjesh). The
diphtong *ie was generally preserved as ie ~ je (bie, pjek, djeg, diell). In
some cases, presumably, before a syllable containing PAlb *i and/or
before some clusters, *ie changed to ia ~ ja (gjalmë, jam, mjaltë,
jashtë). The initial element of the diphthong was lost again after ç, gj, nj
(çel, gjerb, njeri, qengj). The earliest Latin loanwords in Albanian
reflect Lat ë as je ~ ja (pjesë, vjersh, mjek).
INTRODUCTIO N XVII

2. Short IE *o changed to PAlb *a > Alb a (nate, gardh, gjak,


mardh). Lat ö is reflected as u (krushk, kundër, shpuzë) or o (popull,
porte, korb) in loanwords. Short IE *a coincided with *o in PAlb *a >
Alb a (kap, dal, bathe). Lat à appears as a in Albanian loanwords ifaqe,
larg, shtat). In some cases, Alb a, ë < PAlb *a reflects the old IE *9
(dhënë ~ dhanë < *danti-, part, of jap, mëllënjë < *mehniä). However,
in other words (probably, before the old stress) *3 disappears (baltë).
3. Narrow short vowels *i and *u were preserved in Albanian (gdhij,
ligë, vidh\ dru, gjumë, ujë, butë). The same applies to Lat / and ü
(këmishë, këshill, iriq; luftë, popull, shumë). At the same time, in some
words (belonging to a later chronological layer?) Lat i appears as Alb e
(shenjë, meshë, kreshpë).
4. Before nasal consonants. Proto-Albani an short vowels *a, *e, *i,
*u were nasalized and turned into *â, *ë, *z, *«. Later they were pre­
served as such in Geg dialects (where they are marked as a, ê, f, û if not
followed by a nasal consonant). In Tosk, *J and *ü lost their rhinesm
while *a changed to ë and *ê - to ë, e; hence such pairs as Tosk kërp ~
Geg kanp, Tosk hënë - Geg hanë.
5. Long IE *ë changed to PAlb *a and then to Alb o (mos, plotë,
kohë, ngroh). In one case (mish) *ë is reflected as Alb i (this develop­
ment clearly preceding the application of the “ruki” rule). In Latin loan­
words, Lat ë is usually rendered as Alb e (regj,femër, prëndverë). Occa­
sionally, however, it yields Alb i (bishë, ligj, kishë). Long IE *a merged
with *ë in PAlb *ä > Alb o (motër, kollë, kopshtë). As to Lat ä, it is
always preserved in Alb a (blatë, shkallë) while Gk ä appears as o in
loanwords (mokër).
6. Long IE *ö yielded PAlb *o later reflected as Alb e (tetë, pelë,
blerë). The same result is found in earlier Latin loanwords with ó
(pemë, tërmet, tmerr). Later, Latin loanwords display u (kanushë,
shullë) or even o (orë, kore) as a reflex of ö. While IE *ö was palatal­
ized to *ö, IE *a gave PAlb *w usually appearing as y in the inlaut
(dyllë, gjysh) and i in the auslaut (mi, ti, thi). Lat û is normally rendered
as y (gjyq, shqyt,fytyrë, vërtyt) but, occasionally, also as u (rrushkult).
7. Long IE *f was preserved as PAlb *F > Alb i (pi, di, pidh). In iso­
lated cases, however, Alb _y reflects *F (ay). In Latin loanwords, Lat I
yields Alb i (fill, linjë).
8. In unknown conditions (probably, in the originally non-final sylla­
ble) before *n, *m, *r long PALb *a and *o merged into *ö that was
later reflected by diphthongs: Tosk ua, Geg (old) uo, (new) ue (muaj,
krua, duar - pi. of dorë). In some cases, these diphthongs were further
X VIII INTRODUCTION

umlauticized into Tosk ye, Geg y (dyer - pi. of derë, lyej). In Latin loan­
words, Lat 0 gives the same results (kapua,ftua, shërbetuar, arsye).
9. IE *ei was preserved as PAlb *ei but later coincided with *i in
Alb i (dimer, mire). As to IE *ai and *oi, they yielded PAlb *ai reflect­
ed as Alb e (vere, be, degë).
10. Indo-European diphthongs in u lost their second element in Al­
banian. Thus, IE *eu preserved as PAlb *eu appeared as Alb e (deslía -
aor. of dua, det, nëntë). IE *au and *ou merged into PAlb *au further
reflected as Alb a (dashur - part, of dua, dash, agoj, thaj). In Latin loan­
words, Lat au is also rendered as a (ar, gaz, lar).
11. Syllabic liquida *r and */, both long and short, changed to PAlb
*ri, *il and, less often and in uncertain conditions, to *ru, *ul. Those
clusters were either preserved as Alb ri, it, ru, ul or metathesized
before vowels (krimb, trim, grurë, kulpër, ujk, birë). Syllabic nasals *n
and *m changed to PAlb *a > Alb a (shtatë, gjatë, mat).
12. Under the influence of front vowels of the following syllable,
Alb a of various origins was umlauticized and changed to e, as for
example in plural of nouns or certain forms of verb (eh, elb, end, gjem,
ter). Later this e was often generalized to the whole paradigm and, thus,
appears in singular of nouns and present of verbs. A similar umlaut led
to the transformation of e into i.
13. In Proto-Albanian, the vowels of the final syllable were pre­
served under the old stress but lost one mora when unstressed. Result­
ing new short vowels were reduced, mainly to ë. When a new system of
stress came into being in Albanian, new unstressed vowels in all posi­
tions were reduced to ë, u or zero. If afterwards an inlaut consonant
fell, the sequence of two vowels was contracted and colored according
to the accented vowel (pyll, kij).
14. In the vocalic anlaut, a prothetic h- may well appear (armë ~ har-
më, yll - hyll). In early loanwords, the initial o was substituted by *a >
Tosk va, Geg vu (varfër, vadhë, vatër).

Consonantism

15. Non-syllabic liquida were preserved as PAlb *r, *1. PAlb *r is


reflected as Alb r (dru, tre, motër) and occasionally as rr (kërr, vjehërr,
nap). For unknown reasons, the intervocalic r was altogether lost in
bie. In Latin loanwords, initial r is usually rendered as rr (rrallë,
rregull, rrem). In other positions it yields r (prill, drejtë, kundër). PAlb
*1 tends to yield / in the anlaut (lehtë, lendë, lidh) but gives both I and II
INTRODUCTION XIX

in other positions {pelë, mjultë, hell, mjegull). In Latin loanwords, inter­


vocalic I appears as Alb II (popull, ulli, mënjollë). Otherwise it gives I
(larg, lëti, plagë). Geminated Lat II is reflected as I (pule, gjel, bule).
16. IE *m remained unchanged in PAlb *m > Alb m (mjaltë, muaj,
mjekër). The same is true of Lat m in loanwords (mik, mijë, mënd). IE
*« yielded PAlb *n that also remained unchanged in the anlaut and in
various consonantal clusters (ne, nëntë, natë, nuk). Initial Lat n is ren­
dered as Alb n (natyrë, nëmëroj, nyje). In the intervocalic position PAlb
*n remained unchanged in Geg but yielded r in Tosk (verë ~ venë, emër
~ emën, llërë ~ llanë). Latin loanwords reflect the same process of Tosk
rhotacism (kërp ~ kanp, rërë ~ ranë,femër ~ femën).
17. The reflex of IE *u is PAlb *w > Alb v (ve, verë, vehte). PAlb
*w was lost before rounded vowels (derë). In a few words, the develop­
ment of *-îwî- to Alb y is attested (grykë, hyll, qytet). As to Lat v, it also
yields v in Albanian (vjershë, verdhë, gjuvengë). As to IE */, it was pre­
served as PAlb *j. In the initial position, *j remained unchanged before
back vowels (ju,josh) but yielded gj otherwise (gjesh, gjaj, gjem). In the
inlaut, PAlb *j disappeared after front vowels (di, hi, fie, bie) but
changed to *jr > h after other vowels (bahe, shtrohë, ngroh, ftoh). The
shift to *x covers the earliest Slavic loanwords (llohë, krahe, krahinë).
In Latin loanwords, the anlaut ./ is reflected as gj (gjuvengë, gjyq, gjym-
tyrë) and later as j (janar).
18. Initial IE *s > PAlb *s yields Alb gj- (gjashtë, gjalpë, gjallë,
gjarpër). In two cases where *s > th (thi, thaj) the interdental results
from the dissimilation of two sibilants. In the intervocalic position, *s
yields to *x > h (kohë, Geg nahe, acc. of ne). However, after *?, *u PAlb
*s changed to *s > sh (breshër, push, gjysh, plish, kush). In Latin loan­
words, Lat s is always rendered as sh (shekull, pëshoj, shelg). The same
is true of earlier borrowings from other languages (shakë).
19. IE *p remains unchanged as PAlb *p > Alb p (pelë, pesë, pjek).
IE *bh yields PAlb *b > Alb b (bie, bathë, dhëmb, baltë). Labials in
Latin loanwords are preserved as p, b (popull, pjepër, bulë, bishë).
20. IE *t > PAlb *t is reflected as Alb t (tre, tetë, ti, trap). The
voiced TE *d is unchanged (darkë, ditë, dritë). IE *dh coincides with *d
in PAlb *d > Alb d (derë, djeg, dal). Unless lost, PAlb *d in the intervo­
calic position or before *r changed to dh (bredh, ledh, pjerdh, gardh). In
the anlaut, dh < PAlb *d is explained either by apheresis (dhunë,
dhashë) or by sandhi (dhjetë). In Latin loanwords, dentals yield t and d
(tmerr, troftë, dëm, drejtë). Lat d changes to Alb dh in the same position
as PAlb *d (shurdh, urdhër).
XX INTRODUCTION

21. So called “pure” velars were preserved as such in Albanian. IE


*k remained PAlb *k > Alb k (krua, karpë, kedh). As to *g it appears as
PAlb *g > Alb g (agoj, lige, gungë). The same reflex continues IE *gh >
PAlb *g > Alb *g (shteg, gardh, mjegull). Latin velars were not changed
in Albanian borrowings: Lat c is rendered as Alb k (këmishë, këngë,
këshill), Lat g - as Alb g (gaz, grigj, plagë). In contemporary Albanian
initial k is sometimes voiced in Geg (gëlbazë ~ këlbazë, gështenjë ~
kështenjë).
22. Indo-European palatal stops were asibilated to affricates in
Proto-Albanian. IE *k changed to PAlb *ts > Alb th (thorn, thëri, thep,
djathtë) but occasionally PAlb *ts appears as c. Both IE *g and *gh
yielded PAlb *dz > Alb dh (lidh, vjedh, herdhe, madh, rrjedh). Howev­
er, in the anlaut only IE *g gave the same reflex (dhëmb, dhëndër, dhal-
lë) while IE *gh reflected as PAlb *d > Alb d (dorë, dimër, dyllë) with
some irregularities. In many words where palatals were neighbors of
sonants the process of asibilation did not take place (grurë, quaj,
mjekër). The development of IE *k in vjehërr is explained by an assimi­
lation *swetsurä > *swesurä > *swexurä.
23. The history of labiovelars was particularly complicated in
Albanian. At first, IE *k", *gl/ and *gLh changed to biconsonantal clusters
*kw and *gw. In front of non-palatal vowels, these clusters lost their
labial element and merged with pure velars so that IE *k* yielded Alb k
(pjek, katër, ndjek), *g“> Alb g (gur, gak, gërshas) and *g"h > Alb g (djeg,
garbe). Before front vowels, the clusters *kw and *gw changed to *k'w
and *gV with a palatalized first element and (together with groups IE
*ku, *gu > PAlb *k’w, *g’w) yielded *tsw, *dzw > *ts, *dz > Alb s, z
(sjell, sy, pesë, zorrë, zë, zulë, zjarr, ndez).
24. In Proto-Albanian, some of the intervocalic voiced dentals and
velars were lost (ve, le, nge, dra). The conditions of this process are
unknown but may be of accentual origin. At the same time, a similar
change\(including also b) occurred in numerous Latin loanwords (mjek,
përrallè\ pre, tra).
23. tn the auslaut, most consonants were lost already during the
Proto-Albanian period (probably, before the vowel shortening in the
last syllable). The only definite exception is r (motër).
24. Before the old *j, the following PAlb *t, *d and *.v changed to
*ts, *dz and *s in a process that may be described as the first palataliza­
tion (mas, nesër, tres, buzë, shosh, vesh). Latin clusters tj and dj were
also affected by this process (pjesë, pus, rrezë, shpuzë). Lat sj coincided
with s in Alb sh (këmishë).
INTRODUCTION XXI

25. Before j (including the new j developed as the first part of the
diphthong ie/je < PAlb *e) as well as before i, PAlb *k and *g yielded q
and gj (qoj, qerthull, gjemb) and */, *n changed to j ~ I and nj (majë, bëj,
njeri). This process may be called the second palatalization. It is also
attested in Latin loanwords (qetë, qëndër, regj, ligj, gështenjë).
26. The cluster *rj changed to rr (ënderr, den), also in early Slavic
loanwords (purrë). However, there are difficult forms where *rj is
reflected as j (mbaj).
27. Proto-Albanian clusters *rw, *wr as well as *lw changed to rr
and II (arrë, rribë, gjallë, mieli). Later Latin loanwords follow this pat­
tern (rryle) but then, probably in words coming from Balkan Eastern
Romance (proto-Rumanian) one also finds -rb- < Lat -rv- (shërbej).
Also, as in proto-Rumanian, Latin groups -br- and -bl- change to -ur-,
-ul-\ then the labial forms a diphtong with the preceding vowel and (in
Albanian) disappears (farkë, shtallë).
28. When combined with nasals, stops yield various results. Thus,
*pn changes to m (gjumë), *dm to m (,bram) while *gn (with g of any
origin) is reflected as nj (njoh, enjë). In Latin loanwords gn is also
changed to nj (shenjë) but in some words (of Eastern Balkan origin?) it
appears as ng (peng).
29. In Proto-Albanian *rn and *ln were preserved. These clusters
lived long into the pre-historic Albanian period until they yielded rr and
Il (verr, barrë, pjell, shtjell). The same reflexes are found in Latin loan­
words (ferr, furrë, kërrutë). In loanwords one can also trace the old
cluster mn reflected as m or, with a secondary final -b, mb (dëm,
shkëmb, shtëmbë). Geminate nn in borrowings was preserved as n or nd
(similar to -m > -mb) and, apparently, was not affected by the Tosk
rhotacism (gunë, pendë). The cluster *nr developed an epenthetic *d
and changed to *ndr > ndër (ëndërr, dhëndër).
30. Before spirants and affricates of various origins, nasal sono-
rants disappeared (pese, mish, pëshoj, mëz).
31. As noted above, auslaut m and n occasionally changed to mb
and nd (shkëmb, shtëmbë, pëllambë, pendè'). On the other hand, mb, nd
and ng resulted from various clusters consisting of a nasal and a stop,
both in Indo-European roots and in loanwords (lëndë, pëndë, ndëj, nga,
tembull, prind, këngë). Some of these clusters tended to lose their sec­
ond element (anë, dhunë).
32. In the anlaut, Alb *kl, *gl yielded q, gj in standard literary
Albanian and some dialects (qaj, qetë, qesh, gjatë, gjemb) while other
dialects have [ts], [dz] or [ki], [gi] or even depalatalized [k], [g]. The
XX II INTRODUCTION

same change was applied to loanwords (gjëndër) including those from


Slavic (gjobë). In other positions *gl changed to gull (mjegull). Proto-
Albanian clusters *lk, *lg fluctuate between Ik, Ig (shelg, balgë) and jk ,jg
(bujk, bajgë).
33. Clusters *sw, *sm and *sn lost their first element (vjehërr,
vjerr, mjekër, mug, thaj < *sausnja). Clusters *sr and *sl yielded rr and
Il (try me, korr, kolle). Clusters *rs and *ls gave the same results (djerr,
kalli) but the group *lst changed to *st > sht (kashtë).
34. PAlb *sp underwent a metathesis into *ps and y ield e d /(fâj, fai,
fare, ferrë, fier) while in loanwords sp is reflected as slip (shpatull,
shpuze). PAlb *st changed to sht both in Indo-European words and
loanwords (shteg, shtatë, shtyj, shtallue, shtat). The voiced cluster zd
was metathesized to *dz and changed to dh (pidh) and, occasionally, to
th (drithë).
35. PAlb *sk < IE *sk, *sk“ changed to shk (shkak, shkal, shkas,
shkep) and, before front vowels, to shq (shqarr, shqerr, shqyej). In other
cases, PAlb *sk (apparently, continuing also *sk) underwent a metathe­
sis into *ks and yielded h (hale, hap, hair, hedh) thus coinciding with
the original *ks (huaj). No obvious distribution between shk and h as
reflecting *sk has been found. Moreover, in some words the initial *sk
(preceded by a prefix *eks-l) yielded ç before a front vowel (çaj, çalë).
36. The rare but diagnostically important cluster *tt gave PAlb *tst
> *ts > s (pasur, part, of kam). Other clusters consisting of two stops
lost their first element (dritë, nate, dhe, dje). In Latin loanwords clusters
of two stops were represented mainly by ct and cs = x. Their develop­
ment was twofold. When borrowed from East Balkan Romance of the
Rumanian type, ct coincided with pt in ft (prift, qift, ftua, luftë, trofìe)
and cs gave fsh (kofshue, lafshë). When borrowed from Dalmatian (i.e.
Western) Romance, ct yielded jt (drejtë, trajtë, pajtoj) while cs devel­
oped to sh (frashër, ushunjëz).
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W e ig a n d Gr. - W e ig a n d , G u s ta w L ü d w ig . Albanesische G rammatik im südgegischen
Dialekt (Durazzo. Elbassan, Tirana). Leipzig: Johann Am brosius Barth, 1913.
Word - Word. New Y ork, 1945 -.
WSl - Die Welt der Slaven. W iesbaden, 1956 -.
WuS - Wörter und Sachen. Heidelberg, 1909-1937 [Neue Folge: 1938-1944],
WZKM - Wiener Zeitschrift fü r die Kunde des Morgenlandes. W ien, 1904 -.
XHUVANI Studime - XHUVANI, ALEKSANDF.R. Studime gjuhësore. Prishtinë: Rilindja,
1968.
REFERENCES XXXIX

XII LFR - A d ele celui de al X ll-lea congres international Je lingvisticä fi filologie


romanicä. Bucuresti: E ditura Academiei RPR, 1971.
XYLANDER - XYLANDER, JOSEPH, VON. Die Sprache der Albaner oder Schkiptaren.
Frankfurt-am -M ain: Andreäische Buchhandlung, 1835.
Zb. Belic- Mélanges linguistiques et philologiques offerts à M. Aleksandar Belic. Beograd,
1937.
ZfBalk - Zeitchrift fü r Balkanoìogie. W iesbaden, 1962 -.
ZfceltPh - Z eitschriffür celtische Philologie. Halle, 1897 -.
ZFL - Zbornik za filologiju i lingvistiku. Novi Sad, 1958 -.
ZfOrt - Zeitchrift fü r Ortsnamenforschung. M ünchen - Berlin, 1925 -. [= ZONF]
ZfPhonetik - Zeitschrift fü r Phonetik und allgemeine Sparchwissenschaft. Berlin, 1947 -.
[= Zeitschrift fü r Phonetik, Sparchwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung].
ZfromPh - Zeitschrift fü r romanische Philologie. Halle - Tübingen, 1877 -.
ZfsIavPh - Zeitschrift fü r slavische Philologie. Leipzig - Heidelberg, 1924 -.
ZfSlaw - Zeitschrift fü r Slawistik. Berlin, I956-.
ZO G - Zeitschrift fü r die österreichischen Gymnasien. W ien, 1850-1928.
ZONF = ZfOrt.
¿A - ¿iva antika. Skopje. 1952 -.
ABBREVIATIONS FOR LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS

A kk - A kkadian Iran - Iranian


Alb - A lbanian L angob - L angobardian (L om bard)
A rag - A ragon Latv - L atvian
A rm - A rm enian L G erm - L ow G erm an
A rum - A rum anian L ith - L ithuanian
Av - A vestan L om b - Lom bard
Balk - B alkanic Lyc - L ycian
B alt - Baltic Lyd - L ydian
B ret - B reton M - M iddle (as a first com ponent)
Bulg - B ulgarian M aced - M acedonian
C alabr - C alabrian M B ret - M iddle B reton
Catal - C atalan MDu - M iddle Dutch
C elt - C eltic M E - M iddle English
Chag - Chagatai M essap - M essapic
Class. P e rs - C lassical Persian M Fr - M iddle French
Copt - C optic M G k - M iddle G reek
CS - C hurch Slavic M H G - M iddle H igh G erm an
C yren - C yrenean M ingr - M ingrelian
Dac - D acian M Lat -M edieval Latin
Dalm - D alm atian M LG - M iddle Low G erm an
Dor - D oric M P ers - M iddle Persian
E - E nglish M W - M iddle W elsh
Eg - E gyptian N - New (as a first com ponent, = M odern)
Engad - Engadine N eapol - N eapolitan
E pidaur - E pidaurian N G k - M odern G reek
Etr - E truscan NI tal - N o rth Italian
Fr - French N orw - N orw egian
F riul - F riulan N P ers - N ew Persian
Gaul - G aulish O - O ld (as a first com ponent)
G eorg - G eorgian O B avar - O ld B avarian
G erm - G erm an O B ret - Old B reton
Gk - G reek O C orn - O ld C ornish
Gmc - G erm anic OCS - O ld C hurch Slavic
Goth - G othic O E - O ld E nglish
Hbr - H ebrew O Fr - O ld French
H isp-C elt - H ispano-C eltic O F ris - O ld Frisian
H itt - H ittite O H G - Old H igh G erm an
H ung - H ungarian OTr - O Irish
IE - Indo-E uropean O ltal - O ld Italian
llly r - Illyrian O Lith - O ld L ithuanian
lr - Irish ON - O ld N orse
XLII ABBREVIATIONS

O P ers - O ld Persian S ard - S ardinian


O P ort - Old Portuguese SCr - Serbo-C roatian
O P rus - O ld Prussian Sicil - Sicilian
O Russ - O ld R ussian Skt - S anskrit
OS - O ld Saxon Slav - Slavic
O S ard - Old S ardinian Sogd - Sogdian
Ose - O sean Sp - Spanish
O sset - O ssetic Sw ed - Sw edish
P ers - Persian T hr - T hracian
P hryg - Phrygian T okh - T okharian
Pieni - Piem ontan T urk - T urkish
Pol - Polish U kr - U krainian
P o rt - Portuguese V enet - V enetian
P rov - Provençal W - W elsh
Rom - Rom ance Y agn - Y agnob
R um - Rum anian Y azg - Y azgulam
R uss - R ussian
A - A FËR 1

A
a part. ‘whether’, conj ‘o r’. The particle is etymologically identical with
the conjunction (Ç a b e j St. I 27-28). From PAlb *a connected with Gk
T) ‘indeed’ (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 322) or with the pronominal stem
*e-l*o. 0 BOPP 498 (to Skt a-, demonstrative particle); CAMARDA 1313-
314 (to Gk i], interjection); M e y e r Wb. 1 (borrowing from Lat an
‘whether’ but the nasal could not be lost without any traces; conjunction
a continues Lat aut ‘o r’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1047, 1057;
JOKL ArRom XXIV 19; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 67 (follows PEDERSEN);
FRISK I 619; HAMP HSyn. 177; ÇABEJ St. I 27-28 (from an exclama­
tion), Et im. II 5-6 (follows M e y e r ); H u l d 36 (accepts M e y e r ’s
view); K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 69 (to Lat an, Gk av, from
PAlb *an < IE *Hen).

acar m, pi. acare ‘steel’. From PAlb *atsara ‘sharp’ with c preserving
the old affricate. Further connected with OIr aicher ‘sharp’, Gk ock-
pov ‘point, to p ’, Lith astrus ‘sharp’, Slav *ostri, id. 0 POKORNY I 21.

acar m ‘frost, strong cold’. Historically identical with acar ‘steel’, with
a semantic development ‘strong cold’ < ‘sharp’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 20 (explains
the derivative acëroj ‘to fester [of a wound J’ as a borrowing from Slav
*cirb, *citbjb ‘wound, furuncle’); Ç A B E J St. I 28 (suggests a division
a-car with prefix a- and the root identified with that of cirris), Etini.
II 9 (to ther).

adhuroj aor. adhurova ‘to adore’. Borrowed from (learned) Lat adorare
id. (M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 1). 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1
1047; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 21; Ç A B E J Etim. II 11 (from Italian);
L a n d i Lat. 79.

‘near’. From PAlb *apsera representing a contamina­


a f ë r adv., prep.
tion of *aps, a variant of IE *apo reflected by Gk ocy ‘backwards’, and
of *apero, a derivative of * a p o Skt apara ‘posterior, later’, Goth afar
‘after’ and the like. Thus, PAlb *apsera reflects IE *apero influenced
by *aps (O R E L Festschr. Shevoroshkin 257). Possible but less proba­
ble is the borrowing of afër from Germanic: Goth afar, OHG avar ‘again’
and the like. 0 G lL ’FE R D lN G Otn. 20 (to Skt ápara-)\ M lK L O S IC H Rom.
2 AFSH— AH

Elemente 26 (from Lat finis)-, M E Y E R Wb. 3 (borrowed from Rom *affinare


‘to approach’ ~ Lat affinis ‘near’ with Geg < Tosk); JO K L Studien 103-
104 (preposition a followed by -fër borrowed from Goth fera ‘side’);
B A R IC Lingv. Studien 87 (links afër to Lat spernö ‘to sever, to sepa­
rate, to rem ove’, Gk Grcaipco ‘to gasp, to pant, to quiver’), Hymje 71;
T r e i m e r KZ LXV 87-88; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 67; F r i s k I 204; P o k o r n y
I 53-54; M a y r h o f e r I 38; Ç a b e j St. I 28-29 (privative a- < *n- and
-fër compared with E far), Etim. II 11-12; HULD 36; D E M IR A J AE 70-
71.

afsh m, pi. afshe ‘heat, hot breath, smell’. From PAlb *aweisa, a suf­
fixal derivative of IE *auei- ‘to blow’ structurally close to M W awyd
‘gust of w ind’, OCorn awit ‘a ir’ < *aueido- (O R E L Fort. 78). Another
derivative of the same root is PAlb *aweita > aft ‘blow of wind’ (D E M IR A J
AE 72). ô C a m a r d a I 305, II 100, 150 (aft to Gk axvri ‘chaff’); M e y e r
Wb. 3 (from Ital afa ‘heat coming from the ground’); JO K L IF XLIII
63 (to ënj); P O K O R N Y I 82; Ç A B E J Etim. II 13 (to avull).

aftë adj. ‘capable, proper’. Borrowed from Lat aptus id. ( Ç A B E J Etim.
II 13). 0 M A N N Comp. 29 (related to Lat aptus).

ag m. pi. agje ‘twilight, dusk’. From PAlb *auga etymologically related


to Gk auYT] ‘ray of light’ and further based on IE *aug- ‘to increase’
(M E Y E R Wb. 4, Alb. St. Ill 37). The verb agoj ‘to dawn’ is derived from
ag. 0 C A M A R D A 1 94 (to Gk i|ci>ç ‘dawn’); B A R IC ARSt I 60 (wavers
between M e y e r ’ s and C a m a r d a ’ s etymologies); PERSSO N Beiträge 369;
G O N D A Anc. 73-83; M A N N Language XXVI 382; P IS A N I Saggi 99;
C h a n t r a i n e 137; P o l á K ZfBaili I 87 (to Basque ego ‘light’); TRU BA CEV
Ètnogenez 151 (identifies the first element of ’AyciSupaoi with ag)\ Ç A B E J
St. I 30 (to G k op<pvr) ‘darkness, night’), Etim. II 16-17; D E M IR A J AE
72.

agjëroj - agjënoj aor. agjërova ~ agjënova ‘to fast’. Borrowed from Rom
*adjünare id., cf. Rum ajuna id. ( M e y e r Wb. 4 ). 0 CAMARDA I 8 0 (to
Lat jejünium ‘fast’); M eyer-L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049; PUSCARIU
EWR 5; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 12; ÇABEJ Etim. II 18-19 (from
jejuna re).

ah m, pi. ahe, aha ‘beech-tree’. Goes back to PAlb *aksa identical with
IE *osk-: Gk ó^úa ‘beech’, Arm haci ‘ash-tree’, ON askr id,, Maced
A I, AY — AKULL 3

â^oç- TJÀ.T) ( M e y e r Wb. 4; P e d e r s e n IF V 44). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr.


I 86; B u g a II 286; B a r i ç ffymje 24; A C A R E A N HAB III 65; PIS A N I Saggi
128; PO K O R N Y I 782; F r i s k II 400; C h a n t r a i n e 806; H a m p Laryn­
geals 132; H U L D 36-37; Ç A B E J Etim. II 19-20; D E M IR A J AE 73.

ai, ay pron. ‘he’, f. ajo ‘she; that’. Mase, ai goes back to PAlb *a-ei con­
sisting of a proclytic particle *a and a demonstrative *ei, identical with
IE *ei- in Skt ayant ‘he’, Lat is (eis in early inscriptions) and the like.
The feminine form is from PAlb *a-ja continuing IE *jä id., fern. sg.
of the demonstrative *io- ( B o p p 519; C a m a r d a I 209; M e y e r Wb. 5).
0 M e y e r ZfromPh XI 268-269 (a- from Lat atque)\ Alb. St. Ill 40, 63,
79, IV 24; JO K L Studien 4 (a- from Lat ad), LKUBA 271 (a- from IE
*ad or *o), IF XXXVI 98-100; P E D E R S E N Festskr. Thomsen 248-252,
KZ XXXIV 288, XXXVI 309 (derives -jo from IE *sa treating -j- as
a hiatus filler), Pron. 315 (a- from IE *au-)\ T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 68;
PO K O R N Y I 282-283; C A M A J 103 (follows M E Y E R ); Ç A B E J St. I 31, Etim.
II 22-23; H a m p St. Whatmough 81 (on neut. ata in com parison with Mes-
sap ic); DEMIRAJ Gr. 467-468 (in tera ctio n o f IE *e- and *so-)\ OREL
FLH V III/1-2 43; HULD 38 (repeats PEDERSEN’s versio n ); KORTLANDT
SSGL X 224-225 (-jo < IE *ija or *ejä), XXIII 174; DEMIRAJ AE 70,
73.

aj m ‘bite’. Borrowed from Lat alium (M E Y E R Wb. 6 ). 0 ÇABEJ Etim.


II 23-24 (to anëzë).

ajkë f ‘cream, wool fat’. In dialects, a more phonetically archaic form


alkë has been preserved. Goes back to PAlb *alka related to Lith dlkti
‘be hungry’, alka ‘hunger’, Slav *olkti ‘be hungry’ (O R E L Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 257). 0 M E Y E R Wb. 5 (from Lat alica ‘kind of grain, spelt’
with an obvious discrepancy of meaning); O S t i r Anthropos VIII 165-
167 (to Lat sebum ‘lard ’); FR A E N K E L 8; C A M A J Alb. Worth. 57-58 (to
Iule); Ç A B E J St. I 31-32 (reconstructs *olka and compares ajkë with
Lat alga ‘sea-weed’), Etim. II 26-28 (to IE *ol- ‘fat, dirt’); D E M IR A J
AE 74.

akull m, pi akuj ‘ice’. Loanword from Gmc *jakulaz ‘icicle, glacier’,


cf. ON jokull ‘icicle’, OE gicel id. (O R E L Linguistica XXVI 171). In
Albanian, the source may be East Germanic (Balkan Gothic?). The loss
of the anlaut probably, shows that the loan penetrated into Proto-
Albanian at a stage when there was no 7-like sound there. 0 C a m a r d a
4 AME AHULL an — (c;) A N G ËRR 5

amull as ‘burning’); WEIGAND 2 (amull ‘very hot’ borrowed from


161 (suffix -ull-)', M e y e r Alb. Studien I 6 6 , Wb. 7 (comparison with
Turkish); JOKL LKUBA 2 7 0 -2 7 2 (to mbulim); L a P ia n a Studi 9 9 (to
Gk àxkvq ‘fog’, Lat aquilö ‘North wind’ and the like; these forms,
ovuli)-, F r a e n k e l 471; N e v s k a j a BGT 53; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IX 124;
however, reflect IE *aghlu-, cf. FRISK I 5 5 ), Alb. St. Ill 5; JOKL Studien
ÇABEJ St. I 34; MANN Comp. 20 (to Arm amul ‘barren’, Olr amba I ‘dark’);
112 (suffix -ull), LKUBA 2 6 8 -2 6 9 (negative *n added to -hull related
DEMIRAJ AE 7 5 (to amë).
to the semantically misinterpreted Slav *kaliti ‘to make hot, to harden
(of iron)’ and not ‘to be cold’); W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 60; TAGLIAVINI
an m ‘uterus’. A metaphoric transformation of enë, singularized plural
Dalmazia 68 (agrees with JOKL); ClMOCHOWSKl ABS 40-41 (< a- + *kel-
of dialectal an, anë ‘vessel’. As to the latter, it is identical with a m
‘to strike’); C a m a j Alb. Worth. 5 3 -5 4 (to ehull); HULD 3 8 -3 9 (follows
‘side’ ( K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Koll. idg. Ges. 223). 0 C a m a r d a I I 31 (com­
JOKL); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 355; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 1 -3 2 ; DEMIRAJ AE
74.
parison of enë with Gk àyyeîov ‘vessel’), 71 (to Gk ëv-cea ‘vessel’);
M E Y E R Wb. 12 (identifies enë with anë ‘side’), Alb. St. IV 9; JO K L Studien
3 (compares anë, enë with Skt ukhà- ‘vessel, boiler’ and/or Goth auhns
am ë f, pi. ama ‘source, river-bed’. A metaphoric use of amë ‘m other’
‘oven’, reconstructing *augvnä); B a r i c I ARSt 8 6 (to Lat auxilia)',
(V a s m e r ZfslavPh X V I 337; T a g l ia v in i Melanges Pedersen 162 -1 6 3 ),
98: C a b e j St. I 3 4 Æ A M " "
J i/Ta y r h o f f-.rRJ f 1 1
ssel for sacrifi- M a n n Comp. 20 (an ‘caul’ related to Gk àpviov
bed ’ (to *mati ‘m other’). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 64; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch.
amnisy, b a k<ic iC //i/i/to í n
380 (lollows JO K L ); C H A N T R A IN E 70; Ç A B E J Etim. I I 39 (agrees with 7'

T a g l i a v i n i ); G a m k r e l i d z e - I v a n o v I I 8 8 6 (to G k ájaúpri ‘pit,


daj conj. ‘therefore’. A compound of a (as in ai) and ndaj (MEYER canal’); D E M IR A J AE 75-76. ai
b. 11). H
am ë f. pi. ama ‘mother’. In Tosk where amë comes from Geg, there exists
ië f, pl. anë ‘side’. From PAlb *anta related to Skt anta- ‘end’, Goth è me as well. A widespread Lallname (M E Y E R Wb. 5). 0 T A G L IA V IN I ai
ideis id. ( Ç a b e j St. I 35, IV 56-57) with *-nt- > 0 M e y e r Wb. Stratificazione 111 ; S a i n é a n ZfromPh XXX 3 1 4 (borrowed from Lat a,
(reconstructs *ausnâ related to IE *öus- ‘mouth’), Alb. St. Ill 12, anima)', D E M IR A J AE 170. 1
I, 90; JO K L Studien 12; F e i s t Goth. 49; M A N N Language XXVIII 40 6
ame as M E Y E R ); M A Y R H O F E R I 90; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 211; amëz f ‘odour, arom a’. Derivative in -ëz from (G) amë < PAlb *admá 0
)L Á K Orbis XVI 127 (to Georg hana ‘field’); Ç A B E J Etim. 11 47-49; connected with Gk óópr| id., Lat odor id., Lith úosti ‘to smell’ (JOKL p
.NSO N Unt. 90-92; D E M IR A J AE 77-78 (supports Ç A B E J). Studien 3; M a n n Language XXVIII 3 9), 0 T a g l ia v in i Melanges Pe­ Ji
dersen 162; F risk II 352-353; F r a e n k e l 1167-1168; W a l d e -H o f m a n n
ig m ‘fear, nightm are’. From P A lb *anga corresponding to Skt II 203; P o k o r n y I 7 7 2 -7 7 3 ; C h a n t r a in e 777; D u r id a n o v BE XVI
nhas- ‘fear’, Lat angor ‘unrest, fear’, Olr cumcae gl. ‘angor’ < Celt a
66 (reconstructs *am-); Ç abej Etim. I I 40-41 (derived from amë ‘mother’,
*
:om-ong-iâ (OREL Antic, balk. 5 32; OREL ZfBalk X X III/2 147) and cf. Fr mère de vinaigre)', DEMIRAJ AE 76.
rther connected with IE *anghu- ‘narrow’, *anghos ‘narrowness, opres- fl
on’ (ÇABEJ St. I 36). 0 JOKL IF XLIII 61 f. (links ang, ankth to Skt s:
amull adj. ‘stagnant (of water)’. As to amull ‘very hot’, it is the same
liti ‘to breathe’ < IE *ana~); O S tir AArbSt I 104 (fantastic compar­ word ( Ç a b e j Etim. II 4 2 ) reflecting a specific way of iron tempering, d
ons with Slav *mora ‘(mythic incarnation of) fear', Gk Xapicc and ií
first made hot and then cold by means of water or dirt. The same devel­
e like); MANN Language XXVIII 39; POKORNY I 42-43; HAMP Èriu tl
opment is attested in Slav *kaliti ‘to temper iron’ based on *kali, ‘dirt’.
XVIII 147-148, LB XXX 131-132; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350. Continues PAlb *amulwa with a prothetic a- etymologically related
to Lith niulve ‘silt, m arsh’, multi ‘to get dirty’. 0 C A M A R D A I 61 (com­
i) angërr f, pi. angrra ‘skin; intestines’. F ro m PAlb *angarä < IE parison with avuliy, M e y e r Wb. 21 (follows C A M A R D A and translates
6 A N G U LLTJ — AQ,

*anghrirä related to Arm anjn ‘soul, person’, ON angi ‘smell, odor4.


0 JOKL Melanges Pedersen 127-129 (zero-grade derivative of IE *gW-
‘to eat, to swallow’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 86; CiMOCHOWSKILP
II 232 (follows JOKL); ACAREAN HAB I 202-203; POKORNY 142; ÇABEJ
St. I 35 (identifies angërr with the participle hangër ‘eating’), Etim. II
50; L u k a HD XXIV 41-42; D e m ir a j AE 78.

an g u llij ao r. angullita ‘to how l’. Deverbative of *angull < PAlb


*ankula, related to Gk oyKaopat ‘to cry’, Lat uncö ‘to growl (of bears)’.
0 M e y e r Wb. 304 (to ankth); P o k o r n y 1 322; Ç a b fj Etim. I I 51 (follows
M e y e r ).

(G) ankoj aor. ankova ‘to cry, to weep’T his verb also appears as nëkoj,
rëkoj and rënkoj. A denominative verb that is probably based on PAlb
*anaka borrowed from Gk àvccyiori ‘grief, distress’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 304
(to angullij and Slav *jçcati ‘to groan’); LUKA HD XXIV 44-46;
D e m ir a j AE 7 8 -7 9 .

ankth m, pi. ankthe ‘fear, nightmare, restlessness’. Derived from ang.


If -th may be treated as a continuation of *-st-, ankth goes back to PAlb
*angasta and is identical with IE *anghosto- ~ *anghosti-\ Lat angus-
tus ‘narrow ’, O H G august ‘fear’ ( M a n n Language XXVIII 39; Ç a b e j
St. I 36). 0 M e y e r Wb. 13, 304 (compares with ankoj and its variants);
B ariC ARSt I 16-17 (to emakth id., ëmë ‘m other’); JOKL /f ’XLIII 61-
62 (to Lat animus, Skt dniti); OâTIR AArbSt I 104 (to Basque amets
‘dream ’); POKORNY I 43; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 147, Koll. Idg. Ges. 350;
Ç a b e j Etim. II 53-54; B e e k e s CIEL 263; D e m ir a j AE 79.

apë m ‘elder brother; dad’. A typical Lallname. 0 JOKL LKUBA 39 n .l


(from Hung apa ‘father); Ç A B E J Etim. II 56 (to abej ‘term of respect
to elder brother’ borrowed from Turkish).

aq adj., adv. ‘so, such’. Goes back to PAlb *akja opposed to kaq ‘so’ <
PAlb *kakja in the same way as Slav *ako ‘as, if’ is opposed to *kako
‘how’ (MEYER Wb. 7). Hence, the analysis of these forms as compounds
beginning with pronominal *a~ and *ka- (as in ai vs. ky) and another
stem or a suffix *-kja (ÇABEJ St. I 3 6 -3 7 ). 0 PEDERSEN Proti. 315 (to
Gk a\> ‘again’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJA I 64-65; ÇABEJ Etim. II 58-59; H a m p
Numerals 8 3 6 (-q identical with OPrus quai)', DEMIRAJ AE 80.
AR — ARE 7

ar m ‘g o ld ’. B o rro w ed from Lat aurum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente


4; MEYER Wb. 14). 0 M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1047, 1056; M a n n
Language XXVI 381; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; HAARMANN 112;
Ç a b e j Etim. II 59-60; L a n d i Lat. 72.

arbër ~ arbën m, pl. arbër ~ arbën ‘Albanian (particularly, of Italy and


Greece)’. A Proto-Albanian loanword with the assimilation of liquids,
from Rom *albanus rendering the West Balkan ethnonym attested as
Illyr ’AA.ßavoi (Ptol.). The form arbëresh ~ arbënesh ‘Italo- or
Graeco-Albanian’ reflects Rom *albanensis (JOKL Arch. Rom. XXIV
137). 0 C a m a r d a I 30; M e y e r Wb. 14; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I299 (to
Gk ôpipavoç ‘orphan’); <I>0YPIKIX ’A0r|v& XL1II 3-7, XLVI 9-12 (to the
name of the Alps and Illyr Arbona): S p it ze r M RIW I 334; T r o m b e t ­
ti AArbSt III 1-6 (from proto-Indo-European); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
71-72 (“sicuramente indigeno”); MAYER Illyrier I I 4 (to Gk ôp(pvôç ‘dark’);
LANGE-K o w a l ZfBalk XVIII/2 134-136 (< *arb- parallel to *alb-)\
K a c o r i EB 1977/1 122-129; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 327; L u k a KKF
281-291; Ç a b e j St. I 37-38, V 62-67; Etim. II 61-68 (to Lat arvum);
LUKA HD XXIV 47-51.

ardhi f ‘vine, grapes’. The word is known in many phonetic variants:


hardhi, erdhi, rdhi, dhri, urdhi, orli. It may go back to *ardhe and, further,
to PAlb *ardz- related to the aorist stem erdha (see vij), cf. CAMAJ Alb.
Worth. 51; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 6 5 -6 6 . Semantically, ‘vine’ < ‘climb­
ing, going’ as in Slav *loza ‘vine’ ~ *loziti, *lezti ‘to climb’ (cf. BRUCK­
NER AfsiPh XXXIX 4; VASMER I I 512). An alternative etymology (M ey er
Wb. 147) is based on the variant rdhi and connects it with IE *ureg-
‘to break, to cut'. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 1 6 1 -1 6 2 (to Arm o r f ‘vine’); PE­
DERSEN BB XX 2 3 1 , KZ XXXVI 341 (follows BUGGE); JOKL Sprache
IX 152; PISANI Saggi 120; BARIÇ Hymje 4 3 , 57 (compares ardhi with
Basque ardao ‘wine’); POKORNY I 1 1 8 1 -1 1 8 2 ; POLÁK ZfBalk I 87 (to
Basque ardao ‘wine’); WEITENBERG KZ LXXXIX 6 8 -7 0 ; ÇABEJ St. I
38 (a phonetically difficult comparison with urth), Etim. II 6 9 -7 0 ; OREL
Koll. Idg. Ges. 355; DEMIRAJ AE 1 9 5 -1 9 6 .

arë f. pi. ara ‘field’. From PAlb *ara etymologically connected with
Latv eira id. (GÄTERS KZ LXXIII 108-109) and, probably, with Hitt
arha- ‘border, area’, Lyd aara- ‘farmstead, land’, Mess aran (HAMP
KZ LXXV 237-238). 0 C a m a r d a I 96 (to Gk ocpovpoc ‘tilled land’);
MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3 (from Lat área ‘ground, space, thresh-
8 A RËZ ~ A NEZ — ARI

ing-floor’); M e y e r Wb. 14 (from Lat area or from arvurn ‘plowed land’


but -rv- would be rendered as -rr-); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I
1041, 1048 (from Lat ärea): F r a e n k e l 5 1 8 ; Ç a b e j St. 1 39 (follows
G A t e r s ) , Ç a b e j Etim. II 7 1 -7 2 ; H a a r m a n 111 (from Lat àrea);
POLÁK Orbis XVI 128 (to Georg are ‘field’); ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani
6 8 8 -6 8 9 (to Gk ày p ô ç ‘field, land’); HAMP St. Whatmough 7 7, RRL XXI
51 (same as ÖLBERG, reconstructs are < *ager in view of the dialec­
tal long a: in the anlaut); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 149; HULD 38; TISCHLER
1/1 55-56; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 4 4 (adds Arm arawr ‘plow’); KARULIS
LEV I 76; DEMIRAJ AE 8 0 -8 1 .

arëz ~ an ëz f, pl. arëza ~ am a ‘wasp’. Continues PAlb *auna derived


from IE *au(d)- ‘to weave’ similarly to Lith vapsà, Slav *osa and the
like based on IE *uebh- ‘to weave’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 14 (borrowing from
Turk ari ‘bee’ with a suffix -ëz - but how to explain the rhotacism in
Tosk?), Alb. St. V 68; B a r i Í ARSt. I 8 3 -8 4 (reconstructs *aícna com­
pared with Lat acüleus ‘sting’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 70; ÇABEJ St.
4 0 -4 1 (agrees with B a r i C); ÇABEJ Etim. II 8 7 -8 8 (from *aíc- ‘sharp’ ).

arëzë f, pl. arëza ‘nape’. Note a more phonetically conservative variant


arrëzë. Another derivative of the same stem is represented by arrç ‘upper
jugular vertebra’. Both words are based on arre in its metaphoric sense
of a round protuberance ( C a m a r d a 1 1 8 1 ; M e y e r Wb. 7 ). 0 Ç a b e j St.
141, Etim. II 90.

argësh m ‘crude raft supported by skin bladders, crude bridge o f c r o ss­


bars, h a r r o w ’. F rom P A lb *argusa related to Skt argala- ‘b o lt’, OE
reced ‘b u ild in g , h o u s e ’. 0 P o k o r n y I 65; Ç a b e j St. I 3 9 (co m p a riso n
w ith IE *yerg- ‘to w ork , to d o ’).

argjend ~ argjand m ‘silver’. Borrowed from Lat argentum id. (M lK ­


LOSICH Rom. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 C a m a r d a I 55 (unspec­
ified comparison with Lat argentum); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1
I 1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 237; M a n n Language XVII 22; H a m p
St. Whatmough 77; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 12; HAARMANN 111; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 7 5 -7 6 ; LANDI Lat. 5 4 , 7 9 , 116.

ari m, pi. arinj ‘bear’. From PAlb *arina (JO K L LKUBA 310) derived
from *ara > OAlb ar (B O G D A N I). The feminine froms are arushe and
areshë. A tabooistic transformation of IE *rkso- ~ *rkto- id.: Hitt hartag-
ARK — ARNOJ 9

ga-, Skt fksa-, Gk apK ioc, Lat ursus and the like (CAMARDAI 86; MEYER
Wb. 15, Alb. St. IV 20). T he exp ected A lb *arth m ust have b een treated
as a dim inutive in -th, from w here the existing form ar w as later derived
(DEMIRAJ AE 82 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 146; M e y e r Gr. Gr. 2 3 2 , 344; PE­
DERSEN KZ XXXVI 106, Kelt. Gr. I 8 9 , B B X X 231; JOKL LKUBA 310;
TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 2 -1 3 3 ; MANN Language XVII 16:
POKORNY I 875; M a y r h o f e r I 118; H am p Laryngeals 1 4 0 -1 4 1 ;
WATKINS ¡ESt II 5 0 4 -5 3 9 ; OREL ZfBalk X X III/ 1 6 6 (er ro n eo u sly
co n n ects ari w ith G k a p v u p a i ‘to ob tain , to g et, to r e c e iv e ’ and the
lik e); H u l d 38; Ç a b e j Etim. II 77; K ö d d e r i t z s c h Festschr. Mac Eoin
66 .

ark m. pi. arqe ‘bow’. Borrowed from Lat arcus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß1 1 1042;
MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; H a a r m a n n 111; L a n d i Lat. 79, 148-
149.

arkg f, pi. arka ‘chest, box, coffin’. Borrowed from Lat area id.
(C a m a r d a I 186; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3; MEYER Wb. 15). 0
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1042; J o k l LKUBA 126; T a g l ia v in i
Dalmazia 72; HAARMANN 111; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 78-79; LANDI Lat. 175.

armë f, pi. arme ‘weapon’. Borrowed frrom Lat arma id. (G il ’f e r d -


in g Otn. 25; M ik l o sic h Rom. Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1042; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV / 1-2 12; H a a r m a n n
111; Ç a b e j Etim. II 81; L a n d i Lat. 79.

armik ~ anëmik m, pl. armiq ~ anemiq ‘enem y’. Borrowed from Lat
inimïcus id. (CAMARDA I 38; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; M e y e r
Wb. 15). 0 GlL’FERDING Otn. 25 (derived from arme); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; HAARMANN 131;
JANSON Unt. 49; ÇABEJ Etim. II 81.

arnoj aor. arnova ‘to mend, to repair’. Note a more conservative form
arënoj as well as a back formation am ë ‘patch’. The source is Lat renovare
‘to renew ’ (MEYER Wb. 16). 0 CAMARDA I 140 (to Gk àp a p ia icco ‘to
produce, to m ake’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 73; M i h ä e s c u RESEE
IV / 1-2 24; ÇABEJ St. Il 4 0 (to harr ‘to weed’), Etim. II 8 3 -8 4 ; HAAR­
MANN 145; M a n n Comp. 3 4 -3 5 (related to Gmc *armiz ‘arm ’).
10 A R Q .IT Ë — ASHKË

arqitë f, pl. arqita ‘rod (for basket weaving)’. Borrowed from Slav *orkyta
‘broom (plant), kind of willow’ (cf. in particular SCr rakita, Bulg rakita)
in its form preceding the metathesis in the *TorT- group (Ç a b e j Etim.
II 85 ). 0 S v a n e 128.

a rsye f, pi. arsye ‘reason, understanding’. From Lat ratiönem id. (M lK ­


LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54; M e y er Wb. 14). ö M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grund­
r iß 2 1 1051; Jo k l Stud. 10; O r e l FIJI V III/ 1-2 37; M ih ä e s c u RESEE
I V /1-2 24; Ç a b e j Etim. II 85-86; H a a RiMANN 145.

arrç m, pl. arrça ‘cricket’. Derived from ar ‘bear’, cf. ari. For the seman­
tic development cf. Russ medvedka ‘cricket’ based on medved’ ‘bear’.
0 Ç a b e j St. I 41 (identifies arrç with harç ‘uncastrated pig’ and arrç
‘thorny bush'), Etim. II 89.

arrç m. pl. arrça ‘kind of thorny bush, Rhamnus’. Derived from arre.
0 ÇABEJ St. I 41 (identifies arrç with harç ‘uncastrated p ig ’), Etim. II
89.
ASHPËR — ATJE 11

IE *aícs- ‘a x is’: Skt áksa-, Gk ä^cov, Lat axis and the like (OREL Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 2 5 8 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34 (from N ea p o l asea
for aschia ‘sp lin te r’ ); M e y e r Wh. 17 (b o rro w ed from R om * ascia)',
J ok l. LKUBA 104-105 (supports M e y e r ); F risk 1116; C am aj Alb. Worth.
114 (su ffix -key, M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 12; H a a r m a n 111; Ç a b e j
Etim. II 100; LANDI Lat. 7 9 , 110.

ashpër adj. ‘hard, sharp, rough’. Borrow ed from Lat asper ‘rough, uneven’
( C a m a r d a I 86; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 19). 0
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1042, 1053; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-
2 12; H a a r m a n n 111; Ç a b e j Etim. II 100-101; L a n d i Lat. 79, 136.

asht m, pl. eshtra ~ eshtëna ‘bone’. From PAlb *asti or *asta further
connected w ith IE *ost(i) - ‘bone’: Hitt hastai, Skt dsthi, Gk òoxéov and
the like (XYLANDER 298; BOPP 461; GlL'FERDING Otn. 22; CAMARDA
1 36; M e y e r Wb. 19). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 2 3 , 62; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr.
I 85; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 86; P o k o r n y 1 783; F r isk II 43 6 -4 3 7 ;
MAYRHOFER I 67; T is c h l e r 1 /2 2 0 2 -2 0 3 ; H a m p Laryngeals 133, Rie.
12 ATY — AV IH . I.

St. Ill 2 5 ), cf. tut je. 0 P e d e r s e n Pzon. 315 (-tje < -teje)-, Ç a b e j Etim.
II 108.

aty adv. ‘th e r e ’. A com p oun d o f a and ty < *tiI w ith a le n g th en in g , ety -
m o lo g ic a lly c lo se to -tu o f ashtu. 0 M e y e r Wb. 20 (-ty co n n ected w ith
the p ronom inal stem *to-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 73 (fo llo w s MEYER);
Ç a b e j Etim. II 109.

athët adj. ‘harsh, sour, rancid’. From PAlb *ats-eta etymologically related
to IE *ak- ‘sharp’, with some derivatives developing the meaning ‘sour’
as Lat acidus (M e y e r Wb. 2, Alb. St. Ill 13). 0 C a m a r d a I 161 (com­
pares athët with uthull); MEYER Gr. Gr. 99; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 332;
Jo k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89, LKUBA 49; O r el Ètnogenez 110-114 (athët
as a source of Slav *ocbfh ‘vinegar’); Ç a b e j Etim. II 109-110; M a n n
Comp. 12 (identical with Gk (xktîç ‘ray of light’); KORTLANDT Arm-
IE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 83-84.

avdos m ‘chaffinch’. Identical with avdos ‘ice-floe’ (see avër), for the
semantic development cf. bors. 0 POKORNY I 86; ÇABEJ Etim. II 110
(related to bors ); D e m ir a j AE 84-85 (compound of two elements: av-
related to Lat avis ‘bird’ and dose).

avër f, pi. avra ‘ic e - f lo e ’. C f. also avdos id. P ro b a b ly , co n n ected with


IE *ayer-, *aued- ‘to m ake w e t’. 0 P o k o r n y I 7 8 -7 9 ; ÇABEJ St. I 4 5
(to varrë), Etim. II 112-113 (avdos d erived from borë); LUKA HD XXIV
60-61.

avull m. pi. avuj ‘steam, vapor’. From PAlb *abula continuing an earlier
*nbh(u)lo- (H a m p RRL XX 499-500: reconstructs *nbhlo- but erroneously
compares it with Skt abhrá- ‘cloud’ with a definite *-r- > -r-). Thus,
*abula is close to OHG nebul ‘fog’, OS nifol < Gmc *nebulaz < *nebhelo.
Etymologically, belongs to IE *nebh- ‘wet, water; fog, cloud’. As to
-v-, it reflects the unfinished process of spirantization and loss of inter­
vocalic voiced stops; the expected change of -v- to zero did not occur
as it p reced ed a back rounded vow el. Rum abur ‘fo g ’ was
borrowed from Proto-Albanian. 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk àéXXa
‘tempest’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 69 (from Lat vapor id.); MEYER
Wb. 21 (comparison with Skt abhrá- ‘cloud’; ultimately, to *nebh-),
Alb. St. Ill 36, 81; JOHANSON IF IV 139; Jo k l LKUBA 270-271 (par­
ticle a- and -v w // connected with vale); W e ig a n d BA III 210(ofT hra-
BABË - BAG ËM 13

cian origin); HASDEU EMR I 106; PASCU RE 21 (reconstructs Rom


*vapulus); PU§CARIU EWR 1; B aric ARSt 107-108, Lingv. stud. 39 (avull
< *o-g'î- compared with Germ Qualm ‘fumes, smoke’); L a P ia n a Studi
99; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 14 (comparison with Messap atabulus ‘sirocco’);
PISANI REIE IV 17 (from Rom *nebla, a variant of Lat nebula ‘mist,
fog’); ZALIZN’AK Ètimologija 1964 175; PETROVICI CL X 357-358 (to
Lat Boreas ‘North wind’); PoGHiRC 1st. limb. rom. II 335; R o se t t i ILR
I 271; Ç a b e j St. I 45-46 (follows J o k l ); H a m p Si. Whatmough 80-81
(same as SCHMIDT), ÏA XXIX 90; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 144; HULD 39-
40; M a n n Comp. 46 (follows C a m a r d a ); Ç a bej Etim. II 116-117;
DEMIRAJ AE 85 (to aft and afsh).

B
babë f ‘old woman’. Borrowed from Slav *baba ‘woman’ (MlKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 15). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 183; TAGLIAVINI
Stratificazione 111-112; Ç a b e j Etim. II 120; S v a n e 189.

bac m, pi. baca ‘elder brother, uncle’. From PAlb *batja, a Lallwort
similar and, perhaps, related to Slav *bat'a ~ *batja ‘elder brother,
father’ (OREL Subst. 4 ). The Albanian word is the source of Rum baci
‘chief shepherd, cheese-maker’, Megleno-Rum bats id. from where
Slavic and Hungarian words for ‘shepherd’ were borrowed (MEYER
Wb. 29). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 15: B a r i É ARSt 2-3 (from *bar-
c, to bari)', TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 112; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
II 335; R o setti ILR I 272; TRUBACEV Term, rodstva 21, 195-196, ÈSSJa
I 163-164; ÇABEJ Etim. II 122-124; S v a n e 188.

badër f, pi. badra ‘narcissus, daffodil’. More phonetically advanced vari­


ants are badhe'r and, especially, bather (HAHN). The word is identi­
cal with Skt bhdstra ‘bellows’, further based on *bhes- ‘to blow’. Alb
-d(ë)r- goes back to IE *-str- as in thadër ( O r e l Fort. 78-79).
0 MEYER Wb. 22 (borrowed from Turk badruk ‘basil’); ÇABEJ St. I
46-47 (with a metathesis, from bardhë), Etim. II 124-125; MURATI Pro­
bleme 63-66 (same as ÇABEJ).

b agëm m ‘oil for anointment’. Borrowed from Gk ß<iima|aa ‘baptism'


( M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350; Ç a b e j St. I 48, Etim. II 128). For the
phonetic development of the inlaut cf. pagëzoj.
14 BACJËTI ~ RAKTI BAKULL

bagëti ~ bakti f, pl. ‘domestic animal, (head of) cattle’. Based on an


unattested adjective borrowed from Slav *bogatb ‘rich’ (S e liS C e v Slav,
naselenie 165) or going back to the otherwise unregistered Slav *bogatjbe
‘richness’ (OREL ZfSlaw XXX/6 912, Ètimologija 1983 137-138). 0
G i l ’FERDING Otn. 20 (to Skt pas'u- ‘cattle’); M e y e r Wb. 22 (compares
with OFr bague ‘bundle’ and the like’); JOKL Studien 5-6 (links
bagëti with Skt bhdga- ‘prosperity, happiness’, Slav *s-bboibje ‘prop­
erty, cattle’), Slavia XIII 310; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 77, Stratifi­
cazione 147; HOLUB-KOPECNY 261 (to OHG packe ‘pack’ and the like);
S k o k I 179; Ç a b e j St. I 48, Etim. II 129-130.

bahe f, pi. bahe ‘sling’. A singularized plural based on a more archaic


form bahë < PAlb *baja etymologically close to Slav *bojb ‘fight’.
Both forms are further related to IE *bhei- ‘to strike, to beat’ (OREL
FLH VH I/1-2 45). 0 MEYER Wb. 22-23 (to ON baugr ‘ring’, IE *bheugh-
‘to bend’), Alb. St. Ill 35; ÇABEJ St. I 47 (compares with Gmc
*bautan ‘to beat’, Lat fusti s ‘knobbed stick, cudgel’), Etim. II 126-127;
POKORNY I 117-118.

bajgë f, pi. bajga ‘dung’. A more archaic form is balëg(ë), bulge. The
word is also attested in a metathesized form bagël. Goes back to PAlb
*balga probably related to Gk ßoXßuov ‘cow dung’ if the latter is based
on *bolg“- (OS t ir AArbSt II 370). It is the source of Rum balegä id.
0 MEYER Wb. 23, IF VI 116 (from Nital bagola, bagula); TAGLIAVI­
NI Dalmazia 11 (from SCr balega id.); L a PIANA Studi 1 77; C apidan
DR I I 467-470 (borrowed from substratum); B a ri C IF II 297-298 (recon­
structs *bdlno-gl'â, cf. Slav *govbno ‘dung’ < IE *g“öu- ‘cattle’),
AArbSt II 80-81, Hymje 22; iLINSKIJ JF V 183-185 (bajgë borrowed
from Slavic); HASDEU EMR III 124; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 335;
ROSETTI ILR I 272; M o u t so s ZfBalk X/2 68-72 (from NGk y(K )aßaX a
< Lat caballus ‘horse (dung)’); ROHR ZfBalk X V II/1 80; ÇABEJ St. I
49 (agrees with OS t ir ), Etim. II 132-133; DEMIRAJ AE 86-87.

bajzë f, pi. bajza ‘coot, kind of water-fowl’. The same word is attest­
ed as balzë and may be interpreted as a derivative of *bal- ‘white’
( D o d b ib a St. Leks. 256). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 125; ÇABEJ St. 1 50,
Etim. II 134-135 (to Lat fúlica).

bakull adj. ‘robust, vigorous’. Derived from bakë ‘belly’, a variant of


BAL - BALTE 15

bark (ÇABEJ Etim. II 137). 0 M a n n Comp. 62 (to Gk (paKeÀoç


‘bunch’).

bal m, p. bala ‘dog with a white spot on its forehead’, adj. ‘white-haired’.
Also bale ‘white spot’. From PAlb *bala etymologically close to Lith
bâlas ‘white’, Latv bàls ‘pale’, Gk (paXóq■Àeuicôç (Hes.) and the like.
As to balash, balosh ‘horse or ox with a white spot on its forehead’,
it was borrowed from Slav *belasb. *belosb ‘white animal’ (MEYER
Wb. 25; O rel Ètimologija 1983 133-134) with *-é- rendered as -a- under
the influence of bal. 0 MEYER NGriech. St. IT 69 (treats balash, balosh
as cognates of Lith bâlas and the like); MANN Language XXVI 380
(to Bret bal' id.), XXVIII 36; F r a e n k e l 32; F r is k II 988-989;
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; KLEPIKOVA SPI 65; HAMP Anc. IE 112;
ÇABEJ St. I 50-51, Etim. II 138-140; KALUZsk a ja Slavjanovedenie 1992/2
80-86; D e m ir a j AE 87.

balçëm m ‘balm’. Attested in a more archaic form balshëm in Old Alban­


ian (BUZUKU). Borrowed from Lat balsamum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 5; M e y e r Alb. St. IV 25; JOKL LKUBA 115 n .l). 0 MEYER
Wb. 2 4 -2 5 (together with balsam id. treated as a Turkish loanword);
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 21; HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ St. I 5 1 , Etim. II
1 43-144; LANDI Lat. 111.

b alë f, pi. ‘badger’. Related to bal taking into account the light-
colored spots on the badger’s snout.

b altë f, pl. balte ‘swamp, marsh, dirt, earth'. Goes back to PAlb
*balta (singularized pi. neut.) closely related to Slav *bolto with which
it continues IE *bhohtom (MEYER Wb. 25). This form belongs to the
paradigm of the adjective *bhohto- ‘white’ represented in Lith bdltas
further derived from IE *bheh- ‘shining, white’. Rum baltä ‘swamp’,
NGk ßaA/coq id. seem to be borrowed from Albanian. 0 GlL’FERDlNG
Otn. 20 (to Skt pi thvi ‘earth’); B r ü CH Glotta VII 83 f. (balte as an
autochtonous Illyrian word in Albanian); MEYER BB XIX 154;
SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 242 (from Lomb palta); T r e m e r ZfromPhil.
XXXVIII 392 (borrowed from Slav *bolto); SKOK AArbSt. II 114, Slavia
III 115 (accepts the Slavic origin of balte); B a r i C AArbSt. II 386; TROM­
BETTI AArbSt. Ill 21-22; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 78, Origini 309; HASDEU EMR III 135; M a n n Language XXVI
385 (from Slavic); PORZIG Gliederung 159, 175; F r a e n k e l 32, KZ LIV
16 BALLE - BAR

294-295; VASMER I 190; PISANI Saggi 123 (isogloss uniting Albanian


with Balto-Slavic); POKORNY I 118-120; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II
328; ROSETTI ILR I 2 7 2 ,1st. limb. rom. II 97 (Slavic *bolto in Balkan
languages); HUBSCHMID RRL XXIV/4 343-352; H a m p L S XIV/2 14,
Anc. IE 109; TOPOROV PJa I 189 (reconstructs OPrus *balt-)\ SOLTA
Balkanlinguistik 47, 100; ÇABEJ St. I 51-52, Etim. II 144-147; OREL
Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; MURATI Probleme 127; DEMIRAJ AE 87-88.

ballë m/n, pi. balle ‘fo r e h e a d ’. S in g u la rized pl. neut. *balâ related to
Skt bhäla- id., O P rus ballo id. (GlL'FERDING Otn. 20; MEYER Wb. 2 4 ,
Alb. St. Ill 33). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIH 544; JOKL ZONE X 194, Sprache
IX 128; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 7 8 , Stratificazione 86; M a n n Language
XXVI 3 8 0 (reco n stru cts an /-stem ); MAYRHOFER II 4 9 6 -4 9 7 ; H a m p
St. Whatmough 77; POKORNY I 118-119; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 144; Ç a bej
St. I 5 3 , Etim. II 148 -1 5 0 ; HULD 40; DEMIRAJ AE 8 8 -8 9 .

ballungë f, pi. ballunga ‘bump, swelling’. With a secondary assimila­


tion of vowels, also bullungë. A derivative in -unge based on balle. 0
MEYER Wb. 53 (borrowed from Rom *bulluca and related to buie and/or
to mellé); SCHMIDT KZ L 236 (to bulë < *bhulnâ in connection with
Gk cpúAAov ‘le a f); BARIC AArbSt. I 144-145 (follows M e y e r ’ s com-
n a r i s o n w i t h m ë llë i- C a h k i St I 8 ? i a o r w c w i t h R a u h * ' !

bares aor. barita ‘to go for a walk, to stroll’. From PAlb *bar-ötja derived
from *bar ‘shepherd’ preserved in bari (WEIGAND Balkan-Archiv I
252-253). 0 JOKL Die Sprache IX 144 (to rnbaj); ÇABEJ Etim. II 164
(denominative of bar ‘grass’).

bari m, pi. barinj ‘shepherd’. Based on an unattested *bar < PAlb *bara
(the derivation is similar to that of ari, njeri, cf. DEMIRAJ AE 91) related
to OHG baro ‘(free) m an’. As to OAlb bëruo ‘shepherd’ (BUZUKU,
Budi), it is not connected with bari and should be rather analyzed as
a loanword from Lat bärönem ‘simpleton’. 0 CAMARDA I 341 (mis­
taken translation of bari as ‘bestiame’; comparison with Gk ßapixov
cxpveç, Hes.); MEYER Alb. St. I 69, Wb. 27, 33 (to berr); JOKL
Mélanges Pedersen 156 (follows MEYER); WEIGAND Balkan-Archiv I
252-253 (compares bari with bares ‘to go for a walk, to stroll’); T a g l i ­
a v in i Stratificazione 147; CiMOCHOWSKI LP IV 191 (to bar); HAMP
BARDHË — BA R I 17

related to Lat fa r ‘sort of grain, spelt’ < *bhars-, ON ban- ‘spelt’ and
the like (CAMARDA I 336; MEYER Wb. 2 6 , Alb. St. Ill 7 1 ). 0 POTT KZ
VI 321 (to Lat herba id.); MEYER Alb. St. Ill 33 (to Gk (pôpoç ‘(agri­
cultural) yield’); KRETSCHMER Gioita III 3 3 8 -3 3 9 , VI 9 6 (to Gk
cpáppaicov ‘drug, healing rem edy’); J o k l Vox Rom. VIII 192 (Alpine
Romance parallels); BA R IÍ ARSt. I 30 (to NPers bar ‘fruit’); M a n n
Language XVII 16; C h a n t r a in e 1179; H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 9 0 (close
to K r e t s c h m e r ); Ç a b e j St. I 54 (agrees with K r e t s c h m e r ), Etim.
II 156-158; D e m ir a j AE 8 9 -9 0 (from IE *bheu- ‘to g r o w ').

bardhë adj. ‘w h ite’. From PA lb *bardza continuing *bhordgo-, a d eriv ­


ative o f IE *bher9g- ‘to sh ine; w h ite ’, c f. Skt bhräjate ‘(h e) sh in es,
b eam s, g litte r s ’, G oth bairhts ‘lig h t, sh in in g ’ and a lso the w ord for
‘b ir c h ’: Lith berzas, S lav *berza (MEYER Wb. 29, Alb. St. Ill 17, 33,
72). P A lb *bardza is p articu larly c lo s e to Skt bhdrga- ‘sh in in g ’ w ith
an irregular d ev elo p m en t o f T he A lb an ian w ord is the so u rce
o f R um barzä ‘sto rk ’. 0 HASDEU EMR III 216; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
79; L a P ia n a Studi 141; F r a e n k e l 40-41; M a y r h o f e r II 479-480,
529-530; POKORNY I 139-140; K l e p ik o v a SPT 68-69; POGHIRC 1st.
limb. rom. IT 336; ROSETTI ILR I 272-273; ÖLBERG Beitr. Idg. 57; GREPPIN
JIES V/2-3 203-207 (D a c *barÖo- ‘sto rk ’ related to A rm brdor ‘1am-
m erpever’1: Hi.I D 40: C a b e j Etim. II 161-1*4 (to r .l mnnmy.:.......
uânë f, pi. bana ‘dwelling’. From PAlb *banti, a rci/'-derivative of bëj
‘to make, to do’ (for semantic parallels see ÇABEJ I 52). 0 JOKL Studien
6-8 (from IE *bhoyono-, cf. Skt bhavana- ‘dwelling, home’ despite
the irregularity of Tosk -n- < *-«-); M a n n Language XXVI 382; Ç a b e j
I 5 1 -5 2 (explains bane as a Geg participle of bëj identical with Tosk
bërë but banë is well attested in both dialects of Albanian), Etim. II
1 51-153; M a y r h o f e r 1 1 4 8 5 -4 8 6 ; O r e l SBJa Leksikol. 148 (explains
bane as a phonetic variant of adv. mbanë ‘near, nearby’); D e m ir a j
AE 89.

banjë f, pi. banja ‘bath’. Borrowed from Slav *banja id.: OCS banja,
Bulg ban’a, SCr banja and the like (MlKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 15; MEYER
Wb. 24; WEIGAND 4 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4; (from Latin);
H e l b ig 90 (from Italian); ÇABEJ Etim. II 155 (from Rom *banea or
Ital bagno).

bar m, pi. bar èra ~ barèna ‘grass’. From PAlb *bara etymologically
18 BARK — BARRË

ZfceltPh XXXIX 212 (same as ClMOCHOWSKl); ÇABEJ St. I 55-56 (sug­


gests an etymological link to bie, mbar), 64 (compares bari with bëruo),
Etim. II 165-167; DEMIRAJ AE 92 (both bari and bëruo borrowed from
Lat barö, barönis).

bark m, pi. barqe ‘b e lly , w om b , ab d o m en ’. F rom P A lb *baruka id en ­


tical w ith ßap{\>>Ka- a iô o îo v rcapà T a p a v n v o iç (DURANTE Ric. Ling.
Ill 158; KRAHE Spr. Illyr. 41) and, furth er, co n tin u in g *bhor-uko-, a
derivative o f IE *bher- ‘to carry’ (MEYER Wb. 27). The loss o f the inlaut
-u- points to the stress on the first syllab le in P A lb *bdruka, cf. barukë
< *baritkä. 0 CAMARDA 1 58 (correctly com pares bark and barre)', PED­
ERSEN KZ XXXVI 327 ( fo llo w s MEYER), BB XX 238, Pron. 344 (to
Gk (pápvy^); WIEDEMANN BB XXVIII 231 (to Lat farciO ‘to cram , to
s t u f f ) ; B a r i í ARSt I 22; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 79, Stratificazione 86;
MANN Language XVII 7 (com parison w ith W brych ‘afterbirth’, W bru
‘b e lly ’); FRISK I 221; CAMAJ 29, 114 (a ccep ts M e y e r ’s v ie w ); O r e l
Zßalk XXin 145; ÇABEJ St. I 56-57, Etim. II 167-169; HULD 41; DEMIRAJ
AE 92.

barkë f , pi. barka ‘boat’. B orrow ed from Lat barca id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 5; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042); LANDI Lat. 9 3 .

barmë f ‘bast’. A parallel form is masculine barm. From PAlb


*bardzmâ ~ *bardzma derived from *bardza > bardhë ‘white’, with
a typical semantic pattern for the nomination of bark and bast (ÇABEJ
St. I 57, Etim. II 170), cf. Slav *lyko ‘bast’ from IE *leuk- ‘to shine;
shining, white’. 0 MANN Language XVII 19 (to Gk (poppôç); TRUBACEV
Rem. term. 164-166; OREL Linguistica XXVI 172; D e m ir a j AE 90.

barukë f ‘fleece’. From PAlb *baruka derived from *barwa > berr
‘sheep, goat’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI 172-173). 0 DEMIRAJ AE 92 (to
barre).

barrë f, pl. barrë ‘load, burden’. From PAlb *barä further related to
bie and mbar (B O P P 4 71; MEYER Wb. 2 8 , Alb. St. Ill 7 3 ) and partic­
ularly close to G k (popá ‘load’ ( Ç a b e j Etim. II 174). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g
Otn. 21 ; B u g g e KZ XX X II 4; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 78-79; PISANI Saggi
103, 121; BARIC Lingv. stud. 3 4 (stresses the similarity with G k (pépvr|
‘dow ry’); M a n n Language XVII 19; F r is k II 1 0 0 3 -1 0 0 5 ; P o k o r n y
BARRË — BATHË 19

T 128-132; HAMP ZfceltPh XXXIX 210 (from *bhornä); Ç a b e j 5/. I


57; M a n n Comp. 94 (from IE *bhormä); H u l d 41; D e m ir a j AE 92-
93 (a g r e e s w ith ÇABEJ).

barrë f. pl. barre ‘fetus’. From PAlb *barnâ, a singularized plural cognate
with Gmc *barnan ‘child’. The word must be strictly differentiated
from barré ‘load, burden’. 0 Z a liz n ’ak Ètimologija 139; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 173-174.

bashkë f ‘fleece’. From PAlb *bar(u)ska etymologically connected with


barukë id. and derived from berr ‘sheep, goat’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI
172-173). For a similar semantic development cf. Skt ajina- ‘skin, hide’
~ ajó- ‘goat’. The Albanian word was borrowed to Rum based id. 0
B a r t h o l o m a e IF IX 252 (to Av varasa- ‘hair’); MEYER Wb. 28 (from
*vars-ké connected with Cyren ßaoaapoc ‘fox’); JOKL LKUBA 170;
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3236; ROSETTI ILR I 273; R e st e ll i R/L XCI
467 (to Germ Bürste); ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 566; MANN Language
XVII 13, Comp. 67 (identical with bashkë ‘together’; was borrowed
from Thracian or ancient Macedonian); VRACIU LB VIII 20 (from sub­
stratum); ÇABEJ I 58 (to Gk (papooç ‘piece, part’ and its cognates),
Etim. II 178-180; D e m ir a j AE 93 (identical with bashkë ‘together’).

bashkë adv. ‘together’. Goes back to PAlb *bakska related to Lat fastis
‘bundle’, fascia ‘band, bandage’ (MEYER Alb. St. IV 80, IF VI 106).
0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 21 (to Skt pas'cá- ‘back, posterior’); B a r i C ARSt.
1 95, AArbSt III 215 (follows MEYER); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 77; JOKL
LKUBA 170 (to Skt badhate); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 80 (agrees with
Jo k l ); M a n n Language XVII 13; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 459-460; O rel
Sprache XXXI 282; ÇABEJ I 58-59 (follows M e y e r ), Etim. II 180-181;
D e m ir a j AE 93-94.

batis aor. batisa ‘to press together’. Borrowed from Slav *batiti ‘to
beat’, presently preserved in South Slavic only as SCr botiti ‘to rebound,
to jump away’.

bathë bathe ‘broad b ean ’. C ontinues PAlb *bat sä < IE *bhakâ also
f, pi.
p reserv ed in G k <paKÍj‘d ish o f le n tils’, «paicôç ‘le n til’ (MEYER Wb. 22,
Alb. St. Ill 13, 33). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 332; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia
80; M a n n Language XXVI 380; PISANI Saggi 118; JUCQUOIS Muséon
LXXVIII 445; POKORNY I 106; F r isk I I 985; CHANTRAINE 1173, 1180;
20 BE — B E LB IC E

CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 18; HULD41-42 (finds a parallel in Burushaski bu.'kak


‘beans’); OREL Ètimologija 1985 181; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 145; Koll.
Idg. Ges. 356; Ç a b e j Etim. II 184-185; D e m ir a j AE 94.

b e f, pi. be ‘oath’. From P A lb *baida connected with Slav *beda ‘d is ­


aster’, Lat foedus ‘league, treaty’ and other nominal derivatives of
IE *bheidh- ‘to persuade, to force’ (MEYER Wb. 30, Alb. St. Ill 33).
0 E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 233; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 81-82; S c h m id t KZ
LVII 26; M a n n Language XXVI 385; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 149;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa II 54-56; P o k o r n y 1117; H a m p AZ LXXVII 252-
253; HULD 42; ÇABEJ Etim. II 186-187 (to Gk jiîg u ç, Lat fidês
‘b e lie f ’); DEMIRAJ AE 94-95.

b egatë adj. ‘rich’. Other variants are bëgatë and bugatë. Borrowed from
Slav *bogat-i id., cf., in particular, South Slavic: OCS bogati,, Bulg
bogat, SCr bogat (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; MEYER Wb. 50). 0
S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 326; ÇABEJ Etim. II 190-191; S V A N E 267.

bejkë f ‘white sheep’. Borrowed from Slav *bel-hka ‘white animal, white
sheep’ (Ç a b e j Etim. II 192).

bekoj aor. bekova ‘to bless’. A more phonetically conservative variant


is bënkoj. Borrowed from Lat benedlcere id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 6; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 ). 0 C a m a r d a 1 1 4 1 (to be and besëf, M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß11 1052; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81; KÖDDERITZSCH
Asp. Alb. 121-130; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 21; HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 193.

b elb ë adj. ‘stammering, dumb’. Borrowed from Lat balbus ‘stammering,


stuttering’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4; M e y e r Wb. 31). From
belbë such synonymous forms as belbër and belbët were derived. 0
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 13;
HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ Etim. II 194-195 (onomatopoeia).

b e lb ic ë f, pi. belbica ‘kind of trout’. Another variant is belvice. Bor­


rowed from B u lg belvica id. (WEIGAND 6 , JOKL Slavia XIII 311) . 0
MEYER Wb. 3 2 (from Lat barbus ‘barbel’); K r is TOFORIDHI 43;
V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 7; Ç a b e j Etim. II 195, St. IV 9 7 -9 8 ; S v a n e
150.
BELCË — RF.RR 21

belcë f ‘wool cover’. Borrowed from Slav *helica ‘white object’ (Ç abej
Etim. II 195).

beng m, pl. hengje, bengë ‘oriole, finch’. Borrowed from one of the con­
tinuants of (West) Gmc *finkan ‘finch’, cf. especially Bavarian pienk
(M e y e r Wb. 3 2 ). 0 H a h n 13 (to zbehem); Ç a b e j Etim. II 198 (agrees
with M e y e r ).

ber m ‘bow, arrow, spear’. From PAlb *böra, derivative of bie < *bera
‘to strike, to fall’ (JOKL LKUBA 244). 0 ÇABEJ I 61, Etim. II 199-200
(to Gk (pâpoç ‘plow ’); OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 67; DEMIRAJ AE 95 (to
bri).

berk m ‘bast’. From PAlb *bardz(i)ka derived from PAlb *bardza >
bardhë ‘white’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI 172). For the semantic evo­
lution cf. barmë. 0 CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -k); ÇABEJ Etim.
II 201 (from Slav *ob(T>)vbrtka > Russ obertka).

beronjë f, pi. beronja ‘barren woman; holly; kind of serpent’. Another


phonetic variant is buronjë. A derivative with a feminine suffix -onjë
of an unattested *ber < PAlb *bara ‘naked, barren’, borrowed from
Gmc *bazaz: OHG bar ‘bare’, O N berr id. (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin
258). 0 M e y e r Wb. 33 (comparison with berr and Slav *baram> ‘ram ’);
BUGGE BB x v m 174 (from Romance, cf. OFr baraigne ‘barren’); TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 147; ÇABEJ Etim. II 201-202; DEMIRAJ AE 95
(derived, as two separate words for ‘barren woman’ and ‘holly’, from
ber and berr).

berr m, pi. berra ‘sheep, goat’. From P A lb *barwa etymologically con­


nected with ON borgr ‘hog’, O H G barug, baruh id., Slav *borvz> ‘boar’
( O r e l Linguistica XXVI 173; M a n n Comp. 95). Note a deminutive
berk ‘goat’ only in era berk ‘stench of a goat’ (ÇABEJ Etim. II 201).
0 S t i e r KZ XI 208 (to Gk ß a p tx o i- apveç, Hes.); M e y e r Wb. 33 (an
Alpine Wanderwort)\ JOKL LKUBA 242 (from an interjection used to
address the sheep); HASDEU EMR III 637; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 253
(to Engad bar and other Alpine words); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81, Strat­
ificazione 132-133; HUBSCHMID V o x Romanica XIV 195; TRAUTMANN
27 (*bhoru- as an areal word for ‘sheep and goats’); POGHIRC 1st. limb,
rom. II 3237; R o s e t t i ILR I 273 (to Rum bîr, cry with which the shep­
22 BESË — BËRKOQ .

herd calls the sheep); ÇABEJ Gioita XXXVI 50, St. 161, Etim. II 202-
204; D e m ir a j AE 95-96.

besë f, pi. besa 'pledge, truce, trust’. From PAlb *baitsä traced back
to IE *bhoidh-tä (H a m p KZ LXXVII 252-253 follows S t ier KZ VII
160 and CAMARDA I 43 in reconstructing *bhidh-tä as an exact
equivalent of Gk 7uaTÔç ‘faithful, trustworthy’) or *bhoidh-tià (PISANI
Saggi 129) further connected with IE *bheidh- ‘to persuade, to force’
and Alb be. 0 M ey er Wb. 33 (compares with Alb bind and reconstructs
*bhendhtia), Alb. St. II 50, III 25, IV 97; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 308
(thinks of *bhendhta); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 201; BUGGE BB XVIII
163; JOKL LKUBA 262 n. 2; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 26 (derivative of *bheidh-
in *-ätiä); T r e im e r KZ LXV 110; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81-82;
P isa n i Saggi 129; F risk I I 487-488; P o k o r n y 1 117; O rel Z ßA lk XXin
148; Ç a b e j St. I 61-62, Etim. II 204-206; HULD 42; WATKINS Dragon
83; DEMIRAJ AE 96-97.

bëj ~ bâj aor. be'ra ~ bana ‘to do, to make’. From PAlb *banja com ­
pared with Gk (potivco ‘to appear’ (MEYER Wb. 23-24, Alb. St. Ill 33),
a zero grade further connected with IE *bha-. For the semantic devel­
opment cf. Oír bann ‘deed’ of the same root (BUGGE BB XVIII 162).
0 C a m a r d a I 48 (to IE *bhu- ‘to grow ’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 84-
85; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 113; H u l d 43; Ç a b e j Etim. I I 207-208;
D e m ir a j AE 97-98.

bërcel m ‘kind of wheat, Triticum monococcum’. Derived from an unat­


tested *bërcë ~ *bricé' borrowed from Slav *borica > Bulg brica ‘kind
of white wheat’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 JOKL apud ÇABEJ
St. 1 62 (related to bardhë)', T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 125; ÇABEJ Etim. II
209-210 (from Maced pcenica ‘wheat’ < Slav *pbsenica).

bërçik m bërçikë ‘span (b e tw ee n thum b and in d e x )’. B o r ro w e d from


S lav *b'irëik'b, cf. B u lg bn.cka ‘fo ld , w r in k le ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 (to
an unattested B u lg prbza); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 7 (b o rro w ed
from SCr *br¿ik related to P ol bark ‘a rm ’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa III 125;
Ç a b e j Etim. II 210; S v a n e 89.

bërkoq m ‘little p ig ’. A n oth er variant is bërkuq. D eriv ed from berk,


see berr. 0 Jo k l IF X L IV 5 6 (borrow ed from Lat porcus)\ Ç a bej Etim.
II 211 (to koqe).
BËRS1 — BËRRYL 23

bërsi f, pl. bérsi ‘husks of grapes, m arc’. Borrowed from Rom *brütea
reflecting Thracian ß p itx ea . 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 (from Lat brisa);
BRÜCH IF XL 2 4 1 -2 4 4 (from “Illyrian”, cf. Thr ßpütov ‘beer’);
HAARMAN 113; ÇABEJ Etim. II 2 1 2 (reconstructs *bris-); DEMIRAJ AE
98 (borrowed from Thracian).

(G) bërshc m ‘juniper’. Continues *eburusa, a form somehow connected


with OIr ibar id., Gaulish eburo- (JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski I 2 3 5 -
2 3 7 ). 0 B e r t o l d WuS XI 155 (fo llo w s Jo k l ); Ç abej Etim. II 2 1 2 -2 1 3 ;
DEMIRAJ AE 9 8 -9 9 (critical o f the Celtic parallels).

bërtas aor. brita ‘to shout, to cry’. Borrowed from Slav *b'brtvati ~
*b'brtviti ‘to babble’, cf. Bulg b i’h tv ’a. 0 C a m a r d a I 68 (compares
bërtas with Gk ß p u x a o (ia i ‘to bellow’); MEYER Wb. 4 7 0 (to verras),
Alb. St. Ill 38; M a c h e k LP V 5 9 -6 0 (follows C a m a r d a ); T r u b a c e v
ÈSSJa III 132; Ç a b e j St. I 63 (to Latv brèkt ‘to cry’, OIr bressim id.),
Etim. II 213.

bërthamë f, pl. bërthama ‘(fruit) stone’. A compound consisting of bërth


< birth (with a vocalic shift in the unstressed position) and amë; thus,
bërth-amë is something like ‘mother of the fruit’. Its synonym,
bërthokël is to be analyzed as a formation with two suffixes -ok- and
-ël of the same root. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 4 (from Rom *petramen derived
from petra ‘stone’); B a r i Í ARSt. I 3 0 (divides bërthamë into bër and
tha(l)më, the latter to be compared with thelb); ÇABEJ St. I 6 3 -6 4 (a
derivative of bathë > *barthë), Etim. II 2 1 3 -2 1 4 ; M u r a t i Probleme
6 6 -6 7 (root bër-).

bërrakë f, pl. bërraka ‘muddy pool, pond, swamp’. Derivative of birë.


Note a similar change of -r- > -rr- in bërryl. 0 M EY ER Wb. 33 (to Slav
*bara ‘pool, rivulet’; JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch. I 84-87 (identifies the
root of bërrakë with the ancient Balkan stem bar- in river-names); M LADE­
NOV lORJaS XV n/4 228-230 (to Skt barbará-); ÇABEJ St. I 64 (to ßpciyoc •
ëÀoç, Hes.), Etim. II 215-217.

bërryl m, pl. bërryla, bërryle ‘elbow, forearm ’. Other variants reflect


an original -II in the auslaut. From PAlb *börei ul(e)nû ‘turn of the
bow’ > ‘elbow’ (for the first element - ÇA BEJ I 65, Etim. II 217-219).
Thus, the structure of the word is close to that of Gmc *alinobogon
‘elbow ’: OHG elinbogo, ON olnbogi and the like ( O r e l ZfBalk
26 BIR — B IR Q

apud W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1495 (to Skt bädhate ‘to push, to press’); P isa n i


Saggi 129; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 26; M a n n Language XXVI 385; HAMP
KZ LXXVII 253 (a g re es w ith BOPP); ÇABEJ St. I 66-67, Etim. II 235-
236 (from IE *bhedh-no); D e m ir a j AE 101.

bir m, pi. bij ‘son’. From PAlb *bira compared with Goth baur ‘son’
< IE *bhcro- ( P e d e r s e n BB XIX 295; KZ XXXIII 541), with further
link to IE *bher- ‘to give birth’. 0 C A M A R D A I 79 (to Gk inôç ‘son’);
M EYER Wb. 37 (from IE *bhü-l-, cf. Gk (pûXov ‘race, tribe’). Alb. St.
Ill 33; SO LM SEN KZ XXXIV 4; W IED EM A N N BB XXVII 220; JOKL IF
XXXVII 109, LKUBA 194 (to Latfllius ‘son’); R lB E Z Z O Riv. Alb. I 136
(bir as a secondary formation based on bijë); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione
112-113; P i s a n i Saggi 226; B a r i ç Hymje 57; H a m p BSL LXVII 213-
217 follows P e d e r s e n ) ; H u l d 44-45; Ç a b e j Etim. II 239-240; K l i n -
GENSCHMITT LIdg. 103 (to bij): DEM IRAJ AE 102 (agrees with K l i n -
GENSCHM ITT).

birë f, pi. bira ‘hole’. From PAlb *birä, a zero-grade derivative of IE


*bher-: Lat foro ‘to bore, to pierce’, OHG borön id. and the like (MEYER
Wb. 37). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 541 ; JOKL IF XXXVII 94; LA PIANA
Studi I 91; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 83; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 249; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n I 481-482; H a m p RRL XXI 51 (from IE *bhid-ra), ZfceltPh
XXXIX 211 (from IE *hherHuâ); ÇABEJ Etim. II 241-242; DEMIRAJ
AE 102-103 (to brej).

birko adv. ‘good, fine, excellent’. Related to birq ( Or e l Linguistica XXVI


174). 0 M e y e r Wb. 37 (compares with mire); B a r i C ARSt 3 (compound
of *bher- as in mbarë and ko- < kohë); Ç a b e j Etim. II 242 (derived
from bir).

birq m ‘heap, heap of sand, sand-dune’. In Tosk also berq. Diminu­


tive birth ‘pimple’ is derived from birq. A singularized plural of PAlb
*bit'ka formally identical with an isolated Slav *b-brki> ‘moustache,
hair, trunk’. Thus, the original meaning of the Albanian word could
be ‘upright, vertical (heap)’. 0 CAM ARDA 59 (identical with pirg ‘tower’
< NGk Tcùpyoç id.); M EY ER Wb. 98 (follows C A M A R D A ); TR U BA C EV
ÈSSJa III 128-129; O R EL Linguistica XXVI 173-174 (to IE *bher- ‘to
bring’, cf. Russ borona ‘many, a great amount’ going back to the same
root according to V a r b o t Praslav. 170-171); Ç a b e j Etim. II 242.
RISEDÈ — B1SHTAJË 27

b ised ë f, pl. biseda ‘talk, conversation, speech’. Borrowing from Slav


*besêda id., cf., in particular, South Slavic forms: OCS beseda, Bulg
beseda, SCr beseda (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; MEYER Wb. 33).
0 SELlSCEV Slav, naselenie 143, 192; MANN Language XXVIII 35; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 243; S v a n e 1220, 23 0 .

b isk m, pi. bisq, bisqe ‘branch, twig’. Borrowed from a diminutive Slav
*bicbki, derived from *bicb ‘whip’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258).
A s to bisk ‘rivulet’, it may also belong here. 0 MEYER Wb. 37 (from
NGk ß i i a a ‘switch, rod’ borrowed from Bulg vita id.); ÇABEJ Etim.
II 2 4 3 -2 4 5 (borrowed from Slav *bicb or derived from mbij); M a n n
Comp. 78 (to Lith biskis, biskis ‘bit, fragment’ - a German [East Pruss­
ian] loanword); PAGLIARO Shêjzat X 3 1 5 -3 1 7 ; DEMIRAJ AE 101
(derived from mbij).

b istër adj. ‘agile, nimble, sour’. Borrowed from Slav *bystr-h ‘agile,
quick’, cf. South Slavic forms: OCS by stri,, Bulg bister, SCr bistar
(D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim. 13). 0 Ç a b e j Etim. II 246; S v a n e 150.

b ish ë f, pi. bisha ‘b east, wild a n im a l’ . Borrowed from Lat béstia id.
(M e y er Wb. 38). 0 M ihäescu RESEE IV /1-2 21; H a a r m a n n 112; Ç abej
Etim. II 246-247; L a n d i Lat. 119.

b ish t m, pi. bishta, bishtra ~ bishtna ‘ta il’. F rom P A lb *büsta, d e r iv ­


a tive o f IE *bhü- ‘to g r o w ’. T h e m etaphor v ie w s the tail as a b o d ily
ou tgrow th . 0 XYLANDER 2 8 7 (to B asq u e bustan id.); CAMARDA I 58
(to Gk Ö7uo0ev ‘b ack, b e h in d ’); MEYER Wb. 38; JOHANNSON IF XIV
268 (from *bhid-to- and, further, to Lat findere ‘to clea v e’); JOKL LKUBA
261 n. 2; OSTIR AArbSt. I 127; T r e im e r KZ L X V 109 (fo llo w s
J o h a n n s o n ) ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIX 429; T a g l i a v i n i RIEB I 165 n.
1, Dalmazia 8 3 -8 4 (again st JOHANNSON), Stratificazione 143; B a r i ç
Hymje 57; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 102; ÇABEJ Sí. I 6 7 -6 8 (fro m *mb-ith-
sht, to ith), Etim. II 2 4 8 -2 5 0 ; H u l d 45 (d is a g r e e s w ith Ç a b e j);
D e m ir a j AE 103 (to bij).

bishtajë f, pi. bishtaja ‘pod, hull, pea, green bean’. Borrowed from Rom
*pistalia > Rum pästaie ‘pod, hull’, cf. Lat pistare ‘to pound’
(C a n d r e a - D e n s u § ia n u I 2 0 4 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 68 (to bisht), Etim. II
250.
28 BJERR — BLEGËRIJ ~ BLEGËRÎJ

bjerr aor. borra ‘to lose’. Numerous phonetic variants of the anlaut are
attested in dialects: djerr, dëbjerr, vdjerr, dzjerr. They seem to go back
to PAlb *dis-bera or *dis-berna further related to bie ‘to fall’ (PEDERSEN
KZ XXXVI 325). 0 MEYER Wb. 70 (to Gk Ôépco ‘to skin’, Slav
*dbrati ‘to tear’ and the like), Alb. St. Ill 73; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
83; L a P ia n a Varia 21 (related to djerr)', M a n n Language XXVIII 33
(to Gk (pSeipco ‘to destroy’ or Lai ferió ‘to strike’); H am p ZfceltPh XXXIX
210 (to Lith berti ‘to disperse’); Ç a b e j Etim. II 253-255; D e m ir a j AE
104 (follows H a m p ).

bjeshkë f, pl. bjeshkë ‘mountain pasture’. Borrowed from Rom *pastica


based on Lat pastus ‘pasture’. Note that this word belongs to a
compact group of Latin loans with p- rendered as b-. 0 M EYER Wb.
58 (identifies bjeshkë with byshkë and connects it with Romance words
for ‘splinter’, cf. Ital busca)', SK O K ZfslavPhil II 3 9 6 -3 9 7 (from Lat
basilica ‘church’ despite the differences in meaning); J o k l LKUBA 165-
167 (from *bjershkë as a derivative of bie ‘to fall’); CAM AJ Alb. Worth.
114; TR U BACEV Nazv. 281 (against the connection with the name of
the Beskidy); ÇABEJ St. I 68 (follows J o k l and derives the name of
the Beskidy Mountains from bjeshkë), Etim. II 2 5 5 -2 5 6 ; O REL Antic,
balk. 5 32 (from *bheug-iska).

blanë f, pi. blana ‘heart of tree; sapwood; scar, mark, pockmark’. Bor­
rowed from Slav *bolna, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg blana ‘turf, piece
of dried dung’, SCr blana ‘coopers instrument’ (OREL Ètimologija 1983
1 3 4 -1 3 5 ). Closer meanings have been preserved in East Slavic: Russ
botona ‘young wood between the bark and the trunk; lump or scar on
the bark’. 0 T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa II 1 75-177; ÇABEJ Etim. II 2 5 7 ; SVANE
120 .

blatë f, pl. blatë ‘w a fe r ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat oblata id. (MlKLOSICH


Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 38). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1040, 1049; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 24; H a a r m a n 138; L a n d i Lat.
87, 109, 158.

blegërij ~ blegërîj aor. blegëriva ‘to bleat’. Onomatopoeia (M EY ER Wb.


38-39, cf. Gk ßÄrixaojiai id.). 0 P o k o r n y I 102; Ç a b e j Etim. II 258
(same as M e y e r ) ; D e m i r a j AE 104.
BLEUI RE — B IJ ~ BLÎ 29

blehurë adj. ‘p a le ’. F rom PAlb *blaid-ura rela ted to S la v *blëdrh id.,


OE blát id. (M e y e r Wb. 38 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 160; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa II
1 11-112; D e m ir a j AE 105.

blej aor. bleva ‘to buy’. Borrowed from Rom *able váre ‘to lift up, to
relieve (from )’ (MEYER Wb. 3 9 ). 0 JOKL Studien 4 4 (divides blej into
a prefix b- < mb- and a root identical with that of laj in its meaning
‘to pay’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 84; B o r g e a u d RRL 4 (1 9 7 3 ) 3 2 7-331;
HAMP St. albanica X / 2 8 3 -8 5 ; ÇABEJ 5?. I 71 (to Latv blènst ‘to see
badly; to look’ and its other Baltic cognates), Etim. II 2 5 9 -2 6 0 .

blertë adj. ‘green’. There exists a derivationally more archaic variant


Italo-Alb hiere. The word goes back to PAlb *blöra related to Lat floras
‘shining, bright’, Oír blár ‘gray’, W blawr id. < IE *bhlôros ( Ç a b e j
Etim. II 260-261). 0 M EYER Wb. 38 (compares with Slav *blëéh ‘pale’);
W a l d e - H o f m a n n 1 513-514; H u ld 45 (from *hhlëudhro-, to IE *bhleuo-
‘light-colored’); DEM IRAJ AE 104-105.

bletë f, pl. bletë ‘bee, swarm, hive’. Goes back to *mblete borrowed
from Rom *melettum, cf. mellûrium ‘beehive, apiary’ (JOKL LKUBA
284-296). 0 POTT KZ VI 321 (comparison with Gk p i / U n a ‘bee’);
C a m a r d a I 44 (the same); M e y e r Alb. St. II 79 (from Rom *albiet-
tus, cf. Rum albina ‘bee’), Wb. 39 (from Rom *apetta - *abetta ‘bee’);
S c h m id t KZ L 235 (follows C a m a r d a in deriving bletë from *melit);
SKOK AArbSt I 225 (from Rom *albeâta), Arch. Roman. VIII 148-150;
TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 84 (agrees with JOKL); PISANI Saggi 120 (from
Gk *niXiTja); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (follows POTT); ÖLBERG
IBK XVII 38 (borrowed from Gk (lEÀtaoeov ‘beehive’); Ç a b e j St. I
69-70 (borrowed from Gk ju'Àuxa with a shift of accent), Etim. I I 261-
263; DEMIRAJ AE 105 (from P A lb *m(e)lita).

blëndës ~ blandës m, pi, blëndësa ~ blandësa ‘paunch, stomach’.


Another form is blënxë ~ blanxë. Variants of plëndës ~ plandës.

bli ~ blî m, pl. blirë, blinj ‘linden’. From PAlb *blina further connected
with Lith blindis, blendls ‘Salix caprea’ (ÇABEJ St. I 7 0 -7 1 , Etim. II
2 6 4 ) and derived from *bhlen- ‘to shine’, semantically motivated by
the color of the bast and bark typical of linden (OREL Linguistica XXVI
174). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 0 (treats bli as a loanword from Rom *(li)brinam);
F r a e n k e l 49.
related to
the moti­ Slav, naselenie 154; ÇABEJ Etim. II 271. SVANE 73.
vivi 174).
Gk <pàXÀ,T| bludë f ‘(film of) mould, scum on wine, skin on milk’. Borrowed from
SK I 242- an unattested South Slavic continuant of Slav *bigda reflected in Bulg
>c); Ç abej dial, hl-bda ‘unclean pimples’ and Slovene bloda ‘mistake’. 0 MEYER
Wb. 40 (from SCr bluta ‘mould’); M e y e r -L ü b k e REW 32 (from Rom
*abluta ‘rinse water’); ÇABEJ St. 1 72, Etim. I I 271; SVANE 117; TRUBAÍEV
lut variant ÈSSJa II 125.
\ Prefisso
itical with boj aor. bova ‘to mate’. Usually, attested in passive as bohet. Metaphor­
ic use of boj ‘to drive’ attested in North Geg. From PAlb *bagnja related
to Lith begti ‘to ru n ’, Latv bêgt id., OPrus begeyte id., Slav *begti id.,
i from IE Gk (peßo^ai id. (ÇABEJ St. I 1 1 9 ). For the semantic development in
L a P ia n a Albanian cf. Russ gon ‘heat (of animals)’ < gnat’ ‘to drive’. 0 MEYER
60; Ç a b e j Wb. 4 1 -4 2 (to NGk .unaivea); T reim er MRIW I 3 7 3 -3 7 5 (to Germ Bahn
‘road’); B u G G E ß ß XVIII 174 (from Rom *disbinö); BARld ARSt 6 8 -
6 9 (from *bhöreiö); Jo k l IF XXXVII 103, 118 (related to mbaj, bie);
ong grade L a P ia n a St. Varia 2 3 -2 4 (from *deboj further connected with Lith
N blekkja vyti ‘to drive (away)’ and the like); M a n n Language XXVIII 3 2 (to
POKORNY Gk jiToéo) ‘to frighten’); FRAENKEL 38; FRISK II 9 9 8 -9 9 9 ; ÇABEJ St.
1 73 (follows La P i a n a ); D e m ir a j AE 1 0 5 -1 0 6 .

lb. Worth. bolbë f ‘accident, disaster, sorrow’. Borrowed from the otherwise unat­
)Iack\ Gk tested Slav *bolbba, derivative of *bolh ‘pain’ (KRISTOFORIDHI487;
EJ St. 1 7 1 , SeliS cev Slav, naselenie 193). C VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 8 (against
0 (to Lat Slavic etymology); JOKL Slavia XIII 322 (from Rom *volva or from
IE *bhel-); Ç a b e j St. I 73, IV 98, Etim. II 281-282 (to Lat bulla, OIr
bolach).
? id. (MlK-
lerivatives bolle pi. ‘testicles’. From PAlb *balnai connected with IE *bhhno-\
ER-LÜBKE Gk ipaXkóq ‘phallus’, Latfollis ‘bellows’, OIr ball ‘limb, member’ (OREL
azia 84; Zfôalk X X III/1 67-68). 0 M e y e r Wb. 41 (from Itai bolla ‘lump, knob’
(from IE or balla ‘testicle’); R o h r ZfBalk XVII/1 80; FRISK II 987-988;
W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 524-525; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 23; V e n d r y e s B-12;
POKORNY I 120; Ç a b e j Etim. II 282 (“elementary creation”); M a n n
orm binde Comp. 63-64 (to Skt bhala- ‘forehead’).
, cf. South
IlKLOSICH bolle r, pi. bolla ‘kind of harmless snake’ Borrowed from Rom *bola,
BLUDË — BOLLE 31

M ------------ 7 1 ) . Further
the same IE *bhlen- ‘to shine’ as bli ‘linden’; in this case,
vation is based on the color of the fish (OREL Linguistica X
0 ClMOCHOWSKl LP 1 165-182 (further connections o f bli with
‘w h a le ’ and the lik e); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 133; F r
243; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (borrow ed from Gk ß?uv
Etim. II 264-265 (id e n tic a l w ith bli ‘lin d en ’).

bligë f ‘forked piece of wood’. From PAlb *bligâ, a zero abl


related to Gk (páXay^ ‘stem ’, ON bialki ‘log’. 0 L a P ia n
14 (from *ie-bigë); POKORNY I 122; Ç a b e j Etim. I I 265 (ide
Mge).

blokër f ‘rubbish, trash’. Continues PAlb *bläukä derive


*bhlëuos ‘blue, yellow’, cf. Lat flavas ‘yellow’ and the like. C
Prefisso 15 (préfixai form related to Lat baca); POKORNY I I
Etim. 267 (to bluaj).

blorë f ‘sling’. Continues PAlb *blâgrâ, a form reflecting a


variant comparable with Lat flagrum ‘whip’, cf. further C
‘to beat, to strike’. 0 La PIANA Prefisso 15 (from *le-borë);
1 154; Ç a b e j Etim.268 (derivative of bahe).

blozë f, pl. blozé, bioza ‘s o o t’. D er iv a tiv e o f bluaj (CAMAJ /


124). 0 MEYER Wb. 40; JOKL Studien 8-9 (to Skt malina- ‘
p,É/laç id .); LA PIANA Prefìsso 1 3 -1 4 (fr o m *le-bozè')\ ÇAB
Etim. II 269-270 (a g r e e s w ith CAMAJ); M a n k Comp. Í
fiam m a ‘fla m e ’).

bluaj bluej aor. blova ‘to grind’. Borrowed from Lat moler
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; M e y eR Wb. 40). Among various i
note bluaslike, blloshkë ‘splinter’ (Ç a b e j St. I 71). 0 M e y
Gr. G rundriß2 1 1054; JOKL IF XLIX 291; TAGLIAVINI Da
K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 146; H a m p IF LX V II 147
*mel-); Ç a b e j Etim. II 270-271.

blud f, pi. binde ‘wooden bowl’. Singularized plural of the !


attested in dialects. Borrowed from Slav *bl’udo ‘dish, plate
Slavic forms: OCS bijudo, Bulg b l’udo, SCr bljudo (1\
32 BORE -— B O SH T

cf. Lat bolea ‘salamander’ (JOKL ZRomPh XLI 228-230). 0 M e y e r Wb.


41 (borrowed from Lat bêlua ‘beast, m onster’); SPITZER M RIW I 295
n. 1 (to Skt bhdla- ‘with shining skin’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 85, Stra­
tificazione 133; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-
2 31; HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ Etim. II 283-285 (from IE *bhul- ‘to swell’);
L a n d i Lat. 126.

borë f, pl. bore, borëra ~ borna ‘snow’. Dialectal variants dè'bor, vdor,
zborë, xborë and the like reflect PAlb *dis-bârâ with a borrowed suffix
(JOKL IF XXXVII 193) or, rather, *is-bârâ with a Proto-Albanian suffix.
The semantic structure of the word is similar to Rum zapada ‘snow’
< Slav *zapada ‘falling down (snow)’ and, therefore, *-bärä is
linked to bie ‘to fall’ (ibid.; ClORANESCU DER II 9 1 0 ). In fact, borë
may be a caique of the Slavic word (TRUBACEV Slav. jaz. XI 19). Its
verbal correlate is zbjerr ‘to lose’ < *-ber-na. 0 CAMARDA I 100 (to
Gk popéaç ‘North wind’); MEYER Wb. 4 2 (to Rum bora ‘North
wind’ and - at the same time! - Slav *bur'a ‘storm ’); T h u m b IF X X V I
5 (from Gk ßopea«; ‘North wind’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 85; HASDEU
EMR I 106; L a PIANA St. Varia 2 4 -2 5 (to var); KRAHE IF LVII 113-
114 (to Maced Bora); CAMAJ 38; H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 210; ÇABEJ
St. I 7 3 -7 4 (follows JOKL), Etim. II 2 8 7 -2 8 9 ; HULD 45-46; DEMIRAJ
AE 1 0 6 -1 0 7 .

borigë f, pi. boriga ‘kind o f pine; sp lin te r’. A nother variant is borikë.
B o r ro w e d from South S lavic: B u lg borika ‘f ir -tr e e ’, SCr borika
‘pine’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 42). 0 JOKL/F XXXVII
94-95 (related to G k (pápuyí; ‘throat’ and IE *bher- ‘to cu t’); SELlSCEV
Slav, naselenie 164; ÖLBERG /FLX X III 206 (fo llo w s J o k l) ; GAMKRE­
LIDZE - I v a n o v n 707 (follow Ö lb e r g ); Ç a b ej St. 1 74 (supports M e y e r ),
Etim. II 289; S v a n e 125; D e m ir a j AE 107.

bors m, pi. borsa ‘chaffinch, Fringilla’. Derived from borë as shown


by names of chaffinch in other languages, cf. Fr pinson de neige, Germ
Schneefink and the like (Ç a b e j St. I 7 5 , Etim. II 2 9 0 -2 9 1 ). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 4 8 2 (borrowed from Slav * s k v o r b C b ‘starling’).

bosht m, pi. boshte, boshtinj ‘spindle, axis, axle’. From PAlb *bästa
close to Gmc *bôsta > OHG buost ‘rope made of bast’. Further related
to Gmc *bastaz ‘bast’ as well as Lat fastis, Alb bashkë (O r el
Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). The spindle is, thus, described as ‘junc-
BO TË — BRAZË 33

ture’. Note that boshtër ‘Forsythia’ is derived from bosht ( Ç a b e j St.


I 75). 0 M e y e r Wb. 42 (derived from Ital bosso ‘box-tree’); GUYON
St. Glott. Ital. V 11 (borrowed from Slav * b o d b C b ‘thorn, sharp stick’);
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 86; K l u g e 55; Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija ¡964 166;
C a m a j Alb. Worth. 102 (préfixai b-)\ Ç a b e j Etim. II 292-293 (to bie
‘to carry’ or to Skt bhrsti-).

botë f. pi. bota ‘earth; world’. From PAlb *bwûtâ based on IE *bheu-
~ *bhfi- ‘to be, to grow ’ (JOKL Studien 7). Among derivatives of botë
note botëm ‘pale’. 0 M EYER Wb. 43 (comparison with Lat bëtere, baetere
‘to go’); M a n n Language XXVI 380 (to Skt bhâta- ‘shining’, cf. Rum
lume), Comp. 67; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 144; Ç a b e j Etim. II 294-296;
D e m i r a j AE 107.

bram m ‘residue, scoria, rust, ear-wax’. From PAlb *bradma connected


with Skt bradhná- ‘reddish, yellow’, Slav *brom, ‘colored’ < *brodrvh
(Ç a b e j Etim. II 300; OREL Linguistica XXVI 174). For the semantic
development cf. OHG rost ‘ru st’ based on IE *reudh- ‘red ’. 0
M a y r h o f e r I I 4 51; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 41-42; M a n n C om p. 9 8 (to
Lat fragmen ‘scrap, fragm ent’).

branë f, pi. brana ‘harrow ’. Continues a South Slavic reflex of Slav


*borna id.: Bulg brana, SCr brana (M ey er Wb. 44-45, mistakenly claims
the Bulgarian form non-existent). The verb branis ‘to harrow ’ is bor­
rowed from S lav * borni ti. 0 SELlSCEV Slav, naselenie 15, 156; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 301; S v a n e 31, 253.

bravë f ‘herd’. Borrowed from Slav *borvT> ~ *borva ‘cattle’, cf. in


particular Bulg brava, SCr pi. bravi (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17;
M e y e r Wb. 4 5 ). 0 S k o k I 203; Ç a b e j Etim. II 3 0 1 -3 0 2 ; S v a n e 134.

bravë f, pi. brava ‘door-lock’. A relatively late borrowing from SCr


brava id. (SKOK I 203) which might be connected with Rom *barra
‘bar’ (M ey er Wb. 45),0 S eli Sc e v Slav, naselenie 150, 306; Ç abej Etim.
II 302; S v a n e 83.

braze f, pi. braza ‘furrow ’. Another (and more conservative) variant


is brazdë. Borrowed from Slav *borzda id., cf. South Slavic forms:
Bulg brazda, SCr brazda (WEIGAND 9; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 158,
3 2 2 ) 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 158; Ç a b e j Etim. II 3 0 2 .; S v a n e 37.
BREKË — BRF.SHËR BRESHËN 35
34 BRAZIM BREJ ~ BREJ

JËGERS KZ L X X X 109. 0 M e y e r Alb.St. V 7 0 - 7 1 (to U n f rendó); JOKL


brazim m 'hoar-frost’. Derivative based on braze and semantically moti­
vated by the form of hoar-frost looking like wrinkles or furrows. 0 Studien 9; L a P ia n a Studi I 73 (fro m *bhoreiö); MAYRHOFER II 5 3 2 -
533; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 5 4 9 ; R a s m u s s e n Morph, (re co n str u c ts
M e y e r Wb. 45 (from Venet brosa id., Friul brose id.); H UBSC H M ID
Vox Rom. Ill 133 (from Venet bro.zima id.); Ç a b e j St. I 75 (derived *bhr-n-H-elo-); S v a n e GjA II 39 (brij < brej in flu en ced by aorist);
D e m ir a j AE 1 0 8 -1 0 9 .
from mraz), Etim. II 302; SV A N E 173.

bredh m, pi. bredha ‘fir-tree’. From PAlb *brada etymologically con­ brekë pi. ‘pants’. B orrow ed from Lat bracae ‘trousers, b reech es’ (M lK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; MEYER Wb. 4 6 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
nected with Slav *bredrh ‘willow’ and, further, with *brodrh ‘ford’,
Lith bradas id., all these forms based on IE *bhredh-, cf. bredh ‘to Grundriß2 1 1043; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 13; HAARMANN 112; ÇABEJ
jump, to spring’ (O REL Ètimologija 1985 29-30). For the semantic moti­ Etim. II 3 0 7 -3 0 8 ; LANDI Lat. 2 7 , 38.
vation, similar to that of Slav *bredT, (a tree growing or “walking”
along the rivers or hill-slopes), cf. VASM ER I 210 and TRUBACEV ÈSSJa brendaadv. ‘inside’. Together with other phonetic and morphonological
III 11-12. R u m brad ‘fir-tree’ is a Proto-Albanian loanword reflect­ variants, brënda and mbrënda ~ mbrenda, continues a sequence of prepo­
ing the original root vowel of PAlb *brada. Note a derivative breshtë sitions and adverbs PAlb *(en) per enta (C a m a r d a I 3 1 8 ). For the last
‘fir-tree forest’. 0 C a m a r d a II 62 (to Lat bratus); D i e f e n b a c h I 50 component cf. nde. The derivative brëndës ‘intestines’, is the source
(to Latv priëdé ‘pine’); JOKL IF XXX 208-210 (from IE *bhrozdh-); of the Balkan word for goat- and sheep-cheese prepared in sheep’s
M e y e r Wb. 45-46 (compares bredh with the IE *bherag- ‘birch’); ClM O-
stomach, cf. Rum brînzâ. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33 (from Lat
CHOWSKl LP II 231 (to ON barr ‘pine needle’); F r a e n k e l 58-59; C a m a j
intra); MEYER Wb. 4 7 -4 8 ; M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (from *en-pre-
121, 123 (reconstructs suffix *-dh-)\ POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3237; en-do); PASCU RE 27 (Rum brînzâ related to berr); RUSSU Etnogeneza
R o s e t t i ILR I 273; P i s a n i Saggi 126 (reconstructs *bhreg- and links
2 7 0 -2 7 3 ; Ç a b e j Etim. II 30 8 -3 1 0 ; H a a r m a n n 141 (from Lat per intu).
bredh to the IE name of birch, following M e y e r ) : H U L D KZ XCIX
247 (borrowed from Gk ßpaOu); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa III 13, 36-37; ÇABEJ brengë f, pi. brenga ‘grief, sorrow ’. From PAlb *brain(i)ka connect­
Etim. II 303-305 (follows C A M A R D A ); DEM IRAJ AE 107-108. ed with *brainja > brej ‘to gnaw’. For the semantic development cf.
E remorse ( O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 68). Rum brinca denoting a conta­
bredh aor. brodha ‘to jump, to spring’. From PAlb *breda identical with gious disease was borrowed from the intermediate Albanian form *brenka
Slav *bredç, *bresti ‘to wade, to ford’, Lith brendu, basti id. (M e y e r < *brain(i)kä and, quite probably, preserves its earlier meaning; thus,
Wb. 4 6, Alb. St. Ill 28, 35, 71). 0 F r a e n k e l 58; P is a n i Saggi 125; H a m p ‘illness’ > ‘grief’ ( Ç a b e j St. 1 7 6 , Etim. II 311 -3 1 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 46;
PHILIPPIDE Viat_a romaneascâ XVII 39; DiCU LESCU DR IV 4 7 7 (to Rum
ZfBalk X X V 43; ÇABEJ St. 1 7 5 -7 6 (to O E bregdan ‘to stir’), Etim. II
305; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 113 (prefix b-); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 14-15; brîncâ < Gk ppàyxoç); M a n n Comp. 5 3 -5 4 (to Goth ana-praggan ‘to
D e m ir a j AE 108. oppress’).

breg m, pi. brigje, bregje ‘hill, bank’. Borrowed from Slav *bergb ‘bank, breshër ~ breshën m ‘hail’. Singularized plural of *brash (Ç A B E J St.
-----------■■■■■---...I. r;;;■ff'.f.i W? ■ X O , ^ fiirtli

3 b reak ’ : Oír brúu id., M W breu ‘fr a g ile ’, OHG brosma breg (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; MEYER Wb. 46). 0 SELISCEV Slav, IE *bhreus- ‘I
'er Wb. 47, Alb. Studien III 35, 61, 72). 0 C a m a r d a I naselenie 188; ÇABEJ Etim. II 305-306: SVANE 161. ‘c r u m b ’ (M e
X® 'to w e t’); W ie d e m a n n BB XXVII 245-247; P e d e r - 78 (to Gk ßpi
rgues against the above etym ology). Kelt. Gr. I 55; T a g LI- brej ~ brêj aor. brejta ~ brêjta ‘to gnaw’. From PAlb *brainja further SEN IF V 38 (£
a 87; L e w is -P e d e r se n 17; POKORNY I 171; CAMAJ Alb. connected with IE *bhrei- ‘to cut’: Skt bhrïnâti ‘(he) injures', Lat frió A VINI Dalmaz
-resh-ën 'fa llin g ’); ÖLBERG IF LXXII1 217; OREL ZfBalk ‘to ru b ’, Slav *briti ‘to shave’ and the like (ORELZfBalk X X III/1 68; Wortb. 53 (< I
econ stru cts *bhroisino- and co n n ects breshër ~ breshën Ç a b e j Etim. II 306-307). For similar semantic development see X X III/1 69 (i
38 BRUKK — BRYMË

brymës id. (derivative of brymë) under the influence of brej (DEM IRAJ
AE 1 1 1 ) . 0 M e y e r Wb. 50 (derived from brej).

brukë f ‘tamarind’. From PAlb *bruka identical with Slav *b’b rkh ‘twig,
stalk, sharp end’. 0 H A M P Anc. IE 102; TRU BA C EV ÈSSJa III 128-129;
ÇABEJ Etim. II 332 (borrowed from Gk jiuptKri via Dor *ßpt)Kt|).

brume m, pl. brumë ‘dough’. Derived from mbruaj ~ mbruej, mbryj ‘to
knead’ (ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 3 3 -3 3 4 ). From P A lb *bruma related to Gmc
*barma ‘yeast’ (O E beorma) and Lat fermentimi ‘leaven, yeast’
(MEYER Wb. 49). 0 JOKL Studien 11, LKUBA 263; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
89; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 230; P is a n i Saggi 126; M a n n Language XVII
15 (reconstructs *bhreumo-)\ KLUGE 52; DEMIRAJ AE 111.

brushtull f, pi. brushtulla ‘heather’. From PAlb *brust-ula related to


Slav *br~hstb ‘sprout, bud’ and OS brustian ‘to shoot, to sprout’. 0 VAN
W ij k /F X X I V 235; PUDIC IX ICL 8 6 2 -8 6 4 (from EGmc *brustilô, cf.
E bristle); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rum. II 329 (to Dac riborasta, plant name);
NEROZNAK Paleob. 197 (follows POGHIRC); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa III 58;
G in d in - K a l u 2 s k a j a - OREL Bissi. 249; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 3 5 -3 3 6 (bor­
rowed from Slav *bl’uscb).

bruz adj. ‘blue, indigo’. From PAlb *brudja comparable with Slav *brudrb
‘dirt’, *brudbm, ‘dirty’ < IE *bhrou-dh-, cf. *bhrou-t- in Thrac
Ppoûxoç ‘barley beer’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI 175). 0 DETSCHEW Thr.
Sprachreste 93; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 3 6 (to barrë); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa II 44.

brydh adj. ‘weak, pliant, mild’. From PAlb *brüdza related to Lat früx
‘fruit’, Goth brukjan ‘to use’ (where IE *g should be reconstructed)
The meaning in Albanian is based on the original notion of ‘used, worn
out’. 0 MANN Language XXVIII 34 (to Slav *bT>rzT>), Comp. 5 4 , 111
(to W brydd ‘feeble, ailing’); POKORNY T 173; OREL Linguistica
XXVI 175 (to Slav *bryd-bki, ‘disgusting, sharp’); Ç a b e j Etim. II 33 7 -
3 3 8 (to bredh ‘to jum p’).

brymë f. ‘frost’. Borrowed from Lat bruma ‘cold, frost’ (CAMARDA


I 53; M e y e r Wb. 49 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53 (from Lat pruína
id.); C a m a j 4 7 (to IE *bher-); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1046;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 13; H a a r m a n 113; H u l d 46; Ç a b e j Etim.
II 338; L a n d i Lat. 6 8 -6 9 .
BU A U . ~ BUELL BUKË 39

buall ~ buell m , pl. buaj ~ buej 'buffalo’. An early borrowing from Slav
*byvoh> id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 2 4 3 )
with the diphtongization of the group *-yvo- similar to that in patkua.
The feminine form buallicë ~ buellicë goes back to Slav *byvolica. 0
STIER KZ XI 150 (borrowed from Lat bübalus id.); MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 1 (from Lat bübalus or Gk ßo\)ßaXo<;); MEYER Alb. St. I 6 4 ,
Wb. 5 0 (same etymology); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1048 (agrees
with M e y e r ); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 3 5 ,5 4 1 ; M n iä e s c u RESEE IV / 1-
2 13; H a a r m a n 113; Ç a bej St. I 7 9 (questions the phonetic validity
of M e y e r ’ s etymology), Etim. II 3 3 9 -3 4 0 (identical with Thracian
pôÀivôoç ‘bull’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 1 58-15 9 ; L a n d i Lat. 107, 137.

buças aor. buçita ‘to roar, to thunder’. Borrowed from Slav * bucati
id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg buca, SCr bucati (DESNICKAJA Slav,
zaini. 1 6 ) . 0 ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 4 5 (from SCr bucati)', SV A N E 2 6 0 .

buj ~ bûj aor. bujta ~ bâjta ‘to accommodate (a guest); to stay


overnight’. From PA lb *bunja related to Goth bauan ‘to stay’ and other
derivatives of IE *bheu- ~ *bhü- ‘to be, to grow’ (CAMARDA 1 59; MEYER
Wb. 5 1 , Alb. St. Ill 3 3 ). As to bunë ‘alpine hut', it continues *bunta
derived from buj, cf. Lith butas ‘dwelling’ and OIr both ‘hut’ derived
from IE *bhü-, 0 B UGGE BB XVIII 163; M e y e r Alb. St. V 71 (from
IE *bheug(h)- ‘to bend’); FEIST Goth. 83-84; HASDEU EMR I 101; JOKL
Studien 7 -8 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; PORZIG Gliederung 150; PISANI
Saggi 117, 121; GEORGIEV Issledovanija 119 (bunë to Thrac -ßouvov);
ÇABEJ St. I 8 0 -8 1 (reconstructs *budnja and connects it with Slav *buditi
‘to wake up’ and its cognates), Etim. II 3 5 1 -3 5 3 ; DEMIRAJ AE 111-
112.

bujk m , pi. bujq ‘peasant’. Also attested as bulk. Borrowed from Lat
bubulcus 'ploughman, herdsm an’ ( C a m a r d a I 180; M e y e r Wb. 53).
From this stem, bulk, bulkth, burkth ‘cricket’ is derived. 0 MEYER Wb.
55 (burkth to *murk- ‘black’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1050;
TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 133; POGHIRC LB VI 99-100 (to murk);
M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 30-31; H a a r m a n 113; M a n n Comp. 112
(burkth related to O E beorcan ‘to bark’); ÇABEJ Etim. II 356; LANDI
Lat. 89, 135-136.

bukë f, pl. bukë ‘bread; m eal, m e a l-tim e ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat bucca


‘m o u th ’ w h ich in B alkan R om an ce m ean s ‘f o o d ’ as in R um bucà, cf.
40 BIJK ËI, — BULBËR

also Rom *buccella ‘bread’, Ital baccella ‘mouthful’ (CAMARDA I 132;


MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; MEYER Wb. 51). This semantic shift is
typical of all the Carpatho-Balkan area (H am p AT?/, XXIV 315). 0 XYLAN­
DER 277 (to Phryg ßeico; ‘bread’); PU§CARIU EWR 19; MEYER -
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1046; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 46, Stratificazione
133; O S tir AArbSt I 84; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 90, Origini 190;
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 27; H a a r m a n 113; H am p RomPh XXX1V/4
434; HULD 46; ÇABEJ Etim. II 357-358; DESNICKAJA Sravn. 317-323;
L a n d i Lat. 66, 134.

bukël f, pl. bukla ‘weasel’. From PAlb *buklä connected with bukur
(MEYER Wb. 51-52). The variant bungël seems to be secondary (influ­
enced by bung?). Taking into account the lust as a specific feature of
weasel (cf. bukur), to be further connected with IE *bheu- ‘to swell’,
with its characteristic semantic development in Slavic (OCS bui
lucopôç, òuppcov, Slav *bujbni> ‘violent, wild, lusty, fertile’), and in par­
ticular with Germanic formations in *-k-: OHG buhil ‘hill’ < *bhuk-
/-, ON boia ‘lump, knob’ < *bhukl-ön- (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 69-70).0
B a riC AArbSt. II 79-80 (to Mir bocc, Skt bhugna-); TAGLIAVINI Strat­
ificazione 133 (thinks of a Romance loanword); SCHUCHARDT ZfromPh
XXXIV 215 (to MFr bacoule id.); POKORNY I 98 f.; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb.
119; MANN Comp. 124; Ç a b e j Etim. II 358.

bukur adj. ‘beautiful, fine, nice, pretty; good, noble; dim’. From PAlb
* bukur a etymologically connected with bukël, cf. Slav *laska ‘weasel’
~ ‘caress’, Lith loksnus ‘tender’ (SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 254; M e y e r
Wb. 51; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/ 1 6 9 -7 0 ). The semantic tertium compa-
rationis is the weasel’s remarkable lust occasionally related to the notion
of beauty and good (TRUBACEV in VASMER II 4 6 2 ; TOPOROV PJa III
2 7 9 -2 8 0 : on OPrus caune ‘m arten’). From (Proto-)Albanian the word
was borrowed to Rum bucur (MEYER Wb. 5 2 ). 0 STIER KZ VII 160
(identical with Lat pulcher)-, ClHAC II 715 (borrowed from Turk buhur
‘incense’); BARIC AArbSt. II 7 9 -8 0 (to Ir boce ‘ark’); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 133; H a a s LB I 3 5 , 4 3 , III 51 (to Gk ß a u K p o q ) ; R O S E T T I ILR
I 274; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 338 (explains both Albanian and Ruman­
ian words from the Balkan substratum); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 119; ÇABEJ
Etim. II 3 6 0 -3 6 2 .

bulbër m ‘street dust’. Borrowed from Lat pulverem ‘dust’. Note the
BULË — HUNG 41

irregular voiced anlaut. 0 MEYER Alb.St V 71 (from Ital polvere id.);


H e l b ig 39; Ç a b e j Etim. II 362.

bulë f, pi. bula ‘b ud ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat bulla ‘b ub ble, b o ss, k n o b ’


( M e y e r Wb. 5 3 ). 0 S c h m i d t KZ L 2 3 6 (to Gk tpúM-ov ‘le a f ’); B a r iC
AArbSt I 145; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 90;
MANN Language XXVI 387 (follow s S ch m id t); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-
2 13; H a a r m a n n 113; M a n n Comp. 122 (to M H G bolle ‘bud’); Ç a b e j
St. I 81 (a ccep ts M e y e r ’s e ty m o lo g y ), Etim. II 3 6 2 -3 6 3 ; L A N D I Lat.
93.

bulë f ‘soft flesh (on the rear side of the finger)’. Borrowed from MLat
bulla ‘seal’ (Ç A B E J Etim. II 3 6 3 ). 0 H e l b i g 8 4 (from Ital bolla, Venet
hola id.).

bullar m. pl. bullarë ‘blindworm ’. Together with its variant bollar this
word is derived from bolle (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 9 0 ). It is the
source of Rum bälaur ‘dragon’ from where other Balkan forms were
borrowed. 0 M e y e r Wb. 41; B ari C ARSt 3-5 (from *bala ‘water, marsh’
and *var ‘snake’); PASCU RE 25 (reconstructs Rom *belluarius); D u r a n t e
Rie. Ling. 1950, 2 7 0 -2 7 1 ; SKOK ZfromPh L 5 1 3 -5 1 7 ; ROSETTI ILR I
272; OREL Vestnik MGU. Filologija 1 9 8 1 /2 7 2 -7 6 (ancient Balkan ties
of bullar)\ Ç a b e j Etim. II 3 6 6 -3 6 7 .

bullog m ‘dragon’s dwelling’. Transformed from *burllog under the


influence oí bullar. Borrowed from South Slav *b-hiiogb < Slav *bhiiogb
‘den, dwelling’, cf. Bulg b-brlog, Slovene brlog. Alb -ur- < South Slav
-~br- indicates an early loanword. Another trace of Slav *bbtiogT> is
bërllok ‘den’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16 on bëtilok). 0 OREL Koll.
Idg. Ges. 356; ÇABEJ Etim. II 211; SVANE 4 3 .

bullungë f, pi. bullunga ‘lump, knob’. Formation in -unge (JOKL RIEt-


Balk. II 7 6 ) derived from *bull < PAlb * buina, etymologically con­
nected with IE *bheh- ‘to swell’ (OREL Zflìalk X X III/1 68). 0 MEYER
Wb. 53 (from Rom *bullüca); SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 6 (compares with Gk
(p'úA.A.ov ‘leaf’); B a r i £ AArbSt 1 /1 -2 1 4 4 -1 4 5 (< bu- + lungë)', ÇABEJ
St. I 8 2 (connects bullungë with ballë), Etim. II 3 6 8 -3 7 0 (to mullâ ~
mullë).

bung m, pl. bunga ‘kind of oak, Quercus sessiflora’. From PAlb


42 BURDHË — BURRË I

* b u n fi f**«m TP ^ ‘t o rrro.w’ iiriH plo«p lv r^la tprl. to Arm ìli


/ord was Trakite 74 (same as GEORGIEV); Ç.ABEJ St. I 84-85 (accepts WIEDE­
son with MANN’s etymology), Etim. II 389-391; K l u g e 57; H u l d 46-47; K l in -
inword); GENSCHMITT apud DEMIRAJ (from PAlb *burnas); D e m ir a j AE 113-
‘thick’); 114.
onsume’
102-103 bush m ‘boxwood’. Borrowed from Lat buxus id. (WEIGAND 10). 0 M eyer
1; M a n n Wb. 56 (from SCr bus id.); H elb ig 43, 76 (from Ital bosso); ÇABEJ
•8; H a m p Etim. II 392 (follows W eig an d 10).
UEDRICH
II 3238; bushtër f, pi. bushtra ‘bitch’, adj. ‘raging, wild’. An early borrowing
ïL ZfBalk from Slav *bystrh, fem. *bystra ‘quick’ (TREIMER AArbSt I 27), cf.
Russ borzoj ‘borzoi’ < ‘fast’. 0 C a m a r d a I 162 (to Lat bustum); M eyer
Wb. 56 (to ON bikkja id., E bitch or to Lat bestia); JOHANSSON IF IV
)m PAlb 268 (to Lat findö); La P ia n a Prefisso 14-15 (to bush ‘bogy, werewolf’);
Ige’, OE Ç a b e j Etim. II 394-395 (same as LA P i a n a ); M a n n Comp. 127
•); H a m p (related to Slav *by stri,).

but m, pl. bute ‘big barrel’. Borrowed from Lat buttis id. (M eyer-Lübke
: *burg- Gr. Grundriß21 1046). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 6 (from Ital botte);
e (O r e l H a a rm a n 113; Ç abej Etim. II 396; L andi Lat. 83-85.
D iefen -
CH Rom. b utë a d j. ’soft, smooth’. From PAlb *buta < IE *bhugh-to- compara­
prelim- ble with Nlr bog ‘soft’ < *bhugho-, Arm but‘ ‘blunt’ (PEDERSEN KZ
i. II 379- XXXVI 341). The source of both forms is IE *bheugh- ‘to bend’. 0
M e y er Wb. 57; P e d e rs e n Kelt. Gr. I 159; J o k l/F X L IV 54; M la d e ­
n ov IF XXXVIII 169-171; P o k o rn y I 152-153; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII/1
ï gibüro 70 (to buj); Ç abej Etim. II 397-398; M ann Comp. 121; K o r t l a n d t
:r *gb- > Arm-IE 114; DEMIRAJ AE 114.
j IL’FER-
ogically b uzë f, pi buzë ‘lip, end, edge, bank, stitch, rock’. The word goes back
III 74; to PAlb *budja identical with Lith budë ‘tree-fungus, tinder, whet­
(follows stone’ (O r e l LB XXVII 4 9 f.); semantically, cf. Slav *gçba ‘lip, tree-
- further fungus’ (TOPOROV Balcanica 2 4 3 f.) and Rum buzä (see below). Both
(follows the Lithuanian and the Albanian words are related to IE *bhudh-men
1 (agrees ‘bottom’ (Ç abej St. I 86, KALUZSKAJA SBJa Leksikol. 152 f.); the devel­
h V 368- opment of meaning is paralleled in Alb fund ‘bottom, end, edge’. Alb
iNI Saggi buzë is the source of Rum buzä ‘lip, edge, sharp edge, top of a rock’,
IEV Issle- Arum hudzä ‘lip, edge’. The latter forms were borrowed into Slavic:
XXXIX Bulg buza ‘cheek’, Maced buza ‘lip’, SCr budza ‘mouth, lip’, buza
BUSH — BUZË 43

P a u a i O ^ f l- T > t T D J i^ a ^ T Q sV
p'm/ï irunK (Ç’Âôtÿ'ôil i o3, ¿urn, n J / J - 375). The Albanian i
borrowed to Rum bunget ‘thicket’. 0 MEYER Wib. 5 4 (compar
Slav *buky, *buki, ‘beech’ which, however, is a Germanic lo
BARIC I 103 f. (to Lith bìngìis ‘brave, courageous’ or Gk nay\y.
JOKL LKUBA 1 7 7 -1 7 9 (to Skt bhundkti ‘to enjoy, to use, to c
because of the edible nature of acorns!); LA PIANA Studi I
(to Gk <pàyoç and Phryg Bayatoç); ACAREAN HAB I 4 8 3 -4 8
Language XXVI 387 (to OHG bunga ‘lum p’); POKORNY I 1 4 6 -1■
LB X X 117 (to the Indo-European name of ‘beech’ *bhâgnâ)\ F
Trees 108; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 118; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
R o setti ILR I 274; H a m p I ß X X / 1-2 117 (from *bhäg-n-)\ O r
X X III/ 1 70; D em ir a j AE 1 1 2 -1 1 3 (supports H a m p ).

burdhë f ‘kind of sack’. Attested in Albanian of Greece. Fr


*burdä < IE *bhrdh- further related to ON bord ‘board, e
bord id. 0 POKORNY I 138; Ç a b e j SCL X 556 (to Germ Biird,
RRL IV 335 (reconstructs *bhorH-da)\ D e m ir a j AE 113.

burg m, pi. burgje ‘prison, stable’. B orrow ed from Gm


‘borough, fenced area’: Goth baurgs, OHG burg and the lil
Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 C a m a r d a I I 145 (to Gk rcùpyoç)
BACH apud M e y e r Wb. 54-55 (from M Lat burica ); MlKLOS
Elemente 7 (from Rom *burgus)\ MEYER Wb. 54-55 (variou
itiary guesses); ZALlZN’AK Ètimologija 1964 206; ÇABEJ Etir
383 (follows C a m a r d a ).

burrfi m, pi. burra ‘m an, h u sb a n d ’. B o r r o w e d fro m OH<


‘p easan t, v illa g e r ’ w ith the sim p lifica tio n o f the anlaut clu st
b-. C f. a sim ilar so u rc e o f H ung por id. < O B avar *pour. 0
DING Otn. 21 (to Skt púrusa- ‘m a n ’); M e y e r Wb. 55 (etym o
id en tifie s burrë w ith O H G gibiiro, G erm Bauer), Alb. Si
SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 254 (fro m M Lat barro)-, PISANI Saggi
M e y e r ); W i e d e m a n n BB X X V II 219 (reco n stru cts *bhornc
co n n ected w ith O H G baro ‘(fr e e ) m a n ’); JOKL LKUBA 230
W ie d e m a n n and reconstructs *bherno-); T ag lia v in i Dalmazia i
w ith Jo k l ), T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 113; V a s m e r Zfslavf
369 (to Illyr B oû p oi); RlBEZZO Riv. Alb. II 135 n ote 1; Pis.
121; M a n n Language X V II 13 (reconstructs *hhfnio-); G eorg
dovanija 119 (to Thrac -ßoup); H a m p St. Whatmough 76, ZfceltPi
44 BYR — CA

‘mouth, lip, kiss’. T h e status of Pol buzia ‘mouth, face’ and Ukr buz'a
id. (< Polish?) is dubious. Alb buzëm ‘edge, stone at the edge of the
hearth, piece of wood burned down at Christm as’ is a late derivative
of buzë and, therefore, cannot be a base for a deep semantic recon­
struction as suggested by TOPOROV (Ètimologija 1976 1 3 6 f.) in con­
nection with SCr badnjak. 0 C A M A R D A I 5 2 (cognate of Lat bucca
‘mouth’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 (from Lat basium ‘kiss’); MEYER
Wb. 5 7 (from *bus-zë compared with Lat bucca ‘mouth’ and derived
from IE *buk-); PU §C A R IU EWR 2 1 , LR I 1 7 7 ; PEDERSEN Alb. Texte
1 1 4 (compares with Lith burna ‘mouth’, Arm heran id.); JOKL Studien
1 1 -1 2 , LKUBA 1 4 3 , 2 7 8 (follows PEDERSEN; identifies -zë as a collective
suffix); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 8 7 (onomatopoeia); L A PIANA Studi
I 1 0 3 (from IE *bheu<)- ‘to swell’); PISA N I Paideia XXI 3 4 3 ; POGHIRC
1st. limb. rom. II 3 2 9 ; POK O RNY I 1 7 4 (to IE *bu- ‘lip, kiss’); ÇABEJ
St. I 8 6 - 8 7 (derives buzë from *bhrdhja and compares it with E board'.),
Etim. II 4 0 0 - 4 0 2 ; NIK O LA EV Antic, balk. 5 30 (buzë borrowed from
North Caucasian); BU G A I 3 2 4 (identifies Lith bucle ‘fungus’ and Imcle
‘whetstone’); F r a e n k e l 6 1 - 6 2 ; B a r iç Hymje 6 6 ; V a il l a n t BL X IV
1 6 (Rum buzä < Slav *loh-hza): BER I 8 7 ; ROSETTI ILR I 2 7 4 ; OREL
Roll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 6 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 1 4 - 1 1 5 .

byr aor. byra ‘to carry out, to perform , to execute’. Continues PAlb
*büra related (as a causative) to IE *bhü- ‘to be, to grow ’. It is prob­
able that the Proto-Albanian verb is a denominative based on an unat­
tested abstract noun *bhürom > *büra. 0 X H U V A N I KLetr 1/3 2
(based on bëj); Ç A B E J Etim. TI 408-409 (derived from bie).

bythë f, pl. bythë ‘backside, buttocks’. A Proto-Albanian compound of


mbë and vit he, with -v- resulting from PAlb *-iwi- as in qytet. 0 B a r i C
AArbSt I 141-142 (compound of mbë and ith); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione
87; S c h m id t KZ L 236 (to IE *bhü-); H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 211-212;
Ç abej Etim. I I 410-411; M a n n Comp. 57-58 (from IE *busd(h)b, related
to Gk Puaoôç ‘depth’).

c
ca pron.‘some’. From the sequence of article të and pronoun sa (P E D ­
ERSEN Alb. Texte 20, KZ XXXVI 316). 0 C A M A R D A 1214 (links ca to
CA LIK CEP 45

sa); M e y e r Wb. 383 (connects ca with the pronominal stem s-);


Ç a b e j St. I 87 (follows P e d e r s e n ), Etim. Ill 3-4.

calik m, pl. calikë ‘goat-skin'. Borrowed from Slav *celikh ‘whole object’,
in this case, ‘whole skin’ (OREL Ètimologija 1983 135). 0 Mey'ER Wb.
439; POLÁK Orbis X V I131 (to Gk GaÀÀiç); ÇABEJ St. I 87 (unacceptable
comparison with cull), Etim. 6-7.

camërdhok m ‘little b o y ’. O f unclear o rig in . 0 G a z u l l i 18 (p refix


ca-); ÇABEJ Etim. 8 (to callok id.).

carac m, pi. caraca ‘nettle tree’. Of unknown origin. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 88


(cognate of ther).

carbë f, pi. carba ‘scrap, rag’. Borrowed from Slav *carbba ‘daub, dirt’
attested only in Czech carba but believed to be of much wider distri­
bution originally. 0 M e y e r Wb. 439 (to NGk xaepßot>A,ia ‘kind of shoe’
and the like); ÇABEJ St. I 88 (to carac and ther).

care f, pi. care ‘witch’. Borrowed from Slav *cara ‘witchcraft’, cf. South
Slavic forms: SCr cara, Slovene cara id. (M e y e r Wb. 439; OREL Ètimo­
logija 1983 138). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 185; SVANE 214.

carrok m, pl. carrokë ‘lad, youth’. The etymology is uncertain. 0


ÇABEJ St. I 88-89 (to carac and ther).

cek aor. ceka ‘to touch’. A variant of cerk. The noun ceke ‘intention,
aim’ is a deverbative. 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 16-17 (onomatopoeia).

cemtë adj. ‘cold (of w ater)’. Derived from cermë ‘cold’ (ÇABEJ Etim.
Ill 18-19).

cenis aor. cenita ‘to value’. Borrowed from Slav *ceniti id., cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg cen'a, SCr ceniti (JOKL Studien 103). 0 SKOK AArbSt II
3 43 n. 3 (identical with cmoj); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 2 0 (follows JOKL).

cep ra, pi. cepe ‘angle, edge’. Phonetic variant of thep (JOKLBalkangerm.
125). 0 M e y e r Wb. 446 (mistaken spelling çep); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 20-
21 (agrees with JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 115-116.
46 CERK C IL I

cerk aor. cerka ‘to hit’. From PAlb *tserka related to ther. The form
cerk preserved the original affricate.

cermë f ‘arthritis’. Borrowed from Slav *cbrnrb ‘inflammation’ attest­


ed in South Slavic as Slovene crm (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin
258). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 90 (historically identical with thermë - this view
can be only accepted for cërmë ‘cramp, spasm’), Etim. Ill 22-23.

cermë adj. ‘cold, cool’. Continues PAlb *tserma related to Lith sarmh
‘frost’, Latv sarma id . 0 Ç a b e j St. I 9 0 (identical w it h cermë ‘arthri­
tis’).

cëmoj aor. cëmova ‘to hurt’. Derived from thermë with a dialectal change
of th-. Thus, cëmoj < *thermoj. 0 JOKL LKUBA 3 1 8 - 3 1 9 (related to thimth,
thumb)', ÇABEJ St. I 9 0 (same as JOKL), Etim. Ill 2 4 - 2 5 .

cërij aor. cërita ‘to m elt b u tter’. B ased on P A lb *tsira rela ted to Skt
srdyati ‘to cook, to fry’, Gk KÍpvT|pi ‘to m ix’. 0 FRISK I 824-825; POKORNY
I 582; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 25 (o n o m a to p o eia cër cër o f b o ilin g o il).

cëril m ‘thrush’. Another variant is cërlle. An early Slavic loanword,


borrowed from *c¡,rnidlo ‘black (object)’ (MEYER Wb. 440). 0 K r ist o -
FORIDHI 202; Skok I 278 (same as MEYER); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch.
I 62-63 (from Romance, cf. Ital merla id.); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 25-27 (ono­
matopoeia).

cfurk m, pi. cfurqe ‘pitchfork’. Derived from fu rkë (M ey er Wb. 114).

cicë f, pi. cica ‘breast, nipple’. An element of the child language, cf.
thithë (T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 290). 0 M e y e r Wb. 90 (adduces S la v ic
and Romance parallels), Alb. St. Ill 44; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 255 (from
Romance); JOKL Balkangerm. 127-128; ClMOCHOWSKl LP II 234;
Ç a b e j 5/. I 91 (follows T a g l ia v in i ), Etim. Ill 30-31.

cili pron. ‘which’. Together with its older variant cilë, cili continues
*të silë, cf. ca (MEYER Wb. 383). As to *silè\ it appears to be a recent
formation based on si (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 316). 0 JOKL LKUBA 50
(derives -/- of cili from *-/«-); LAMBERTZ IF XXXIV 113 n. 2 (recon­
structs a suffix *-/- in cili similar to that of Lat talis ‘such’); Ç a b e j
St. I 91-92 (follows PEDERSEN), Etim. Ill 34-38.
C.'IMB CM AG 47

cimb m, pi. cimba ‘sting’. A dialectal form related to thimth as well as


cimak id. (JOKL Idg. Jb. XXIV 217). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 92, Etim. Ill 39.

cip m ‘point, tip; upper part’. A d ialectal form stand in g for *thip and
co n n ected w ith thep id. 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 2 0 -2 1 .

cipë f, pi. cipa ‘thin skin; milk skin’. Derived from cip in its meaning
of ‘upper part’ (Ç a b e j £ ? îw . Ill 44-45). 0 MEYER Wb. 441 (borrowed
from Slavic).

cirlë f, pi. cirla ‘blackbird’. An onomatopoeia similar to that of Slav


*cirbk'b ‘teal’. 0 MEYER Wb. 440 (mistakenly reconstructs *cënilie as
borrowed from Slav *cbrnidlo).

citë adj. ‘full, brim -full’. From PAlb *tseita etymologically identical
with Slav *cifh ‘whole’, Lith kietas ‘hard’ and continuing IE *k“eiatos.
The verb eis ‘to saturate, to stuff < *tsitja also belongs here. 0 C a m a r d a
1 8 7 -8 8 (cis to Gk c u e t x o ‘to feed’); MEYER Wb. 4 41 (compared with
NGk Tcmoùvo) ‘to fill holes with lim e’); VAILLANT RÉS VI 1 0 6-107;
F r a e n k e l 252; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 1 24-1 2 5 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 4 8 -4 9
(from Slavic).

cjap m, pi. cjep ‘he-goat’. Various forms including cap and sqap con­
tinue P A lb *tsapa which, together with Slavic *cap-h id., Rum lap id.
and Ital zappo id., reflects an Oriental Wanderwort of Iranian or Altaic
origin, cf. NPers capis ‘one year old goat’, Osset ccew ‘goat’, OTurk
cäbis ‘six-months old kid’. 0 POTT KZ IV 7 0 (connected with Lat caper
‘he-goat’); M e y e r Wb. 3 8 7 -3 8 8 (the same); PHILIPPIDE Or. Rom. II 738
(Rum lap from Albanian); DENSUSIANU GS I 2 4 3 -2 4 4 (against the Latin
etymology of Rum lap)-, SPITZER MRIW I 2 9 2 (Rumanian loanword);
R o z w a d o w s k i Roczn. S4aw. II 109 (Iranian parallels); R o h l f s
ZfromPh XLV 6 6 2 -6 6 4 (independent sources of Romance, Albanian
and other words for ‘goat’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 3 -1 3 4 ;
A b a e v I 307; HUBSCHMID Pyren. 4 9, Kult. SOE 89; RUSSU TD 203 (Rum
lap from Dacian); TRUBACEV ¿iv. 89; ROHLFS ZfromPh XIV 6 2 4 (pre-
Romance nature of Rum lap = Ital dial, zappo id.); R o se t t i ILR I 282;
K l e p ik o v a SPT 4 8-50; M eier Etym. 56; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 172-173;
Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 4 9 -5 1 (follows M e y e r ).

cmag m, pl. cmage ‘peg’. Another variant is cmak. Together with


48 CUB CV S

cimak this w ord is related to cimò (ÇABEJ St. I 9 3 , Etim. Ill 5 1 -5 2 ). 0


V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 6 2 -6 3 .

cub adj. ‘with a short tail, with a tail cut o ff. An early borrowing from
Slav *cub:b ‘tuft of hair’ and also ‘stump, a cut off piece’. 0 M e y e r
442 (to SCr cupa ‘tuft of h air’); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 58-59 (to cup).

cu b m ‘robber, brigand’. Borrowed from a Germanic source, cf. Goth


piubs ‘thief’, OHG diob ( M a n n Language XXVI 384). 0 Ç a b e j Etim.
Ill 58 (to cub ‘with a short tail’).

c u cë f, pi. cuca ‘girl, maiden’. An onomatopoeic form with parallel for­


mations in Slavic as well as in Hung csucsa ‘loved one’ (M e y e r Wb.
443). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. 1 93-94 (from
*cull-ce to cull)\ TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 113; MANN Language XXVI
384-385 (to Goth piwi); BRÎNCU§ SCL 1 (1961) 25-28; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill
59-60.

cu ll m, pi. culle ‘youth, boy’. A relatively recent loanword from Ital ciullo
‘nincompoop’ < fnaciullo (MEYER Wb. 4 4 9 -4 5 0 ; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 3 1 5 -3 1 6 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 95 (reconstructs the original meaning
as ‘skin’), Etim. Ill 6 3 -6 5 .

cup adj. ‘odd (uneven)’. Continues PAlb *tsupa from IE *i(e)u-po-, based
on *keu(a)- ‘to swell’, cf. in particular Skt sünyá- ‘em pty’. As far as
the suffix is concerned, cf. Skt só-pha- ‘swelling’. 0 POKORNY 1 5 9 2 -
5 9 3 ; ÇABEJ Etim. I l l 6 7 (identical with sup).

curr aor. curra ‘to prick up (ears)’. A phonetic and semantic variant
of thur.

curr m, pi. curra ‘high rock’. A nominal derivative of the verb curr. 0
JOKL Studien 115-116 (borrowed from Hbr sòr ‘rock’); BARIÍ ARSt.
I 104 (reconstructs *krno-, to OIr cam), AArbSt. II 388; ÇABEJ St. I
96 (to Arm sur ‘sword’, Goth hairus id.), Etim. Ill 68-69.

c y s aor. cyta ‘to spur on, to tease’. A difficult word. Maybe, a secondary
formation in -s based on thyej. 0 JOKL Mélanges Pedersen 105-106, 149
(to qoj and, further, to Lat ciere ‘to move’); M a n n Language XXVIII
CYTH — ÇAM 49

31-32 (from *teudio)\ ÇABEJ St. I 96-97, II 327 (related to nxis), Etim.
Ill 71; DEM IRAJ AE 116.

cyth aor. cytha ‘to prick’. An onomatopoeia or an unusual derivative


of thyej. Not at all clear.

Ç
çafkë f, pl. çajka ‘heron’. Borrowed from Slav *cavbka ‘daw, magpie’,
cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg cavka. SCr cavka (M E Y E R Wb. 443). A
homonymie çafkë ‘glass, cup’ is borrowed from Slav *casbka ‘small
bowl’. 0 ÇA BEJ St. I 97 (adducing dialectal cap id., reconstructs
*capkë > çafkë), Etim. Ill 75-76 (from çap)\ SV A N E 145.

çaj aor. çava ‘to split, to cleave, to smash, to batter, to chop up’. A par­
allel variant is NGeg shaj. From PAlb *tsenja, formed on the basis of
IE *sked- ‘to split’: Skt skhadate id., Gk OKe5ávv\)(j.v id. and the like
(JOKL IF X X X 196). Note çazë ‘le a f representing a derivative in -zë.
0 M EY ER Wb. 444 (to Gk a x â Ç c o ‘to cut, to incise’); TAG LIA VIN I Dal­
mazia 97; PISANI Saggi 119; POKORNY I 918-919; M AYRHOFER III 507;
F r i s k II 721; C a m a j Alb. Wotb. 60; O r e l Z ß a lk X X III/1 71; Ç a b e j
St. I 98, Etim. Ill 77; H ULD 47-48 (reconstructs *-a- in the Proto-Alban­
ian root); D e m i r a j AE 116-117 (çaj < *dë-shaj, related to Lat sariO
‘to weed’).

çajme f, pl. çajme ‘red-backed shrike, heron’. Derived from Slav


*caja, *cajbka ‘gull, lapwing’, cf. South Slavic forms: Maced âajka,
Slovene cdjka (Ç A B E J Etim. Ill 77). 0 M EY ER Wb. 443 (uncertain rela­
tion to Slav *capja ‘heron’).

çalë a d j. ‘lame’. From PAlb *stsala related to Gk c t k o A.i ô ç ‘crooked’,


Lat scelus and their cognates (M E Y E R Wb. 443). 0 JOKL IF X X X 194
(from IE *skel-no-); M A N N Language XXVIII 40 (from IE *eks-
skolffios); PISANI Saggi 128; F r i s k II 723-724; CH ANTRAINE 1013;
P o k o r n y I 928; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 80 (to shale); D e m i r a j AE 117-118
(reconstructs *dë-shalë).

çam m, pl. çamë, çamër ‘Chamerian, inhabitant of the western part of


Epirus’. Borrowed from early dial. Slav *camb or *cama rendering
50 ÇANDER — ÇA S

an earlier *tjama, the latter reflecting the Greek river-name 0 ù a |iiç


of Epirus. 0 L e a k e Greece 13 (establishes the connection between çam
and 0{kxuic); ÇABEJ St. 198 (treats çam as a direct continuation of 0ùa|iiç),
Etim. Ill 82-83.

çandër f, pl. çandra ‘prop, support’. F rom *stsentra reflecting a sin-


gularized plural of the Indo-European neut. *skentrom with j-mobile,
close to IE *kentrom (O r el Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ): Gk K cvtpov
‘goad, spur’, cf. also Latv sits ‘spear, lance’ < Balt *sintas. The anlaut
ç(a)- excludes the possibility of a borrowing from Latin or a Romance
language, cf. qendër. 0 POKORNY I 5 6 7 ; F r is k I 8 2 0 -8 2 1 ; OREL
ZfBalk X X III/ 1 71 (mistaken comparison with çaj); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill
8 4 (variant of dialectal qandër < qendër).

çap aor. çapa ‘to chew’. From P A lb *stsepa connected with IE *sícep-
‘to cut, to split’ (J o k l IF XXX 192-193). Note that çapë ‘step’, çap
‘to step, to pace, to go’ represent a metaphoric usage of çapë ‘bite, piece’,
çap ‘to chew’. 0 MEYER Wb. 444 (connects çapë ‘step’ with Turk çapmak
‘to run’ as well as with Slav *stgpiti ‘to step’); MANN Language XXVIII
40 (prefix *eks- followed by hap); POKORNY I 930-932; OREL ZfBalk
XXIII/1 72; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 84-85.

çapua ~ çap u e m, pl. çaponj ‘spur (of a rooster)’. Derivative of çapë


‘step’ (ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 89).

çarë f, pl. çara ‘fissure, crack’. Borrowed from Slav *cara ‘line, rent,
cleft’, presently attested in South Slavic only in Slovene cara (O r el
Ètimologija 1983 135-136). 0 OREL ZfSlaw XXX/6 914.

çars aor. Çarta ‘to d estro y , to s p o il’. F rom P A lb *stsertja b a sed on IE


*sker-ti-, cf. O N skera ‘to cu t’, Lith skirti id. and the lik e (Jo k l IF XXX
195-196, XXXVII, 1 0 0 -1 0 1 , LKUBA 156). 0 F r a e n k e l 8 0 3 ; P o k o r n y
I 9 3 8 -9 4 2 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 9 1 -9 2 ; D e m ir a j AE 118 (o r ig in a lly , from
*dë-shart-).

ças m, pl. çase ‘moment, tim e’. Another variant is çast (with -t gener­
alized from locative as in në çast, cf. ÇABEJ Etim. III 9 3 -9 4 ). Borrowed
from Slav *casi> ‘tim e’, cf., in particular, South Slavic forms: OCS
casi>, Bulg cas, SCr cas (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; M e y e r Wb.
4 4 5 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 197; SVANE 176.
ÇEK — ÇERDHE 51

çek aor. çeka ‘to to u c h ’. A n o n o m a to p o e ia ex istin g in m any p hon etic


v arian ts, cf. cek id ., cik id. and cok id. (Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 9 8 ).

çel aor. çela ‘to open’. From P A lb *stsela etymologically related to Hitt
iskallâi- ‘to tear up’, ON skilja ‘to split’, Lith skeliu, ske'lti id. (JOKL
IF XXX 194-195, WuS XII 70). 0 PISANI Saggi 125; MANN Language
XXVIII 40 (from IE *eks-skeliö)\ FRAENKEL 800; BORETZKY Z ß a lk
V III/1-2 21-26 (on çelës ‘key’ < ‘opener’ as an Oriental semantic caique);
ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 100-101; H a m p Münch. St. Spr. XL! 52 (< *dz-sel- <
IE *sel- ‘to put’).

çelê f ‘best part’. Borrowed from Slav *ëelo ‘head’, its South Slavic
reflexes (Bulg celo and SCr celo) having a specific meaning of a ‘front,
visible place’ and ‘end, edge’ (ÇABEJ St. I 98, Etim. Ill 101). 0 SVANE
180.

çelitet refi, ‘to recover, to get well’. Borrowed from Slav *celiti ‘to
heal’, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS celiti, Bulg cel’a, SCr cijeli-
ti.

çelnik m, pl. çelnikë ‘senior shepherd’. Borrowed from Slav *celbnikT>


‘leader, head’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg celnik, SCr ceonik (S eli Scev
Slav, naselenie 179). As to geling ‘senior shepherd’, it goes back to NGk
xoéXiyKaç id., ultimately, from the same Slavic source (ÇABEJ St. I 98).
The variant çelik was influenced by an Albanian Turkism çelik ‘steel’.
0 S v a n e 194; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 102.

çem aor. çema ‘to bring to light, to disclose, to reveal, to broach’. From
PAlb *stsepna etymologically connected with çap (OREL ZfBalk
X X III/1 72). For the semantic development cf. O N skilja ‘to separate,
to divide’ > ‘to understand’ (BUCK 1207). 0 JOKL Studien 91 (divides
çem into prefix ç- and -em < *apniö compared with Lat apiö ‘to fasten,
to attach’); ÇABEJ St. I 98-99, Etim. Ill 103.

çerdhe f, pl. çerdhe ‘nest’. A singularised plural of the original *çerdhë.


An early borrowing from Slav *cerda ‘row, herd, flock’ (Bulg creda,
SCr (reda) with a particularly interesting shift of meaning (MEYER Wh.
4 4 6 ). 0 JOKL AArbSt I 38 (reconstructs *skerdh- related to Lith
skerdzius ‘shepherd’ and its cognates); ÇABEJ LP VII 199, St. I 99, Etim.
Ill 108-109.
52 ÇE R R — ÇMOJ

çerr m, pl. çerra ‘w ren ’. A substantivized use o f a borrow ed S lavic adjec­


tive *cbrm> ‘b la ck ’ (OREL Festschr, Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ). 0 Ç a b e j Etim.
I ll 111 (o n o m a to p o eia ).

çe të f, pl. çeta ‘clan , arm ed g r o u p ’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *ceta id ., cf.


S outh S la v ic form s: B u lg ceta , SC r ceta (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente
17; M e y e r Wb. 4 4 6 -4 4 7 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 184; S v a n e 202;
Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 112.

çetinë f, pl. çetina ‘pine-tree’. Borrow ed from Slav *cetina ‘bristle, needles’,
cf. in particular South Slavic: B u lg cetina, SCr cetina ( Ç a b e j St. I 9 9).
0 S v a n e 125; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 112.

çë pron. ‘w hat’. W ith a fu ll redu ction o f v o w e l, a lso is u sed in the form


o f ç ’. F rom P A lb *tsi con tin u in g IE *k“id: H itt knit, Gk x i, Lat quid
and the lik e (B a r iC AArbSt I 2 0 6 , II 399; H u ld 4 7 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 218
(b orrow ed from R um ce id.); PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I 3 2 8 (from *qish);
TREIMER KZ L X V 3 88 (b o rro w ed from SCr ca id.); M a n n Language
X X V III 35; F r is k II 9 0 3 -9 0 4 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 4 0 4 -4 0 5 ; Ç a b e j
St. I 97 (id en tica l w ith që), Etim. I ll 7 3 -7 4 .

çim k ë f, pl. çimka ‘b u g ’. A nother variant is qimkë. B o r ro w e d from Lat


clmicem id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 14). A nother w ord for ‘b u g ’,
çimërr, se em s to be an e x p r e ssiv e form a tio n b ased on çimkë. 0 STIER
KZ X I 137; MEYER Wb. 2 2 7 (from SC r kimak id.); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 146; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 117; Ç a b e j Etim.
I ll 1 1 9 -1 2 0 (fo llo w s M ik l o s ic h ).

çjerr aor. çorra ‘to tear up’. From P A lb *stsera e ty m o lo g ic a lly related
to OIr scaraim ‘to se p a r a te’, O N skera ‘to c u t’, Lith skiriii, skirti ‘to
separate’ and the like (C a m a r d a I 69, 87; M e y e r Wb. 410-411). 0 M a n n
Language X X V III 4 0 (from *eh-skerjö); F r a e n k e l 808; VENDRYES
[SJ 3 3 -3 4 ; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 124.

çm oj aor. çmova ‘to e s tim a te ’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat aestimäre id.


(M e y e r Wb. 4 4 8 ). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1052; M a n n
Language X X V III 35 (related to Gk iifiá co ); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-
2 12; H a a r m a n 110; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 1 2 6 -1 2 7 .
ÇNDEROJ — ÇU N 53

çn d eroj aor. çnderova ‘to dishonor’. Borrowed from Lat exhonoräre


id.

çoj aor. çova ‘to bring, to rise, to send’. Borrowed from Lat excire, exciëre
‘to call out, to cause, to wake’. 0 C a m a r d a I 68 (to Gk kíco); M e y e r
Wb. 4 4 8 (from Lat excitare); T r e im e r MRIW I 341 (against M e y e r ,
reconstructs *skë- in the anlaut); JOKL Studien 81 (accepts the view of
CAMARDA), Mélanges Pedersen 145 (close to CAMARDA’ s view, from
*ds-qoj); B a r iC ARSt. I 73 (to Goth skewjan ‘to go’); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 9 8 (agrees with MEYER); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 8 -1 0 (to Lat sâgiô
‘to feel’); MANN Language XXVIII 40 (from *eks-skëuio); Ç a bej Etim.
Ill 128 -1 3 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 119.

ç o tillë f, pl. çotilla ‘stamp, kind of long blender’. A metathesized form


of toçillë (Ç a b e j St. I 102, Etim. Ill 134). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 73, AArbSt
I 1 5 6 -1 5 7 (compares with Lat quatiO ‘to wield, to beat’); JOKL
Mélanges Pedersen 145 n. 1 (to çutër ‘stream, brook’).

çu b ë f, pl. çuba ‘bush, shrubbery’. Borrowed from Slav *cuba ‘lock,


forelock, curl’ (SCr cuba) with a semantic innovation. 0 MANN Lan­
guage XXVI 380 (related to Slav *cuba); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 135-136 (related
to kaçubë).

çu d is aor. çudita ‘to astonish’. Borrowed from Slav *¿uditi id. as well
as Geg çudë ‘wonder’ - from Slav *cudo id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente
18; M e y e r Wb. 449). As to çudi id., it is an Albanian derivative of çudis.
0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 9 1 , 3 2 3 ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 98;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 1 27-129; S v a n e 231; Ç a b e j Etim. III 1 3 6 -1 3 7 .

ç u k ë f. pl. çuka ‘peak’. Borrowed from South Slav *cuka id. 0 M e y e r


Wb. 449; MLADENOV AfslPh XXXIV 385 (borrowed from Bulgarian);
S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 189; POGHIRC Ist. limb. rom. II 339; R o s e t t i
ILR I 275 (comparison with Rum ciuco); Ç a b e j St. I 103, Etim. Ill 138-
MO; S v a n e 1 61, 181.

ç u llë f ‘sheep with little ears’. Borrowed from Slav * c u I t> id., cf. in
South Slavic: Bulg cula, SCr cula. 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 141-142 (Balkan
parallels).

çun m. pl. ç una ‘boy, youth’. Together with çunë ‘penis’, borrowed from
54 DAC — DALTË DALLÊNDYSHE DANGË 55

Ila! donno ‘p e n is’ (MEYER Wb. 4 4 9 -4 5 0 ). 0 CAMARDA II 6 7 (from Ital (M e y e r Wb. 6 0 ). 0 S k o k Slavia III 1 1 5 -1 1 6 ; B a r iç Hymje 75; J o k l
dullo ‘little ’); L a P ia n a St. Varia 77 (from *qun b o rro w ed from S lav Slavia XIII 3 0 5 -3 0 6 ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 173, 319; Ç a b e j St. 105
*cçdo ‘c h ild ’); MOUTSOS ZfBalk VII 101 (çunë b o rro w ed fro m N G k (treats daltë as a co g n a te o f S lav *delbto or o f Skt ddlayati ‘to sp lit’),
T ooovvt ‘branch, tw ig , p e n is ’); ÇABEJ St. I 103-104 (related to cung Etim. I ll 1 5 4 -1 5 6 ; SVANE 78; MURATI Probleme 1 2 9 -1 3 0 .
‘stu m p ’), Etim. I ll 142-143; SVANE 88.
d a llën d y sh e t', pl. dallëndyshe ‘swallow’. A relatively recent com­
pound motivated by the swallow’s forked or “double” tail - *dalluan
D dysh ‘appearing to be double’, with *dalluan > Tosk dalluar, Geg dalluen
representing the participle of dalloj (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 72-73 with
dac m, pi. daca ‘cat’. An onomatopoeic formation or a hypocoristic based some differences). 0 CAMARDA I 37 (to Gk laÀavieùco ‘to swing, to
on a personal name (MEYER Wb. 62). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 134. rock, to shake’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from Lat hirundö); M eyer
Wb. 59-60 (from Lat hirundinem ‘swallow’ + suffix -yshë, influenced
daj aor. dava ‘to divide’. Often used with prefix n- as ndaj id. Goes back by dallëndis ‘to take heart, to be brave’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 544
to PAlb *danja, transform ed from *daja under the influence of other (to Gk xeÀiòcóv ‘swallow’); B aric ARSt I 5 (contamination of Lat hirundö
verbs in -nja. Further connected with Gk 8aio|iou ‘to divide’, Skt daya te and *dallë, to Germ Schwalbe ‘swallow’); SCHMIDT K Z L 236-237 (to
id. (B o p p 483; C a m a r d a 1 144; M e y e r Wb. 59, Alb. St. Ill 26). 0 Jo k l Germ Schwalbe)', MAYER KZ LXVI 89-96 (comparison with Illyr Taulan-
Ids. Jb. IX 58 (to Skt ddlavati ‘to split"). Sprache IX 128 (folUm ^ _
K tiS 1 b L L l K l i
. a l i ¿ t /r - 4 /z ; m a n n Language aX V I 381; CAMAJ Alb. XeÀiSoviotç, H ecat.); H a s d e u E M R II 51; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione
Wortb. 54; C
MOCHOWSKI LP II 2 3 9 (verb in *-niö); F r is k I 3 4 1 -3 4 2 ; 134; H altmi GjA (1 9 7 2 ) 124 (fro m *da-në-dyshe); KNOBLOCH AIAK
K l in g e n s c l
MITT Verbum 117; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 150 -1 5 1 ; DEMIRAJ AE 3 3 5 -3 3 7 (a g re es with P e d e r s e n ); Ç a b e j St. I 1 0 5 -1 0 6 , Etim. Ill 157-
119-120.
159.

dak m ‘big r;
m ’. From PAlb *dauka further related to Lith dvêkti ‘to d a llg ë f, pl. dallgë, dallga ‘wave’.
breathe’, dvâ
:as ‘breath’ and other derivatives of *dheu- on which dash
is also based
(Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 153: related to dash). dalloj aor. dallova ‘to discern, to recognize’. Continues PAlb *dalnänja
based on an adjective in *-no- - *dalna related to Skt ddlayati ‘to split’,
dal aor, dola
'to go out’. From PAlb *dala etymologically related to Lat dolö ‘to chip, to hew’ and the like (JOKL Studien 12). 0 ClMOCHOWSKI
Gk 9àÀA.(0 ‘1
3 bloom ’, i.e. ‘to appear, to come out’ (MEYER Wb. 60, LP I I 239; M a y r h o f e r I I 24; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 3 6 4 -3 6 6 ; X h u v a n i
Alb. St. Ill 2
)). 0 PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 114-115, Kelt. Gr. II 648 (to KLetr. 1 / 1 1 2 (to daj); Ç a b e j St. Etim. Ill 1 5 9 -1 6 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE
OIr dui ‘go’)
, KZ XXXIII 542; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 99; M a n n Lan- 121 .
guage XXVI
380, XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 121; POKORNY Vox Rom.
X 241 (to Fr
daille < Gaul *dal(l)ja); F r is k I 649-650; ClMOCHOWS- d an gë f ‘belly’. Another variant is dëngë. Goes back to PAlb *dangâ
KI LP II 24
), St. IE 43 (from *dainô); C a m a j Alt. Wortb. 37; etymologically identical with Lith dangà ‘table-cloth, cover’, Latv dañga
C h a n t r a in e
421 ; HAMP Sprache XXX/2 156-157 (< IE *dhalniO); OREL ‘puddle, m arshland’, Slav *dçga ‘arc’ ( O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin
ZfBalk X X II1
6-77; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 172; Ç a b e j Sí. 104 (recon- 2 5 9 ). All these forms are deverbatives related to Lith dengiu, deñgti
structs *daln
5 and compares dal with Lat dolo ‘to cut’), Etim. III 153- ‘to cover’. Adjectival dëng ‘full, stuffed up’ continues PAlb *danga
and also belongs here. As to deng ‘bundle, full sack’, it is rather a bor­ 154; C l a c k s
DN LR 118; D e m ir a j A E 120.
rowing from Turk denk ‘bale’ (MEYER Wb. 6 3 ) than a cognate of the
daltë f, pi. dah
i ‘chisel’. An early borrowing from Slav *dolbto id., pre- above forms. 0 MEYER Wb. 61 (to Slovene danka ‘rectum’); FRAENKEL
8 8 -8 9 ; Ç a b e j St. I 106 (to deng), 121, Etim. Ill 162 (back formation
served in Soi
th Slavic as Bulg dlato and also borrowed as Rum daltä
56 DARDHË — DAROVF.

of Turk dangalak ‘stu p id ’ > Alb dëngallak); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 9 8 -


9 9.

dardhë f, pi. dardha ‘pear, pear-tree’. From PAlb *darda, a derivative


of derdh ‘to tip out, to pour’ < PAlb *derda (OREL Ètimologija 1986-
1987 220-221) with a semantic motivation established for Slav *grusa,
*krusa ‘pear, pear-tree’ < *grusiti, *krusiti ‘to crumble, to break’, IE
*peisom ‘pear’ < *peis- (TRUBACEV ÈSSIa VII 156). 0 H a h n I 236 (con­
nects dardhë with the name of Dardania); MEYER Wb. 61 (follows H a h n ),
Gr. Gr. 50; BUGGE BB XVIII 164 (to G k axepSoç, àxpàç ‘wild pear,
wild pear-tree’); JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 89-90 (to IE *gher(s)- ‘to
stiffen’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 106; MANN Language XVII 17 (recon­
structs *nghrdis), XXVIII 34 (from IE *ghard-); PISANI Saggi 118; JUC-
QUOIS Muse'on LXXVIII 440; FRISK I 199, 203; CAMAJ Alb.Wortb. 121
(to *der- ‘to split’); G in d in Onom. 124; Ç abej St. I 107 (to OIr draigen
‘wild p ear’), Etim. Ill 165-167; H u l d 48; D e m ir a j AE 121-122.

darë ~ danë f, pl. darë - danë ‘pincers, tongs’. From PAlb *dana, a par­
ticipial form related to daj (ÇABEJ St. I 107-108, Etim. Ill 1167-168).
0 CAMARDA II 61 (to Gk òàtcvio ‘to bite’); M e y er Wb. 61 (considers
the unchanged Tosk -a- to indicate a lost consonant before -r----- «-);
JOKL Studien 12-13 (develops C a m a r d a ’ s etymology based on IE *denk);
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239 (to OHG zanga id.); MANN Language XXVIII
40; HAMP LP XXVIII 78 (same as ClMOCHOWSKI); JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on
LXXVIII 442; L e h m a n n GED 338 (follows Jo k l ); O lberg apud D emiraj
(to IE *dhau-); JANSON Unt. 21; DEMIRAJ AE 122.

darkë f, pi. darka ‘supper’. From PAlb *darka, originally a singular -


ize neut. pi. of IE *dork“om reflected in Gk ôôprcov id. (CAMARDA I
67; M e y e r Wb. 6 1 ). On the other hand, the connection with drekë is
doubtless. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 3, 26, 72, Gr. Gr. 245; B u g g e BB XVIII
189; PEDERSEN BB XX 231 (reconstructs *d{3k'1- in order to explain
drekë); KRETSCHMER Einleitung 101 n. 3; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 99-100;
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239; M a n n Language XVII 19, XXVI 384;
P is a n i Saggi 118; PORZIO Gliederung 178; POKORNY Vox Rom. X 2 3 9
(to Illyr ApocKottxva < *darkuinä); PISANI Saggi 118; H a m P/4/ îc. IE 116
(adds Bret dibri ‘to eat’); FRISK 1 4 1 0 -4 1 1 ; CHANTRAINE 294; ANTTILA
Schw. 2 9 , 100; ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 563; ÇABEJ St. I 108, Etim.
Ill 1 68 -1 6 9 ; H u l d 4 8 -4 9 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 2 2 -1 2 3 .

d a ro v ë ‘bride’s gift’. Borrowed from Slav *darovb ‘gratuitous’. The


DASMË — DEH 57

corresp ond ing verb darovis ‘to m ake a present, to g iv e m oney as a g ift’
seem s to continue an unattested Slav *daroviti, cf. the widespread *darovati
‘to make a present’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; M eyer Wb. 61) w hile
dari ‘d o w r y ’ is b ased on *dar b o rro w ed from S la v *dari, ‘g ift,
p resen t’. 0 S e li Sc e v Slav, naselenie 183; S v a n e 2 1 2 , 2 3 1 , 252; Ç a b e j
Etim. I ll 169.

d asm ë pi. dasma ‘wedding’. Another widespread and historically


important variant is darsmë. Goes back to PAlb *dartsima, original­
ly, * ‘wedding feast’, derived from darkë (ÖLBERG apud DEMIRAJ; Ç a b ej
St. I 108-109, Etim. Ill 169-170). 0 MEYER Wb. 62 (to Rum zestre ‘dowry’);
P e d e r s e n BB XX 2 3 2 , KZ XXXVI 3 0 9 (reconstructs *dam-ësë to be
compared with Gk yà|ioç ‘marriage, wedding’); JOKL LKUBA 14; H u ld
49; D e m ir a j AE 12 3-124.

dash m, pi desh ‘ram ’. From PAlb *dausa reflecting IE *dhouso- ‘breath,


breathing, animal’ (MANN Language XXVI 387 ), cf. Gmc *deuzan ‘wild
animal’ (Goth dius, O N dyr), Lith pl. daüsos ‘paradise’, Slav *dux-h
‘breath, spirit’. The Albanian word was borrowed to Rum da$. 0
C a m a r d a II 7 0 (to Gk 5ôokiA,à,oç ‘kind offish’); M e y e r Wb. 62; B ariC
ARSt. 6 (dash < *dalsh connected with dele); JOKL LKUBA 2 4 0 -2 4 1 ,
3 2 9 f. (compares dash < *dhuosj- with Lat béstia ‘anim al’); T a g l i a ­
v in i Stratificazione 134-135; LA PIANA Studi I 91 (dash ~ Lat dênsus,
difficult both semantically and phonetically); BUGGE BB XVIII 164 (links
dash to desha); IVANESCU SAO VIII 2 7 4 - 2 7 6 ; POKORNY I 2 7 0 ;
F r a e n k e l 1 15-116; F e i s t Goth. 1 2 1 -1 2 2 ; Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija
139; POGHIRC ist. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR I 276; O r e l Die Sprache
XXXI 28 0 , Z ß a lk XXIII 144, Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 1 , 356; ÇABEJ St. I 109-
110, Etim. I ll 1 7 1 -1 7 3 (to Goth tagl ‘hair’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa V 153-
154; D e m ir a j AE 1 2 4 -1 2 5 (related to dem).

degë f, pl. degé, dega ‘twig, branch’. From PAlb *dwaigä etymologi­
cally related to OHG zwïg id., Germ Zweig (M e y e r Wb. 6 2 , Alb. St.
Ill 9, 2 6 , 39 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 80 (to Gk tckvov ‘child, sprout’); B u g a
II 319; Jo k l Studien 15; PISANI Saggi 103, 122; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II
240; K l u g e 897; HAMP Trends LV II 906; HULD 145 (against MEYER);
Ç a b e j Etim. III 179-180 (dubious Alpine-Romance parallels); DEMIRAJ
AE 1 2 5 -1 2 6 .

deh aor. deha ‘to in eb riate’. From PA lb *degska. At the sam e tim e, co n ­
58 DFJ - UEI.F,

tinuants of *degnja are attested in dej - de'nj id. Both *degska and *degnja
are related to djeg. 0 BOPP 539 (to IE *dhe(i)- ‘to suckle’); MEYER Wb.
62-63 (to Goth dauns ‘vapor’), Alb. St. Ill 29, 90; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch.
I 88 (to dyllë); SCHMIDT KZ LVIl 6-7; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 110; MANN
Language XXVIII 32 (to IE *dhues- ‘to destroy’); ÇABEJ Sí. I 111 (com­
pares deh with dend), Eîim. Ill 182-183; DEMIRAJ AE 125-126.

dej adv. ‘the day after tom orrow’. From PAlb *daja continuing IE loc.
dual *duoi-ous (DEMIRAJ AE 127). For the development of IE *duo-
> PAlb *da- see OREL Antic, balk. 3 37-39. 0 CAMARDA I 310 (to Gk
8r|v); MEYER Wb. 62, Alb. St. Ill 39 (to IE *duoin-l*duein-): JOKL Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 88; OStir AArbSt. I I 307; F ra en k e l 108; O rel ZfBalk XXIII/1
73 (close to MEYER); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 183-184 (back formation based
on andej.

(G) dêjë f ‘place where the snow melts, low place’. Denominative forms:
dejet ~ dêjet. From PAlb *danja related to Skt dhdnvan- ‘dry land’,
OHG tenni ‘threshing-floor’ (D EM IR A J AE 1 2 7 ) . 0 JOKL Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 8 8 (to deh)-, SCHM IDT LVII 6 - 7 (to Skt ádhvanlt ‘to burn
out, to fade away’); M a n n Language XXVIII 3 2 (to IE *dhues-); POKORNY
I 2 4 9 ; ÇA BEJ Etim. Ill 1 8 0 - 1 8 2 (to ndej).

dele f, pi dele, dhen, dhën ‘sh e e p ’. T he G eg variant delme rep resen ts


a form ation in *-ma (and hardly has anything in com m on with the nam e
o f Dalm atia pace M e y e r Wb. 63 and ÇABEJ St. I 111). The w ord is based
on P A lb *daila ‘sh e e p ’ < ‘su c k lin g ’ and related to v a rio u s /-d e r iv a ­
tiv e s from IE *dhe(i)- ‘to su c k le ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill 29 o p e r ­
ates w ith *dailja < IE *dhailiâ or *dhoiliâ), cf., in particular, A rm dayl
‘c o lo str u m ’ < IE *dhailo-. S u p p le tiv e p lural fo rm s dhen, dhën sh o u ld
b e treated sep arately as a P roto-A lb a n ia n (c o lle c tiv e ) d e r iv a tiv e in
*-anti b ased on dhi ‘s h e -g o a t’. T h us, the so u rce o f dhen, dhën is to be
re co n stru cted as *aiganti-, w ith ap h eresis o f the anlaut v o w e l (OREL
Koll. Idg. Ges. 357). 0 B r u g m a n n 117; P e t e r s s o n LUÀ XIX/6 12;
B ariC ARSt. 6 (dhën com pared with IE *dhe(i)-)\ JOKL LKUBA 239 (m is­
takenly ex p la in s -I- from * -/« -), 251-253 (co m p a res dhen, dhën w ith
C elt *damatos ‘sh e e p ’ > W dafad, Bret dauat or w ith « -d e riv a tiv e s o f
IE *dhe(i)- ‘to s u c k le ’, in p articu lar, w ith Skt dhenä ‘m ilk c o w ’, cf.
a lso OIr dinu ia m b ’ and the lik e ), Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87 (tra ces o f
this ro o t in B alk an p la ce n am es); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101, Stratifi­
cazione 135; L a P ia n a St. Varia 77-78; SCHMIDT KZ L 238; PORZIG
DELTINË — DEND 59

Gliederung 150; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240-241; M a n n Language XVII


20-21 (dhen to Latgê«s ‘kin, tribe’); POKORNY I 241-242; D u r id a n o v
2a XVIII 37 {dhen - to Thr AavSaÀrjxai); Ç a b e j St. I 152 (compari­
son of dhen, dhën with Gk Strick; ‘fat’), Etim. Ill 184-186 (follows Meyer);
H u l d 143; K ö d d e r it z sc h LB X X X I108; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 52; O re l
Koll. Idg. Ges. 357; D e m ir a j AE 127-128, 157-158 (agrees with
M a n n ).

deltinë f ‘clay’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *delbtina further


connected with *delbto ~ *dolbto ‘chisel’. The semantic development
seems possible but not quite obvious: ‘clay’ < *‘pounded mass’? 0 JOKL
ArRom XXIV 24 (from *ndë-baltinë)', ÇABEJ St. I 112 (compares deltinë
with daltë), Etim. Ill 187-188 (to dyllë).

dell m, pi. dej ‘tendon’. From PAlb *daisla probably related to Lith gysla
‘blood-vessel, tendon’, Slav *zila ‘tendon’ (MEYER Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill
18) if the latter are treated separately from Skt jiyd- ‘bow-string’, Gk
ßioq ‘bow’ (B r u g m a n n Grundr. I 345). 0 C a m a r d a 171 (to Gk ôéco
‘to tie’); P e d e r s e n IF V 68 (to Lat ftlum ‘thread’), KZ XXXVI 326
(agrees with M e y e r ); JOKL Studien 13 (comparison with Gk Séco ‘to
bind’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 87-88; FRAENKEL 150; FRISK I 237;
M a y r h o f e r I 448; V a s m e r II 57-58; C im o c h o w s k i LP II 239;
ÇABEJ St. I 112-113 (connects dell with Slav *dotb ‘valley’ and Gk 0ôA,oç
‘mud’ - those two having nothing in common), Etim. Ill 189-190; DEMIRAJ
AE 128 (against ÇABEJ).

dem m, pi. dema ‘young bull’. From PAlb *dama etymologically


related to OIr dam ‘ox’ and, probably, to Gk Ôà(iaÀ,oç ‘calf (CAMARDA
I 73; MEYER Wb. 6 3 , Alb. St. Ill 26, 6 4 ). 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 164;
JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 9 2 , Festschr. Rozwadowski I 236; TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 135; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239; M a n n Language
XXVI 385; F r is k I 345; Ç a b e j St. I 113, Etim. Ill 1 9 0 -1 9 1 ; D em ir a j
AE 12 8-129.

dend aor. denda ‘to stuff’. An archaic non-assimilated variant is NGeg


tend. From PAlb *tenda related to Skt tandate ‘to weaken’, Lat tendo
‘to stretch’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 21 (based on Lat densus); M eyer
Wb. 65 (related to Lat dënsus). Alb. St. V 72 (borrowed from Lat tendere)',
B a r t h o l o m a e IF I 300 (to Lat densus ‘thick’); JOKI, apud WALDE-
H o f m a n n I 341 (to gdhënd); MANN Language XVII 19; ClMOCHOWSKI
60 DENJË — (T) DERË DERGJ — df .t 61

L P II 239; POKORNY I 1065-1066; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 193-194 (agrees with d ergj aor. dorgja ‘to lie d o w n , to lay sic k , to be i l l ’. A m ore frequ en t
JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 129 (to ndej). fo rm o f p resen t is p a ss.-re fi, dergjem. F rom P A lb *dergja further e ty ­
m ologically connected with Lith dirginti ‘to m o v e’, dirgti ‘to lose energy,
denjë adj. ‘worth’. Borrowed from Lat dignus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ to b eco m e w ea k ’, S lav *dbrgati ‘to pluck, to p u ll’ and particularly with
mente 21). 0 M e y e r Wb. 63 (borrowed from Ital degno); Ç a b e j Etim. G m c *targjan ‘t o tea r’ : M H G zergen ‘to p lu ck , to p u ll’ (VASMER Alb.
Ill 195. Wortforsch. 9 ). 0 PEDERSEN ß ß XX 2 3 8 (to L ith sergit ‘to be ill’, OIr
serg ‘illn e s s ’ su p p o sin g IE *su- > A lb d-), Kelt. Gr. I 71; TRAUTMANN
d ep ërtoj aor. dep irto m ‘to penetrate’. Borrowed from Rom *dë- BSlWb. 56; F r a e n k e l 96; V a s m e r I 5 0 0 -5 0 1 ; H am p IF LXXIX 155
peneträre (MEYER Wb. 65). 0 MANN Hist. Gr. 146 (borrowed from Lat (fo llo w s PEDERSEN ); Ç a b e j St. I 1 1 5 -1 1 6 (to Lith ddrga ‘rain y
dêpartïre); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 195-196 (derived from ndëpër ‘across’). w eather’, Slav *dorga ‘road’), Etim. Ill 201-203; HULD49-50; LlNDEMAN
IF XCVIII 4 8 -5 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 131 (a g re es w ith VASMER).
derdh aor. derdha ‘to pour out’. In Old Albanian the stem is not umlau­
ticized: dardh (BUZUKU, BUDI). Continues PAlb *darda close to ono- d eri prep, ‘to, up to, t ill’. F rom P A lb *deur(e)i h a v in g the sam e stru c-
niflfnnoe.ic Lith darde'ti ‘to rattle’. Latv dàrdêt ‘to crea k ', W go-dyrMUm
m u m m e, to gru m o ie . v iv it ït K v y ú . o^ lu o i ;
E M «
*dori ‘to’); Alb. St. Ill 13, 26; F r a e n k e l 83; P e d e r s e n BB XX 238 n. 2 (to Skt Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 2 9 9 (b o r ro w ed from South S lav
Fraenk el srjdti ‘to sell off, to discharge’ ), KZ XXXVI 289, Kelt. Gr. I 494; JOKL M a n n Language X X V I 383 (to Lat ferì); F r isk I 'ill-3 1 2
Studien 13-14 (to Skt dharä ‘stream ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101; LA 26; BARTHOLOMAE 175.
PIANA Studi I 42-43 (to Skt ksarati ‘to flow’); ÇABEJ St. I 114-115 (to

Gk x o îp o ç Gk Oopôç ‘sperm ’), Etim. I ll 197-198. derr m, pi. derra ‘p ig ’. F rom P A lb * darja co n n ecte d wit!
t d eriv a tiv e id. < IE *ghorjos (CAMARDA I 96; MEYER Wb. 6 4 ). N o te
II 18; JOKL d erë f, pi. dyer ‘door’. From PAlb *dwörä, a secondary a-stem based derk ‘p ig le t’ co n tin u in g P A lb *darika. 0 MEYER Alb. St.
OERSEN KZ on IE *dhuer- id.: Skt dvdr-, Gk 0úpa, Tokh B twere and the like Festschr. Kretschmer 78 f. (re co n str u c ts *ghör-n-); PE
Pia n a Studi (C a m a r d a I 17; M e y e r £ 5 VIII 188, Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill 29, 39, 71). XXXVI 333 (to dose); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 135; LA
230; P is a n i 0 JOKL IF XXXVI 132, LKUBA 240, 255; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101; ClMO- I 4 5 -4 6 (to Skt -dòri- ‘m aking b urst’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II
*suoinro-); CHOWSKI LP II 240; MANN Language XXVIII 32 (reconstructs Saggi 116, 118; F r is k II 1 1 0 7 -1 1 0 8 ; HULD 148 (from IE
im. Ill 205- * dhuer es); PISANI Saggi 103; FRISK I 695-696; MAYRHOFER II 83-84; ÇABEJ St. 1 1 1 6 (ex p la in s -rr- by ex p r e ssiv e gem in a tio n ), E
-rj- > -rr-); POKORNY I 278; OREL Antic, balk. 3 37-39 (on the development of the 206; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 147; FLH V III/ 1-2 39 (on P A lb
anlaut); HAMP LP XX 9; KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. XL 104, 125; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 220; D e m ir a j AE 1 3 1 -1 3 2 .
H u l d 49; O r e l ZjBalk XXIII 149; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 198-201; D e m ir a j
IE *dheub- AE 129-130. d et m, pi. dete ‘s e a ’. F rom P A lb *deubeta ‘d ep th ’ based on
e phonetic ‘d e e p ’ ( J o k l Studien 1 4 -1 5 ). In term ed ia ry sta g es o f tl
¡t, dejet and (T) derë adj. ‘bitter; difficult’. From PAlb *deuna etymologically iden­ d ev elop m en t are preserved in the uncontracted Italo-A lb dt
is particu- tical with OS tiono ‘evil’, OE teoria ‘wrong’ ( J o k l Studien 1 9 -2 0 with in d ia lecta l fo rm s w ith a lo n g v o w e l - dêt. P A lb *deubetc
j dêpede, E further erroneous link to dhunë). 0 H a h n 29 (connected with dhunë); larly c lo s e to G m c *deupipo ‘d ep th ’ > M D u diepde, ML<
) go out’); M e y e r Wb. 87 (accepts H a h n ’s etym ology with some doubt); depth. 0 BUGGE BB X V III 165 (co n n e cted w ith dal ‘t
ss), Wb. 64 H o l t h a u s e n AEW 346; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; ÖLBERG Festschr. M e y e r BB V III 187 (to Gk © étiç , n am e o f the sea-godde
ra), Alb. St. Pisani I 689; ÇABEJ St. I 115 (to the Indo-European word for ‘tear’: (reco n stru cts dejt < *delt to be com p ared w ith Gk 0 á^ ao<
15 f. (recon- G k ô o c K p u ) , Etim. Ill 201; DEMIRAJ AE 130 (dialectal phonetic devel­ IV 54 (follow s BUGGE); RIBEZZO Riv. Indo-greco-italica X V I
T a g l ia v i - opment of hidhur). structs *dakti com p ared w ith Epir ó á ^ a • GdcXaaaa H es.)
62 DETYRE — DËGJOJ

ni Dalmazia 102; Ç a b e j St. 1118, Etim. Ill 209-210; P o k o r n y I 267-


268; ONIONS 258; OREL SBJa Lekiskol. 148-149 (Baltic toponymie par­
allels: Lith Duobyté, Latv Daublte); H u l d 50.

detyrë f, pi. detyra ‘duty, debt’. Borrowing from Rom *debitüra id. (M l­
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 20; MEYER Wb. 66). The verb detoj ~ de tonj
reflects Rom *debitare. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 111; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n
122; ÇABEJ St. I 118-119 (derived from detorës ‘debtor’), Etim. Ill 210-
211; L a n d i Lat. 39, 41, 82-83.

dëboj aor. dèbova to drive away . Other variants are zboj, xboj, eboj.
Related to boj (ÇABEJ St. I 119, Etim. Ill 212-214). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII
174 (borrowed from Rom *disbinare); MEYER Alb. St. IV 44 (agrees
with BUGGE); JO K L/f XXXVII 119 (reconstructs *bhöreiö connect­
ed with bie); L a P ia n a St. Varia 23-24 (to IE *yei-); M a n n Language
XXVIII 32 (to Gk Tixoéco < *de-bhoiëiô).

d ëfrej aor. dëfreva ‘to enjoy oneself’. Based on the recombination of


its antonym, shëfrej, shufrej ‘to suffer’ < Lat sufferäre id., as a pré­
fixai formation in shë- (ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 214-215). 0 MEYER Wb. i l l
(from Rom *disfrenare or *dëfrenare); KRISTOFORIDHI 98 (to fryj).

d ëftoj aor. dëftova to show, to point . Borrowed from Rom 'indictate


(MEYER Wb. 64-65, Alb. St. IV 41). ô CAMARDA I 64 (derives dëftoj
from IE *deiíc-); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2I 1054 (borrowed from
Rom *doctäre); JOKL RIEB II 65-67 (analyzes the verb as *dë-fëtoj, its
root borrowed from MGk cpcoxiÇco ‘to shine, to illuminate’); BARIÇHymje
63 (follows M e y e r ); Jo k l RIEB II 65-67 (based on *ftoj, to fo ti ‘oil
lam p’); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 23; HAARMANN 122, 130; D l
GIOVINE Gruppo -et- 16-24; ÇABEJ St. I 120 (to *f-tonj further related
to Gk Gxéycû ‘to cover’, Lat tegö id.), ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 215-217 (from
Lat digitare).

d ëgjoj aor. dëgjova ‘to hear’. Dialectal forms ndëgoj and, particular­
ly, dëlgonj, diligonj reflect the obvious Latin source - intelligere ‘to per­
ceive’ (M e y er Wb. 66-67).0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1054; B a ri C
ARSt 33-34 (related to Gk ôtKoùœ ‘to hear’, Goth hausjan id.); ÇABEJ
Etim. Ill 217-218.
DËKOJ — DËRMOJ 63

dëkoj aor. dëkova ‘to hit, to strike’. Borrowed from Lat indicere in its
specific meaning ‘to impose, to inflict’ > * ‘to inflict pain’. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 65 (from R om *dêcôleâre based on cöleus ‘bag, sack’); G a z u l l i
19 (-koj to Gk xéoj); P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V 5 39 -5 6 0 (agrees with M e y e r );
Ç a b e j St. I 120-121 (connects dëkoj with koj and mëkoj); Ç a b e j Etim.
Ill 2 1 8 -2 0 0 (from *dërkoj, to darkë).

d ëlir aor. delira ‘to clean, to cleanse, to deliver’. The variant dëliroj
is morphologically more regular. Continues Rom *deliberäre and is
connected with lirë (CAMARDA 1 172; MEYER Wb. 247). 0 PEDERSEN
KZ XXXIII 538 (derived from lire); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 221 (agrees with
P e d e r s e n ).

d ëllin jë f, pl. dëllinja ‘juniper’. A more archaic variant dëllënjë seems


to reflect PAlb *daislanja (for the derivational structure cf. mëllën-
jë) related to dell < *daislä (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ).
Semantically, the juniper is described as a wiry, sinewy plant, cf. Russ
mozzevel’nik id. derived from Slav *mozgb ‘brain, marrow’, Lith mazgas
‘knot’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 65 (from Rom *cedrulanea or *cedrulina derived
from cedrus ‘cedar, juniper’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 9 -1 0 (to Lith
dûlis ‘fog’, Skt dhiili- ‘dust’ and the like); JOKL LKUBA 1 9 1 -193 (same
as VASMER); JAG«: AfslPh VIII 6 5 4 -6 5 5 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241;
F r a e n k e l 4 2 6 -4 2 7 ; VASMER II 637; Ç a b e j St. I 121 (related to daltë
and dalloj), ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 222; DEMIRAJ AE 132.

d ëm ~ dam m. pi. déme ~ dame ‘damage’. Borrowed from Lat damnum


‘hurt, harm, damage’. As to dënoj ‘to condemn, to punish’, it is an Italian
loanword (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 6 0 ). 0 MEYER-
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042, 1047, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2
15; H a a r m a n n 122; Ç a b e j St. I 121, Etim. Ill 2 2 2 -2 2 4 ; L a n d i Lat.
4 8 , 9 4 , 115.

d ërgoj aor. dërgova ‘to send’. Borrowed from Lat delegare id. with an
irregular change of liquida (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 259). 0
C a m a r d a 1 67 (to Gk xpé^co ‘to run’); M e y e r Wb. 65 (borrowing from
Lat dirigere ‘to arrange, to lay straight’); JOKL IF L 43; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 122; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 226 (follows M e y e r ).

dërm oj aor. dërmova ‘to cut into pieces, to plummet down’. Borrowed
from Lat *de rama re, cf. Rum dáríma ‘to tear o ff (M e y e r Wb. 65, Alb.
64 DËRRASË — Dl

St. IV 56). Note a derivative dërmë ‘steep slope’. 0 PU§CARIU EWR 42;
Ç a b fj St. I 122 (reconstructs *dromoj and connects it with dromeë),
Etim. Ill 227-229.

dërrasë f, pl. dërrasa ‘board, stone plate’. From PAlb *deratja based
on IE *der- ‘to tear, to split’, see djerr (ClMOCHOWSKI LP III 158-161:
to Slav *dbrati ‘to tear’). 0 CAMARDA II 143 (to dru ); MEYER Wb. 66
(from Ital terrazza ‘terrace’); MANN Language XXVIII 33 (to Gk xápa^);
C im o c h o w s k i LP III 158-159; H e lb i g 70; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 230-231
(derived from rrasë ‘flat stone’).

dëshiroj aor. dëshirova ‘to wish’. Borrowed from Lat desiderare ‘to long
for, to desire’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 21; MEYER Wb. 6 5 ). As to
the noun dëshirë ‘desire’, it seems to be a deverbative rather than a
continuant of Lat dësïderium id. (Ç a b e j St. I 123, Etim. Ill 2 3 3 ). 0
CAMARDA I 176 (wavers between the correct etymology and the
comparison with dashur, participle of dua); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 1 1048, 1052; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 122.

d ësh m oj aor. dëshmova ‘to testify’. Borrowed from Rom * testimoniare


(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 66; MEYER Wb. 64). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 124, Etim.
Ill 233-234 (denominative); HAARMANN 153.

d ësh p ëroj aor. dëshpërova ‘to make desperate’. Borrowed from Lat
desperare ‘to despair’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22). 0 MEYER Wb.
68 (from Ital disperare id.); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 235.

dështoj aor. dështova ‘to have a m iscarriage’. Borrowed from Rom


.*depositare used as a replacement of dëpônere in its meaning ‘to give
birth’ (MEYER Wb. 66, Alb. St. V 72). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21
1049; SPITZER MR IW I 318-319 (connects dështoj with Ital tosto ‘fast,
quick’); BARIC ARSt I 38 (derives the verb dështoj from a noun
*dushytë ‘m iscarriage’ explained as IE *dus-siito- ‘badly born’);
ÇABEJ St. I 124 (a préfixai derivative of shtoj), Etim. Ill 235-236.

d ì aor dita ‘to know’. From PAlb *dlja connected with IE *dhei(a)- ‘to
see’, cf. Skt dhyati, dhyayati ‘to observe, to feel, to think’, Av dä(y)-
‘to see’ (MEYER Wb. 66, Alb. St. Ill 29; OREL FLH V III/1-2 46). Aorist
dita and participle ditur ~ ditun are based on PAlb *dita, a formation
in *-to-, cf. Skt part, dhyata- and dhlta-. 0 G lL’FERDING Otn. 22 (to
DIÇ — DIKTOJ 65

Skt vid- ‘to know’); M EYER Alb. St. Ill 29; JOKL IF XXXVI 112, Sprache
IX 128; T a g l i a v i n i 104; C i m o c h o w s k i LP II 240; P o k o r n y 243;
M a y r h o f e r I I 45; H u l d 152; Ç a b e j St. I 125 (reconstructs PAlb *din-
< IE *gen<>- ‘to know’), Etim. Ill 237-238; D e m i r a j AE 132-133 (di
< *dhiH-m).

diç pron. ‘something’. As all other pronouns in di-, contains an element


identical with the verb di as the first part of the compound (C A M A R D A
I 214; M e y e r Wb. 66). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I316; T a g l i a v i n i Dal­
mazia 105; Ç a b e j * . I 125.

diel f ‘Sunday’. Derivative in * -ja or in *-n& based on diell, a caique


of Lat dies solis id. (PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 43). 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 240-
241.

diell m, pi. diej ‘sun’. From PAlb *delwa, a tabooistic substitute of the
original word for the sun based on a color adjective, cf. Skt hdri- ‘pale,
yellowish’, Av zairi- id., Lat helvus ‘yellowish’, Lith zelvas id. 0 BOPP
513 n. 3 (to Skt diva ‘by day’); C a m a r d a I 123 (comparisons with Gk
íí/aoc ‘sun’ and, on the other hand, with ôiaÀ.oç- (pavepôç, Àa|in:pôç);
M E Y E R Wb. 69 (links diell to dal or, alternatively, reconstructs
*dheg“h-lo-, cf. djeg); PEDERSEN BB XX 238 (to IE *suel- ‘sun’, cf.
C A M A R D A ); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 103; M a n n Language XXVIII 36
(follows M EYER in reconstructing *dheg'hdlos)\ M AYRHOFER III 581;
W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 639; P i s a n i Saggi 118 (to Gk azXaq ‘light,
shine’); FRAENKEL 1297; ÇABEJ St. I 125-126 (to Oír delirad ‘shine’,
OE dealt ‘bold, splendid’, Arm delin ‘green’), Etim. Ill 241-242; H u l d
50-51 (accepts PE D E R SE N ’ s etymology).

dihas aor. dihata ‘to pant’. Borrowed from Slav *dyxati ‘to breathe’,
cf. in particular South Slavic forms: OCS dyxati, Bulg dixam, SCr diluiti
( M e y e r Wb. 67). 0 S v a n e 256; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 242.

dike f ‘desire, lust’. Continues PAlb *dïkâ, a substantivized fem. adj.


related to Lith dÿkas ‘idle, empty’, Slav *diki> ‘wild’. 0 FRAENKEL 95;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 29-30; ÇA BEJ Etim. Ill 243 (borrowed from SCr
dika ‘pride’).

diktoj aor. diktova ‘to discover, to find out’. Borrowed from Rom
*dëcaptare. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 61 (from Lat dëtegere); JO K L RIEB II 59-60
DIMËN D iri. DJALË DJATHTR 67
66 DIMËR

(from Rom *dis-captäre); ÇABEJ Etim. III 243-244 (unclear). dienà id.), Alb. St. Ill 26; PEDERSEN BB XX 230 (to -di in perëndï), KZ
XXXIV 546 (follows M e y e r ); Jo k l Studien 22; M l a d e n o v 1st. 216;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 103; O n io n s 923; Z a l iz n ’ a k Ètimologija 1964
dimër ~ HimSn m, pi. dìmra ~ dimna ‘w inter’. From PAlb *deimena related
to IE *gheimen- id.: Skt heman loc. ‘in w in te r’, G k xeì^cx ‘w in te r’ and
190; M a y r h o fe r II 44-45; Ç a b e j St. I 126-127, Etim. Ill 251-253; H u l d
the like (G il ’ferding Otri:, M eyer Wh. 67, Alh. St. ID 18 ,6 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a
51-52.
I 9 6 (to G k ö|xßpo<; ‘ra in ’, Lat imher id.); BUGGE BB XVIII 164; JOKL
d jalë m, pi. djem, djelm ‘boy, youth’. From PAlb *deia probably con­
IF XXXVI 130, Sprache IX 123; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 103; PEDER-
SEN KZ XXXVI 3 3 3 , Kelt. Gr. I 66; L a PIANA Studi I 5 2 -5 3 (to tym);
nected with Latv dels ‘son’, Lat film s id. as a derivative of IE *dhei-
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 229; E r n o u t -M eil l e t 294; PORZIG Gliederung
‘to suck’ (XYLANDER 317; ÇABEJ St. I 127-128). Note that the vocal-
190; PISANI Saggi 99; MANN Language XXVI 384 (erroneous com parison
ism in Proto-Albanian is irregular so that a secondary transformation
w ith O E tima ‘tim e ’); MAYRHOFER III 6 0 7 ; F r is k II 1 0 7 9 -1 0 8 1 ;
of the stem must be presumed. 0 M e y e r Wb. 60 (derives djalë from
A n t t il a Schw. 3 5 ,1 3 4 ; H a m p IF L X V I 5 2 -5 5 ; H u l d 51; O r e l Z/BAlk
dal). Alb. St. Ill 29; KRETSCHMER Gioita XIV 310-311 (to dal); JOKL
XXIII 146; JANSON Unt. 2 1-23; Ç a bej Etim. Ill 245; D e m ir a j AE 133. IF X X X V I 115; OS t ir AArbSt. I 114 (to Gk xâXiç ‘maiden’); V a s m e r
ZfslavPh III 269 (to Thr -TfÀ.|itç); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 113-114;
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; PISANI Saggi 121; H a m p S ì . Whatmough 78;
din (3 sg.) aor. diu ‘to break (of the day)’. Also appears as reti, dihet
HULD 52; O r el ZfBalk XXIII 143; Ç a b e j Etim. III 255-258; DEMIRA i
ua) vjivL àìna- ‘d a y ’, S la v +dbnb 1 ,rn
MEYER Wb. 6 8 (d e riv a tiv e o f dite); JOKL Studien 2 2 (a d érivât

Rom. Eli-mena: 21;MEYER Wb. 60, Alh St. V 73). 0 CAMARDA l 98 (con­
nection with Gk StdßoXoc id.); T hum b IF XXVI 12-13 (from Gk
SiaßoXoc): M e y e r-L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041, PEDERSEN KZ
XXXIII 535: JOKL LKUBA 20 (from G reek): H a a r m a n n 122; ÇABEJ
Bulg dir'a :
Etim. ti> 258-259: L a n d i Lai. 75. 137-138. III 248.

djathe m/n, pl. djathëra ~ djathna ‘ch eese’. A dim inutive in -the
dishtë t. pi. i
(C am aj Alb. Worth. 12 1) o f *djadh < PAlb *dedi-, the latter to be com ­ from Lat a
pared with Skt dad hi 'sour milk ’ and O Prus dudan ‘m ilk’, derivatives Wortb. 123
of *dhèi- ‘io suck' (JOKI, Studien 15-16, WuS XII 70). For the irreg­
ular developm ent of the root vowel cf. djalë. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia dishull m, pi
102, Stratificazione 147; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; TRAUTMANN
variants (dyi
APSpr. 316; PISANI Saggi 123; MAYRHOFER IT 15; POKORNY J 2 4 1; MANN types of foil
Hist. Gr. 54, 91, 97 (from IE *ghesito-)\ Hamp Word IX 140, KZ LXXXIV B orrow ed t
140-141; T o p o ro v PJa I 284-286; H u l d 52-53; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 259-
o f leaves. (■
260; D e m ira j AE 135-136.
diti I pi. dit.
djathte adj. rig h t'. Old A lbanian lexis preserve djathë ‘right (sid e)’
Gmc *ttdiz
(B u z u k u ), thus showing that djathte is a relatively new form ation in
d o r’ ( V a s v
-të based on PAlb *detsa (PEDERSEN KZ XXX VI 291; Ç a b e î St. Í 128- Otn. 22 (to ‘
129), The latter is etym ologically connected with IE *deks- ‘right:: Ski Wb. 68 (fro
68 DJ E — D JE P

dàksina-, G k ô e ^ i ô ç , L a t dexter a n d the like (M E Y E R Wb. 6 9 ) . O


M e y e r Alb. St. I I 17, ill 13, 26; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 291, Kelt. Gr.
I 36; ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 239; PISA N I Saggi 131; M AYRHO FER II 10-
11; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 346-347; M a n n Language XXVI 383; F r i s k
I 366-367; POK O RNY I 190; JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on LXXVIII 445 (pho­
netically impossible *deksto- with *-kst- reflected as Alb H AM P
RESEE XIX/1 141-145 (reconstructs *deksino-)\ H u l d 53; ÇABEJ Etim.
Ill 260-261 (to Lat decus ‘beauty, decoration’); DEM IRAJ AE 137-138.

dje adv. ‘yesterday’. From P A lb *de etymologically identical with Skt


hyás id., Gk %0éç id., Lat. heri id. and the like (CAMARDA I 96; MEYER
Wb. 69, Alb. St. Ill 18, 63). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 37, 345; PEDERSEN KZ
XXXVI 333, Kelt. Gr. I 89; ]OKL LKUBA 26; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 103;
E r n o u t -M e il l e t 292; M a y r h o f e r II 29; P is a n i Saggi 101; F r is k II
1097-1098; H a m p BSE LXVI 222; H u l d 53; Çabej Etim. Ili 261; P u h v e l
Festschr. Hoenigswald 317; DEMIRAJ AL 138.

d jeg aor. dogja ‘to burn’. From PAlb *dega etymologically related to
IE *dheg“h- ‘to burn’: Skt ddhati, Tokh AB tsak-, tsäk-, Lit degù, dègù
and the like (B O P P 5 0 8 ; G i l ’FERDING Otn. 2 2 ; M e y e r Wb. 6 9 , Alb. St.
I l l 9 , 2 9 ) . 0 M EYER Gr. Gr. 2 7 5 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 2 3 - 3 2 4 , Kelt.
Gr. I 1 0 8 ; TAG LIA V IN I Dalmazia 1 0 3 ; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 2 5 0 ; M a n n
Language XXVI 3 8 2 , XXVIII 3 6 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 2 4 0 ; P i s a n i Saggi
1 2 5 ; F r a e n k e l 8 5 - 8 5 ; I v a n o v Slav. 1 2 9 ; H u l d 5 3 - 5 4 , KZ CVII 1 6 6 ;
KLINGENSCHM ITT Münch. St. Spr. X L 1 0 1 , 1 2 7 ; ÇABEJ Etim. I l l 2 6 1 -
2 6 2 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 3 8 - 1 3 9 .

(G) d jem ën pi. ‘demons, devils’. A lexicalized plural of djall similar


to that of djalë ~ djem (SKOK AArbSt I 220-221). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 20 (from Lat daemönem ‘demon’); MEYER Wb. 69 (same as
MlKLOSICH - but the stress is placed differently); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr.
Grundriß 2 1 1043; THUMB IF X X V I 13 (borrowed from Gk ôaifioveç
id. - but the development of -ai- > -je- would be quite unique); JOKL
LKUBA 18 (agrees with T h u m b ), IF X L IV 13 n. 1 (follows SKOK);
V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 10-11 (borrowed from OCS demorrh id.);
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350 (follows T h u m b ); Ç a b e j St. I 129
(repeats T h u m b ’s etymology), Etim. Ill 262-264; L a n d i Lat. 72, 83.

djep m, pi. djepe, djepa ‘cradle’. Borrowed from Gk ôém ç ‘beaker, goblet’
(C a m a r d a II 191). For the semantic development cf. E cradle ~ OHG
DJERSË — nom s 69

kratto ‘basket’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 69-70 (related to Slav *zyb-hka id.), Alb.


St. Ill 18, 36; PEnERSEN KZ XXXVI 333; Jo k l IF XXXVI 158-159,
Melanges Pedersen 155 (reconstructs *ghoiibha thus slightly correct­
ing M e y e r ); B a r i çH ym je 77; Ç a b e j Sr. I 129-130 (from IE *dheubh-
~ *dheup-\ Gk ôércaç is explained as an ancient Albanian loanword),
Etim. Ill 264-265.

d jersë f, pl. djersë ‘perspiration’. Another variant is dirsë. From PAlb


*widertjä with the loss of the unstressed first syllable. Further related
to Gk iôpcibç id. < *siiidröt-s, cf. also Latv sviêdri id., Lat sudor id. (PE­
DERSEN KZ XXXVI 288-290). 0 CAMARDA I 48, 96 (to Gk epon ‘dew’);
MEYER Alb. St. I 81 (to Gk ôpôcoç ‘dew’), Wb. 70 (to Gk 8<xkvco ‘to
bite’); BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (to zjarr); J o k l Studien 92-93 (accepts
P e d e r s e n ’ s etymology); F r isk 1710-711; C h a n t r a in e 456; W a l d e -
H o f m a n n II 623-624; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 265-266; HULD 148; KORTLANDT
SSGL X 219; DEMIRAJ AE 139-140.

djerr aor. dora ‘to destroy’. From PAlb *dera or *derna related to Skt
drnáti ‘to burst, to tear’, Gk ôépco ‘to skin’, Goth gatairan ‘to tear’ and
the like (MEYER Wb. 70, Alb. St. Ill 26). 0 JOKL Studien 8; FRISK I 368-
370; M a y r h o f e r II 59; F e is t Goth. 203.

djerr m, pi. djerre ‘fallow lan d ’. From P A lb *dersa ety m o lo g ic a lly id en ­


tical with Gk %épooç ‘dry land' (CAMARDA 196) < IE *ghersos. 0 R e st e l -
Ll RIL LXXXIX - XC 412 (sam e as CAMARDA); MEYER Wb. 70 (to djerr
‘to destroy’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 325-326 (to bie ‘to bear’); La PIANA
St. Varia 21-23 (to var, vjerr); FRISK II 1089-1090; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 266-
268 (to bie ‘to f a ll’).

d ob ët adj. ‘weak’. Derived from dobë id. The latter is borrowed from
Slav *dob-h ‘good, fine’ unattested in South Slavic where a more usual
*dob>~h id. is widespread. Note dobi ‘profit, use’ related to dobë. 0 PISANI
Saggi 129 (to Lat de bilis)', Ç a bej St. I 131 (based on udob ), Ç a b e j Etim.
Ill 272-273; S v a n e 273.

d ob is aor. dobita ‘to win’. Borrowed from Slav *dobyti ‘to acquire, to
win’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 70). The Albanian verb
is semantically closer to SCr dobiti than to Bulg dobija. 0 SELISCEV
Slav, naselenie 178; OREL Ètimologija 1983 136; SVANE 199-200; ÇABEJ
Etim. Ill 273.
70 D O JK Ë — D O R F,

dojkë f, pl. dojka ‘nurse’. Borrowed from Slav *dojka id., cf. in par­
ticular South Slavic continuants: Bulg dojka, SCr dojka (Ç a b e j St. I
131, Etim. Ill 2 7 7 ). 0 S v a n e 190.

doke f ‘trad ition s’. B o rro w ed from Gk S o k t ) ‘o p in io n , v ie w , m ea n in g ’.


0 J o k l LKUBA 5 3 -5 6 (related to duket); Ç a b e j St. 1 1 3 1 (a g re es w ith
JOKL), Etim. Ill 2 7 7 -2 7 8 .

dokërr f, pi. dokrra ‘big bone, bone of arm or leg’. Derived from *dok
(for the formation pattern cf. kokërr), borrowed from Gk S o k o ç
‘rafter, beam’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 CAMARDA 1 85 (to
Gk ôÔKava ‘a structure of two joined upright bars’); M e y e r Wb. 70
(to Turk dogru ‘direct’); B a r iG ARSt I 8 (from *dorkr- composed of
dorë and krah); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 119 (suffix -ërr); ÇABEJ St. I 132
(an expressive form compared with doçkë ‘little hand’ and the like).

doline f, pi. dolina ‘valley’. Borrowed from Slav *dolina id., cf. South
Slavic forms: Bulg dolina, SCr dolina. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 106 (bor­
rowed from SCr dolina).

dorbëri f ‘herd’. A secondary phonetic transformation of *doberi derived


from Slav *dobro ‘property’ (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 12-13). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 71 (borrowed from Ital turba ‘crow d’); JOKL Studien 1 6 -1 7 , IF
X X X V II 100 (a compound consisting of dor- < IE *ghuer- ‘animal,
beast’ and -beri compared with Lith bürÿs ‘crow d’); BARIC AArbSt I
215; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 147; ÇABEJ St. I 133 (derived from *torbar
based on torbe ‘shepherd’s bag; knapsack’), Etim. Ill 2 8 6 -2 8 7 .

dorë f, pi. duar ~ duer ‘h an d ’. A sin g u la rized neut. p lural P A lb *därä


< IE *ghesr- (PISANI Saggi 121; H a m p Anc. IE Dial. 115) rela ted to Gk
Xeîp id., H itt kessar id., T okh A tsar- id., B sar- id., Arm jern id. (BOPP
492; M e y e r Wb. 72, Alb. St. Ill 18, 71). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I 92 (to Gk
ôrôpov ‘p a lm ’); Gr. Gr. 81; JOKL LKUBA 90, IF XXXVI 132, XLIX
274; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 101, Stratificazione 88; ClMOCHOWSKI LP
II 230; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 295, 300; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 (from
*ghard-s-); FRISK II 1082-1083; CHANTRAINE 305; PORZIG Gliederung
187; P is a n i Saggi 99, 121; P o k o r n y I 203; V a n W in d e k e n s I 521;
H a m p Anc. IE 115; H u l d 54; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 40; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill
288-291; S c h r u v e r BC 58; D e m ir a j AE 140.
DOSE — DRAGË 71

dose f, pl. dosa ‘pig, sow’. From PAlb *dû(i)tjâ, a derivative of IE *dhë(i)~
‘to suckle’ (Ö LBERG apud D e m i r a j ; Ç a b e j T 1 3 4 - 1 3 5 ) . 0 CAM A RDA
II 2 0 3 (to Gk 0cûç ‘jackal’); J o k l Studien 17 (reconstructs IE *sijätiä
further connected with *sü- ‘pig’); Baric"' ARSt 1 6 - 7 (from *dërgiü related
to derk < *dergo- as darkë to dasmë)', PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I I I 3 9 3 (to
derk, dirk, from *dêrk4jay, VA SM ER Alb. Wortforsch. I 13 (borrowed
from Bulgaro-Turk do%s ‘pig’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 0 0 (agrees with
JOKL), Stratificazione 1 3 5 ; RIBEZZO RivAlb I 1 4 0 , II 1 4 4 (from *ghëtiû,
to Maced yo x áv úv); H U L D 1 4 8 (follows JOKL); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 2 9 3 -
2 9 6 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 .

dot part, o f irreal. A lexicalized sequence o f tw o particles, do and të (LAM­


BERTZ LP VII 9 2 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 7 2 (b orrow ed from Lat in tötö)\ PED­
ERSEN BB XX 2 3 3 - 2 3 5 , KZ XXXVII 2 3 6 -2 3 8 (r e c o n str u c ts acc.
*dhëtim o f a d everb ative related to IE *dhë- ‘to p u t’); M a n n Language
XXVI 381; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 2 0 (from Lat tötum ); ÇABEJ St.
I 135 (fo llo w s LAMBERTZ), Etim. Ill 2 9 6 -2 9 7 ; M a n n Comp. 129
(id en tical w ith Gk ôi]Ta); H a a r m a n n 154 (sa m e as M ih ä e s c u ).

dra ~ drâ f ‘o il-ca k e, m elted butter’. R eflects P A lb * draga (MEYER Wb.


7 2 -7 3 , Alb. St. I ll 2 9 , 37, 7 2 w ith b asic e ty m o lo g ic a l p a ra llels) w ith
secon d ary n asalization in G eg and the lo ss o f (he co n so n a n t p reserv ed
in the variant w ith a lo n g v o w e l drâ. C lo se p a ra llels are foun d in G e r­
m anic (O N pi. dreggiar ‘y e a s t’) and in B altic: O P rus dragios ‘y e a s t’
( if not b o rrow ed from G erm a n ic), O L ith dragis id. ( if not from O ld
P ru ssian ), Lett dial, dradzi ‘sed im en t in m elted b u tter’. C f. a lso S la v
*drozdzi ‘y e a s t’ (but B u lg drozde ‘so m eth in g ea sy to m elt or b rea k ’ !)
and a corresponding verb *drozgati ‘to press, to knead’. The w ord seem s
to r e p r e se n t a N o r th E u ro p ea n in n o v a tio n in In d o -E u ro p ea n . 0
C a m a r d a I 74 (to Gk rpúu ‘m ust’); M e y e r Gr. Gr. 69; J o k l IF X X X V I
101; Die Sprache IX 149; PISANI Saggi 124; REICHELT KZ X L V I 322;
D u r i d a n o v Thr.-Dak. 9 4 (re co n str u c ts D ac *draga)', H i r t BODS
X X III 3 49 f. (O ld P russian < G erm anic); T o p o r o v PJa I 3 6 3 f.; BOGA
RR III 2 0 6 (on L ett dradzi); T r a u t m a n n APSpr. 322; ENDZELIN KZ
X L IV 65; F r a e n k e l 100; P is a n i Saggi 124; A n t t i l a Schw. 122;
P o k o r n y 1 251; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 128 f. (on the Slavic form as derived
from *drozg~): VASMER I 5 4 0 (S la v *drozga < *drogska)\ OREL ZfBalk
X X III 140, Koll. Idg. Ges. 357; DEMIRAJ AE 141.

dragfi f, pi. draga ‘avalanche’. Borrow ed from Slav *dorga ‘ravine’ (Ç abej
72 DRAGUA ~ 1>Ra (n )G U E — 1)R I. ~ DRK

St. I 136) unattested in the meaning ‘avalanche’. 0 J o k l IF XLIII 47-


49 (reconstructs *dë-ra-gë and connects it with rashë); SV A N E 81, 161;
Ç A B E J Etim. Ill 299-300.

dragua - dra(n)gue m, pi. dragonj ~ drangoj ‘dragon’. Another variant


is (T) drangua. It represents a borrowing from Rom *drancônem, a
modification of Lat dracönem id. (M EY ER -LÜ BK E Gr. Grundriß 21 1 0 4 6 ,
1 0 5 0 : also considers the possibility of borrowing from Italian). 0 STIER
KZ X I 1 3 4 (borrowed from G k SpcxKcov id.); C a m a r d a I 8 2 (to G k
öpaKcov id.); M EYER Alb. St. I 5 2 , Wb. 7 3 (directly from dracönem or
from Ital dragone); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 2 2 ; HAARMANN 123; ÇABEJ
Etim. Ill 3 0 0 - 3 0 2 (from Latin).

drang m, pi. drangje ‘barge-pole, punting-pole; young creature, cub’.


From PAlb *dranga further to be compared with ON drangr ‘stone pillar’,
drengr ‘thick trunk’, Lith dránga ‘perch, pole’, Slav *drggi> ~ *drçga
DREDH — O R E JT Ë 73

(and also ‘bug’) ~ *bykati ‘to roar, to bellow’. 0 STIER KZ VII 1 6 0 (to
Messap ßpev8o v è'Xacpov); SCHEFTELOWITZ BB XXVIII 2 9 7 (to Arm
er in] ‘heifer’); CHARPENTIER KZ XL 4 3 2 ; V A SM E R ZfslavPh III 2 8 8
(to Thr Apéviç); TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 5 - 1 3 6 ; GEORGIEV Issle­
dovanija 1 2 0 (to a Thracian name Apévtç); M AYRHOFER II 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 ;
ÇA BEJ Sr. I 1 3 6 - 1 3 7 (to OIr darn ‘head’, cf. G k icápa ‘head’ - îcépaç
‘horn’ ~ Lat cervus ‘deer’), Etim. Ill 3 0 5 - 3 0 7 ; DEM IRAJ AE 1 4 2 - 1 4 3
(from *d-ran- based on IE *UfHn ).

dredh aor. drodha ‘to turn, to rotate’. From PAlb *dredza continuing
IE *dregh- closely related to Arm darnam ‘to turn’, d a r}'curve, turn’
< IE *dfgh- (LlDÉN Arm. Studien 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 ) . Note a derivative of
dredh - dridh ‘to shake, to vibrate’. As to dredhëz ‘straw berry’, it is
identical with dredhëz ‘cord, string’ derived from dredh. 0 CAMARDA
I 74 (to Gk xpéo) ‘to flee’); M eyer Wb. 74 (secondary connection between
dredhëz and dredh), Alb. St. Ill 18, 29, 72, IF V 181 (related to Gk ipá^m
74 DREKË — DRINJË

drekë f, pl. drekë ‘lunch, dinner, midday m eal’. Connected with darkë
and reflecting PAlb *drika related to darkë (M EYER Wb. 61) and reflect­
ing a zero-grade *drk“a close to Bret dibri ‘lunch’, OBret diprim ‘to
eat’ (H A M P i4 « c . IE Dial. 116). However, the development of *-i- >
-e- remains unclear. 0 M EYER Gr. Gr. 245; PEDERSEN BB XX 231 (recon­
structs *dn>k"-)\ HlRT Ablaut 126; PORZIG Gliederung 178; CAM AJ Alb.
Wortb. 114 (suffix -kë)\ L e w t s - P e d e r s e n 314; HAMP KZ LXXVII 253;
M a n n FL\ED6\ (zero grade in the root); A n t t i l a Schw. 29, 100; Ç a b e j
St. I 108, Etim. HI 315-316; H u l d 48-49; KÖDDERITZSH Festschr. Mac
Eoin 62-63; D e m i r a j AE 144-145.

dremis aor. dremita ‘to slum ber’. Borrowed from South Slav *dremiti
‘to doze, to slum ber’, cf. Maced dremit, SCr dramiti. Cf. also a
Slavic derivative in drëmkë ‘nap’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 65 (borrowed from
Slav *drëmati id.); POLÁK ZfBalk I 78 (from SCr drijemati); SvANE
253; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 4 8 4 .

drenjë f, pi. drenja ‘quail’. From PAlb *dranja, derivative from dre ~
drê (Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 3 1 6 ). 0 C a m a r d a II 159 (to G k xexpáwv);
M e y e r Wb. 7 4 (from Rom *tetraonem, cf. Lat tetraönem ‘heath-cock’);
SPITZER M RIW l 3 1 9 -3 2 0 (to dr a).

dreq m, pl. dreqër ~ dreqën ‘d e v il’. B o r ro w e d fro m the n om . sg . or pi.


o f Lat dracô ‘d ra g o n ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22; M e y e r Wb. 7 3).
0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043, 1051; JOKL IF XXX 291;
S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 246; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 107; M i h ä e s c u
RESEE I V /I -2 28; HAARMANN 123; ÇABEJ St. I 140, Etim. Ill 3 1 6 -3 1 7
(from Gk Spáiccov); L a n d i Lat. 28, 112, 1 4 3 -1 4 5 .

drënjë f ‘cornel-cherry’, adj. ‘h ealth y, sound’. From PAlb * d r a u n j ä ,


a derivative of IE *dreu- ‘tree’. For the evolution of meaning cf. Slav
‘healthy’ ~ *dervo ‘tree’ and Lat röbustus ‘healthy’ ~ robur
* S T > -d o rv b
‘oak’. 0 MEILLET Etudes I 88; BENVENlSTE Word X 2 5 9 , Inst. I 108-
110 (semantic analysis of *dreu-); VASMER II 90; ÇABEJ St. I 140 (deriva­
tion based on B u lg or Maced dren ‘cornel-cherry’), Etim. Ill 31 8 .

drinjë f, pi. d r i n j a ‘brushwood’. From PAlb * d r ü n j ä related to d r u and


the Indo-European word for ‘tree’. Ô JOKL/F XXXVI 101 n. 1 (from
SCr d r i j e n ‘cornel-cherry’); Ç a b e j E t i m . Ill 320-321 (from Slavic).
DRTTF, — DROKTH 75

dritë f, pl. drita ‘light, luster, pupil (of an eye)’. From *drikta based
on IE *deríc- ‘to look’ and, in particular, close to OE torht ‘bright’,
OHG zoraht (M E Y E R Wb. 7 4 , Alb. Sr. Ill 2 7 , 4 3 ) . 0 BR U G M A N N 1 3 1 ;
JOKL Studien 5 3 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 9 0 , Sprache IX 1 2 0 ; PEDERSEN
Kelt. Gr. I 4 2 ; M a n n Language XXVIII 3 3 ; PORZIG Gliederung 1 4 9 ;
POKORNY 1 2 1 3 ; C h a n t r a i n e 2 6 5 ; Ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani I I 6 8 8 ; Ç a b e j
St. I 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 (to Lith zeriii, zerëti ‘to shine’, Slav *zbreti ‘to see’ and
the like), Etim. Ill 3 2 2 - 3 2 3 ; H u l d 5 5 ; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 8 ;
D e m i r a j AE 1 4 5 .

drithë m /n, pl. drithëra ~ drithna ‘grain’. From PAlb *dritsa etymologically
connected with Lat hordeum ‘barley’, O H G gersta id. < IE *ghrzd- (JOKL
IF XXX 302). In Albanian, the development of the voiced Indo-Euro­
pean cluster seems to be surprising. 0 HOLTHAUSEN AEW 351; SPITZER
MRIW I 335 (from *ghrsuo-)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 108; W a l d e -
HOFMANN I 656-657; MANN Language XXVIII 40; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t
299; PISANI Saggi 118; P o r z i g Gliederung 209; C h a n t r a i n e 583;
POKORNY I 446; SGGJa I 88; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 123; ÖLBERG
Festschr. Pisani II 685; HAMP KZ LXXVI 277; Ç A B E J BUShT X V / 3 57
(to IE *der- ‘to tear’), Etim. Ill 323-325; H u ld 55-56; RASMUSSEN Morph.
91; D e m ir a j AE 145-146.

drizë (', pi. driza ‘blackthorn, sloe’. From PAlb *dridzjä etymologically
connected with IE *dergh- ‘to hold, to be firm ’: Skt drhyati ‘to be firm ’,
Slav *dbrzati to hold’ < *dwzjati and, in particular, *dbrza > Russ dereza
‘kind of thorny plant’ (with a secondary polnoglasie), see K a lu Z S K A J A
Antic, balk. 3 27. 0 M e y e r Wb. 75 (related to dru); J o k l IF XXXVI
101, LKUBA 248 (suffix -zë); M AYRHO FER II 61-62; VA SM ER I 502;
M a n n Hist. gr. 34 (to OIr driss ‘blackthorn’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa V 231;
H a m p KZ LXXVI 275; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t apud
D e m i r a j (to Gk ôpioç ‘bush’); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 325-326 (to drithë);
D e m i r a j AE 146.

drobis aor. drobita ‘to tire ’. Borrowed from Slav *drobiti ‘to break,
to crush’ in an otherwise unattested meaning (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim.
16). 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 326-327 (from Maced dr obi); S v a n e 232.

drokth m, pi. droktha ‘broom ’. A deminutive based on *drok probably


borrowed from Slav *drok-b ‘genista’ which, however, is not attested
in South Slavic.
76 DROM GË DRUDHE

dromcë f, pl. dromca ‘crumb, bit’. Borrowed from Slav *drobbnica ‘trifle,
small object’, cf. in particular South Slavic forms: Maced drobnica ‘trifle’,
Bulg drobnica ‘pear-tree with small fruit’, SCr drobnica ‘particle’ (Ml­
KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; M e y e r Alb. St. I 82, Wb. 75). 0 Ç.ABEJ St.
I 142 (connects dromcë with drudhe and IE *der- ‘to tear’ or *dhreu-
‘to break’), Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 329-331.

dru ~ drû m, pi. drunj, drurë ~ drun ‘tree; wood (f, pl. dru)'. From PAlb
*druwa etymologically compared with Slav *drhvo ‘wood’, Skt dru-
id., Av dru- id., Gk Spûç ‘tree, oak’ (BOPP 541; G il ’FERDING Otn. 22;
CAMARDA I 76; M e y e r Wb. 75). The nasalization in Geg is secondary
(Ç a b e j St. I 142-143) and, probably, influenced by the plural forms.
The word was borrowed to Rum druete ‘thick and short tree’.O
M e y e r Alb. St. I ll 27, 72, Gr. Gr. 232, 269; B r u g m a n n - D e l b r ü c k
I I / 1 161 (borrowing from Slav *drbva); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIV 291,
Kelt. Gr. I 144; JOKL IF XXXVI 100-102; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 109;
MANN Language XVII 15 (from IE *drno-)\ MAYRHOFER II 36; FRISK
I 421-422; PISANI Saggi 123; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 330; ROSETTI
ILR I 276-277; H a m p KZ LXXVI 275 (original «-stem), LB XXV 78
(collective *druuä); A n t t il a Schw. 16; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 141-142;
H u l d 56; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 332-334; D e m ir a j AE 146-147.

draaj ~ druej aor. druajta, drojta, drova ‘to be afraid’. From PAlb *draunja
derived from dre, droe ‘fear’ < PAlb *drawa. T he noun is related to
Latv druvas ‘fear’ and, further, to Lith draudziu, drausti ‘to forbid,
to deter, to scare off’. 0 CAMARDA I 73 (to Skt trdsati ‘to be afraid’,
Gk ipécù ‘to flee in fright’); MEYER Wb. 75 (etymologically connect­
ed with OHG droa ‘threat’ but its anlaut continues IE *t-),Alb. St. Ill
24 (explains Alb d- from *en-t-); TREIMER MRIW I 371 (to Gk
ToepaGoco ‘to stir, to frighten’); M a n n Language XXVI 382 (to Lith
drovà ‘self-consciousness, awkwardness’ which is, in fact, a Germanic
loanword); FRAENKEL 102; ROSETTI ILR I 276 (to Rum droaie ‘band,
gang; a lot’); Ç a b e j St. I 143-144 (to E dread), Etim. Ill 334-337.

drudhe f, pi. drudhe ‘cr u m b ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f *drudhë. F rom


P A lb *drudza related to Lith drhzgas ‘sp lin ter, fra g m en t’, driizti ‘to
b ecom e w ea k ’. 0 CAMARDA I 115 (to Gk Bpwruco ‘to tear’); MEYER Wb.
370 (to rrudhë ‘w rinkle’); FRAENKEL 107; L a PIANA St. Varia 26 (derived
from -rrudh related to rrjedh); M a n n Hist. Gr. 176 (to OIr druidim
DRUG E — DUA ~ DUE 77

‘to close’); CAM AJ Alb. Wortb. 121 (suffix -dhe); SlR O K O V ZFL
X X IV /1 14 (to Lith dirginti ‘to puli’); Ç a b e j St. I 144 (connects drudhe
with dromcë and IE *dhreu- ‘to break’), Etim. Ill 231-233.

drugë f, pi. druga ‘spindle, shuttle’. Borrowed from SCr druga id. < Slav
*drçga ( M e y e r Wb. 75). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 171, 295; JOKL
Slavia XIII 313-314 (from NGk Tpoúya, ôpoùya ‘thread’); B a r i ç Hymje
74, 79; POLÁK ZfBalk I 81; ÇABEJ St. I 144, Etim. Ill 337-338; SV A N E
47, 81.

drushtë f, pi. drushta ‘pole, mast’. From PAlb *drusta further connected
with dru.

druth m ‘wrath’. A derivative in -th of droe, dre ‘fear’, cf. druaj ~ druenj.

(G) dry m ‘kind of lock, bolt’. From PAlb *dr fina related to the Indo-
European word for ‘tree’ and, probably, referring to the strength of
the lock, cf. Gk Spoóv- íoxupóv (B U G G E BB XVIII 1 6 5 ) . The closest
formal parallels of PAlb *drüna are Skt druna- ‘bow ’, Iran *drüna-
‘bow’ in Pers durüna ‘rainbow’, Ossetic cerdyn ( H a m p KZ LXXVI 2 7 6 )
and Slav *drynrh ‘stick, pole’. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (to OIr dron ‘hard,
strong’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 0 9 (suggests Skt dróna- ‘wooden trough’
as an exact parallel); M ILLER Oss. 3 0 ; F r isk 1 4 1 9 ; M AYRHOFER II 7 8 ;
ÇABEJ St. I 1 4 5 , Etim. Ill 3 3 9 - 3 4 1 ; T r u b a c e v VJa 1 9 7 5 / 1 1 3 5 , ÈSSJa
V 1 4 5 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 4 8 - 1 4 9 .

drydhët adj. ‘easy to plane (of wood)’. Continues PAlb *drüdza (with
a secondary suffix -ët) close to Slav *dry:gati, *druzgati ‘to squeeze,
to crush’. 0 T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 133, 145.

dryshk m ‘rust’. From PAlb *drildz(i)ska derived from *drüdza > drydh(ët).
0 M e y e r Wb. 76 (explains the verb ndryshk ‘to rust’ from Rom *in-
russicö based on russus ‘rusty’); H A A R M A N N 131; ÇABEJ St. I 372-373
(a préfixai derivative of IE *reudh- ‘red ’).

dua ~ due aor. desha ‘to love’. From PAlb *dâusna connected with IE
*geus- ‘to taste’, cf. Skt jósati ‘to be fond o f , Gk y£V>o(tou and the like
(JOKL/F XXXVII 101-102, LKUBA 127). The diphthongization of the
root vowel into -ua- may be explained by the original long diphthong
in Proto-Albanian *dausna (JOKL). The aorist goes back to PAlb *deusa.
78 DUAJ ~ DUE] — DUQ.

O M lK LO SICH Rom. Elemente 2 0 (from Lat dêbeo ‘must’); M e y e r Wb.


76, Alb. St. Ill 1 7 , 6 1 , 9 0 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 3 3 , Kelt. Gr. I 8 0 ;
P i s a n i Saggi 9 9 , 1 0 1 ; ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 2 3 0 ; L a P i a n a Studi I 4 9 -
51 (to Gk ôéojiat ‘to lack, to miss’); E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 2 8 6 ; M a y r h o f e r
1 4 4 1 ; FRISK I 3 0 2 ; POKORNY I 3 9 9 - 4 0 0 ; H u l d 1 4 4 ; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t
Verbum 1 5 1 , Münch. St. Spr. XL 1 2 4 ; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 1 7 3 - 1 7 5 ; OREL
Sprache XXXI 2 8 0 , Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 1 {-sh- < *-s- in de sha < IE *geusrp
according to the “ruki” rule); DEM IRAJ AE 1 4 9 .

du aj ~ d u ej pi. ‘sheaf’. Continues PAlb *dönja related to Skt dhäna ‘grain,


cereals’, dhänyd- ‘grain’, Lith dúona ‘bread’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 7 8 , Alb.
St. Ill 26, 86 (to Gk ôéco ‘to tie’); JOKL Sprache IX 117; SCHMIDT KZ
L 2 3 8 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 2 2 3 , 2 3 9 ; POKORNY 1 2 4 2 ; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb.
3 7 ; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 5 ; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 3 4 1 - 3 4 2 (plural of dorë);
DEMIRAJ AE 1 4 9 - 1 5 0 (to Skt daman- ‘band’).

d u d ë f, pi. duda ‘gum’. An onomatopoeic formation (ÇABEJ Etim. Ill


3 4 2 -3 4 3 ).

its widespread variant tuke seems to be more conservative. In Old Alban­


ian as well as in some dialects one also finds tue (BUZUKU) and tu
( B o g d a n i ) . All these particles reflect compounds of tu (for the ety­
mology see këtu) and ke (identical with ku) or e (PED ER SEN Alb. Texte
1 2 0 ) . 0 Ç a b e j St. I 1 4 6 - 1 4 7 (from tuke where e is a proclitic pronoun),
Etim. Ill 3 4 9 - 3 5 2 .

duket r e f i, ‘to appear, to be visible’. Borrowed from MGk or NGk ô o k e î

‘to seem, to appear’. 0 C a m a r d a 1 5 3 (to Gk ô o k é c o ‘to see, to observe’);


M e y e r Wb. 7 6 - 7 7 (follows CAMARDA and, alternatively, compares duket
with Goth pugkjan ‘to think’); THUMB IF X X V 1 2 (against comparisons
with Gk ô o k ê c o ) ; JOKL Studien 18 (to Lith zvâkè ‘light’, Lat fa x ‘torch’
and the like), LKUBA 5 3 - 5 5 ; PISANI Saggi 1 1 8 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 3 5 2 -
354.

d u q m. pi. duqe ‘bung; cock (of a gun)’. Borrowed from Lat ducem appear­
ing in similar meanings in several Romance languages (Ç abej St. I 1 4 8 ).
0 M e y e r Wb. 7 7 (from Lat ductus ‘connection’, *‘canal’); M ih ä e s c u
RESEE I V / 1 - 2 2 2 ; H a a r m a n n 1 2 3 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 3 5 9 ; L a n d i Lat.
8 3, 112.
DUROJ DYNU 79

duroj aor. durava ‘to be p a tie n t’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat düräre id.
( G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 25; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 77).
N o te , h o w e v er , that the reflex o f Lat -ft- is irregular. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 15; HAARMANN 123;
ÇABEJ St. I 148 (from Ital durare), Etim. Ill 3 6 1 -3 6 2 .

dushk m, pi. dushqe ‘oak’. Another variant of this word is drushk. It


continues PAlb *druska, a derivative of dru (DIEFENBACH I 49;
■ M e y e r Wb. 77). 0 C a m a r d a 1 50 (to Gk tó^ov ‘bow’); Jo k l LKUBA
! 166, Vox Rom. VIII 151-152 (from Alpine Illyrian substratum); SKOK
ZfromPh XLVIII 411, AG lt XXIV 19 (from Rom *drusculum)\
S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 254 (to Raeto-Rom dasa ‘branch of a conifer’);
PISANI KZ LXXI 62-63 (to Lat dümus ‘smoke’ < *dus-mos and OHG
; züsach ‘bushes’); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 117; ÇABEJSY. I 148-149 (follows
M e y e r ), Etim. Ill 363-365; DEMIRAJ AE 148, 150-151.

dy num. ‘two’. From PAlb *duwo, fem. *duwai with a contraction similar
i to that of qytet and grykë. Further parallels are reflexes of IE
*d(u)uö(u), fem . *d(uiuaL ^Ropp 511: C a m a r d a I 53: M e y e r Alb. St.
II 2 7 , III 2 6 , IV 4 6 ). Ó MEYER Wb. 78 (th in ks ot it i *dü ana com p a res
with Lith dà); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 282 (from IE *duoie); SKOK AArbSt
II 307 (from *dui); L a PIANA St. Varia 35 (from *duui > *dui); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 109; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; ÇABEJ St. I 149-150
(reco n stru cts *dui-), Etim. Ill 366-369; HULD 56-57 (co m p a res fem .
dy: w ith S lav *di>ve); HAMP Numerals 905-906; DEMIRAJ AE 151-152.

dyllë m/n ‘wax’. From PAlb *dilla related to Gk x "u  ô ç ‘juice’ ( M E Y E R


Wb. 78, Alb. St. Ill 18, 76 but reconstructing *ghü-dlo-). Both forms,
going back to IE *gheu- ‘to pour’, appear to reflect *ghu-slo- with a
compensatory lengthening. 0 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 88 (to IE
*dheu- ‘to flow’), Sprache IX 154; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 334; T a g l i ­
a v i n i Dalmazia 110 (follows M e y e r ); L a P i a n a Studi 1 54-55 (to Gk

ôodôç ‘burning wood’); P IS A N I Saggi 118 (reconstructs *ghülo-);


ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 230; B a r i ÇHymje 36; F risk 1123-1124; POLÁK
Orbis XVI 132-133 (same as L a PIANA); ÇABEJ St. I 150-151 (com­
pares dyll with IE *ghel- ‘yellow’), Etim. Ill 371-373 (to Gk Gì)oc ‘burning
offering’); HULD 57, KZ XC 181; LlUKKONEN SSF X 58 (identical with
Slav part. *davih, ‘pressing, squeezing’); DEMIRAJ AE 152.

dynd aor. dynda ‘to shake’. An onomatopoeia. Note a deverbative dyn-


80 D Y S JI — DHE

dalle ‘flo o d , in u n d ation ’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 150 (a variant o f (lend), Etim.


Ill 3 7 3 -3 7 5 .

d ysh m, pi. dysha ‘two, pair’. A derivative based on dy (MEYER Wb. 78)
and reflecting PAlb *dwis identical with Skt dvfh ‘twice’, Gk ôiç id.,
Lat bis id. 0 M a y r h o f e r II 86; F r is k I 398-399; W a l d e -H o f m a n n
I 107; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 376-377.

Dh

dhallë ~ dhalltë f ‘b u tterm ilk ’. From P A lb *dzala related to Gk yáXa,


gen . yàÀocKxoç ‘m ilk ’ (MEYER Wb. 83). A pp arently, the A lbanian form
is the result o f a d eep m orp h ological transform ation as far as Gk yaXa
co n tin u es *yáXaKx. N o te that p h o n etica lly *dzalä < *ghkt- is sim ilar
to *ara ‘b e a r ’ < *rkto- (cf. ari). R um zarä is an A lb anian lo a n w o rd .
0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 334; JOKL LKUBA 273 (follow s MEYER), Sprache
IX 153 (to dele); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 147-148; M a n n Language
XVII 17 (recon stru cts *galakto-); LA PIANA Vocale 33 (from *dlagos);
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228; PISANI Saggi 118; F r is k I 2 8 3 -2 8 4 ; POGHIRC
1st. limb. rom. II 354; ROSETTI ILR I 283; RUSSU Etnogeneza 4 1 9 -4 2 1 ;
REICHENKRON Dakische 170 (substratum w ord); Hamp KZ LXXVI 27 6 -
2 7 7 (reco n stru cts *golH-); ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 686; HULD 57;
K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 41 (to dele); D e m ir a j AE 1 5 3 -1 5 4 (to Skt jala-
‘w a te r ’).

dhe m/f/n, pi. dhera ~ dhena ‘earth, land’. From PAlb *dzö reflecting
IE *dhghöm ‘earth’: Hitt tekan, Tokh A tkam, B kem, Skt ksam-, G k
X0CÓV (M e y e r Wb. 83, Alb. St. Ill 18). 0 G i l ’f e r d in g Otn. 22 (to Gk
yri ‘earth’, örj id.); CAMARDA I 46 (same as G i l ' f e r d in g ); M e y e r Wb.
83 (does not exclude the connection with yfj); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI
334, Kelt. Gr. I 89; J o k l IF XXXVI 135-136; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
170; SCHMIDT KZ L 237-238 (equal to Arm *ti ‘earth’); MANN Lan­
guage XXVI 382-383 (follows C a m a r d a ); L a P ia n a Vocale 32; P i s a ­
n i Saggi 101; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228, ABS III 37-40; MAYRHOFER I
288-289; F ris k II 1098-1099; POKORNY I 414-415; H a m p Minos IX 199
(different anlauts of dje and dhe make the connection with *dhghöm
less probable), FLH IV 137, KZ CI1I 289-292 (from IE *dhegHo-);
V a n W in d e k e n s 1 506-507; S c h in d l e r Sprache XIII 200; H u l d 58
DHEL — D H E M JE 81

(dhe < *dhoigho-, to Gk xoîxoç ‘wall’); OREL Balcanica 110-112, Koll.


Idg. Ges. 357; ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to the first component of Ati-ht)tt|p);
D e m ir a j AE 155-156.

dhel aor. dhela ‘to fondle, to caress, to flatter . Metathesis of ledhê (ÇABEJ
St. I 151). Note that its derivatives dhelatoj id. and dhelatar ‘only son’
also have their counterparts in unmetathesized ledhatoj and ledhatar.
0 M e y e r Wb. 84 (treats dhelatar as a borrowing from Ital diletto ‘delight,
pleasure’); TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 114-115.

dhelpër ~ dhelpën f, pl. dhelpra ~ dhelpna ‘f o x ’. F rom P A lb *dzelpinâ


transform ed by a taboo typical o f w ords for ‘fo x ’ (MEILLET BSL XXVIII
45) from *welpinä, a d erivative co n n ected w ith Lith vilpisÿs ‘w ild ca t’
(STIER KZ XI 143-144; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 15) and, further,
w ith other irregular form s: L at volpês ‘f o x ’, Gk àÀ,(Ó7tr|ì; id. and the
lik e. T h e d ev elo p m en t o f *welpinâ to *dze!pina c o u ld be in flu en ced
by dhel or by dhe. 0 CAMARDA I 96 (to G k á ta o rá , ‘f o x ’);
BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (from Lat volpês or a m odification o f CAMARDA’s
etym ology); M e y e r Alb. St. IV 16 (against BUGGE); lOKL LKUBA 297-
299 (to IE *ghel- ‘y e llo w ’); B aricÍ1AArbSt. I 214; TAGLIAVINI Strati­
ficazione 136; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 229; FRAENKEL 1254; WALDE-
H o f m a n n II 830; F r isk I 83; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 119 (suffix -p-); Ç abej
St. VII 217, 268; DEMIRAJ AE 156 (to Gk yccAir) ‘w e a s e l’).

dhemb aor. dhemba ‘to ache’. In Tosk also dhemb. From PAlb *dzemba
etymologically identical with Skt jdmbhate ‘to snap at’, Lith zembiu,
zembti ‘to cut’ and Slav *zebç. *zebti ‘to freeze, to feel cold’ (PEDERSEN
KZ X X X V I 3 3 4 ) . 0 BO PP 4 6 0 (to Skt dam- ‘to tam e’); M EYER Wb. 8 4 -
8 5 (to Lat gemö ‘to sigh, to groan’), Alb. St. I l l 1 6 , 6 4 ; TAG LIAVINI
Dalmazia 1 7 3 - 1 7 4 ; F r a e n k e l 1 2 8 9 ; P o k o r n y I 3 6 9 ; M a y r h o f e r I
4 1 9 ; V a s m e r II 1 1 1 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 5 6 - 1 5 7 .

dhemje f, pi, dhemje ‘caterpillar’. Another variant is vemje. Derivative


of dhe ( M e y e r Wb. 84; lO K L IF XXXVI 136) that may be reconstructed
as PAlb *dzömjd. 0 L i d é n AfslPh XXVIII 33; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
335,Kelt. Gr. I 89; JOKL LKUBA 200; TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 136;
ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 228-229, IV 189-191 (to ôe|xeÀ.éaç, 8e|ißÄ.ei<;-
ßSeMiou, Hes.); X H U V A N I BUShT XII 97-99 (analogical influence of
dhjes and dhemb in the secondary form in dh-)\ Ç a b e j St. II 276-277
(to ve ‘egg’); DEM IRAJ AE 157.
82 DHF.UT.Ë - DHËNDËR ~ D H A N D ËR

dheulë f. pl. dheula ‘an t’. A recen t d eriv a tiv e in -lë b ased on dheu, the
d efin ite form o f dhe (ÇABEJ St. T 153).

dhez aor. dheza ‘to set on fire, to burn’. From PAlb *dagja with a san-
dhial change of the initial *d-, cf. ndez id. Further connected with djeg.
0 MEYER Wb. 84 (separates dhez from djeg); JOKL LKUBA 333; ÇABEJ
St. VII 200, 235; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38.

dhëmb ~ dhamb m, pl. dhëmbë ~ dhambë ‘tooth’. From PAlb *dzamba,


a dialectal Indo-European word for ‘tooth’ shared by Albanian togeth­
er with Tokh A kam ‘tooth’, B keme id., Latv zuobs id., Slav *zçbi,
id. (M EY ER Wb. 83, Alb. St. Ill 16, 35, 64). T h e original meaning seems
to be preserved in G k yôjt(poç ‘peg’, Skt jdmbha- ‘bit, peg’. 0 G lL ’FER-
DING Otn. 22 (to Skt dánta- ‘tooth’); M EYER Gr. Gr. 264; PEDERSEN
KZ XXXVI 334; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89, Sprache IX 123; TA G LI­
AVINI Dalmazia 168, Stratificazione 88; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228; M a n n
Language XVII 19, XXVIII 33; PORZIG Gliederung 185; PISA N I Saggi
100, 128; FRISK I 319-321; FRAENKEL 1288-1289; M AYRHOFER I 419;
V a n W i n d e k e n s I 186; H u l d 58; O r e l Sprache XXXI282, ZfBalk XXIII
143; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Roll. Idg. Ges. 225; DEM IRAJ AE 158.

dhëndër ~ dhandër m, pl. dhëndurë ~ dhandurë ‘bridegroom, son-in-


law’. In the auslaut -rr is also possible. From PAlb *dzanra with a sec­
ondary epenthesis in *-nr- > -nd(ë)r-, cf. ëndërr. The plural form in
-ur- is not clear. The word is etymologically identical with Skt järd-
‘suitor’, Gk ya (ip p ô ç ‘son-in-law’, Lat gener id. (SCHUCHARDT KZ X X
247; M a n n Language X X V I 383, X X V III 33). PAlb *-an- seems to con­
tinue IE *-ema- or a similar cluster. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 30
(from Lat gener); M e y e r Wb. 85 (to Lith zéntas ‘son-in-law’. Slav *zqtb
id.), Alb. St. I ll 16, 24, Gr. Gr. 250; ÌOKL LKUBA 46-48 (to Skt jämätar-
‘son-in-law’, Av zärnatar- id.); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 114 (com­
bines M e y e r ’ s and Jo k l ’ s views); E r n o u t -M e il l e t 270; L a P ia n a
Studi I 42 (reconstructs *genros); PISANI Saggi 130 (dhëndër as a con­
tamination of Skt jâmâtar- and Lat gener ‘son-in-law’); FRISK I 287;
C h a n t r a in e 209; M a y r h o f e r I 431 ; C im o c h o w sk i LP II 228 (from
*genater); FRAENKEL ZfslavPh X X III 348 (-ërr < *-urr influenced by
vjehërr); FRISK I 287; A n t t il a Schw. 132-133 (from *genH-tr-);
H u l d 58-59 (reconstructs IE *gomH-ter-); OREL 7.fBalk X X III 143;
D e m ir a j AE 159-160.
D H I ---- DHJES 83

dhi f, pi dhi ‘sh e -g o a t’. F rom P A lb *aidzijá co r re sp o n d in g to Gk a ïç


id. (CAMARDA 75 w h o also adduces L acon 8 iÇa- aï£, and A rm aye id.).
T h e A lb an ian w ord m ay b e an an cien t ad jectiv e, c f. Gk a v y e(i)o ç ‘o f
a goat’. 0 P o t t KZ IV 70; MEYER Wb. 85 (com pares with Skt ajd- ‘g o a t’,
Lith ozÿs id. or w ith OHG ziga, L acon S iÇ a- oui;), Alb. St. Ill 28, 37;
PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 320, 335; J o k l Festschr. Rozwadowski I 241,
Sprache IX 149; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 136; A c a r e a n HAB I 169-
170; B o n f a n t e R E IE II 61-63; P o r z i g Gliederung 181; P is a n i Saggi
122 (to OHG ziga)\ BARIÇ Hymje 77; JOKL Symb. gramm. I 241 ; FRISK
I 41-42; H a m p Laryngeals 140; H u l d 59 (supports P ISA N I); K a r u l i s
LE V I 56 (to Lith oda ‘skin‘, Latv cida id.), 94 (to Lith ozÿs ‘goat’, Latv
âzis id.); OREL FLH V ili/1-2 47, Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; KORTLANDT Arm-
IE 38; D e m i r a j AE 160.

dhjamë f, pl. dhjamëra ~ dhjamna ‘(animal) fat, lard, suet, tallow’. The
dialectal variant vjam, vjamë is secondary. From PAlb *dzel-ma,
related to dhallë. 0 MEYER Wb. 86 (to Gk ôr|(iôç ‘fat’ but how to explain
the initial *d-l), Alb. St. Ill 28; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 15 (treats
vjam as the original form); JOKL Sprache IX 153; ClMOCHOWSKI LP
II 241; C h a n t r a i n e 274; P o k o r n y I 175; P i s a n i Saggi 118 (follows
M e y e r but does not explain the short * e vs. Gk -r|-); PORZIG Gliederung
126, 178; F r i s k I 381; C h a n t r a i n e 274; M a n n Hist. Gr. 55; H u l d
59-60; Ö LBERG IBK XVII 47 (borrowed from Late Gk Çé)j.a ‘decoc­
tion, cooking’); OREL ZfBalk XX III/1 74 (derivative of ve as Slav *sadlo
‘fat’ goes back to *saditi ‘to put, to place’); DEM IRAJ AE 161.

dhjes aor. dhjeva ‘to d e fe c a te ’. F rom P A lb *dzetsa or *dzetja related


to Skt hadati id., Gk xéÇto id. (C a m a r d a I 96; MEYER Wb. 86, Alb.
St. Ill 18, 27). A s far as n eith er *-ts- nor *~tj- co u ld co rresp o n d to IE
*-d-, the resu lting form in A lbanian m ay be exp lain ed either by a taboo
tran sform ation or as a r e fle x o f a verb al form based on a p a rticip le
*ghed-to-\ the latter w o u ld re g u la rly y ie ld *dzetsa. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr.
274; JOKL Studien 61; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335, Kelt. Gr. I 160; L a
P ia n a Studi I 55-56 (to Gk ô e î a a ‘d irt’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 172;
P is a n i Saggi 117; C im o c h o w s k i LP II 237; F r is k I 1078-1079;
C h a n t r a in e 1250; M a y r h o f e r III 573; K l in g e n sc h m it t Münch. St.
Spr. XL 109; ÇABEJ St. I 153-154 (to ON dr ita ‘to d e fe c a te ’, E dirt,
Slav *driskati ~ *dristati ‘to d efeca te); ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to Lat
foria ‘d iarrh ea ’); DEMIRAJ AE 161-162 (reco n stru cts *gh(e)de'tio-).
84 DHJF.TË — OHUROJ

d hjetë num . ‘ten ’. A re la tiv ely recen t d eriv a tiv e in -të based on *dhjeth
< *detsa e ty m o lo g ic a lly co n n ecte d w ith IE *dekm ‘ten ’: Skt dds'a, Gk
S éra , Lat decerti and the like (BOPP 459-460; GlL'FERDING Otn. 21; M e y e r
Wb. 86). T he irregular in itial dh- < *d- is ex p la in ed by sandhi in the
n um erals from 11 to 19 w h ere *-d- is p reced ed by v o w e ls ( M e y e r -
LÜBKE Idg. Anz. II 184). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 14, 28 (fro m *dekr¡iti -
p h o n etica lly im p o s sib le as the sy lla b ic *-m- m ust be v o c a liz e d );
B l a n k e n s t e i n IF XXI 110-111; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. 1 46, KZ XXXVI
284-285; JOKL Balkangerm. 131; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 172; MANN Lan­
guage XXVIII 33; P is a n i Saggi 106; SZEMERÉNYI Numerals 70-71, 112-
114; M a y r h o f e r II 26; F r is k I 359-360; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 1327-329;
H u ld 60; K ö d d e r i t z s c h St. albanica X X /2 123-124; H am p Trends
LVII 901-902, 916-917, Numerals 916-918; DEMIRAJ AE 162-163.

dhu në f, pl. dhunë ‘labor p ain s, sh am e, d isg r a c e ’. F rom P A lb *edunti


or *adunti, further com p ared w ith Gk ò8ijvr| ‘labor p a in s’, A rm erkn
id. (O r e l LB XXVIII/4 51-52, AArmL VIII 17-19). T h ese fo rm s m ay
be d eriv ed from *ed- ‘to e a t’ (FRISK II 351). 0 CAMARDA I 160 (to Gk
8 é v v o ç ‘reproach , in su lt’); MEYER Wb. 87 (co m p a res w ith derë, dherë
‘b itter’); JOKL Studien 19-20 (recon stru cts *dus-n-â and lin k s it to Skt
dus- ‘e v il, bad, d iffic u lt’, dunóti, (h e) b u rn s’, Gk 8aio> ‘to ligh t up, to
k in d le’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 251-252; L a PIANA Studi I 63 f. (fo llo w s
C a m a r d a ); A c a r e a n HAB II 64; P is a n i Saggi 118 (to Gk a io p jv r i,
re con stru cts *ghunâ); MAYRHOFER II 49-50; POKORNY I 180; ÇABEJ
BShkSh II/4 34 (to Lat fuscus ‘dark b ro w n ’, St. I 154-155; ÖLBERG IBK
XIV 112 (to G erm dunkel ‘d ark ’); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; JANSON
Unt. 91-92; DEMIRAJ AE 163-164 (fo llo w s OREL).

dhuroj aor. dhurova ~ dhunova ‘to make a present’. Borrowed from Lat
donare id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22; MEYER Wb. 8 7 ). In Geg the
form *dhunoj was replaced by Tosk dhuroj. The intervocalic Geg -n-
is, however, preserved in derivatives, such as dhurëti ~ dhunëti
‘present, donation’. Occasionally, the forms with the “correct” d- have
been attested in dialects. Forms with initial dh- may reflect *addönäre.
0 C a m a r d a I 4 3 (to Gk Sropéoirai ‘to make a present’); JOKL LKUBA
300; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 123; Ç a b e j St. I 155-
156; JANSON Unt. 4 9 -5 0 .
E — EDHE 85

E
e conj. ‘and, also’. From PAlb *ö(d) (OREL SBJa Leksikol. 145-146) going
back to IE *ëd ~ *ôd, abl. sg. of the pronominal stem *e-/*o-, cf. Skt
at ‘then, and’, Av at, äat id., Lith ö ‘and, but’ (if not borrowed from
Slavic, S a d n i k - AlTZETM ÜLLER Vgl. Wb. I 1-2), Slav *a and, but’. 0
M EYER Wb. 93 (from Lat et ‘and’ with an inexplicably preserved -1);
M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Grundr. rom. Phil. I 1057 (questions the Latin origin
of e)\ PUÇCARIU Etym. Wb. I 565 (< Lat et); TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 111
(follows M e y e r ) ; F r a e n k e l 514; M a y r h o f e r 1 72; Ç a b e j St. 1 156;
M A N N Language XXVI 380; H A M P Bono homine donum 127-131 (e <
*ioi); O REL Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; H U L D 60-61.

ec(i) aor. eca ‘to go, to run’. Another variant is ecê'j. From *etes < PAlb
*aitatja based on a derivative in *-to- of IE *ei- ‘to go’ (O R E L
Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 CAM ARDA 195 (to Gk eifxi ‘to go’); M EYER
Wb. 97 (from Rom *itiö replacing itô ‘to go’); B ariC ARSt. 118 (to
erdha); JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. I 158 (related to hedh); ÇABEJ St. I 157-
158 (reconstructs *itiö as a source).

edh m, pi. edha ‘he-goat’. From PAlb *aidza connected with Gk die, ‘goat’,
Arm aye id. ( T r e i m e r ZfRomPh XXXVIII 408; M A N N XXVI 381), cf.
dhi. 0 M EYER Wb. 98 (borrowed from Lat haedus ‘kid’); M EYER-LÜ BK E
Gr. Grundriß 21 1043; A c a r e a n HAB I 169-170; JAH UK IAN OA1 122;
C i m o c h o w s k i LP IV 201; F r i s k I 41-42; C l a c k s o n LR 90; Ç a b e j I
158 (to Skt ajd- ‘goat’, Lith ozÿs id.); H U L D 61.

edhe conj. ‘and, also’. A sequence of enclitics e and dhe, with -dh- <
*-d- in the intervocalic position. The first element e is identical with
e ‘and, also’. As for dhe, it reflects PAlb *dö < IE *dö (in the inter­
vocalic position) as preserved in Slav *da ‘and, so that’. Note Slovene
ada < Slav *a da, a full correspondence of edhe. The variant dhe is
secondary ( Ç a b e j St. I 151). The Geg form ende may be explained as
a different compound including en- < IE *ani (cf. POK O RNY I 39) and
de < PAlb *dö. 0 M EYER Wb. 83 (derives dhe from Turk de ‘and’);
Ç a b e j St. I 158; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 146 (mistakenly derives edhe from
IE *öge and compares it with Lith àgi where there are no traces of a
palatal); BenvenisTEÄ . Balt. Ill 121 f. (pronominal sources of *dö);
H a m p St. Whatmough 78, Bono homine donum 127-131 (dhe < *ghö
86 EGER ELB

related to Lat hoc); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; H u l d 60-61 (dhe < *ghoi
compared with Lat huit).

egër adj. ‘wild’. Borrowed from Gk aypioç id. (VASM ER Alh. Wortforsch.
I 1 5 ) . 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 2 5 (from Lat agrestis); C A M A R D A I 2 8 , 3 6
(comparison with Gk âypioç); M e y e r Wb. 9 4 (borrowed from Lat âcer
‘sharp, violent’), Alb. St. I V 10; SC HU CH ARD T KZ X X 2 4 8 ; L A PIA N A
Studi I 6 6 (follows C a m a r d a ) ; B A R ld ARSt. I 15 (reconstructs *n-g"ori-
‘living in the mountains’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 (agrees with
VASM ER); ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II 6 8 7 (from Indo-European); ÇABEJ
I 159.

egjëll adv. ‘on an empty stomach’. A compound of a privative parti­


cle c- < PAlb *a- < IE *tj- and gjell; thus, egjëll means ‘without food’
( P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 4 5 ) . See also esëll. 0 M EYER Wb. 9 4 (connect­
ed with esëll); ÇABEJ I 1 5 9 (to agull ‘dawn’, derivative of agoj).

egjër f ‘Lolium temulentunv. Borrowed from Lat ebria f. ‘drunk’, prob­


ably, influenced at some stage by egër. For the semantic development
cf. the French name of the same plant ivraie < Lat ebriâca (MEYER Wb.
94). 0 JOKL WuS XII 78-79 (privative e- followed by gjër ‘soup’ which
is compared with Lith sóra ‘millet’; thus, the resulting meaning is ‘not
m illet’ > ‘wild grass’); ÇABEJ I 159-160 (identifies egjër with egër or,
alternatively, follows JOKL but compares -gjër with grurë).

eh aor. eha ‘to sharpen’. From PA lb *akska derived from IE *ak- ‘sharp’:
( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 2 ) . 0 P o k o r n y 1 1 8 - 2 2 ; F r is k 1 5 2 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n
I 8.

ehull m, pi. ehuj ‘icicle’. Derivative of eh (ClMOCHOWSKI LP ITI 191-


192). However, cf. a similarly looking akull. 0 ÇABEJ I 160 (compound
consisting of the prefix e- and hell); M a n n Comp. 13 (related to Gk
ocKUÂ.oç ‘edible acorn’).

elb m. pl. elbëra ~ elbëna ‘barley’. From PAlb *albi identical with Gk
a?u p i ‘kind of grain’ ( C a m a r d a I 6 0 ; M e y e r Wb. 9 4 , Alb. St. Ill 3 6 ) .
0 VA SM ER Alb. Wortforsch. 1 6 (looks for Iranian and Altaic parallels
to the Greek - Albanian isogloss); JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 9 2 , Festschr.
Rozwadowski I 2 3 5 (to Turk arpa); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 1 2 ; M a n n
EMËR ~ EMËN END 87

Language XXVI 380, XXVIII 36; PORZIG Gliederung 178; PISANI Saggi
119; F r isk I 81; C h a n t r a in e 67; P o k o r n y I 29; B e r n a r d LB IX /2
86; HAMP Laryngeals 132; H u l d 61; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 146; KORT-
LANDT Arm-IE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 164-165.

emër - emën m, pi. entra ~ emna ‘n a m e ’. F rom P A lb *enmen- or *in-


men-, ety m o lo g ica lly c lo se to O ír ainm id., S lav *jhmç id.. OPrus eni nes
id. and, further, to other con tin u a tio n s o f IE *(o)noHmç (G il ’f e r d -
ING Otn. 22; CAMARDA I 41; MEYER Wb. 9 4 ). 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 114;
PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 46; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 112 (reconstructs *enmen);
FRAENKEL T Ï III 4 8 4 (on the first sy lla b le in B a ltic); MANN Language
XVII 21; P is a n i Saggi 132; P o k o r n y I 321; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 5;
V e n d r y e s [A ] 3 6 -3 7 ; C h a n t r a in e 804; S z e m e r é n y i Syncope 2 4 4 -
245; A nttila Schw. 126; V a il l a n t G r comp. 1 96; H u l d 61-62; Ö lberg
Unt. 79; HAMP AlON-L II 1 8 5 -1 9 0 , Laryngeals 138; KLINGENSCHMITT
Verbum 68; B e e k e s Sprache XXXIII 5, Lar. 102; Ç a b e j St. VII 272;
JANSON Unt. 2 3 -2 6 ; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VIII 2 2 7 -2 2 8 ; KORTLANDT
Arm-IE 44; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 146; DEMIRAJ AE 165.

emtë f, pi. emta ‘au n t’. B o r r o w e d from Lat amita ‘paternal au n t’


(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 94). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß 2 1 1042; TAGLIAVINI Origini 189; M a n n Language XVII 23;
H a m p St. Whatmough 82; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; HAARMAN 110;
L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 129.

end m ‘pollen’. From PAlb *anda etymologically connected with Skt


dndhas- ‘herb’, Gk âvôoç ‘flow er’ (CAMARDA I 55; MEYER BB VIII
184). Note a denominative verb end ‘to blossom’ < PAlb *anda. 0 M ey er
Wb. 9 4 (to ej)\ SCHMIDT KZ LVII 3 0 (to O H G anado ‘w rath’); M a n n
Language XVII 2 0 -2 1 (to G k axto^iai), XXVI 380; F r is k I 1 0 8 -1 0 9 ;
C h a n t r a in e 136; M a y r h o f e r I 36; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 113;
HAMP Laryngeals 141 (to Arm and ‘field’); OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 147;
K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; ÇABEJ I 160-161 (borrowed from or related
to Gk avGoç); DEMIRAJ AE 166.

end aor. enda ‘to weave’. From PAlb *enda, a secondary formation based
on an unattested noun *anda ‘weaving tool’ related to Lith iñdas‘vessel’,
Latv endas ‘part of sledge’, Slav *çda ‘fishing rod’ - all of these reflect­
ing *en-dhe- ‘instrument, something applied’ with various vocaliza-
88 END — ENJTE

tio n s o f the p refix . 0 M e y e r Wb. 95 (related to vej). Alb. St. I ll 2 4 (to


Gk a iT o jia i); M a n n Language XVII 21; F r a e n k e l 92; V a s m e r IV
148; D e m ir a j AE 1 6 6 -1 6 7 .

end aor. enda ‘to lay eggs (of flies)’. Etymologically identical with end
‘to blossom’.

endem reti ‘to r o a m ’. M eta p h o rica lly u sed end ‘to w e a v e ’.0 ÇABEJ St.
II 161 (to Illyr a v Ô iv o ç ’ 7tEpirca'Coç); DEMIRAJ AE 167 (to D or evG eîv
‘to c o m e ’ but it is a d ia lecta l form o f *éA,0eîv).

enë f, pl. enë ‘vessel’. Singularized plural of anë id., see an.

eng m ‘deaf and dumb’. From PAlb *anga etymologically related to


Lith angiis ‘sluggish, lazy, idle’, e'ngti ‘to strangle’, Latv îgt ‘to wear
off, to languish’. 0 FRAENKEL 10; M a n n Comp. 25 (to Goth aggwus
‘narrow ’ and the like).

engjëll m, pl. engjëj ‘a n g el’. B orro w ed from Lat angelus id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 9 5 ). 0 CAMARDA I 13 (to Gk rr/yeÂoç
id.); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1 -
2 12; H a a r m a n 110; L a n d i Lat. 4 7 -4 8 , 117.

enjë f ‘juniper, yew’. Another variant is venjë displaying a phoneti­


cally secondary initial v-. From PAlb *aignja related to the Indo-Euro­
pean, and in particular Germanic, word for ‘oak’: ON eik, OHG eih
(O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 6 0 ). 0 ÇABEJ II 281 (to Lat acus
‘needle’, Lith astriis ‘sharp’).

enjë ~ êjë f, pl. enja ~ êja ‘dairy goat’. From PAlb *agnja connected
with Gk <x|avôç iam b ’, Lat agnus id. (ÇABEJ I 162). 0 JoklLK U BA 237-
238 (to Gk o\)9ap ‘udder’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 148;
F r is k I 93-94; P o k o r n y I 9; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 23; Ç a b e j St. VII
187; JANSON Unt. 79-81.

enjte f, pi. enjte ‘Thursday’. A morphologically more conservative form


is outdated enjtë, an adjective in -të. As other Albanian words of week­
days rendering Latin names, this words seems to translate Lat Iovis
diem. If so, enj- must be an early Albanian equivalent of Jupiter. It con­
tinues PAlb *agni-, presumably, reflecting the archaic Indo-European
EPEM ERR 89

word for ‘fire’ (T r e im e r AArbSt I 32 ). For the phonetic development


cf. enjë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 9 5 (“dunkel”); OSTIR AArbSt II 31 or 2 8 2 (to
Etr ais ‘god’!); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 112-1 1 3 ; M je d e apud Ç a b e j I
162 (from Gk evr| ‘the day after tom orrow ’).

epem refi, ‘to bow down, to bend’. Related to ap ~ jap, cf. Germ nachgeben
‘to give way, to stretch’ (ÇABEJ I 1 6 2 -1 6 3 ). The variant hepem has a
secondary h-.O R e s t e l l i RIL LXXXIX - XC 4 1 7 -4 1 8 (to Gk g k cx ^ Ô ç
‘curved, crooked’).

epër adj. ‘upper’. From PAlb *eupera, a secondary analogical ablaut


variant of IE *uperos id.: Skt lipara- ‘low er’, Av upara- ‘upper’, Gk
ünepoç id. (BA R IÍ ARSt. I 1 7 -1 8 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 9 6 (derivative of IE
*epi), Alb. St. Ill 86; FRISK II 9 6 6 -9 6 7 ; CHANTRAINE 357; MAYRHOFER
I 105; HAMP Laryngeals 136 (to Goth iup); Ç a b e j I 163 (prefix e- fol­
lowed by për)\ DEMIRAJ AE 1 6 7 -1 6 8 .

erë f, pl. erëra ~ erëna ‘wind’. From Rom *er(a) based on Lat üër ‘a ir’
(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3; MEYER Wb. 96: reconstruction of Rom
*aira). The feminine form in Albanian may go back to an original pi.
neut., the gender o f erë being motivated by its meaning. 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 113 (from Lat aer);
M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 12; Ç a b e j St. I 165; H u l d 62.

ergjënd ~ argjand m ‘silv er’. Borrow ed from Lat argentum id.


(G i l ’f e r d in g Otn. 25; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15).
0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044.

ergjëz m, pl. ergjëz, ergjëzë ‘young louse’. Another variant is ergjiz. A


derivative in -ëz based on arg id. attested in Italo-Albanian < PAlb *arga
related to Arm orjil io u se ’ and its more problematic cognates Skt liksä
‘nit’, Lith erke ‘tick’ (MEYER Wb. 15; BUGGE Beiträge 17). 0 PEDER­
SEN KZ XXXVI 99, 329; H e r m a n n KZ X L I 48; P isa n i Saggi 120; T a g l i -
A v in i Stratificazione 136; POKORNY I 335 ; A n t t il a Schw. 106;
M a y r h o f e r III 100; F r a e n k e l 122; Ç a b e j * . I 1 6 5 -1 6 6 (to IE *ak-
‘sharp’); KORTLANDT KZ XCIV 2 47; DEMIRAJ AE 81.

err m ‘darkness’. From PAlb *ausra related, with a frequent change


of meaning from ‘morning dawn’ to ‘evening dawn’, to Lith ausrà ‘dawn’,
Gk ëcoç id. and the like. The verb err ‘to keep smb. till late in the night’
90 ESËLL — ET

is a d en o m in a tiv e. 0 MEYER Wb. 9 6 -9 7 ; Alb. St. IV; Jo k l Studien 21


(to G k ep eß o g ‘d a rk n e ss o f the u n d e r w o r ld ’); F r ís k I 6 0 5 -6 0 6 ;
FRAENKEL 27; Ç a b e j St. I 1 6 6 -1 6 7 (a n a ly z es err as c o n sis tin g o f the
p refix e- and a root id en tical w ith re ‘c lo u d ’).

esëll adv. ‘on an empty stomach’. Another variant is esuli. A compound


consisting of a privative e- < PAlb *a- < IE *n- and the root identi­
cal with siile (PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 45). 0 CAMARDA I 131 (to Gk èaQXóq
‘courageous, brave’); MEYER Wb. 97 (comparison with egjëll)', ÇABEJ
St. I 167 (agrees with PEDERSEN).

esh m, pl. eshë ‘h e d g e h o g ’. A b ack -form a tio n or a p h o n etic m utation


o f the attested and, ob viou sly, m ore con servative variant eshk. T he latter
re fle c ts P A lb *etska < *edz-k-a e ty m o lo g ic a lly related to Gk è%îvoç
id ., OHG igil id ., Lith ezÿs id ., S la v *ezb id. 0 STIER KZ XI 141 (b o r­
rowed from Slavic); MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 21; M e y e r Wb. 97 (follow s
STIER); TRAUTMANN BSWb 73; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 199; FRAENKEL
118; K l u g e 324; F r is k 1 601; Ç a b e j St. VII 266; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VI
37; S v a n e 142.

eshke f, pi. eshke ‘kidney’. Singularized plural of an earlier form *eshkë


continuing *aiskä. The latter continues IE *oid-ska to be compared with
Slav *ji,sto id. and O N eista ‘testicle’ < *oidsto-, derived from IE *oid-
‘to swell’ (P e d e r s e n KZ XXXII 273). For the semantic development
cf. Slav *prbtjbka ‘kidney’ from IE *peu-t- ‘to swell’. As to Alb veshke,
it is a contamination of eshke and veshje (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 74).
0 M ey er Wb. 97 (to eshke)\ SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 209 f. (to Lat inguen
‘groin’); Ç a b e j St. II 283-284; POKORNY I 774; T r u b a Ce v ÈSSJa VIII
242-243.

eshk ë f ‘fungus’. Borrowed from Lat esca ‘food, bait’ (MlKLOSICHRom.


Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 9 7 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß 2 1 1044;
H a a r m a n n 123; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 7 4 .

eshtë f, pl. esh ta ‘fiber, m uscle fib er’. E tym ologically identical w ith ashte
as a variant o f its sin g u la riz ed plural. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 192.

et m ‘thirst’. From PAlb *alk-ti- closely related to Lith dlkti ‘to be hungry’,
Slav *olkati id., OHG ilgi ‘hunger’. 0 CAMARDA I 15 (to Gk odGoç ‘fire’);
M eyer Wb. 97 (to IE *eus-ti- or to Gk aixéco ‘to demand, to beg’); TAGLIA-
ETHE — ËNDË ~ ANDE 91

VINI Dalmazia 114; ClMOCHOWSKI LP III 161-163 (repeats C a m a r d a ’ s


etymology); F r a e n k e l 8; O a c m e p II 4 5 2 ; Ç a b e j St. I 1 6 7 -1 6 8
(accepts M e y e r ’s view).

eth e pi. ‘fever’. Singularized plural of *eth, a derivative in -th based


on PAlb *aida. The latter is etymologically close to Skt edhas- ‘fire­
wood, fuel’, Gk a i0 o ç ‘fire’ and the like (CAMARDA I 77; ClMOCHOWSKI
LP III 1 6 2 -1 6 3 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 93 (to IE *eus- ‘to burn’); BARlC ARSt.
I 112 (related to athët)', M a n n Language XXVI 381 (to Lat aestas)\
F r is k 1 37; M a y r h o f e r 1 128; P is a n i Saggi 120 (borrowing from Gk
cciGôç ‘burning’); Ç a b e j St. I 16 8 -1 6 9 (follows B a r i £ ); F r is k I 3 7 -38;
H u l d 62; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 147; D e m ir a j AE 1 6 8 -1 6 9 .

Ë
ëj ~ âj aor. ëjta ~ âjta ‘to blow, to swell’. From PAlb *anj related to
Skt dniti ‘to breathe’, Goth us-anan ‘to blow out’ and the like (MEYER
Wb. 5, Alb. St. IV 67). 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk oiôéra, oiôàco ‘to swell’,
111 (to Gk aio ‘to blow’); JOKL Studien 37; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210
(follows M e y e r ); P o k o r n y I 39; M a y r h o f e r I 33; F e is t Goth. 538;
H a m p Laryngeals 131; ÇABEJ St. I 171 (follows CAMARDA I 57); ÖLBERG
KZ LXXXVI 128; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 256-257; HULD 63;
KORTLANDT Arm-IE 44 (repeats ÇABEJ’s etymology); DEMIRAJ AE 171-
172.

ëm b ël ~ am bël adj. ‘sweet’. From PAlb *amla identical with Skt amld-
‘sour’ (T o m a s c h e k ZÖG 1875, 529). Ô M e y e r Wb. 10 (agrees with
TOMASCHEK); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 69;
M a y r h o fer 146; M a n n Language XVII 19 (reconstructs *amlos); ÇABEJ
St. 1 170 (to mjaltë), V II230; D em iraj AE 169-170 (against T o m a sc h e k
on semantic grounds; reconstructs *Hen-m(e)lit-).

ë n d ë - andë f ‘appetite, desire, wish’. From PAlb *antà derived from


*anja > ëj (M e y e r Wb. 5-6) and specifically close to Gk a v ra i - ävenoi,
àvrâç- rcvoàç, Hes. (DEMIRAJ AE 170). 0 Ba r i Í ARSt I 19 (reconstructs
*handë < *khonti with further fantastic comparisons); ÇABEJ St. I 170-
171 (follows MEYER but, at the same time compares ëndë with Hitt anza-
‘desire’); MANN Comp. 21-22 (comparisons with non-existent Tokha-
rian and Irish forms).
92 (T) ËNDE FAJKË FAJKUA ~ FAJKUE FARË 93

v ony û __ j..» • i> A 11-. / I . t ì v i 'H t 'r n m * u n í a > g y i n t L f a i l n ia ~ fa iln u »

I; M iklosich Rom. Elemente 24; M e y e r Wb. 98), 0 S tier thu s, h isto r ic a lly id en tica l w ith ëndë ‘d e s ir e ’. 0 MANN Language (C a m a r d a II 7i
iER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046; Jo k l /F X X X V I137, XVII 22; Ç a b e j Sí. I 171 (to end). KZ XI 136; M e
HÄESCU RESEE IV/1 -2 22; HAARMANN 125; ÇABEJ St. LKUBA 306; M
at. 143, 145. ëndërr ~ andërr f, pl. ëndrra ~ andrra 'dream , sleep’. C o n tin u es PAlb 1 173; L a n d i L
*anrja with an epenthetic -d-. Identical with the Indo-European word
ive, to present, to offer’, refi, ‘to set (of the sun)’. From for sleep *oner- (Gk ovap) ~ *onerio- (Gk öveipov, ovetpoç, Arm anurj), fai ao r fata ‘to j
mologically connected with Gk c<páM.(o 'to overthrow’ cf. C a m a r d a I 38; M e y e r Wb. 11, Alb. St. Ill 66. Note that the Alban­ PAlb *spala et]
>)■ 0 MEYER Wb. 98 (borrowed from Slav *xvaliti ‘to ian feminine noun corresponds to the original Indo-European neuter (C a m a rd a I 7
IV 61; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 192 (follows MEYER); and may go back to a singularized plural form. For the development praise’), Alb. Si
I 15 (follows M e y e r ); BARIÓ ARSt 24, Hymje 35 (repeats of the cluster *-nr- cf. dhëndër. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 101 ; BA R lé ARSt 1- HAMP LB XIV/
ymology); FRISK II 827-828; ÇABEJ St. I 173-174 2 (to Gk e5ap0ov, aor. ‘to sleep’, Lat dormiö ‘to sleep’); JOKL IF XXXVI CAMARDA’s e
RDA). 133, LKUBA 6; MANN Language XVII 19; PISANI Saggi 121; PORZIG (follows CAMÍ
Gliederung 179; FRISK II 393; CHANTRAINE 802; POKORNY 1779; A nttila
:putation, rum or’. Borrowed from Lat fam a ‘rumor, Schw. 127; H a m p AION-L II/2 187; ÇABEJ St. VII 208, 230, Etim. IV famë f ‘good r
apud D em iraj (to nder)\ H u l d 63; CLACKSON LR 236; O r el FLH V III/1- fam e’.
2 39 (on PAlb *-rj- > -rr), Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; DEMIRAJ AE 171 (to
nuj ‘godchild’. Borrowed from Lat fam ulus ‘servant, famuli m, pi. fa,
Skt nidra ‘sleepiness, drowsiness’, formally possible).
wise lost by Romance languages (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele- attendant’, othe
5R Wb. 9 9 ). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 535; HAARMANN mente 25; M ey
[ 174; L a n d i Lat. 137. 125; Ç a b e j St.

ce, cheek’. As many other feminines of this morphological faqe t. pi.faqe ‘fc
faj m, pt. faje ‘gu ilt, sin ’. B o rro w ed from R om *fallia, d eriv a tiv e o f Lat
5to continue an earlier *faq. Borrowed from Lat faciès ty p e ,/i/i/e seem
fallere ‘to d e c e iv e , to tr ic k ’ (MEYER Wb. 9 8 , Alb. St. IV 16). 0
lud HULD 63; G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 26; CAMARDA I 338; ‘f a c e ’ (R a s k aj
T r e im e r KZ L X V 9 6 (fro m IE *spel- ‘to b rea k ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
■z. Elemente 24; MEYER Wb. 98). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. MlKLOSICH Roi
Grundriß2 1 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 22; HAARMANN 125; ÇABEI G rundriß21 10
H; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 124-125;
St. I 172; L a n d i Lat. 126. H u l d 63; L ani
>1 Lat. 83-85, 149-150.
(G) fâj aor. fana ‘to fill, to cram, to surfeit’. From PAlb *spanja related farë f, pi .fare, f
ira ‘seed, semen, kin’. From PAlb *spara < IE *spora
to Gmc *spannjan ‘to tighten’ with a secondary expressive gemina­ c lo s e ly co n n ec
ed with Gk fem. O7iopá ‘seed’ and further related to
tion (ON spenna and the like). 0 BARlé ARSt I 22-23 (to Skt pürna- *sper- ‘to sp ill,
to sow’: Gk aneipoj id., arcépiia ‘semen, seed1 (BARIÍ
‘fuir and the like, with/- < *ph-)\ KLUGE 720; ÇABEJSt. I 172 (to dialec­ ARSt 24; MAN>
Language XVII 17, MANN XXVI 386-387; OREL SBJa
tal fe'ngem ‘to eat much’ ). Leksikol. 147.)
As to fa r o f faros ‘to destroy, to exterm inate’, it is a
ised on fare (ÇABEJ St. I 175). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele- d en o m in a tiv e b
fajkë t, pi.fajka ‘side (of a ship)’. Borrowed from the Dalmatian reflex mente 25; M e y i
RWb. 100 (Germanic loanword, cf. Langob fara ‘descen-
of Lat facies (ÇABEJ St. I 172 - 173). Note a derivative in fa j koj ‘to dants, fa m ily , k
n ’); B ARIC ARSt 24 (faroj from IE *spher- ‘to kick with
polish’. 0 C a m a r d a I I 7 0 (treats fajkoj as a variant o ffërkoj); MEYER a f o o t ’);TAGLl
WINI Dalmazia 114 (follows M e y e r ), Origini 295;
; F r is k II 762-763; H u l d 62-63; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges.
Wb. 103 (follows C a m a r d a ) ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 5 0 . POKORNYI 9 9 2
352.
94 FARKË — FFAIC

farkë f. pi.farka ‘smithy’. Borrowed from hat fabrica ‘workshop’ (M eyer


Wb. 9 9 ). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1054; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 124; Ç a b e j * . VII 280; L a n d i Lat. 9 4 , 111,
118.

fashqe f, pi.fashqe ‘d iap er’. A sin gu larized plural o f *fashqë also attest­
ed as fashë ‘diaper, strip e’. B o rro w ed from Lat fascia ‘band, bandage'
( M e y e r Wb. 100). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; Ç a b e j St. VII 184;
H a a r m a n n 125; L a n d i La?. 120.

fat m , pi fate ‘fate; bridegroom, husband, friend’. Borrowed from Lat


fätum. Undoubtedly, fa t ‘fate’ is identical with fa t ‘fate’ (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 100) - a widely attested metaphor, cf.
Alb shortë ‘fate; spouse, wife’ < Lat sorte(m) (ÇABEJ St. I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 ).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1041; JOKL Studien 107, LKUBA 15
(fa t ‘bridegroom ’ borrowed from Goth *fadi- ‘master, lord’); BARIÍ
ARSt 2 4 -2 5 , Hymje 71 (arbitrary comparison with Skt sphayate ‘(he)
grows fat, increases’); PUDIC IX Ling. Cong. 862; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1 -2 22; H a a r m a n n 125; O re l Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; L a n d i Lat. 109.

fe f, pi.fe ‘belief, religion’. Borrowed from Lat fidem ‘faith’ (MlKLOSICH


Rom. Elemente 26) as the long [ë] in fe reflects a contraction of the
intermediate *feë (ÇABEJ St. I 177). The verb fejoj ‘to betroth’ is a late
derivative of fe (ÇABEJ St. I 178). 0 MEYER Wb. 101 (from Ital fe id.),
106-107 (f ejoj borrowed from Ital fidare ‘to entrust’); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß11 1045 (from Italian); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 22; HAAR­
MANN 126; L a n d i Lat. 46, 133.

feje pi. ‘nostrils’. A plural form offyell, normally appearing in a phrase


fejet e hundës id. (ÇABEJ St. VII 224, 235).

felë f, pi .fela ‘honeycomb’. Borrowed from Rom Sfavalia, cf. Ital fiale
id. (M e y e r Wb. 101). The homonymous fe lë ‘piece, slice’ is, in fact,
a phonetic variant of thelë. 0 T r e im e r KZ LXV 98 (from IE *spel-)\
ÇABEJ Sí. VII 235.

feme m ‘sting (of insects)’. A phonetic variant of thimth, thimc (J O K L


//X X IV VII 217). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V 76 (to themboj ‘to bore’); T r e i m e r
KZ LVI 98 (connects fem e with Lat spina ‘thorn’); T a g l i a v i n i Strat­
ificazione 8144; Ç a b e j St. I 178 (to feme ‘awl’).
FEM ËR ~ FEMËN — FËNDYELL 95

femër ~ femën f, pi .femra ~ femna ‘w om an '. Borrowed from Lat f emina


id. (C a m a r d a I 122; M ik l o s ic h Æèwî. Elemente 25; M e y e r Wb. 101).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
115; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 126; JANSON Unt. 50.

fend hot. fenda ‘to fart’. From PAlb *spenda related to Skt spandale
‘to shiver', Gk acpaSâÇco ‘to shiver, to tremble’. 0 F r isk II 825; POKORNY
1 989.

ferr m ‘h e ll’. B o r ro w e d from Lat infernum id. (MEYER Wb. 1 01). 0


SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 248; M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049;
MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 23; H a a r m a n n 131.

ferrë f, pi. ferra ‘thorn, thorny bush’. From PAlb *sperna derived from
IE *sper- ‘spear, stick’: Lat sparus ‘short spear’, Gmc *speru- ‘spear’
> ON spjçr ( c f . OREL SBJa Leksikol. 1 4 7 ). Note a derivative / m ë / ‘stalk,
stem’ ( Ç a b e j St. I 179). 0 M EYER Wb. 101 (to ther ‘to cut’), 102 (ferrei
borrow ed from Lat ferula ‘fennel-giant’); JOKL LKUBA 217-218
(follows M E Y E R ); T r e i m e r KZ LXV 99 (to W ffern ‘talus, malleolus’,
Lat spernö ‘to sever, to separate’); M A N N Language XXVIII 37;
W a l d e - H o f m a n n I I 568; P o k o r n y 1 990-991 ; Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija
1 9 6 4 225.

fëiiigë f ‘ignominy, shame’. A variant of this word seems to be


fëllegë ‘sloppy work’. The verb fëlliq ‘to make dirty’ also belongs here
as a denominative. The form fëlligë is an irregular transformation of
fëdigë ‘tiredness, strain, w ork’ borrowed from Ital (Venetian) fadiga
id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 102 (fëdigë < Venetian fadiga', fëlliq < Lat fornicem
‘brothel’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 539; Ç a b e j St. I 180 (to t heile).

fëmijë m/f, p]. fëm ijë ‘child, family, spouse’. Borrowed from Lat
fam ilia ‘fam ily’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 24-25; M e y er Wb. 103).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1045, 1047 (from Ital famiglia id.);
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 120; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 15; Ç a b e j St. VII
280; H a a r m a n n 125; H u l d 64; L a n d i Lat. 80, 108, 126.

fëndyell m, pi.fëndyej ‘awl’. A derivative of fund. 0 CAMARDA I 201


(to Gk C(pôvô\)A,oç ‘cervical vertebra’); M e y e r Wb. 103 (to Lat
findere ‘to cleave, to split’); Ç a b e j St. I 180 (related io feme).
96 FENG ~ FANG — (G) FIJAN

feng ~ fang m, pi.fëngje ~ fangje ‘v irgin land, land d ifficu lt to cu ltivate,


law n, m ea d ow ’. B orrow ed from hai fango ‘m ud ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 25 ). 0 JOKL Balkangerm. 120-121 (fro m G oth waggs ‘p a ra d ise’
< *’meadow’); PUDlC IX Ling. Cong. 862 (follows Jo k l ); ÇABEJ St. I
180-181 (agrees with MlKLOSICH).

fergoj aoT.fé'rgova ‘to roast, to fry’. Borrowed from Lat frlgere id. (M lK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 103). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
r iß 2 1 1055; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 260; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16;
H a a r m a n n 127.

férkoj aoT.fërkova ‘to rub’. Borrowed from Lat fricare id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 28; M e y e r Wb. 103). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2
1 1050; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 260; Ç a b e j St. V I I 198; M ih ä e sc u RESEE
IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; H u l d 64.

fërroj not. fërrova ‘to grind roughly’. Clearly connected with ferrate
‘gruel’ (borrowed from Rom Sfarinata) and seems to continue Rom
Sfarinare related to Lat farina ‘ground corn, flour’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 182
(related to ther).

fic aor .fica ‘to make soft’. Derived from an unattested *fij < PAlb *spija
related to Skt spháyate ‘to become fat’, Slav *spéti ‘to ripen’. 0 POKORNY
1 983; V a s m e r III 734.

fier m ‘fern’. From PAlb *spera or *sperna that may be somehow con­
nected with other Indo-European words for ‘fern’ (presumably based
on the word for ‘wing’), e.g. Gmc *farnaz: OHG far(a)n. In any case,
in the name of fern various irregular changes of taboo origin cannot
be excluded. 0 B a r i C ARSt 25 (to Slav *paporotb id.); M a n n Language
XXVIII 40 (to Gk Jtxépiç id.); F r i s k II 611; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-
2 22 (from Latin), 3-4 350 (from Gk Trxépiç); Ç a b e j St. VII 250; H a a r ­
m a n n 126 (from Rom *filicaria).

(G) fijan m , pi.fijanë ‘child to be baptized’. A Geg church form of Rom


*filianus (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 104). 0 MEYER-
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1039; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536; MlHÄESCU j
RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 126; Ç a b e j St. I 183; L a n d i Lat. 75,
1 2 6 ,1 3 3 .
j
FIK — K1SHKËLLOJ 97

fík m, p\.fiq ‘fig’. Borrowed from Lat ficus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 26; M e y e r Wb. 104). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1044;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 116; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 15; H a a r m a n n
126; L a n d i Lat. 113, 140.

fik aor .fika ‘to extinguish (of fire); to bring misfortune, to ruin, to destroy’.
From PAlb *speika related to Lith peikti ‘to despise, to scold’, pÿkti
‘to be angry’, Latv pelkt ‘to be spoilt’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
2 6 (from Ital ficcare); TREIMER KZ LXV 100-101 (to Lat spTca ‘point,
top’); F r a e n k e l 5 2 5 ; Ç a b e j St. I 183-184 (to Swedish spink ‘lean man’,
Norw spiken ‘dry ’).

fill m, pi.fij.fije ‘thread’. Borrowed from L at filum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.


Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 104). The verb filloj ‘to begin’ is derived from
fill as it is clear from zë fill ‘to begin’ (CAMARDA I 76). Note that the
morpheme -fish in dyfish ‘twice’, trifish ‘thrice’, appearing as -fijesh
in Old Albanian ( B u d i , BOGDANI) goes back to abl. pi. of fill (K r is t o -
FORlDHi 427). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1050, 1053; M a n n
Language XXVIII 39 (to Gk cnuXoç); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­
MANN 126; SlROKOV ZFL X X IV /1 14 (to OHG spll ‘spear tip’);
ÇABEJ St. I 186 (accepts K r is t o f o r id h i ’ s explanation of -fish), IV 95-
96; L a n d i Lat. 142.

fink m, p i .finkë ‘finch’. Recent borrowing from Germ Fink id. As to


sfingës id., it comes from NGk CJtiyyoç id. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 185 (onomatopoeia
or a cognate of Gmc *finkan ~ *finkjan ‘finch’).

finjë f, pi .finja ‘soapwater, soap suds’. Historically identical with thinjë


(ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 233). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 166 (identical with hie);
T r e im e r KZ LXV 101 (to OHG spi5 ‘spit’); Ç a b e j St. I 185-186 (to
SCr sinjav ‘grey’).

fishkem ~ fyshkem refi, ‘to wither, to fade’. Based on the adjectivefishkët


withering, dry’. Goes back to PAlb *spiiska etymologically related
to Lith pìiskas, pùskas ‘blister, fin, pim ple’, Latv pusks ‘tuft’. 0
M e y e r Wb. 468 (together with its variant veshkem ~ vyshkem, to Lat
vescus ‘small, week, feeble’); J O K L IF XLIV 35-38; F R A E N K E L 680;
Ç a b e j St. I 186 (related to fyell).

fishkëlloj aor.fishkëllova ‘to whistle’. Belongs to a group of phonetic


1 FLAM E — FLEGË 99
98 FISHNJAR — FLAKË
iKe. / \ n n ie se ' variants such as véshlloj, féshëlloj, frusMculiij ana me
112 ). 0 çabej
187 (onomatopoeia). forms continue Rom *fistulàre or *fisciù re (M e y e r Wb.
St. I 186 (onomatopoeia).
fla m ë f ‘cold (illness), epilepsy, cholera (of animals)’. Borrowed
ariant is fu sh- from Lat nom. sg. flamen ‘blowing, blast’ used metaphorically as Russ fishnjar m, pVfishnjarë ‘harpoon’. A more conservative ■
ictly an earlier povetrie ‘infection’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 27 (from Lat njar, itself derived from fushnje id. The latter, or more ex
cinici, deriva­ fiamma); M e y e r Wb. 107 (from Ital flemma ‘phlegm’); LA P ia n a Vocale and unattested *fushnje, was borrowed from Rom *fu
si. IV 60). 0 50 (related to flake); T r e im e r KZ LXV 101 (to Germ flink ‘nimble, tive of Lat fascina ‘trident’ (MEYER Wb. 106, Alb.
I 201 (on Old quick’); ÇABEJ St. I 187-188; L a n d i Lat. 103, 135. M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 127; Ç a b e j Si
Albanian fushqinë id.).
fla s not. fo la ‘to speak’. The present fla s is obviously a recent form a­
with fishnjar tion based on the lost *fal, and the verb belonged to a group with the fish njar m, pi.fishnjaré ‘m arten’. Historically identica
quantitative ablaut in aorist (MEYER Wb. 106). Continues P A lb *psala, ‘harpoon’.
further related to fjalë. 0 MEYER Wb. 106 (from Lat fäbulö ‘to speak’,
etymological- cf. in particular Dalm faular); ANTTILA Schw. 100; MlHÄESCU RESEE fja lë f, pi .fja lë ‘w ord , sp ee ch , ta le'. F rom P A lb *spelei
;tory, speech’, IV/1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 124; O r e l SBJa Leksikol. 146. ly co n n ected w ith G oth spill ‘sto ry , fa b le ', ON spjall ‘
e' (OREL SBJa OE spell id ., OHG spel, spell id. and A rm araspel ‘fab
irrowing from fla sh k ët adj. ‘sluggish, lame’. Phonetic development of *plashket con­ Leksikol. 146-148; H u l d 64-65). 0 M e y e r Wb. 106 (bi
r. Grundriß 21 tinuing P A lb *plakska identical with L ith plókscias‘flat’, Slav *ploski, Lat fabella ‘fa b le , sh ort sto ry , ta le ’); M e y e r -L ü b k e G
(from *spelgä, id. and, in particular, Slav *plox~b ‘flat, bad, evil, poor’. 0 B r ü c k n e r 1044; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 252; T r e im e r KZ LXV 103
3 I I 6 (follows 419; P o k o r n y I 831-832. to Lat flagro ‘to fla m e , to b la z e ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazi
VII 272; H a a r - M e y e r ), Origini 190; A c a r ea n HAB 1253-254; Ç abej St.
sp-'y, p o k o r n y flatër f, pl.flatra ‘wing’. A singularized plural of flete. 0 Ç abej Si. I MANN 84-85; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (on A lb /- < IE !
188 (“elementary formation” cognate with fleté). I 985; H a a r m a n n 124; L a n d i Lat. 50, 107.

7, derived with fle ~ flê aor.fleté, fjeta ‘to sleep’. From PAlb *awa-leja etymologically
fla kà O T . f l a k a ‘to throw, to fling’. From PAlb *awa-lak

MHG lecken connected with Slav *lëjç, *léjati ‘to doze, to slumber’ (O rel FLH V III/1- a prefix *awa- from IE *lek— *bk- to bend, to jump
lèkt ‘to spring, 2 46). 0 C a m a r d a I 108-109 (to Gk <pA,dcto 'to crush’); M e y e r Wb. 107- ‘to throw back, to spring’, Lith lekiù, lëkti ‘to fly', Latv
ER Wb. 107 (to
108 (borrowing from Lat fio ‘to blow’, with insurmountable difficul­ to jum p’ and the like (OREL Z ß a lk X X III/1 75). 0 M e ì
ARSt I 251 (to ties in semantics), Alb. St. IV 67; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 544 f. (to Gk Lat flaccus ‘flabby’, Ital fiaccare ‘to weaken’ ); BARIC
•J St. I 186-187
KÀivco 'to lean, to bend’ with Alb f- < th- < *k-): BARld ARSt 21-22
Gk 0 <páM.cú ‘to overthrow’); F r a e n k e l 353-354; Ç a b
throw on the (to *fell ‘to blow’); SCHMIDT KZ XLVI1 1 f. (from IE *bhlend-); TREIMER (from flakë; semantically, cf. Ital dial, lampare ‘to
i of derivation *Z L X V 103 (reconstructs IE *sphlend-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 116- ground, to drop' ~ lampo ‘lightning’ but the directio
H 7; G o r ' a c e v a Ètimologija 1981 76; ÇABEJ Sí. I 188-189 (to Slav
is opposite there).
*lenh laziness’, Lith lënas ‘quiet’).
sed on an unat- flakë f, Pl.flakëra ~ flakëna ‘flame’. A back formation b;
fle g ë f. pl. flegë ‘splinter'. From PAlb *awa-laga, a préfixai derivative
I Rom *flacula tested *flakull. The latter is a borrowing from dialecti
ng f acula ‘little of IE *legh- ‘to lie' in 0-grade, cf. Gk Xóxoq ‘ambush’. Derived from reflected in Ital fiaccola id., Rum flacärä id. and replac
a metathesized flege (as its singularized plural?) is flegër, fregali ‘nostril, door-leaf, torch’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 107 (borrowed from Rom *flac
AJA Sravn. 231
probably, reflecting a secondary influence of fleté on its semantics. from *facla < Lat facula); Pi s c a r iu EWR 53; DESNICI
100 I-1.1. I h — FLOSKË

0 J O K L LKUBA 149 (to flugë)-, F r i s k II 111-112; Ç a b e j Sr. I 188 (“ele­


mentary form ation” cognate with fiele and flugë), O r e l F O R T . 79

fletè f, pi .fletè' ‘wing, le a f. From PAlb *awa-lekta, a préfixai deriva­


tive of IE *iek- ‘to fly’: Lith lekiit, lékti, Latv lekt, OHG lecken ‘to jump,
to kick’. 0 C a m a r d a II 192 (to flutur); M e y e r Wb. 108 (borrowed from
Ital foglietta ‘little barrel’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1049; TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 117; SKOK AArbSt I 226 (borrowed from Lat fem. foliota
‘leaved, leafy’ - but the cluster -li- [lj] would yield Alb -/'-); L a PIANA
Studi 1 104 (to OHG blat ‘leaf’ and the like); F r a e n k e l 353-354; Ç a b e j
St. I 189-190 (“elementary formation”).

fli ~ flî f. pl./// ~ flî ‘sacrifice’. Identical with f eli, ferii ‘kind of pastry’
(originally baked to celebrate baptism) and borrowed from Rom
*firigittnum ( M e y e r Wb. 103). 0 J o k l Balkangerm. 121,/FX L IV 30-
32 (borrowed from MGk evXojia ‘wafer, communion bread’ - but how
to account for the Geg nasal?); Ç a b e j St. I 179 (agrees with J o k l ).

flojere f, pi. flojere ‘flute’. Known to all languages of the Carpathian


and Balkan areas, this is a relatively late borrowing from Rum fluier
id. continuing Lat adj. flütûrûlis ‘blowing’, cf. flâtüra ‘blowing’.
Q C a m a r d a 1161 (comparison with Lat flare ‘to blow’); M ik l o s ic h
Wander. 23 (to fryj)\ MEYER Wb. 108 (borrowed from Rom *flatuäria;
on the other hand, connected with fyellY, GlUGLEA Dacoromania III 587-
589 (borrowed from Gk *(pA.ouxpiov based on cpXoiôç ‘bark’); SKOK
Glasnik SND II 302 (borrowed from Rum fluier < Rom *vivulellus)\
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ÇABEJ St. I 190-
191 (to Geg/Zuer ‘draw er’); DEMIRAJ AE 172 (against ÇABEJ).

flok m, pi.flo k ë ‘h a ir’. B o r ro w e d from Lat floccus ‘lo c k , f lo c k ’ (M l­


KLOSICH Rom, Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 1 0 8 -1 0 9 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1 045, 1054; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 1 6 -1 1 7 , Stratifi­
cazione 84; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 126; L a n d i Lat.
103, 139.

fiori ~ fiorì m, pi.florinj ‘gold; (pl.) golden coins’. Borrowed from MLat
florlnus ‘gold piece’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 27; MEYER Wb.
109). 0 H a a r m a n n 126; Ç a b e j Si. I 191-192.

floskë f ‘layer (of snow)’. Borrowed from Slav *ploska unknown in


FLUG l'O RTL 101

this meaning in South Slavic languages. Cf., however, Bulg fem. sg.
ploska ‘flat’ and SCr ploska ‘flat vessel’.

flu g m ‘swing, zest, zeal’. Continues P A l b *awa-luga that may be con­


nected with IE *leug- ‘to break’ (see flugë) or wilh *leugh- ‘to lie’: Goth
liugan, Slav *fegati. 0 M e y e r Wb. 109 (borrowed from NGk <pA,ôyoç
‘flam e’); V a s m e r II 469; P O K O R N Y I 686-687; F e i s t Goth. 334;
Ç A B E J St. I 192 (“elementary form ation”).

flu g ë f, p i .fluga ‘shingle’. From PAlb *awa-luga, a préfixai derivative


of IE *leug-, cf. Skt rujdti ‘to break’, Lat lügeö ‘to mourn, to deplore’
0 JOKL LKUBA 146-150 (to luge); TR E IM E R KZ LXV 102 (to MUG splïzen
‘to split’); M a y r h o f e r III 6 4 -6 5 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 8 3 0 -8 3 1 ;
P o k o r n y I 686; Ç a b e j St. I 192 (“elementary form ation”); D e m ir a j
AE 1 7 2 -1 7 3 .

flutur f, pi.flutura ‘butterfly’. A back formation based on fluturoj ‘to


fly’. The latter is borrowed from Rom *fluctuläre, a modification of
Lat fluctuare ‘to move in waves, to move to and fro’ (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 109). 0 CAMARDA II 192 (related to flete);
M e ier Etym. 92; C a n d r e a -H e c h t Romania XXXI 310-311; ÇABF.J St.
VII 244; Di GIOVINE Gruppo -ct- 33-39 (opposes the Latin etymolo­
gy); Io n e s c u LR 6 (1984) 476-479.

flladis aor. flladita ‘to cool’. Borrowed from Slav *xolditi id., cf., in
particular, SCr hladiti ( S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 193, 3 0 6 ). 0 S v a n e
175, 23 2 .

forbël f, pi forbla 'peelings, sweepings (of nuts), empty nut-shell’. Other


variants ar e form ël and forlë. Borrowed from bai formella ‘small form’
(O R E L Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 C A M A R D A IT 64 (compares
formël with G k ( p o p u ô ç ‘basket’); M E Y E R Wb. 110 (derives forbël from
*vorbël < Rom *orbulus and form ël from Ital forfore ‘scabs’); Ç A B E J
St. I 192-193 (“of unclear origin”).

fortë adj. ‘stro n g ’. B orrow ed from Lat fortis id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 27; C a m a r d a 1 167). 0 M e y e r Wb. 110 (from Ital forte id.); M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1045 ¡TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 117; Ç a b e j St. VII
281.
102 FO SH N JË — FRE ~ FRÊ

foshnjë f, pi.foshnja ‘infant’. The Geg form is foslii. Both forms reflect
an unattested *fosh that may result (irregularly as far as the anlaut is
concerned) from *ftosh, the latter being a borrowing from Lat fëtôsus,
to fetus ‘offspring’. 0 MEYER Wb. 100 (related to fashqe); B a r k M Æ S î
23-24 (to Skt phanas- ‘foam’); ÇABEJ St. VII 184.

fqinjë m/f, pi-fqinjë ‘n e ig h b o r ’. B o r ro w e d fro m R om *vïcînius based


on Lat vîcuius id. (CAMARDA 1 92; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 71; M eyer
Wb. 107). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044, 1048; MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V /1 - 2 21; HAARMANN 157.

fqollë f, pi.fqolla ‘flax ready for spinning; first combings of flax’. Another
variant of this word is fjollë. Borrowed from MGk (paKiôXriç ‘hand­
kerchief. napkin’ (M e y e r Wb. 107). 0 M ey er Wb. 106 (separates fjollë
as a continuation of Rom *fileötum)\ M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1
1045; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 125; Ç a b e j Sí. 1 193.

fraq m,pl.fraqra ~ fraqna 'biting cold, frost’. Singularized form of the


original *frak continuing PAlb *awa-raka, a préfixai formation ety­
mologically related to Lith raku, ràkti ‘to peck open, to lance’, Latv
rakt ‘to dig’. 0 JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski I 248 (reconstructs * ve­
ra/:-/«?- related to OIr diorain ‘to sprinkle’); SGGJa I 55; FRAENKEL
694; ÇABEJ St. I 193-194 (considers dialectal thrak in mot thrak ‘cold
period’ to be the older form and uses it to reconstruct *ther-ak, further
to ther).

frashër ~ frashën m, pi.frashëra ~ frashna ‘a sh -tr e e ’. B o r ro w e d from


Lat frax inus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 111). 0
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 16;
Ç a b e j Sí. VII 244; H a a r m a n n 127; J a n s o n Unt. 51; L a n d i Lat. 102,
124.

frashuall ~ frashuell m ‘haricot’. Borrowed from Lat phaseolus ‘kind


of bean’ ( Ç A B E J St. I 175) with a secondary epenthetic -r- ( M E Y E R -
L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß21 1045). In Tosk the NGk cpcxooij/a id. was adapted
as fasul. O H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i Lat. 78, 85, 93.

fre - frê m, pl.frerë ~ frena, frenj ‘bridle; grape-stalk; comb’. Borrowed


from Lat frcnum id. ( M lK L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 28; M E Y E R Wb. 111).
0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1044; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16;
(G) FRU ER — FRYT 103

H a a r m a n n 127; Ç a b e j St. I 194; Ja n s o n Unt. 51; L a n d i Lat. 55.

(G) fruer m ‘February’. Borrowed from Lat februârius id. (MlKLOSICH


Rom. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 109). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1043, 1054; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 125; Ç a b e j
St. I 194-195; La n d i Lat. 2 8 , 7 5 -7 6 , 127, 157.

frushkull m, pl. frushkuj ‘whip’. A transform ation of the original


*fushtull borrowed from Rom *fustulum, cf. Lat fustis ‘knobbed
stick, cudgel, club’. The variant fshikull is explained by the influence
of fshike. 0 M e y e r Wb. 112 (identifies this word with frushkull
‘whistle’); T R E IM E R KZ LV1 104 (connects frushkull with \Và\ frusta
‘whip’); ÇABEJ St. I 195 (onomatopoeia), 199.

frushkull f, pl. frushkulla ‘whistle’. Another variant is frushull. A radical


phonetic transformation of the original Lat fistula ‘pipe, tube’ (M e y e r
Wb. 112). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 195 (onomatopoeia).

fruth - frûth m ‘measles’. Deminutive or collective in -th based on PAlb


*spruga related to Skt sphurjati ‘to thunder, to rumble’, Gk aipapayeopcxt
‘to burst with a noise’, Lith sprdgstu, sprógti ‘to break, to crack up’
(M a n n Language XVII 13). 0 MEYER Wb. 154 (related to hurdhe), Alb.
St. Ill 32; BARIC ARSt. I 29; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 242; FRAENKEL 882-
883; F r is k II 828; MAYRHOFER III 5 4 5 -5 4 6 ; TlCHY Onom. 1 7 7 -1 8 1 ;
Ç a b e j St. I 195 (f-ruth related to IE *reudh- ‘red’).

fryj ~ fryj aor.fry va, fryjta ~ fryna ‘to blow’. Continues PAlb *sprügnja
etymologically connected with Lith sprûgstu, sprügti ‘to escape, to get
out’, Slav *prygati ‘to jump, to spring’. The nounfrym ë ‘breath’ is derived
from fryj. 0 CAMARDA 1 1 12 (to Gk nvéxo ‘to blow’); B a r i £ ARSt. I
26 (reconstructs *sphrügniö, to Gk acpapayéopai ‘to burst with a noise’);
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 98; L a P ia n a Studi I 94; M a n n Language
X V II15 (to Gk arcai pai), XXVIII 37; F r a e n k e l 883; Ç a b e j St. 1 195-
196; VASMER III 390-391; H u l d 65.

fryt m, pi.fryte ‘fruit’. Borrowed from Lat früctus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 112) through the intermediary stage of early
Alb *früjt. 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1054; SCHUCHARDT KZ
XX 259; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; Di G io v in e
Gruppo -ct- 39-41; LANDI Lat. 121, 148.
106 FU NI) — FU SH Ë

fund m, pi. funde ‘b ottom , e n d ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat fundus ‘b o tto m ’


(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 114). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß21 1046; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; L a n d i
Lat. 116, 139.

fuqi f, pi.fu q i ‘power, strength, force’. If the intermediary form was


*fujqi, it could be a borrowing based on Rom *fulcius, the latter derived
from fu ta re ‘to prop up, to support, to make strong’ (MEYER Wb. 114).
0 B A R lé ARSt 25 (to Latv spèks ‘strength’).

furfur it aor. furfurita ‘to sparkle, to shine’. A descriptive stem.

furkë f, pi.furka ‘distaff, fork’. Borrowed from Lat furca ‘fork’ (M l­


KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28-29; M e y e r Wb. 114). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 120, Origini 190, 239; ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 190; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 16; ROHLFS Spr. 117; HAARMANN 127.

fuir m, pl.furre ‘oven’. Another variant is /a rre . Borrowed from Lat


furnus id. (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 29; M e y e r Wb. 114). 0 M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­
MANN 127; LANDI Lat. 114.

furrik m, plfurriqë, furriqe ‘chicken-coop, fowl-pen, roost, nesting-box’.


Another variant of singular h fu rriq . The modern form furrik is a back
formation based on the original furriq borrowed from Lat fornicem ‘arch,
vault’. 0 MEYER Wb. 115 (uncertain comparison with /«; /); JOKL AArhSl
1 39-41 (to farë); Ç a b e j St. I 201; L a n d i Lat. 112-114, 158.

fus aor .futa ‘to put in, to thrust in, to insert; to plant’. From PAlb *sputja,
a form with .v mobile etymologically related to Lat puto ‘to trim, to
prune’, Tokh A, B putk- ‘to divide’. 0 CAMARDA I 132 (to Gk cpijonou
‘to grow ’); T r e im e r KZ LXV 107 (to Lith spdudyti ‘to smooth with,
to m ash’); W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 393-394; V a n W in d e k e n s I 397.

fushë f, pl.fusha ‘plain, open field, meadow’. Borrowed from Lat fossa
‘ditch, trench, gutter’, also ‘furrow ’, and originally describing an irri­
gated plot of land. Note that fushate ‘campaign’ was formed already
in Albanian, probably, as a caique of Ital campagna ‘country, campaign’.
0 M ey er Wb. 115 (borrowed from Lat füsum ‘pouring, poured'); B aric
FYEJ GABONJE 107

ARSt. I 23 (reco n stru cts *pjthuiaml)', TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 120-121;


Ç a b e j St. VIT 238, 277.

fyej aor.feva ‘to offend, to insult, to make a mistake’. Identical with


fe'jej ‘to make a m istake’ derived from fa j (Ç a b e j St. I 201).

fyell ~ fyll m, pl. fyej, fej, fyje ‘flute’. Goes back to PAlb *spali- ety­
mologically related to Gk aJuiXaiov ‘cave, cavern’ < * ‘hollow’. 0 M ey er
Wb. 108 {to flojere), Alb. St. V 76; BARltMÄSf I 21-22 (to Gk (pDoáco
‘to blow’, Lat pustula ‘bubble, blister1); T relmer KZ LXV 103 (to Lith
pliüsë ‘rush, reed’); SKOK Glasnik SNDII 297-299 (borrowed from Rom
*vivula ‘viola’); F r is k II 765-766; ÇABEJ St. I 201-202 (from IE *spel-
‘to split’).

fyl adj. ‘hollow’. Akin to fyell (ÇABEJ St. I 202-203). Note fyçkë ‘hollow,
stupid’ and fyrbë ‘hollow’ < *fyl be derived from fyl. It is possible that
fyshtë ‘thoroughly baked (of bread)’ and fyshtër ‘Forsythia’ also
belong here (ibid.).

fyt m ‘throat, gullet’. F rom PAlb *spüta etymologically related to Lat


spuO ‘to spit’, sputum ‘spittle’, Gk m v w ‘to spit’ and the like ( B a r i ¿
ARSt I 25). 0 MEYER Wb. 115 (borrowed from Lat fui is ‘vessel,
pitcher’); T reim er KZ LXV 112 (to Skt sphâvayati ‘to fatten, to strength­
en’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 121, Stratificazione 88; F r is k
II 617-618; WALDE-HOFMANN II 580-581; POKORNY I 999-1000;
Ç a b e j St. VII 217, 258.

fytyrë f, pi .fytyra ‘face’. Borrowed from Lat factura ‘formation, crea­


ture’ (MEYER Wb. 116). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 305 (from Lat
facies ‘face’); BARIÓAArbSt I 144; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1055
(from Ital fattura ‘magic’); TAGLIAVINI St. albanesi III - IV 222, Dal­
mazia 116 (follows M e y e r -L ü b k e ); M ih äescu RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r ­
m a n n 125; Dì G io v in e Gruppo -ct- 45-49; Ç a b e j St. 1 203 (agrees with
M e y e r ); L a n d i Lat. 68, 121.

G
gabonjë f, pl. gabonja ‘eagle’. A suffixal formation in -onjë based on
*gabë, related to shkabë id. The latter consists of the prefix sh- and
108 GAGE — GAI.INF,

the same stem (JOKL LKUBA 2 4 4 , 3 0 4 ). The source is PAlb *gaba that
seems to go back to a cultural Wanderwort also attested in Lat capys,
capus ‘bird of prey’ (ibid.). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 140.

gacë f, pl. gaca ‘heat, hot ashes’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *garbca,
deminutive of *garb ‘ash, fire ’. 0 JOKL Studien 21 (from IE *g“hor-
ti-ä, to *g“her- ‘to be hot’), ZONF X 186; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 48; ÇABEJ
St. VII 234; D em ir a j AE 174-175 (borrowed from Turk garra ‘shining’
or kor).

gagaç m, pl.gagaçë ‘stammerer’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *gagacb


derived from *gagati ‘to cackle, to shout’, cf. in particular South Slavic
reflexes: Maced gaga, SCr gagati.

gajgë f, pi.gajga ‘kind of nut’. Borrowed from a deminutive Slav *galbka


derived from *gal’a ‘lump, pebble’.

gaju sh ë f, p\.gajusha ‘bush, shrubbery’. Derivative of *gaj borrowed


from Slav *gajh ‘grove, bush’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: SCr gaj, Slovene
gaj (POLÁK ZfBalk I 78).

gak m, pi. geqe ‘boar’. From P A lb *gauka, a derivative of IE *g“


öu- ‘dung,
excrem ents’, similar to Maced yoxáv (leg. yoûxav)- i>v (Hes.) 0
MEYER Wb. 117-118 (comparisons with Fr coche and Germ Hacksch
‘breeding boar’); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 328 (secondary form of
plural as demonstrated by the lack of palatalization in g-); TAGLIAVI­
NI Stratificazione 136-137; P o k o r n y I 484; Ç a b e j St. I 203-204
(related to hakoç).

galam sh m, pi. galamsha ‘lame person’. A préfixai derivative of lëmsh


(M e y e r Wb. 119, 243). 0 V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch.80-81 (from *gyou-
+ lam-sh); C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 107 (prefix ga-)\ ÇABEJ St. I 204.

galë f, pi .gala ‘jackdaw; black sheep’. Borrowed from Slav *gal ’a ‘black
animal, jackdaw ’ (M e y e r Wb. 118). While the meaning ‘black sheep’
is attested in SCr galja, the meaning ‘jackdaw ’ is known only in East
Slavic: ORuss and Russ gal’a. 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 198; SVANE
146.

galinë f ‘lump of earth’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav *golina


GAM IS GARBË 109

‘empty place, hill withour grass’, with the unstressed *-o- rendered
as -a-.

garnis aor.gamita ‘to bark". Borrowed from Slav *gamiti ‘to shout, to
be noisy’ unattested in South Slavic.

gamule f, pi .gamule ‘heap’. A singularized plural of gamut ë id. going


back to PAlb *gamula and etymologically identical with Lith gämulas
‘bale, lump’, Slav *gomola id. The metathetized form magulë was bor­
rowed to Rum mägurä. 0 ClHAC I 152 (Rum mägurä from Lat macula
= maculimi ‘bag’); M e y e r Wb. 118- 119 (to Slav *mogyla ‘tomb, hill’);
V a sm e r Alb. Wortforsch. 18-19 (to Slav *mogç ‘I can’); SCHWARZ AfslPh
XLI 139 (borrowed from early Proto-Slavic *magiila)\ VALEK CMMZ
14 (to Pre-Rom ma- and Slav *gora ‘mountain’); S a h m a t o v AfslPh
XXXIII 91 (to Celt *mogo- ‘great’); CHARPENTIER KZ XL 467 (to Av
maya- ‘hole, pit’); G e o r g ie v Festschr. Rosetti 287-290; FRAENKEL 132;
P o p /?/5 234-257; R o s e t t i ILR I 279; Z a l i z n ’a k VSJa 40; T r u b a c e v
ÈSSJa VIT 18-19; OREL OLA 1981 301-306 (a suffixal derivative of IE
*dhghom ‘earth’).

gand m ‘accident, vice, defect’. From PAlb Uganda further connect­


ed with Lith gandas ‘rumor’, gañdinti ‘to frighten’, Latv gañdét ‘to spoil’.
0 H e l b i G 61, 121 (connected with gënjej ‘to deceive’, of Italian
origin); FRAENKEL 138-139; Ç a b e j St. I 204 (identical with ganë, par­
ticiple of gas, cf. ngas): A jeti ZfB alkV /2 142-143 (gandoj from SCr
ganuti).

gánguil adv. ‘whole; poached (of egg)’. Goes back to PAlb *gangula,
a suffixal derivative of *ganga connected with Lith ganga ‘movement’,
gdngytis ‘to move’. 0 MANN Language XXVI 3 8 2 (to Gk 70yyùÀoç);
F r a e n k e l 134.

gar be f, pi. garbe ‘flower-pot’. A singularized plural of the original garbë


going back to PAlb *gar(i)ba. As the Slavic word for ‘pot’ *ghrnrh derived
from the name of ‘oven’ * g i.n n , and further from IE *g%er- ‘to burn’,
the Albanian lexeme is derived from the same Indo-European root. 0
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 210-211, Rem. term. 190-201.

garbë f, pi garba ‘notch, nick’. Goes back to PAlb *garba etymologi­


cally related to OIr gerbach ‘wrinkled’, ON korpna ‘to get wrinkled’,
110 G A RD H - GASHTF.I.I.F,

OPrus *garbis ‘mountain’, Slav *gbrbT> ‘hump’and the like (ORELFestschr.


Shevoroshkin 260). 0 T r a u t m a n n BSlWb. 78; FRAENKEL 135; SLAWSKI
SEP I 256.

gardh m, pl. gardhe, gjerdhe ‘fence’. Continues PAlb *garda related to


Goth gards ‘house’, Lith gardas ‘fence’, Slav *gordi, ‘town, fence’ and
the like (MEYER Wb. 119-120, Alb. St. Ill 9, 72). Geg gardhën ‘croze’
is derived from gardh. Rum gard is an early Albanian loanword. 0
WEIGAND BA IV 26-27 (borrowed from Slav *gordb)\ SKOK Slavia III
115 (follows WEIGAND); F e ist Goth. 197-198; SELISCEV Slav, nase­
lenie 147, 319 (a Slavic loanword); JOKL Slavia X III297-301 (corroborates
M e y e r ’ s view); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 122, Origini 308; MANN Lan­
guage XVII 19, Language XXVIII 35; PISANI Saggi 126; FRAENKEL 135;
ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 246; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR
I 277; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 37-38; ÇABEJ St. I 205; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII
147; M u r a t i Probleme 130; D e m ir a j AE 175.

garë f, pl.gara ‘competition, race’. Continues PAlb *gara probably con­


nected with Gk xoupco ‘to rejoice’ and its derivatives, cf. in particu­
lar Gk xápttri ‘joy of battle; battle, fight’. Together with %aipco, garë
belongs to IE *gher- ‘to wish, to feel inclination’. 0 POKORNY I 440-
441; FRISK II 1062-1064.

garguii adv. ‘full’. From PAlb *garg-ula related to Lith gargalas, gargölas
‘thickening, knotted thread, thread' (O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin
2 6 0 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 134.

gargull m, pi, garguj ‘starling’. A more rare variant is garbull. The source
of this loanword is Rom *galbulus ‘blackbird’ (MEYER Wb. 119). 0
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26 (from Lat galgulus); HAARMANN 128; ÇAREJ
St. I 206.

garris aor. garrita ‘to neigh’. Borrowed from an expressive verb, Slav
*gavbriti ~ *gavbrati ‘to tease, to spoil’, cf. South Slavic continuants:
Bulg gavr 'a, SCr gavrati. 0 MEYER Wb. 119 (borrowed from Lat garrire
‘to chatter’); HAARMANN 128; TZITZILIS LB X X X /2 102; ÇABEJ St. I
2 0 6 (onomatopoeia); TRUBAÒEV ÈSSJa VI 1 1 2 -1 1 3 .

gashtellë f, pl. gashtellë ‘knee-cap’. A suffixal derivative of gashtë id.


G A SH T Ë — GAZ 111

that m ay be id en tified w ith gashtë ‘w h e tsto n e’. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 4 4 (to


shtjell).

g a sh të f, pi. gashta ‘whetstone’. From PAlb *galstâ, a suffixal deriva­


tive related to Lith gälas ‘end’, Latv gals id. A similar motivation in
a word for ‘whetstone’ may be traced in Lith bade ‘fungus; whetstone’.
On the other hand, it is extremely tempting to compare gashtë with Lith
galgsti ‘to sharpen’, galástuvas ‘whetstone’, Latv galuôda ‘whetstone’
but this is only possible if these verbs are analyzed as *gal-and-, i.e.
not according to the accepted view according to which *gland- is recon­
structed. 0 BOGA I 324; FRAENKEL 130; ÇABEJ St. VII 195, 2 44.

gatëf, pi. gata ‘heron’. From PAlb *gata continuing *ghnta, a deriva­
tional variant of IE *ghan-s- ‘goose’, cf. Gmc *ganta < IE *ghand-.
0 MEYER Wb. 121 (borrowed from Rom *ganta ‘stork, wild goose’ >
Fr jante, Prov ganta with serious phonetic and dialectal complications);
P is a n i Saggi 123; P o k o r n y 1 412-413; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31
(from Rom *catta)', Ç a b e j St. VII 195; H a a r m a n n 116.

gatuaj ~ gatuej aor. gatova ‘make ready, prepare’. Note that gat
‘ready’, gati id. are secondary formations based on the verb which is
an early Slavic loanword, from *gotovati, *gotoviti ‘make ready, pre­
pare’. As in patkua < *podi>kova, -ua- < *-<?«- (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
mente 19; JOKL IF XLIX 277) renders Slav *-ova- with a bilabial v [u]
(O r e l LÆ XXIX/4 70). Rum gata ‘ready’ was borrowed from Alban­
ian. 0 CAMARDA I 130 (to Gk àyaGoç ‘good, fine’); MEYER Wb. 121
(treats gat and Slav *gotovh ‘ready’ as cognates), Alb. St. Ill 7, 23; JOKL
IF XLIX 290, L 36; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 122; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
II 3341; ROSETTI ILR I 277; Hamp RRL X V III/4 333-345; ÇABEJ St.
VII 198; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 70-72; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 152.

gath m, pi.gathë ‘catkin’. A deminutive in -th of an unattested *gat bor­


rowed from Rom *gat(t)us ‘c a t’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 6 1 ).
For the meaning cf. Germ Kätzchen and E catkin.

gavër f, pi.gavra ‘hole’. From PAlb *ga-wara, a préfixai derivative related


to varr (MEYER Wb. 3 7 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 184.

gaz m, pi. gaze ‘jo y , lau ghter’. From Lat gaudium ‘j o y ’ (MlKLOSICHRom.
Elemente 29; MEYER Wb. 120). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1052;
112 GDHE ~ GDHÊ — GF.LBAZË

T a g lia v in i Dalmazia 122; M a n n Language XXVI 382; MlHÄESCU RESEE


IV /1-2 22; Ç abej St. VII 230, 267; H a a r m a n n 128; H u l d 65-66; L a n d i
Lat. 72, 125.

gdhe ~ g d h è m, pi. gdhenj 'gnarl, knot’. Another variant in Tosk is gdhë.


From PAlb *ga-daina, a préfixai formation based on an adjective in
*-no- that belongs to the same root as Skt dáyate ‘to divide’, Gk Saiopai
id. 0 MEYER Wb. 471 (links gdhe to gdhend and, further, to vgje); ÇABEJ
St. I 207 (connects gdhe with gdhend)-, ÖLBERG apud DEMIRAJ (to OHG
tanna ‘fir-tree’); DEMIRAJ AE 175.

gdhend aor.gdhenda ‘to plane’. In Old Albanian there is a parallel form


dhend (BOGDANI). A denominative verb derived from gdhe with a suffix
-d- < *-t-. Thus, one might reconstruct PAlb *ga-den-ta 0 MEYER Wb.
471 (compares gdhend with vgje); JOKL Studien 21-22 (to ON detta ‘to
hit, to strike’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 106; FRISK
1 341-342; M a y r h o f e r I I 20-21; P o k o r n y 1 175-176; Ç a b e j St. 1 207
(follows J o k l ); D e m ir a j AE 175-176.

gdhij ~ gdhîj aor. gdhiva ~ gdhina ‘to stay awake at night’. Also used
impersonally as u gdhi ‘the day began’. Goes back to a préfixai *ga-
deinja related to din (JOKL Studien 22). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 546;
ÇABEJ St. VII 242 (from *ditnja); DEMIRAJ AE 176.

g e g ë m, pi.gegë ‘Geg, North Albanian’. An onomatopoeia of babbling,


indistinct speech as contrasted to shqipe. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 193, 249.

g e m m ‘branch’. Together with gemb id., a phonetic variant of gjemb


(JOKL Studien 2 6 -2 8 ). The adjective gemtë ‘crooked’ is derived from
gem. 0 MEYER Wb. 122 (from Ital gambo ‘stem, stalk’); ÇABEJ St. I 207
(agrees with JOKL).

ger m, pi.gera ‘squirrel’. From P A lb *gaura related to Lith gaiiras ‘hair,


down, tuft of hair’, Latv gauri ‘pubic hair’, Mir gúaire ‘hair’ and describ­
ing the squirrel as ‘fu rry ’. 0 F r a e n k e l 140; POKORNY I 397-398.

g ëlb a zë f, pi.gëlbaza ‘liver illness of sheep caused by worms’. Another


variant is këlbazë. Borrowed from Slav *k-blbasa ‘stuffed gut, sausage’,
a derivative of *k-hlbi> ‘stomach (of anim als)’ (OREL Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 261). The irregular change of Slav *-s- > Alb -z- is explained
G ËLOJ GËRDALLË 113

by the analogical influence of suffixal forms in -az(ë). Rum gälbeazä,


cälbeazä is borrowed from Albanian. 0 MEYER Wb. 222 (to qelb); POGHIRC
1st. limb. rom. 11 338 ; ROSETTI ILR I 274; DESNICKAJA Slav. jaz. VIII
155 (to kalb): ÇABEJ St. VII 224, 233.

gëloj aor. gelova ‘to burst out; to be gathered, to be accumulated, to blaze


(of fire)’. A denominative continuing PAlb *gal-anja related to OHG
quellan ‘to well up, to pour out, to stream from ’, Skt gálati ‘to drip,
to drop, to ooze’. 0 K l u g e 574; MAYRHOFER I 329; POKORNY I 4 7 1 -
472.

gëlltis aor.ge'llttta to swallow . Borrowed from Slav 'gioitati —:g~i>ltiti


id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg gßltam ‘to swallow’, SCr gutati ‘to
swallow’, gufiti ‘to squeeze’, Slovene goltiti ‘to swallow’ (S v a n e 254).

gëras aor. gerita ‘to creak’. An onomatopoeia of uncertain origin.

gërbë f, pl. gërba ‘hump’. Borrowed from S la v *gi>rba id. (M lK ­


LOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 1 23), cf. South Slavic contin­
uants: Bulg gbrba, SCr grba. 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 188, 195; S v a n e
184.

gërbulë f ‘mange, scab, lepra’. From PAlb *garb-uli-. Derived from


garbë ‘notch, nick’ and thus formally identical with Lith garbulis ‘hair-
lock’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 125 (to gè'rvish); L a PIANA St. Varia 95 (deriva­
tive of kalby, F r a e n k e l 154; Ç a b e j St. 1 2 0 8 (agrees with L a P i a n a ).

gërç m ‘convulsion, cram p’. Borrowed from Slav *gi>rcb id., a variant
of *kbrcb, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg grbc, SCr grc (M EYER Wb. 125).
0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; SV A N E 184,
232.

gërçak m ‘jug, pitcher’. Another variant is kërçak. Borrowed from Slav


*kbrcagb ‘clay vessel, pitcher’, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS krbcagb,
Bulg kbrcag, SCr krcag (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb.
190). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 153; POLÁK ZfBalk I 78; SVANE 74.

gërdallë f ‘old horse’. D erivative based on Slav *gbrd-b ‘ugly, bad; proud’,
cf. gërditet.
114 G Ë R D IT E T — GËRK

gërditet refi, ‘to fe e l sic k e n e d , to be s ic k ’. B o r r o w e d fro m S la v


*gbrditi ‘to be p rou d ’, in som e lan guages a lso - ‘to fe e l bad, to be sic k ’
as in SCr grditi, S loven e grdeti se (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; MEYER
Wb. 123). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 91, 289; SVANE 182, 2 3 2 .

gërdhatë f, pl.gërdhata ‘barren, rugged mountain chain’. As well as ger-


dhele ‘boulder, clod’ and gerdhet ‘cellar’, a derivative of gardh. 0 ÇABEJ
St. I 208 (divides gerdhet into a prefix ge(r)- and a root dhe ‘earth’).

gërdhij a o r . gërdhiva ‘to scratch’. Continues PAlb *grad-ïnja, a denom­


inative verb with *grad- < *ghrridh- related to OE grindan ‘to grind’,
Lith gre'ndziu, gre'sti ‘to scrape, to sc ra tch ’. 0 FRAENKEL 167;
H o l t h a u s e n AEW 137-138.

gërfej m ‘cave with two entrances’. Apparently, this dialectal word from
Mirdita was misintepreted as far as its meaning is concerned. Perhaps,
the original meaning was ‘study, office room ’. Its source is, clearly,
MGk Ypowperov ‘record-office, registry’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 208 (prefix gër-
followed by -fej, plural o í fyell).

gërgaUe f, pi.gërgalle ‘rocky area’. A singularized plural of *gërgallë


further related to gargull and continuing PAlb *garg-alä.

gërgas aor. gërgita ‘to irritate, to in c ite ’. B o r ro w e d from SCr grgati ‘to
tinket, to putter, to pick (teeth or n ose)’. 0 MEYER Wb. 123 (onomatopoeia);
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 125; Ç a b e j St. V II 2 4 2 .

(G) gërhanë f, pl.gërhanë ‘card, hackle’. Another form is kërhanë. Sin­


gularized plural of krehër ~ krahen ‘comb’ (ÇABEJ St. I 208), Note the
voicing of the initial k- as in many other examples.

gërhas aor .gërhita ‘to sn o r e ’. B o rro w ed from S lav *ki,rxati ‘to co u g h ,


to ex p ec to ra te’, represented in South S lav ic by SCr krhati ( M e y e r Wb.
1 2 3 -1 2 4 , Alb. St. IV 103). 0 L a P ia n a Studi I 7 0 (reco n stru cts *gri-
khak-iô), St. Varia 32 -3 3 (from *gher-ghark-iö, to Skt gharghara- ‘thun­
d erin g , r in g in g ’); ÇABEJ St. I 2 0 8 -2 0 9 (o n o m a to p o eia or a co g n a te o f
grahmë ); SVANE 261.

gërk m, pl. gërqe ‘G reek ’. A p arallel form o f singular is gërq. B o rro w ed


from Slav *grbth id., cf. South Slavic form s: B ulg grbk, SCr grk (MEYER
GËRLAC G Ë R SH E T 115

Wb. 124). The fem in in e form gërqinjë g o e s back to S lav *grbkyni (M lK­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 0 ). C f. a lso grek. 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie
197; Ç a b e j St. I 21 3 .

gërlac m ‘windpipe’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *g-hrdlacb or


directly derived from Slav *gi>rdlo ‘throat’ ( M e y e r Wb. 124).

gërlas a o r . gërlata ‘to bend’. O f obscure origin.

gërlicë f ‘turtle dove’. Borrowed from Slav *gi,rd¡ica id., cf. South
Slavic forms: Bulg gw lica, SCr grlica (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 125).

gërmadhë f, pl.gërmadha ‘ruin’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav


*gromada ‘heap, m ass’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg gramada,
grhmada, SCr gramada (MEYER Wb. 124). 0 MANN Language XVII 12;
S v a n e 52.

gërm is aor. gërmita ‘to pick, to gnaw’. A denominative based on


grimë.

gërm oj aor. gërmova ‘to dig’. A denominative verb derived from


gërmë ‘letter’ in its otherwise unattested meaning ‘line, scratch’ so that
the original meaning of gërmoj would be ‘to scratch lines’. If so, gërmë
must be considered a borrowing from ancient Greek rather than a loan
from NGk ypdc,una the only meaning of which is ‘letter’ and which is
reflected in Albanian as grame. 0 MEYER Wb. 125 (to gënnsh), 128 (gërmë
< N G k yp á|a p a ); ÇABEJ St. VII 2 5 4 -2 5 5 .

gërm uq adv. ‘c r o o k e d ’. An e x p r e ssiv e d eriv a tiv e o f gërmoj.

gërshas aor. grisha ‘to in v ite ’. A variant o f grish, aor. grisha id. O r ig ­
in a lly , from PAlb *grisa, a ze r o grad e o f IE *g*er-: Skt grnati ‘to ca ll,
to in v o k e ’, L ith giriu, girti ‘to p r a is e ’ (JOKL IF XXX VI 133). 0
M e y e r Wb. 124 (to Lith garsas ‘sound’), Alb. St. Ill 7, 72; ClMOCHOWSKI
St. IE 44; F r a e n k e l 154; M a y r h o f e r I 343; P o k o r n y I 478; Ç a b e j
St. VII 201, 224; HAMP apud SCHRIJVER BC 143 (to C elt *bardos ‘bard’
< *barsdo- < * frs-)\ DEMIRAJ AE 180.

gërshet m. pi, gërsheta ‘plait’. A parallel form is kërshet. The source


of this word is Gk Kopatoxôç ‘tasseled (hair)’, cf. also Kopacoxrip ‘barber’.
116 G R R SIIËR Ë ~ G Ë R SH A N Ë GËRRYEJ ~ GËRRYJ G ËSH TA LLË G ISH L 1 17

0 MEYER Wb. 124 (to Ital grisola ‘wicker-work'); ÇABEJ St. I 2 0 9 -2 1 0 Xpaivto); ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to various form s in gërr-lkër-)-,
(divides the word into gë(r)- and -shet, the latter to be compared with D e m ir a j AE 177-178 (prefix gë-).
shatë).
gësh ta llë f ‘splint, piece of wood’. A parallel form is kështallë. Goes
g ërsh ërë ~ gërshanë f, pl. gërshërë ~ gërshanë ‘scissors’. Borrowed from back to PAlb *ka-sta!nä, a préfixai derivative related to shtjell (ÇABEJ
Rom *carsänia, an irregular phonetic transformation of *caesânia, cf. St. I 210-211).
Ital cesoie id. < Rom *corsôria. 0 CAMARDA I 6 6 (to IE *kers- ‘to cut );
MEYER Wb. 124 (reconstructs Rom *carpsöria as a source); JOKL LKUBA gështenjë f, pi.gështenja ‘chestnut’. Together with a parallel form kësht-
1 5 5 -1 5 7 (to IE *sker- ‘to cut’); Ç a b e j St. VII 2 5 8 . enjë, borrowed from Lat castanea id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12;
M e y e r Wb. 191). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042, 1048;
g ë rth a p ë pl. ‘garden scissors; claw, nipper (of a scorpion)’. Another M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14; Ç a b ej St. V II279; H a a r m a n n 115; L a n d i
variant is gëthapë. Together with the umlauticized form gëthep ‘hook’, Lat. 47-48, 81, 97.
continues PAlb *ga-tsap- related to thep.
g ë z o f m, pl. gëzofë ‘fur, pelt’. Borrowed from Gk Yat>Ga7toç ‘frieze’
gërthas aor.gërthita ‘to cry, to shout’. A variant of kërcas, with the dialec­ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 29), the latter itself being an Oriental loan­
tal substitution -th- > -c- and the voicing of the anlaut. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII word (from Akk guzippu ~ kuzippu). The phonetic details of the Alban­
25 8 . ian word, however, remain irregular: the place of the stress, the voiced

ER I 169; F r is k I 789-780; apud WALDE-HOFMANN I 5 8 5 (borrowed from an ancient Balkan lan­ crab, c r a y fish ’, Lat cancer id. 0 MAYRHOF
! guage to Albanian and Greek), JOKL Beiträge (< *g“öu-di-äpos ‘bovine’); W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 151 ; P o k o r n y 1531.
F r is k I 202.
:r variant is gërvisht. As g ë rv ish aor. gërvisha ‘to scratch'. Anoth
formation based on *gërvij. gëzhojë f, pl. gëzhoja ‘nut s h e ll’. A sin gularized plural o f gëzhollë w hich other derivatives in -ish(t), this is a secondary
Æe y e r Wb. 125 (from Slav is a m etath etic fo rm o f zhgoll ~ zhguall. T he latter is a p réfix a i d e r iv ­ The source of the latter remains unclear. 0 ’
ative o f guall (Ç a b e j St. I 2 1 1 ). 0 H e lb i g 78 (borrow ed from Ital guscio *grebg ‘to rake up’).
‘nut s h e ll’).
*garatjâ, a suffixal deriv- g ë rre s ë f, pi.gërresa ‘scraper’. From PAlb
based on grij (M e y e r Wb. gica pi. ‘first teeth of an infant’. A word of the expressive vocabulary. ative of an unattested o-grade noune *gara
lien 9-10 (suffix -esë), 23- Cf. also gic ‘darling’. 130). Borrowed to Rum gresie. 0 JOKL Stu
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 24 (related to OHG krazzôn ‘to scratch’);
g ilcë f, pi.gilca ‘sinew’. Other variants are gilzë ~ kilzë ‘groin, hollow 3342; R o se t t i ILR I 278.
of knee or elbow’. The word is derived from an unattested *kilë going
\ denominative verb con- back to PAlb *külä and identical with Lith kula ‘thickening, swelling’, g ë rric aor. gërrica ‘to scratch with nails’,
Slav *kyla id. 0 FRAENKEL 306; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 262-263. nected with gërresë.

our’. A denominative verb gisht m, pl. gishta, gishtëra ~ gishtna, gishtërinj ‘finger, thumb’. The Greek- gërry ej ~ g ërry j aor. gërreva ‘to scrape, to si
24 (from *gred-, cf. OHG Albanian and South Tosk form glisht leads to the reconstruction of PAlb connected with gërresë. 0 JOKL Studien 23
/II 15, XXVIII 35 (to Gk *glista. Related to Lith getti ‘to prick, to sting’, galas ‘end, tip’ and krazzôn ‘to scratch’); M a n n Language X
118 GLASE — G L IST E R

the like (P E D E R S E N KZ XXXIX 393; J O K L IF XXXVI 125). 0 B O P P 498


(to Skt añgusthá- ‘thumb’); M e y l r Wb. 141 (follows B O P P ); B R U G M A N N
1F XI 285-286 n. 1 (to Gk ßAi|xa^co ‘to feel hens to see if they are fat’);
B U G G E BB XVIII 167 (to Skt añgúli- ‘finger, thumb’); P E D E R S E N KZ
XXXIIT 547 (to Slav *gi,rstb ‘handful’), Kelt. Gr. I 79 (to Arm ciwt
‘twig, fin g er’); T A G L I A V I N I Dalmazia 123, Stratificazione 88-89;
P i s a n i Saggi 132; C a m a j Alh. Wortb. 124; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147, Ètimo­
logija 1986-1987 222-224 (reconstructs *glista but connects it with ngjis);
Ç a b e j St. VII 200; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 40; D e m i r a j AE 178-179 (to
W bys, OCorn bis, bes ‘finger’).

glasë f, pi. glasa ‘bird’s droppings’. Borrowed from Rom *galiiatia, a


derivative of Lat gallus ‘rooster’, cf. Rum gâinaj ‘fowl’s droppings’
< *gallînâtia ( M E Y E R Wb. 122). 0 P U Ç C A R IU EWR 60; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE
IV /1-2 16 (from Lat gallinacea)', L A N D I Lat. 137-138.

gledhë f, pi. gledha ‘caress’. From P A lb *gladä, a substantivized adjec­


tive related to Lat glaber ‘smooth’, OHG^/öf ‘shining, even, smooth’,
Lith glodus ‘sm ooth’, Slav *glad’bk’b id., *gladiti ‘to caress’. 0
FRAENKEL 158; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 603; POKORNY I 4 3 2 ; T r u b a c e v
ÈSSJa VI 1 14-116.

glepë f, pl. glepa ‘matter from eyes, rheum (in eyes)’. Also attested as
gëlepë. From PAlb *ka-laipa, derived from IE *leip- ‘to smear with
fat’ (JOKL LKUBA 314). For the development of the prefix *ka- see gloq.
0 MEYER Wb. 125 (thinks of OHG chlëbên ‘to glue’), Alb. St. Ill 31;
MANN Language XXVIII 34 (to MHG klepe)', POKORNY I 670-671 ; CAMAJ
Alb. Wortb. 101 (adduces a dubious variant gëlapë); ÖLBERG IF
LXXIII 2 1 4 (against C a m a j ); OREL Linguistica XXIV 427; ÇABEJ apud
D e m ir a j (to lyej); D e m ir a j AE 1 7 6 -1 7 7 (to Gk Âorcôç ‘shell, scale’).

glinë f ‘c la y ’. B orro w ed from S lav *glina ‘c la y ’, cf. in particular South


S la v ic re flex e s: B u lg glina, SC r glina (JOKL Studien 109). 0 S e l i Sc e v
Slav, naselenie 173, 308; S v a n e 169.

gliqe pi. ‘k nee ten d o n s’. A su ffixal d eriv a tiv e g o in g back to *gëliqe and
further co n n ecte d w ith gilcë. 0 MEYER Wb. 126 (b o r ro w ed from S lav
* kl’uka ‘stick , c a n e ’).

glistër f, pi. glistra ‘r a in w o rm ’. D er iv ed from *glistë b o rro w ed from


GLOQ. - GODIS 119

Slav *glista ‘w orm ’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg glista, SCr glista
(S v a n e 157).

gioq m, p!.gloq ‘matter from eyes, rheum (in eyes), testis’. Note a dialec­
tal form gëluq. Goes back to PAlb *ka-laukja, a formation with a prefix
*ka- occasionally voiced in Albanian. The stem reflects a lengthening
of IE *leuk- ‘to shine; shining, white’ and is also found in loqe (OREL
Linguistica XXIV 427). 0 POKORNY I 687-690.

gllanik m, pi.gllanikë ‘hearth stone’. Borrowed from Slav *golvbniki>


derived from *golvn’a ‘charred log, charcoal’, cf. Bulg glavn’a, SCr
glavnja (JOKL Studien 108, LKUBA 3 1 5 ). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch.
1 9 -2 0 (from Bulg klanik ‘space between the fireplace and the wall’);
BARIC AArbSt I 2 1 6 (agrees with JOKL); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 149,
307; K r is t o f o r i 64; ÇABEJ St. I 2 1 1 -2 1 2 (supports VASMER); SVANE
56.

gllavinë f, pi.gllavina ‘wheel hub’. Borrowed from Slav *golvina id.,


cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg glavina, SCr glavina (DESNICKAJA
Slav. zaim. 11). 0 SVANE 35.

gobellë f, pi.gobella ‘deep place (in water)’. Together with gobetë ‘hollow’,
derived from *gobë continuing PAlb *gâubâ, further etymologically
connected with ~Li\hgaübti ‘to cover, to w rap’, Slav *ghbnçti ‘to bend’.
0 F r a e n k e l 140; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 18 8 -1 8 9 .

gocë f, pl. goca ‘g ir l’. D er iv ed from gop.

gocë f, pl. goca ‘o y s te r ’. O ther v arian ts are guacë, guaskë, guazë


d esc rib in g any sh ell. A d eriv a tiv e o f guall (ÇABEJ St. I 2 1 2 ).

godas aor.godita ‘to strik e, to b ea t’. B o r ro w e d fro m Slav *goditi used


in a m ean ing unattested in South S la v ic (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 19;
M e y e r Wb. 126). 0 S v a n e 2 2 9 , 23 2 .

godinë f, pi. godina ‘b u ild in g ’. A n A lb an ian d eriv a tiv e o f godis.

godis aor. godita ‘to b u ild ’. H isto r ica lly id en tica l with godas , this v erb
has a m ean in g d ev elo p p ed in A lb anian from a d ifferen t u sa g e o f godis
120 GOGËL — G O ST IS

‘to fit, to adjust’ (T ag lia v in i Dalmazia 123). 0 MLADENOV 1st. 77; R eiter
Z ß a lk V II/1-2 125-129.

gogël f, pi.gogla ‘ball, acorn’. A descriptive stem. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V


78 (to gogë, an expressive word denoting ‘Vlach’); JOKL Studien 24-
25 (to OHG chliuwa ‘ball’, Lat galla ‘gall-nut’ and the like); DEMIRAJ
AE 179 (reduplicated stem related to Arm kaiin ‘acorn’, Gk ßaXavoq
id.).

gogësij dOT. gogësiva, gogësita ‘to yawn’. An expressive formation (MEYER


Wb. 126). 0 D e m ir a j AE 179 (to Gk xocgkcd ‘to yawn’).

gojë f, pi.goje ‘mouth’. As immediately clear from the variant gole pre­
serving -/-, this element of the basic vocabulary is an Italian loanword
from gola id. (MEYER Wb. 126). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from
Lat gula); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 123.

golle f, pl. golle ‘hole’. A singularized plural based on *goll borrowed


from Gk YW^eôç ‘cave, cavern’.

gomë f, pl. goma ‘resin’. Borrowed from Rom *gumma, a variant of Lat
gummi.

gomilë f, pi. gomita ‘heap of stones, stone hill’. Borrowed from South
Slavic: Bulg gomila id., SCr gomita id., metathesis of Slav *mogyla (MlK­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 19).

gop m ‘vagina, vulva’. From PAlb *gâupâ related to Gk ywtri ‘cave’,


ON kofi id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 21). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione
89; F ris k I 335; P o k o r n y I 395-396.

gorricë f, pi. gorrica ‘wild pear’. Borrowed from Slav *gorbnica, cf.
South Slavic continuants: Bulg gornica (MEYER Wb. 127). 0 SELISCEV
Slav, naselenie 164, 309; SVANE 125.

gosë f, pi. gosa ‘water-hole’. Continues PAlb *gâtjâ formally close to


Slav *gatb/*gati> ‘dam, pool’ and Skt gütú- ‘passage, way’. 0 TRUBACEV
ÈSSJa VI 108-109.

g o stís aor.gostita ‘to receive guests’. Borrowed from Slav *gostiti id.
GO ZH DË GRAM 12 1

Bulg gost'a, SCr gostiii (MlKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wh. 127),


0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 183, 191; M l a d e n o v 1st. 77; M a n n Lan­
guage X V II 12; S v a n e 212, 233.

gozhdë f. pl. gozhdë, gozhda ‘nail’. Borrowed from Slav *gvozdb id.,
cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg gvozd, dialectal gozd, SCr gvozd (MlKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 128). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie
172; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; H a m p LB XIV/2 12; S v a n e 30, 88,
229.

gozhup m. p\.gozhupa ‘lambskin waistcoat’. Borrowed from Bulg dial.


kozuf, kuzuf ‘leather-coat, fur-coat’, Maced kozuv id. continuing Slav
*kozuxb.

grabë f. pi. graba ‘erosion, hollowing out’. From PAlb *graba etymo­
logically related to OHG graft ‘grave’, Slav *grobi> id. and other deriv­
atives of IE *ghrebh- ‘to dig’ (MANN Language XXVI 380). 0 POKORNY
1 455-456; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 133-134.

grabis aor. grahita ‘to steal, to r o b ’. B o r ro w e d fro m S lav *grabiti id.,


cf. South S la v ic r e fle x e s: B u lg grab’a, SCr grabiti (MlKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 19; MEYER Wb. 128). 0 B o p p G /\ comp. I 6 6 (rela ted to Slav
*grabiti); JOKL IF XLIX 295; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; S eli Sc e v Slav,
naselenie 178, 191; MLADENOV 1st. 77; SVANE 233.

gradë f, p].grada ‘nest’. Borrowed from Slav *gordrb ‘fence, wall, town’,
cf. Bulg grad, SCr grad. Note the change of gender in Albanian.

gradine f, pi .gradina ‘garden’. Borrowed from Slav *gordina, cf. South


Slavic continuants: Bulg gradina, SCr gradina. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
mente 19; MEYER Wb. 128). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 151; SVANE
58.

grah ~ graf aor. graha —grafa to spur on, to call, to roar . From PAlb
*graska etymologically related to Skt grnati ‘to call, to invoke’, Lith
giriti, girti ‘to praise’. 0 MEYER Wb. 128 (to Goth hrops ‘call’ and the
like); F r a e n k e l 154; M a y r h o f e r I 343; P o k o r n y I 478; Ç a b e j St.
VII 200-201.

g ra m m, pi. grama, gramra ~ gramna ‘c o u c h -g r a ss, k n o t-g r a ss’. B o r ­


12 2 G R A SH IN Ë — G RELLE

row ed from R om *gräma (> Spanish grama) replacing Lat grämen ‘grass’
(M e y e r Wb. 128). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 128;
L a n d i Lat. 103, 147.

grashinë f, pi. grashina ‘vetch, sweet pea’. Borrowed from Slav


*gorsina ‘pea’, cf. in South Slavic: SCr grasina (JOKL LKUBA 185).
0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 162, 326; SVANE 104.

grath m, pl. grathë ‘tooth, prong (of a device), bristle’. A deminutive


derived from PAlb *graba, an o-grade noun related to kreh.

gravë f, pi. grava ‘cave, den, lair’. From PAlb *grava etymologically
identical with Lith griovà, Latv grava, gçava ‘ravine, precipitous
valley’, OPrus grauwus ‘side’ further connected with Lith griuti ‘to decline,
to collapse’, Latv gçüt id. (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 261). 0
T r a u t m a n n APSpr. 342; F r a e n k e l 171.

grazhd m, pi.grazhde ‘m anger’. Borrowed from South-Eastern Slavic,


cf. Bulg grazd id. < Slav *gordjb (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r
Wb. 129). 0 M l a d e n o v 1st. 77.

grebash m, pi.grebasha ‘rake’. Borrowed from Slav *grebasb, a deriv­


ative based on *grebç, *grebti ‘to rake’. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 109-
110.

grehull m. pi. grehuj ‘thicket’. Derived from greh, a variant of kreh.

grek m, pl. grekë ‘G reek’. Borrowed from Lat graecus id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 30). 0 M e y e r Wb. 124 (from Ital greco); SELISCEV Slav,
naselenie 197 (agrees with M e y e r ); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21
1043; MILETIC Sp. BAN XVI/9 35-42 (from West Macedonian with *7,
> [äj); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 128; Ç a b f j St. 1 213
(follows M e y e r -LU b k e ); L a n d i Lat. 71, 140.

grellë f, pi. grella ‘deep place’. Continues PAlb *gritla with a secondary
e < *i based on the analogy with i < *e in singularized plurals. PAlb
*gritla is formally identical with Lith gurklÿs ‘crop’, OPrus gurcle ‘throat’,
Slav *g-brdlo id., cf. also *zerdlo ‘river-bed; opening’. Together with
Balto-Slavic, the Proto-Albanian word reflects IE *gftlom (O r e l Fort.
7 9 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 4 7 5 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 2 0 4 -2 0 5 .
G REP G RIG J 123

grep m, pi.grepa ‘hook, fish-hook’. A more archaic form of the word


is preserved in its variant gërjepë. It continues PAlb *ga-repa related
to rjep. Note grremç < *grepç id. as one of derivatives of grep. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 129 (borrowed from Ital grappa ‘hook’); SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 242;
POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3342; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ÇABEJ St. I 218
(on grremç as derived from grem ~ grep).

grerë ~ g re n z ë f, pi.grera, grerëz ~ grenëz, grenza ‘wasp, hornet’. From


PAlb *graisna < *grisnâ that, despite its voiced anlaut, must be
equated with Lat cräbrö ‘hornet’, OHG horna$ id., Lith sirsuö id., Slav
*sbr$enb id. 0 CAMARDA I 346 (to Skt gar- ‘to swallow’); JOKL
LKUBA 89 (singularized plural in Geg); K l u g e 316; M a n n Language
XXVIII 32 (to Gk ßpovxfj), Language XXVIII 35; FRAENKEL 988; WALDE-
HOFMANN I 283-284; POKORNY I 576; VASMER IV 432; ÇABEJ St. VII
258.

greth m ‘flax-combings’. Derived from kreh (MEYER Wb. 204).

g rëm ëratë f ‘beestings, clots of curdled m ilk’. Borrowed from Lat


glomerâtum, participle of glomerâre ‘to wind into a ball, to gather into
a round heap’, with assimilation of liquida. Borrowed to NGk ypcc^eváTa
with a dissimilation of sonorants. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (from Rom
* crémorcltum), Alb. St. V 7 8 -7 9 (goes back to Lat glomus ‘ball’); PASCU
RE 56 (from Arum *grumurata)\ ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 4 , 2 5 8 .

g rifsh ë f, pi. grifsha ‘jay, m agpie’. Borrowed from Rom *gripsa based
on Lat gryps ‘griffin’. The form grizhël magpie’ seems to be a form
of grifshë. 0 CAMARDA II 71 (from Gk y p w ‘griffin’); MEYER Wb. 130
(from Friul gripp ‘kind of bird’ or Italgn'va ‘thrush’); ÇABEJ St. I 214-
215 (related to krip ‘hair’, krife).

g r ifsh ë f, pi. grifsha ‘arbutus, wild straw berry-tree’. A metaphoric use


of grifshë ‘mane’ for a bushy tree. Other variants are krifshë and kripçë.
0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 9 1 -2 9 2 (to krife).

g rifsh ë f, pi. grifsha ‘m ane’. Derived from *grifë id., a variant of krife.

grigj m, pi. grigje ‘flock, herd’. Another variant is fem. grigjë. Borrowed
from Lat gregem id. (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
126 G R U SH T - G U I.

w ith MlKLOSICH); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1043, 1054 (fo llo w s


MEYER); B a r i Ó A4rW>/. II 4 1 4 (links grurë to Lith grudas ‘grain, w heat’,
Latv graüds id ., OHG grûz ‘g r o a ts ’); M a n n Language X V II 13;
M a y r h o f e r I 4 3 9 , 443; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 8; F e is t Goth. 3 0 9 -3 1 0 ;
W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 6 1 8 -6 1 9 ; V a s m e r II 9 5 -9 6 ; F r a e n k e l 1314;
P o k o r n y I 391; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani I I 684; H a m p KZ L X X V I 2 7 8 -
279; Ç a b e j St. I 2 1 8 -2 1 9 ; O r e l Koll. Ig. Ges. 351 (*-/■//- > *-f- > -ru-
after lab ials and la b io v ela rs); JANSON Unt. 8 3 -8 4 .

grusht m, pi. grushte, grushta ‘fist’. Early borrowing from (South-Eastern)


Slav *gbrstb ‘handful, hand’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; MEYER
Wb. 133). Ô B a r i C ARSt 32-33 (related to Slav *g-brstb)\ JOKL LKUBA
33; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 143; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 126; M a n n
Language XVII 13; HAMP LB XIV/2 14.

grykë f, pl.gryka ‘throat’ From PAlb *grlwïkâ related to IE *grlua ‘neck’:


Skt grivd, Av grîvâ, Latv griva ‘river mouth’, Slav *griva ‘mane’ (OREL
Linguistica XXIV 438). 0 CAMARDA 65 (correctly links grykë to IE *g“er-
‘to swallow, to eat’); M e y e r Wb. 133 (compares, without certainty, with
Slav *kbrkb ‘neck’, ON kverk ‘throat’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Strati­
ficazione 89; MANN Language XVII 15-16; M a y r lio fer 1 3 5 3 -3 5 4 ;
POKORNY I 475; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -kë); TRUBACEV
ÈSSJa VII 129-1 3 0 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 25 7 .

grrykë f, pl. grryqe ‘cool wind’. A derivative of gërryej: a cool wind


described as a scratching one.

guall m, pl. guaj ‘shell, skull’. From PAlb *gala, a long-grade deriva­
tive related to the dialectal Indo-European word for ‘head’ (and, orig­
inally, also ‘tum or’): Arm glux < *ghôlu-, Lith galvà, Slav *golva. 0
A c a r e a n HAB I 5 6 5 -5 6 6 ; F r a e n k e l 1 3 1 -1 3 2 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VI
2 2 1 -2 2 2 ; P o k o r n y I 350; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 3 6 .

gugë f, pl. guga ‘baby shirt’. An expressive word.

gul adj. ‘hornless’. Attested only in Italo-Albanian. From PAlb *gula


further related to OHG kalo ‘naked, bald’, Slav *gol-b 'naked' *guliti
‘to skin’. 0 MEYER Wb. 209 (to ON kolla ‘hornless animal’); TRUBACEV
ÈSSJa VII 15; D e m ir a j AE 181.
G U LÇO J GU RM AZ 127

gulçoj aor.gulçova ‘to w o rry , to d istu rb ’. A nother form is kulçoj. B o r ­


r o w e d from R om *colluctiàre, c f. Lat colluctârï ‘to str u g g le , to
c o n ten d ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 0 9 (uncertain com p a riso n w ith N G k kotcò ‘to
r is k ’).

gulm m, pl.gulma ‘w o r r y ’. A d eriv a tiv e o f gulçoj co n tin u in g *gulçm.

gultoj aor.gultova ‘to get rid o ff'. B orrow ed from Lat colluctârï ‘to strug­
g le , to co n te n d ’. C f. gulçoj.

gunë f, pl. guna ‘g oatsk in co a t w ith h o o d ’. B o r r o w e d fro m M G k


you v a ‘fur’ (MEYER Wb. 134-135). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from
M Lat gunna); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046 (fr o m R om
*gunna); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1 -2 23; Z a l i z n ’a k VSJa 39; H a a r m a n n
129; ZOJZI St. albanica III 3 1 9 -3 3 7 ; LANDI Lat. 101.

gungë f, pl. gunga ‘bum p, s w e llin g ’. F rom P A lb *gunga e ty m o lo g ic a l­


ly con n ected w ith Lith gugà ‘hum p, h illo c k ’, gungà id. (MANN Language
X X V III 3 4 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 1 74-175; Ç a b e j St. 1 2 1 9 -2 2 0 .

gur m, pl.gure ‘stone, rock’. From PAlb *gura continuing the zero-grade
of IE *g“er- ‘mountain’: Skt giri-, Av gairi-, Lith girià ‘wood’, Latv
dziria id., Slav *gora ‘mountain, wood* (CAMARDA I 50; MEYER Wb.
135 with much uncertainty). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 1 8 -3 1 9 (follows
M e y e r and reconstructs *g“er-); ; BARTHOLOMAE 514; JOKL IF XLIV
50, LKUBA 230, Sprache IX 150; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 127; MANN Lan­
guage XVII 13; P o r z ig Gliederung 198; P is a n i Saggi 126; F r a e n k e l
153; M a y r h o f e r I 335; P o k o r n y I 4 7 7 -4 7 8 ; H am p BSE L 45;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 2 9 -3 1 ; H u ld 6 6 -6 7 ; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 144;
W a t k in s Dragon 164 (from IE *gfH-u-); D e m ir a j AE 181.

gurmac m, pi.gurmacë ‘sm all round sto n e ’. D eriv ed from *gurm based
on gur.

gurmaz m ‘g u lle t’. A d eriv a tiv e o f kurm w ith a seco n d a ry v o ic in g o f


the anlaut k-. B orrow ed to Rum grumaz. 0 PU§CARIU EWR 63-64; PASCU
RE 56; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 343; ROSETTI ILR I 278; K a l u Zsk a ja
- O r e l SBJa Kontakty 17-22 (com p arison w ith G k ßapocGpov throat’).
128 G U SH Ë — GJAJ

gushë f, p\.gusha ‘th roat’. B o rro w ed fro m Rum gu$à id. (TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 127 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20 (from S la v ic); MEYER
Wb. 135-136; PU^CARIU EWR 64; MEYER-LÜBKE ZfromPhil XV 242;
BARIC ARSt. I 106-107 (fro m IE *gursia, related to grykë); PUSCARIU
EWR I 64; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 343; ROSETTI ILR I 278; MURATI
Probleme 130.

gusht m ‘August’. Borrowed from Lat augustus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.


Elemente 4; MEYER Wb. 136). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 12; H a a r m a n 112; L a n d i L ai. 91, 177.

gushtericë i. pl. gushterica ‘lizard’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf.


Bulg gusterica id., SCr gusterica (ÇABEJ St. I 220).

gutë f ‘gout’. Borrowed from Rom *gutta ‘drop’ used as a name of


the disease, cf. Rum gutä id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31). 0 MEYER
Wb. 136 (from SCr guta id.); PU§CARIU EWR 65; M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr.
Grundriß 2 1 1046 (same as MlKLOSICH); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16;
H a a r m a n n 129; Ç a b e j St. 1 220 (follows M e y e r -L ü b k e ; L a n d i Lat.
101, 127.

Gj
gjaj aor. gjava, gjajta ‘to resemble, to be like; to suit, to become; to seem;
to happen’. Dialectal forms glaj, gëlaj require the reconstruction of PAlb
*ga-lanja < *ga-lab-nja, a denominative verb based on *lab- etymo­
logically identical with Lith läbas ‘good’, Latv labs id. (OREL Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 261). Thus, the original meaning must have been ‘to suit,
to become’. Note another verbal form gjas ‘to resem ble’ also belong­
ing here and continuing *ga-labtja. 0 CAMARDA I 336 (to Gk yXaóaoco
‘to shine’, an obvious derivative of ytacuKoc ‘shining’); MEYER Wb.
137 (related to qas), Alb. Studien V 79 (to Gk ßaM.a> ‘to launch, to
reach’, Skt gdlati ‘(he) drops, falls down’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 331 ;
JOKL apud Ç a b e j St. I 221 (compares with Germ glänzen ‘to shine’);
P is a n i Saggi 125; F r a e n k e l 327; Ç abej St. I 221 (reconstructs *ga-
laig- and links it to Goth galeikan ‘to please’ but this ablaut grade is
unknown in *leig- ~ *llg-); OREL IF XLIII 102-104, FLH V III/1-2 43
(from PAlb *janja related to IE *ja- ‘to go, to walk’).
GJAK — GJALLK 129

gjak m, pl. gjaqe, gjakra ~ gjakna ‘blood’. From PAlb *saka related to
Gk otcôç ‘juice’, Lith sakdi ‘resin’, Slav *sok-h ‘juice’ and the like con­
tinuing an Indo-European word fo r‘juice’ *sok*o- (M e y e r Wb. 136, Alb.
St. I ll 4 ,4 3 ; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I 285). 0 C a m a r d a 1 38 (to Gk ì^cóp
‘blood’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 128 (reconstructs *o- in the root), Strat­
ificazione 89; M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; F r a en k e l 756-757; PISANI
Saggi 126; F r isk I I 4 0 5 -4 0 6 ; P o k o r n y I 104 4 -1 0 4 5 ; V a s m e r III 708;
OREL Sprache XXXI 279, ZfBalk XXIIl 149, VDl 1986/1 130-144 (Alban­
ian and ancient Indo-Europeans formulas connected with ‘blood’); Ç abej
St. VII 20 0 , 254; HULD67; KORTLANDT SSGL X 219; DEMIRAJ AE 181-
182.

gjalm m , p l . gjalma, gjalmitër, gjelmitër ‘rope, lace’. From PAlb


*salpna, connected with Slav *salpiti ‘to stick out’, Lith is-selpineti
‘to get divided’. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 43, 89 (to Gmc *sailaz ‘rope’),
Alb. St. Ill 43; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIV 286-287; JOKL Studien 47
(agrees with MEYER); FRAENKEL 971-972; VASMER III 714, Alb.
Wortforsch. I 36 (rejects M e y e r ’ s etymology as far as Indo-European
diphtongs in -i do not yield Alb -a-); PETERSSON LUÂ XIX/6 12-14
(to G k ôcAajcjiç ‘chain’); LA P ia n a Studi I 58 (agrees with PETERSSON
but treats -mit- in gjelmitër as a separate root); ÇABEJ St. I 222 (to Lat
glomus ‘ball’ and the like); A n ik in Ètimologija 1982 65-70.

gjalpë m / n ‘butter’. Continues PAlb *selpa identical with Gk e'Àjtoç-


è'Àatov, crtéccp, eùGrjvia (Hes.), Skt sarpis- ‘clarified butter’, OHG salba
‘ointment’ (CAMARDA I 93; MEYER Wb. 137, Alb. St. Ill 31, 4 3 ). 0 PED­
ERSEN KZ XXXIII 549; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 148; L a P ia n a Studi
I 85; M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 3 , XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 127;
F r isk 1 503; M a y r h o f e r III 4 4 6 ; P o k o r n y 1 901; H a m p Kratylos V
105 (to shtjalp); OREL Sprache XXXI 279; ÇABEJ St. VII 253; HULD
KZ CVII 169 (5-stem); DEMIRAJ AE 182.

gjallë adj. ‘alive’. Reflects PAlb *salwa etymologically close to Skt sárva-
‘complete, whole’, Gk oA,oç ‘whole’, Lat salvus ‘healthy’, Tokh A salu
‘completely’ (MEYER Wb. 137, Alb. St. Ill 43, 75). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII
544, Kelt. Gr. I 53; JOKL Sprache IX 122; La PIANA Studi I 78 (to Lat
vtvus); M a n n Language XXVIII 39; PISANI Saggi 131; FRISK I 381;
C h a n t r a in e 795; M a y r h o f e r III 446-447; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II
472-473; POKORNY I 979-980; HAMPSr. Whatmough 82, BSL LXVI/1
130 GJARK.ËZ - G JA l'Ë

223, RRL XXI 49-51; VAN WINDEKENS 412; RASMUSSEN Morph. 205,
263; D e m ir a j AE 182-183.

gjarkëz pl. ‘peritoneum ’. A dialectal plural form of qark.

g ja rp ë r ~ g ja rp ë n m, pl. gjarpinj, gjërpinj, gjarpanj, gjarpërinj ~ gjarp-


ninj ‘snake’. From P A lb *serpena etymologically related to Lat
serpens ‘snake, serpent’, serpo ‘to craw l’ and, further, to IE *serp- ‘to
craw l’ (G i l ’ fe r d in g Otn. 21; C a m a r d a I 79; M e y e r Wb. 137, Alb.
St. Ill 31, 43, 72). There is no connection between gjarpër and shtër-
pinj ‘vermin, reptiles’ (see shtrep) despite the widely accepted opinion.
0 S t ie r KZ X I 235; J o k l IF X X X V I113-114; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 113;
M a n n Language XVII 17, XXVI 383; H a m p Kratylos V 105; P e d e r ­
s e n KZ XXXVI 284; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 129, Stratificazione 137;
P isani Saggi 129; W a l d e -H o fm a n n I I 524-525; P o k o r n y 1 912; Ç abej
St. VII 268; HULD 67-68; OREL Sprache XXXI 279; JANSON Unt. 26;
D e m ir a j AE 183-184.

g jash të num. ‘six’. From PAlb *sesti-, a derivative in *-ti- close to col-
■ ''' c' 1 * í T i K M C / „ A / f . I V V V III
GJAZË GJELLË 131

gjazë f ‘riverside forest’. From PAlb *sedjâ, a derivative of IE *sed-


‘to sit, to be settled’, cf. in particular Slav *sadi, ‘garden, grove’ derived
from the same root. 0 V a s m e r III 543-544; POKORNY I 884-887.

gjedh m. pl.gjedha ‘cattle’. From PAlb *sada or *seda, a deverbative


based on IE *sed- ‘to go, to walk’ (ORELFestschr. Shevoroshkin 262).
Semantically, cf. other descriptions of cattle as ‘walking’, i.e. movable:
G k Hpoßaxa ‘cattle, sheep’, Hitt iiant- ‘ram ' and the like. 0 PISANI
Saggi 125; P o k o r n y I 887; Ç a b e j St. I 223 (to IE *g“öu- ‘cattle’ and
in particular to Slav *go vedo)-, B e n v e n is t e Inst. I 37-45; O r e l IF XLIII
104-105 (from IE *g“mdhos connected with IE *g“em- ‘to go’; however,
thr development of the umlauticized *a to -je- is dubious), Fort. 79.

gjej ~ gjêj aor. gjeta ‘to find’. From PAlb *gadnja < *ght}d- etymologically
related to G k xàvôavoo, aor. e^aSov ‘to seize, to grasp’, L atpre-hendö
id., ON geta id. (MEYER BB VIII 187, Wb. 140, Alb. St. Ill 10). The
full grade is represented in refi, gjëndem, gjindem ‘to be present’. 0
CAMARDA I 285 (to G k y x fy jv o n ai ‘to be born’); JOKL Balkangerm.
105-106, Sprache IX 123; BARIC AArbSt. II 383; L o e w e KZ XXXIX
312 (from Goth bigi tan); S c h m id t KZ L V II12-14, 33; T a g l ia v in i Dol­
or to Slav *$estb six , ana runner reiaiea io ic, -s(u)eks- ‘six’: Skt
132 GJET.LËZ GJERB

gjellëz f ‘salt’. Another variant is gjillesë ‘salt, taste’. Although the com­
parison with IE *sali- ‘salt’ could be tempting, connection with gjellë
is much more probable. Thus, ‘salt’ is treated as a ‘taste’ of food.

gjem m ‘bridle’. From PAlb *jama identical with Skt ydma- id. and
forming one of the isoglosses of Albanian with Southern Indo-Euro­
pean dialects, particularly, in horse breeding (OREL IF XCIII 105-106).
Note gj- as a regular reflex of the initial IE *i- (OREL FLH V III/1-2
43). 0 POKORNY I 505; MAYRHOFER III 2-3; OREL Ètnogenez 34-36;
OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350.

gjemb m, pl. gjemba ‘thorn’. A Greek-Albanian form glëmb preserves


the original anlaut gl-. Goes back to PAlb *glamba, comparable with
Slav *glçb-ok-h ‘deep’ < ^ ‘hollowed’, *glçb~b ‘trunk, stump, cabbage-
stump’, cf. also Gk yXxitpco ‘to scrape up’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin
262). Rum ghimpe ‘thorn’ was borrowed from Albanian. 0 M e y e r Wb.
140 (to Lith ge'mbè ‘nail used to hang clothes’ - impossible in view of
the initial gl-), Alb. St. Ill 8, 36, 64; JOKL Studien 26-28 (to Lith geliit,
ge'lti ‘to stick’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 547 (against MEYER); PISANI
Saggi 123; POKORNY I 367; F r is k 1311; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ÇABEJ St.
VII 231; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VI 141-143; DEMIRAJ AE 186-187.

gjep m, pl. gjepa ‘spool’. A phonetic variant of djep. 0 M eyer Wb. 138
(to gjemb and qep).

gjer prep. ‘till’. Other variants are deri, ndjer, ngjer. From PAlb
*(a)jeri identical with Gk rjpi < * T |e p i ‘early’ further related to Gmc
*airiz ‘before, ere’ (Goth air, ON dr) and Av ayar ‘day’ (O R E L FLH
V III/1-2 43). 0 JOKL Studien 59-60 (to ndër)\ TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia
101; M a n n Language XXVI 383 (to Lat ferê ‘near’); FRISK I 643; FEIST
Goth. 24-25; B a r t h o l o m a e 157; Ç a b e j St. VII 187; K o r t l a n d t SSGL
XXIII 175; D e m i r a j AE 288-289 (to Gk néxpi ‘till’).

gjer m. pl. gjera ‘dorm ouse’. Borrowed from Lat glirem id., with the
long -I- treated as a short one (MEYER Wb. 138-139). Ô TRUBACEV Slav,
jaz. X I 11 (related to Lat glls and the like); L a n d i Lat. 83, 104.

gjerb aor. gjer ha ‘to gulp, to d r in k ’. F ro m PA lb *serba co n n ected with


L at sorbed ‘to sup up, to suck in ’, G k pocpéco id., L ith surbiu, surbti
id., Slav *shrbati ‘to gu lp , to sup u p ’ (M eyhr Wb. 139, Alb. St. Ill 36,
GJERË ~ GJANË - GJETH 133

43, 72). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 237, 299; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 636; M a nn


Language X X V ili 31 (re c o n stru c ts *ö in the ro o t); PISANI Saggi 131;
F r a e n k e l 945; F r is k IT 663; C h a n t r a in e 978; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II
561; POKORNY I 1001; V a s m e r III 604; H u l d 143 (su g g ests IE
*sorbh-ej-ö), KZ C V II 169; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 273; ANTTILA
Schw. 27; DEMIRAJ AE 187.

gjerë ~ gjanë adj. ‘broad, wide’. There also exists Tosk gjërë. From
PAlb *saina, a zero-grade derivative in *-no- based on IE *sëi-
io n g , late’, cf. OE sid ‘long, wide’, Goth seipus ‘late’, OIr sith
‘long’, Lat serus ‘late’ and the like (JOKL Studien 28). 0 TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 128; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 292; FEIST Goth. 415-416; VENDRYES
[S] 120-121; WALDE-HOFMANN II 526-527; POKORNY I 890-891;
Ç a b e j St. VII 258; H u l d 68-69; J a n s o n Unt. 28.

gjesh aor. gjesha ‘to knead’. From PAlb *jesja identical with Skt
yásyati ‘to boil’, Gk Çéco ‘to boil, to cook’ (MEYER Wb. 139, Alb. St.
Ill 39, 61). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 35, 292; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 327, Kelt.
Gr. I 65; PISANI REIEIV 10, Saggi 102, 123; MINSHALL Language XXXII
629; F r isk I 612; M a y r h o f e r ITI 13; P o k o r n y I 506; H a m p Laryn­
geals 134; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 152; H u l d 99; ö l b e r g KZ
LXXXVI 129; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38; Ç a b ej apud D e m ir a j (to Germ
kneten ‘to knead’); D e m ir a j AE 300.

gjeshtër f, pl.gjeshtra ‘broom ’. Borrowed from Rom *genistra (cf. Ital


ginestra id.) based on Lat genista, genesta ‘broom-plant, broom’. 0 ÇABEJ
St. VII 237.

gjeti adv. ‘elsewhere’. A number of parallel forms exist, e.g. gjetiu, gjetkë,
ngjeti, njeti and the like. A fossilized form of aorist of gjej with various
other elements including kë, acc. of kush, and u, reflective pronoun.
0 C a m a r d a I 307 (to tjetër)\ Ç a b e j St. I 225-226 (treats njeti as an
older form and links it to Skt anyd- ‘other’).

gjetkëz f, pl. gjetkëza ‘goose-coop’. Identical with OAlb gjethkë ‘stall,


pen’ (B a r d h i ) continuing *gjerdhkë, a deminutive of gardh (ÇABEJ St.
1 226).

gjeth m, pi.gjeth ‘foliage, green leaves’. F rom P A lb *gadza with an irre g ­


ular unvoicing o f the auslaut o r, ra th e r, w ith a secondary r/i-suffix. The
134 GJKZDIS -— G JËM OJ

variant with a voiced -dh- is registered by some scholars but it may


well be an artifact. Etymologically connected with OHG questa ‘tuft’,
ON kvistr ‘branch’, Slav *gvozdb ‘wood, forest’ (JOKL/FXXX 199-
204, LKUBA 130, 221). Note the development of the initial cluster *guo-
> *ga- in Albanian. The form gjeshk ‘dry leaves’ is derived from gjeth.
0 C a m a r d a I 72 (compares with Gk k M ô o ç ‘branch’); M e y e r Wb.

138 (develops CAMARDA’s etymology); PEDERSEN KZ X X X III547; TAGLI­


AVINI Dalmazia 130; L a PIANA Varia 103-104; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II
230; PISANI Saggi 125; XHUVANI BUShT III/3 93 (connected with gath);
V a s m e r I 263; P o k o r n y I 480; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V II 185-186;
ÖLBERG St. Bonfante 562; ÇABEJ St. I 226-227 (to L at hasta ‘spear’ and
its cognates); HULD 69; OREL ZfBalk X X III 147; DEMIRAJ AE 187-188.

g jezd is aor. gjezdisa ‘to go for a walk, to roam ’. An early borrowing


from Slav *jezditi ‘to rid e’ with the initial j- substituted by Alb gj-,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ja z d ’a, SCr jezditi (OREL Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 262).

gjë ~ g jâ f, pl. gjê'ra ~ gjana ‘thing’. F ro m PAlb *san(s) going back to


the participle of IE *e„ï- ‘to be’, *sont-s: Skt sant-, Gk cov and the like
(M e y e r Wb. 139). 0 M a y r h o f e r III 42 5 -4 2 6 ; F r is k I 46 3 -4 6 4 ;
P o k o r n y I 341; Ç a b e j St. VII 201, 212; H u l d 69; J a n s o n Unt. I l ­
ls-, D e m ir a j AE 188.

gjëlpërë ~ gjylpanë f, pl.gjèïpè'ra ~ gjylpam ‘needle’. Goes back to *salpanâ


further connected with gjalm and its cognates. The Geg vocalism in
gjylpanë is secondary. 0 MEYER Wb. 143 (borrow ed from Rom
*acücula pani)', BARIC ARSt. I 34 (to IE *gfel- ‘to stick, to prick’); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 131-132; MANN Language XVII 20-21 (from *sauil-
p?tno- ‘eye-thread’).

gjëm oj aor. gjëmova ‘to resound, to rumble, to thunder, to shout’. As


the variant glëmoj shows, there was gl- in the anlaut. Borrowed from
Lat clamare ‘to cry, to shout’, with the voicing of the initial group
cl-. The noun gjëmë ‘thunder, shout, illness’ is a deverbative. 0 M lK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 30 (from Lat gemere ‘to cry, to shout’); MEYER
Wb. 139-140 (same as MlKLOSICH); M thäeSCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­
MANN 128.

gjëmoj aor. gjëmova ‘to run after, to hurry after’. A dialectal form of
GJËMTOJ — GJIJE 135

gjurmoj, d e riv a tiv e o f gjurmë. 0 M e y er Wb. 140 (to gjuaj)', M e y e r -


L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1048, 1052.

gjëmtoj aor.gjëmtova ‘to collect bit by bit, to gather’. Borrowed from


Lat colllmitdre ‘to draw boundaries’, *‘to unite’.

gjëndër - gjandër f, pl. gjëndra ~ gjandra ‘gland’. Borrowed from Lat


gianduia ‘gland of the throat’ with the dissimilation of liquida (H e l b ig
120; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 22). Tosk variants glëndër and grëndël reflect
the anlaut gl- and thus exclude the Italian etymology. Rum ghindurä
id. continues the same Lat gianduia. 0 MEYER Wb. 140 (from Ital ghi­
andola ‘gland’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1042, 1050, 1054 (follows
MEYER); PUSCARIU EWR 62; SKOK ZfromPhil XLIV 332-334 (from Rum
ghindurä, Arum glindurä id.); JOKL apud WALDE-HOFMANN I 605 (from
Rom *glandura); MANN Language XVII 23; HAARMANN 128; ÇABEJ
St. I 227 (follows JOKL); LANDI Lat. 47, 145-146.

(T) gjër m ‘so u p ’. C o rresp o n d s to G eg gjanë ‘m udbed, a llu v iu m ’. Goes


back to P A lb *jausna re la te d to S kt neut. yüs ‘so u p ’ (cf. in p a rtic u la r
gen. sg. yüsndh), L a t jüs id ., L ith jiísé ‘fish so u p ’ (if not fro m P r u s s ­
ian, cf. BIGA I 478-479), O P ru s iuse ‘s o u p ’ and the like (C a m a r d a I
80). 0 M e y e r Wb, 308 (to L at jentâre ‘to b re a k fa s t’), Alb. St. Ill 39;
J o k l apud W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 734; P is a n i Saggi 248; F r a e n k e l 191,
199; M a y r h o f e r I 26; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 734; M in s h a l l Language
XXXII 629; POKORNY I 507; H a m p Laryngeals 134; K a r a l i ÜNAS Bal­
tistica I 116; ÇABEJ St. I 227-228 (d e riv a tiv e of gjë); DEMIRAJ AE 183
(b o rro w e d fro m Slav *glcm, ‘s ilt’).

gji ~ gjî m, pl. gji ~ gjî ‘breast, chest’. From PAlb *sina identical with
Lat sinus ‘curve, fold’ (MEYER Wb. 140, Alb. St. Ill 67). 0 JOKL IF L
45; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 130, Stratificazione 89; WALDE-HOFMANN
II 546; Ç a b e j St. VII 252.

gjíje f ‘stable, house’. A singularized plural of a form attested in Geg


as gjê ‘stable, pen’. Goes back to *saina identical with the Baltic word
for ‘wall’: Lith siena, Latv siêna further derived from IE *sëi- ‘to bind’
(O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin 262). 0 PISANI Saggi 129; FRAENKEL 782-
783; P o k o r n y I 891-892; Ç a b e j St. I 228 (important lexical m ateri­
al but no etymology).
136 GJINDF, — O JO C G JO I.L Ë — GJUAJ ~ G jU E J 137

gjinde pl. ‘people’. Borrowed from L at gentem id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. this word, gjonth, show's, it is a deminutive of gjon historically iden­
Elemente 30; CAMARDA I 42; M e y e r Wb. 141). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. tical with gjon ‘night-owl’ and going back to the Latin proper name
Grundriß 21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 131; MlHÄESCU RESEE Joannes > Gjon. 0 M e y e r Wb. 141 (on gjon < Joannes).
IV /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 128; L a n d i Lat. 51, 83, 116, 146.
gjollë f, pi. gjollë ‘clearing or pasture where salt is strewn for sheep;
nt Qiidhë (cf. also eiilliL < siidhë) s e e m t a H
'Ig'f“ ^ “ 'wi'fiTTne cluster ~-t Gk akc, id., Lat sal and the like (H a m p GjA VI 45). The Albanian ä- to be a direct continuation ot PA
Albanian form goes back to IE *sem- stem may well replace the Indo-European athematic stem with a long ed as -i-, cf. mish. The Proto
¥sem- ‘one’ attested in Arm ez < *sem- vowel in nom. sg. (OREL IF XCI1I 106, ZfBalk XXIII 144). 0 JOKL Studien gho-, a suffix derivative of IE
14). IE *sem- is also attested alone in gho- ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIX ¿
29 (to OE seIma ‘bed’, Lith sitólas ‘bench’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione
in Alb gji [dzi] ‘all’ (TAGLIAVINI Dal- 148; MANN Language XXVI 383 (to Ir siol, Lith sëkla); F r is k I 78- the same meaning, in Dalmati
ji. 0 MEYER Wb. 140 (comparison with 79; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 465-466; P o k o r n y I 878-879; D e m ir a j AE mazia 130), with -i as in një ~ ¡
f id.); F a y IF XXXII 330-332 (to Germ 190. Germ ganz ‘all’ and Kurd gi, gi
M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to Gk ganz); A c a r e a n HAB II 4-5
Wortb. 106 (from *g-li-sht); POKORNY gjorë adj. ‘p o o r, m iserab le , w re tc h e d ’. A suffixal d e riv a tiv e o f gjuaj. ioxv>ç‘strength’); CAMAJ Alb.
\ Brandenstein 111 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 217; T hus, the o rig in al m eaning o f the adjectiv e is ‘ch ased , p e rs e c u te d ’. 0 I 902-903; ÖLBERG Gedenksch
-189 (from *siH-ko-, to Gk iôç). H a h n 30 (to djeg); M eyer Wb. 141 (from T urk kör ‘blind’); J o k l Studien H u l d 69-70; D e m ir a j AE 18i

109, IF XXXVII 113 (b o rro w e d fro m Slav *gor’e ‘g r ie f ’); S e l i Scev


lerivative of an unattested *gjin- (ÇABEJ Slav, naselenie 193, 324; XHUVANI KLetr 1/6 6 (related to djerr); ÇABEJ gjizë ~ gjîzë f ‘goat cheese’. A
ount the cheese-making technology in St. I 229 (ag rees w ith XHUVANI). St. I 228-229). Taking into ao
an animal stomach and tying the latter), the Balkans (putting cheese intc
Jb *sina identical with OIr sin ‘chain’, gju ~ gjû m. pl. gjunjë, gjunj ‘k n e e ’. D ialectal fo rm s p re se rv e the initial *gjin- may be derived from P>
Av hinu- ‘band’ and further related to cluster gl-. G oes back to PA lb *gluna dissim ilated from *g(a)nuna. The ON sin ‘sinew’, OHG senawa.
ien 28, LKUBA 89 (to Lat serum ‘watery latter is a seco n d ary « -d eriv ativ e based on IE *genu- ‘k n e e ’; H itt genu, IE *së(i)- ‘to bind’. 0 JOKL Stuc
X 153; B a r ic AArbSt 1 158 (comparison Skt jänu-, G k yóvu, L at genü and the like (C a m a r d a I 39). As to the part of curdled milk’), Sprache
4 (to Lith gaizus ‘rancid, bitter’), AASF phonetics o f gju, it is close to Oír glúin id. < *glHno-wiih a sim ilar d is­ with urdhë); LlDÉN KZ LXI 1 -
itificazione 148; M a n n Language XXVIII sim ilatio n o f sonants (M e y e r Wb. 142, Alb. St. Ill 9, 67). 0 PEDERSEN XXVn 115-117; T a g lia v in i Str
i(iT| ‘leaven’); VASMER KZ L 247 (to Ir Kelt. Gr. I 156; JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski 237 (on the in a cc u ra cy 33; P is a n i Saggi 102 (to Gk
ige XXXII 628; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 124 o f the A lb an ian - C eltic p a ra lle l), Sprache IX 156; PETERSSON apud seig ‘milk’); MlNSHALL Langu.
-892; VENDRYES [S] 112-113; OREL D e m ir a j (to G k yiyyÀunoç ‘jo in t’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 127, Strat­ (suffix -zë); POKORNY I 891
ed from Slav *gliza ‘swelling’, cf. SCr ificazione 89; MANN Language XXVIII 34; PISANI Saggi 131 ; H a m p KZ Ètimologija 1983 137 (borrow
;heese making’); D e m ir a j AE 189-190 LXXVI 275-276; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 159; M a y r h o f e r 1 429; W a l d e - gliza ‘calf’s stomach used for
ke). H o f m a n n I 5 92-593; POKORNY I 380-381; F r is k I 321; CAMAJ Alb. (to W hufen ‘cream ’ and the 1
Wortb. 102 (fo llo w s M e y e r ); Ç a b e j St. VII 229, 231; HULD 70;
’. Borrowed from Slav *globa having ÖLBERG Studi Pisani II 685; BoRGEAUD RRL XX 4; JANSON Unt. 28- gjobë f, pi. gjoba ‘fine, p en alt'
Slavic forms, Bulg globa and SCr globa 29; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 263; K ö d d e r it z s c h Festschr. Mac Eoin 62; the sam e m eaning in its South
JOKL Slavia XIII 296). 0 S e liS c e v Slav. D e m ir a j AE 190-191. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 19;
1, 234. naselenie 144, 181; SVANE 20
gjuaj ~ gjuej a o r . gjova. gjuajta - gjujta, gjojta ‘to hunt’. Goes back to
ly, p in e -w e e v il’. As a n o th e r v a ria n t o f PAlb *jâgnja based on the noun *jaga > gjah ‘hunt, hunting’. Further gjoc m, pl. gjoca ‘ap h id , green)
138 G JU H Ë — GJU RM K

etymological connection is OHG jagön ‘to hunt’ (HAMP Laryngeals 134).


0 C a m a r d a I 122 (to Gk ÔiÇnnou to seek’); M e y e r Wb. 136 (to Slav
*zenç, *g-bnati ‘to drive away’, Lith genù, giñti id.), Alb. Studien III
7; T h u m b IF XXVI 18; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 3 0 -3 3 1 ; K l u g e 329;
V a s m e r I 4 1 9 (follows M e y e r ); H u l d 7 0 -7 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 9 1 -1 9 2
(to Lat sägiö ‘to feel, to suspect’, OIr saigim ‘to go towards, to
seek’).

gjuhë f, pl. gjuhë ‘tongue, language’. Dialectal forms reflect the initial
gl-: Cham gluhë, Calabr g l’uyz. From PAlb *ghisa, further connected
with the Indo-European dialectal word for ‘sound’ *golso-: ON kail
‘shout’, Lith galsas ‘echo’, Slav *gols~b ‘voice’. PAlb *-ul- (> Alb -
ul-,-lu-) seems to go back to *-/- so that the source of the Albanian form
should be reconstructed as IE *glso-, a zero-grade opposed to the full
grade of Balto-Slavic and Germanic. 0 CAMARDA 2 6 (connection with
Gk yX àaoa ‘tongue, language’); M e y e r Wb. 142 (to gjuaj ‘to call, a
secondary variant of quaj id.); B a r ic ARSt. 35 (to the Indo-European
word for ‘tongue’, with gjuhë < *gl’undh(uâ) < *dlonghuâ); TAGLIAVINI
Stratificazione 89-90; La P ian a 94 (compares with Gk y S còcca); PISANI
Saggi 102, /F L X I 146 (borrowed from Gk y ^ tò a c a ); P o k o r n y I 350;
F r a e n k e l 131; S c h m id t KZ L V II 34 (reconstructs *dlnghuâ); T a g l ia ­
v in i Dalmazia 132 (borrowed from Gk yXâaaa), Stratificazione 89-
90; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VI 2 1 9 -2 2 0 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 193, 2 6 8 ; O r e l Lin­
guistica XXIV 4 2 7 -4 2 9 (to IE *geb- ~ *g“eh - ‘to swallow’); H u l d 71
(from *ghnud-sk-l).

gjumë m ‘sleep’. From PAlb *supna identical with a nominal deriva­


tive of IE *suep- ‘to sleep’ - * s u p - n o Gk ô j j w o ç ‘sleep’, Slav *s-htirh
id. ( M e y e r Wb. 142, Alb. St. Ill 32). In other Indo-European languages
another ablaut variant *syep-no- is represented. 0 CAMARDA I 55 (to
G k Kffijia ‘deep sleep’); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 94; J o k l Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 90; M a n n Language XVII 15, XXVI 387; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 132; P o r z i g Gliederung 179; P is a n i Saggi 117, 127; V a s m e r
III 7 1 6 -7 1 7 ; F r isk II 9 7 0 -9 7 1 ; C h a n t r a in e 1160; P o k o r n y I 1048-
1049; H u l d 7 1 -7 2 ; D e m ir a j AE 192.

gjurmë f, pi. gju m ie. gjurma ‘trace’. From PAlb *surma, a zero-grade
variant of IE *sor-mo- reflected in Skt sárma- ‘flow ’, Gk óp|ur|
‘assault, attack’, further connected with IE *scr- ‘to flow’ (OREL Festschr.
Shevoroshkin 2 6 2 ). 0 MEYER Alb. St. II 5 9 (borrowed from Romance
GJUVENGË — GJYSMË 139

via NGk yoûp}r(x id.), Wb. 142 (uncertain link to Ital orma ‘footmark’,
Rum urmä id.); BARIC ARSt 103 (to Lat serpö ‘to crawl’); MAYRHOFER
III 471; F r isk II 419; P o k o r n y I 909-910; Ç a b e j St. VII 216, 227.

g ju ven gë f ‘harlot’. Borrowed from Lat adj. fem. juvenca ‘young’, also
‘young cow ’ (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 16). 0 HAARMANN 131;
Ç a b e j St. I 229.

gjykoj aor. gjykova ‘to judge, to try ’. Borrowed from Lat jüdicäre id.
(CAMARDA I 99; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 142-143).
A s to gjyq ‘trial, court’, it continues Lat judicium id. (ÇABEJ St. I 229-
230). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. IV 74; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046-
1048; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 131; L a n d i Lat. 101,
109, 112.

gjymtë adj. ‘defective, incomplete, cripple, stunted’. Borrowed from


Rom *junctus ‘joined’ or secondarily derived from gjymtyrë. 0 O R E L
RRL X X X I/1 3 (comparison with gjysmë).

gjymtyrë f, pl.gjymtyrë ‘joint, limb’. Borrowed from Lat junctura ‘junc­


ture, joint’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; MEYER Wb. 143). Note the
East Romance treatment of Lat -nkt- > *-npt- > -mt-. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046, 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; ÇABEJ St.
VII 267; H a a r m a n n 131; Di G io v in e Gruppo -et- 49-50; L a n d i Lat.
69, 89, 101, 121.

gjysmë f, pl. ,1{jysma ‘h a lf. A metathesis from a widespread dialectal


form gjym(è')së. The latter represents a formation in -ése < *-atja derived
from *gjym < PAlb *jumi- or *jüma, to be further compared with Latv
jumis ‘double fruit’ (with an unexpected -u- reminiscent of the unclear
Alb -y- < *-ii-) and other continuants of IE *iemo-: Skt yamd- ‘dupli­
cate; twin’, M ir emon ‘twins’, Lat im-ägö ‘imitation, copy’ (HAMP Numer­
als 920; OREL RRL X X X I/ 1 3 -4 , FLH V III/ 1-2 4 3 ). Rum jumätate was
borrowed from Proto-Albanian. 0 C a m a r d a 1 9 3 (to Gk rimouç
‘h a lf with unsurmountable phonetic difficulties); MEYER BB VIII 192
(to Lat semi- ‘half’), Wb. 143 (follows C a m a r d a but treats gjysmë as
a Greek loanword with gj- filling hiatus in ó ii(iiaoç ); SPITZER MRIW
I 3 2 2 (from *iumos ‘bound together’); BARIC ARSt. 3 5 -3 6 (supports
M e y e r BB)\ P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 32 4 4 ; ROSETTI ILR I 278;
140 GJYSH - HA

M a y r h o f e r III 8; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 6 8 0 ; P o k o r n y I 505; I v a n o v
Bsl. Etnojaz. 81,

gjysh m, pl.gjyshë, gjyshër ~ gjyshën ‘grandfather’. From PAlb *siisa


identical with Skt süsa ‘progenitor’ further derived from IE *seu- ‘to
give birth’ (WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 243). Borrowed to Rum ghiuj ‘old
man’. 0 C a m a r d a I 72 (from *gëlysh, related to Gk yocÀcoç ‘sister-in-
law’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 (from Rom *avüsius)\ M e y e r Wb.
143; B u g g e BB XVIII 176 (from Rom *aviüsius); JOKL LKUBA 28-
37 (agrees with W i e d e m a n n ), Sprache IX 152; T a g l ia v in i Stratifi­
cazione 115; M a y r h o f e r III 492; P o k o r n y 1 913-914; P o g h ir c 1st.
limb. rom. II 330 (to yuyai- jia7t7ioi, Hes.); ROSETTI ILR I 277; NEROZ­
NAK Paleob. 198 (to Hitt huhhas, Lyc yuga ‘grandfather’); O rel Sprache
XXXI 280, ZfBalk XXIII 147; Ç A B E J*. VII 258; Huld/sTZCVII 168;
LiUKKONEN SSF X 58 (from *sauisia- related to Lith sävas ‘own’);
D e m ir a j AE 192-193.

H
ha aor hëngra ~ hangra ‘to eat’. Reflects PAlb *eda derived from IE
*ed- id. (H a m p St. albanica VIII/2 153-154). In Albanian, it is an accen­
tual archaism with a stressed thematic vowel in 1 sg. pres. *edd < IE
*edom (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 341). Pretonic *-d- > -h-, -0- is regular
(OREL SBJa Kont. 22-23), as well as the apheresis. The «^/-participle
ngrënë ~ ngranë is derived from IE *g*er(d)- ‘to swallow’ (B o p p Alb.
82). The aorist hëngra ~ hangra is a secondary formation based on the
original *ngra and contaminated with the paradigm of ha (OREL
Ètimologija 1982 154), cf., typologically, ME geode contaminated from
gdn ‘to go’ and ëode ‘went’ (K o n e c k a ja Suppl. 421-423). 0 C a m a r d a
132 (compares with Gk %aivco ‘to yawn, to gape’); M e y e r Wb. 144
(from IE *(s)khed-, Skt khadati ‘to eat, to devour’), Alb. St. Ill 59; BRUG­
MANN Grundriß I 759 (from *ghz-, cf. Skt ghas- ‘to eat’); PEDERSEN
KZ XXXVI 341 (compares hëngra ~ hangra with Arm 1 sg. aor. eker
‘(I) ate’ and analyzes hë- as a continuation of the augment *e-); JOKL
Melanges Pedersen 139-142; B a r ic ARSt 26, 73 (agrees with MEYER),
Hymje 43 (follows PEDERSEN in his etymology of ha); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 70; LA PIANA Studi I 34, 96; PISANI Saggi 110, Paideia XXVIII
183 (repeats B r u g m a n n ’s etymology); ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 196-198;
POKORNY I 287-289, 474-475; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 47; KLINGEN-
IIABI'I' — HALL 141

SCHMITT Verbum 279-280; ÇABEJ St. I 306; B a d e r BSL LXXI/1 97


(archaic thematic formations of *ed-); OREL Ètimologija 1982 151-156,
Koll. Idg. Ges. 359; Iv a n o v Slav. 92-93, 185 (to Tokh A , B swä- ‘to
eat’); HULD 72 (to Lat avere ‘to enjoy, to be well’); KORTLANDT Arm-
IE 40; ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ [ngrënë - to O E grindan ‘to grind’); DEMIRAJ
AE 297-298.

habit aor. habita ‘to surprise, to astonish’.Borrowed from Slav *xabiti


‘to destroy’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg.vab’a, SCr habiti (M l­
KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 21; MEYER Wb. 144). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, nase­
lenie 191; OREL Ètimologija 1983 133; SVANE 234.

hajmë adj. ‘thin, lean’. Another derivative of the same root is hajthëm
id. Both forms are based on halë (Ç a b e j St. I 231).

hakël f ‘fish bone’. Metathesis from *halkë, a deminutive of halë. 0


Ç a b e j St. I 231 (to hokoç).

hakrri f ‘readiness for copulation (of pigs)’. From *harkrri, derived


from *hark, see hokoç. From hakrri the verb hakërrohem ‘to threat­
en, to frighten’ is derived (Ç a b e j St. I 231-232).

halë f. pl. hala ‘fish bone, splinter; pine’. From PA lb *skala etym ologically
related to Lith skalà ‘stick o f fir e w o o d ’, L atv skala ‘sp lin ter (u sed to
furnish lig h t)’. T h is w ord is further co n n ected w ith IE *skel- ‘to sp lit’
( M e y e r Wb. 144, Alb. St. Ill 59). 0 JOKL IF XXX 192, XXXVII 99,WuS
XII 7 0 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 77; PISANI Saggi
122; F r a e n k e l 7 9 2 -7 9 3 ; P o k o r n y I 9 2 3 -9 2 6 ; H am p Laryngeals 130
(to Gk àJiéco ‘to grin d ’); HULD 151 (to Lat alnus ‘a ld er’); OREL ZfBalk
XXTII 148 (sam e as H u ld , to Lith alksnis ‘alder’); Ç a b e j St. I 233 (recon­
structs *skolnä)\ D e m ir a j AE 1 9 3 -1 9 4 (to elb).

halbë f ‘scab on the bark’. From PAlb *skalba close to Latv skalbs ‘sharp,
shrill’ with a further link to IE *skel- ‘to split’, see halë. 0 POKORNY
I 923-926; ÇABEJ St. I 233 (to halë and helm); OREL Orpheus VI 65.

hall m, pi. halle ‘trouble, misery, plight, sorrow ’. From PAlb *skalna
connected with Gmc *skallaz ‘thin, dry, shallow’ (E shallow and the
like) ~ *xallaz ‘weak, tired’ (MHG hel, hellec). 0 M e y e r Wb. 145 (from
142 HA M ULL — HARLIS H A R M Ë SH O R — HEDH 143

Turk hai ‘state, situation’); B a r i cA R St 2 6 (to Skt khilá-); O n io n s 816; harm ëshor m, pl. harmëshorë ‘stallion, stud-horse’. Borrowed from Rom
OREL IF XLIII 107-108 (from *edolos based on IE *ed- ‘to eat’). *armessarius, also preserved in Rum annasar, a phonetic variant
of Lat admissârius id. ( M e y e r Wb. 148). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr.
h am u ll f, pi. hamulla ‘stubble-field’. A derivative in -ull based on ha. Grundriß 2 I 1042; PU§CARIU EWR 11; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 12;
Thus, the stubble-field is descrihed as ‘e a te n n n ’ . .*.17».»*A\T 1 11 ri um r i
UU ÒKU[ J U ^ U l l l l C U t C U WILI1 I E * X KCf J - harm oj aor. harmova ‘to destroy, to exhaust . Together With another
b. 146, Alb. St. Ill 31, 59). Note hapë ‘to c u t, to sp lit, to d ig ’ ( M e y e r VI
derivative, hanni ‘broken wind, pursiness (in horses), goes back to *harm
INY Í 366-368; OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 ‘s te p ’ d e r iv e d f ro m hap. 0 POKO
continuing PAlb *skarima. The latter is based on IE *sker- ‘to cu t’,
72; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 0 ; H a m p Lar
mgeals 125 (to Hitt apa ‘afterw ards’). cf. harr (ÇABEJ St. I 234-235). Note harmoç ‘crum bled plaster; stone-
pine’ and Geg hartinë 'kind of pine’ also belonging to this root
. B orrow ed from Slav *vorhb!b id., har abel m. pl. harabela ‘sparrow
(Ç a b e j Sí. I 235). 0 P o k o r n y I 938-947.
here we only find *vorbhch id. (MEYER a. form unattested in South Slavic w
Wb. 17). 0 S v a n e 144.
h arr aor. hurra ‘to weed, to cut dow n’. F ro m PAlb *skarna, a denom ­
inative related to IE *sker- ‘to cu t’, cf. Goth us-skarjan ‘to tear out’,
. A nominal derivative of harr (ÇABEJ hare m, pl. harca ‘rocky landscape"
Lith skiriii. skirti and the like (M EY E R Wb. 148, Alh. St. Ill 59, 73). 0
St. I 2 3 3 ).
C a m a r d a I 36-37 (to Gk x a p á o a c o ‘to sharpen’); B u c c e BB XVIII
167 (to Lat sariö ‘to hoe‘); LEWY ZfslavPh 1 4 1 6 (the same); JOKL LKUBA
r variants are hardhje, hardhicë, hard- hardhBl f, pl. hardhla ‘lizard’. Othe
156; B a ric ARSt 27 (from IE *sker-); F e is t Goth. 534; F r a e n k e l 808;
all these derivatives m ust have been hucë, hardhushkë. The source of
POKORNY I 938-947; ClMOCHOWSKI St. JE 43; ÇABEJ St. VII 224; HAM P
‘lizard ’ are safely etym ologized as * hardhë. Since other w ords for
Laryngeals 129-130(to Hitt arnumi ‘to b rin g ’); ÖLBERG KZ LXXX VI
g u scen id.), hardhë continues PAlb ‘d ig g ers’ (cf. Slav *aScerb id., H
126; D e m ir a j AE 196-197.
vith Lith skerdziu, skersti ‘to slaugh- *skarda to be further com pared ’
‘to split’, and with the o-vocalism - ter, to p ric k ’, Latv skçrzu, skêrs ;
h arrje f. pl. harr je ‘m idge’. H istorically identical with harlë ‘kind of
t ‘to divide’. 0 S t i e r KZ XI 2 23 (to Lith skardiis ‘steep’, Latv skärd
m ite’. A dem inutive of *harr, herr ‘small cre a tu re ’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 3 4
oSeiXto); M e y e r Wb. 147 (a trans- Gk xapSoúv • Çtpov öjroiov Kpoi
(to harr).
- IF XXXVII 110 n. 1 (related to Slav form ation o f Lat lacerta id.); JOKi
.1,1,, r a o fn r A n r h n \ -
S p it z e r IF XXXIX 105-106; B a r i c ARSt. 26 (to Gk éa^apóc ‘kind of (for a tim e )’. N o te p rothetic h-, 0 ÇABEJ St. VII
fish’), AArbSt. Ill 217; MLADENOV RFV LXXI 454-458; PETERSSON
LUÂ XVI/3 40-41 (to Gk KopSùÀoç ‘triton’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 239, harrok m, pl. harrokë ‘he-goat’. A suffixal derivati1
e of unattested *harr
Stratificazione 137; FRAENKEL 797, 803; VASMER IV 572 (follows JOKL); related to Lith skerÿs ‘ram ’, Latv sfceris id., furth
:r connected with Gk
TRUBACEV ÈSSJa I 88; DEMIRAJ AE 194-195. OKaipco ‘to spring, to dance’. 0 FRAENKEL 801-8'
»2; FRISK II 714-715;
POKORNY I 934.
hark m, pl. harqe, herq, herqe ‘bow’. Variant of ark id., borrowed from
Lat arcus id. (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 26; MEYER Wb. 15), h ed h aor. hodha ‘to throw, to shoot’. Another v í
riant is hjedh. From
ioym and other con- PAlb *skeuda connected with ON skjóta, OHG .v<
h a rlis aor. harlisa ‘to bring into high spirits (of a horse)’. Borrowed tinuants of Gmc *skiutan ‘to shoot’ < IE *skeud
‘to throw, to shoot’
idien 43; SPITZER IF from NGk *xapa^iÇco, a derivative of %ocpi^a> ‘to do something (M e y e r Wb. 150, Alb. St. I ll 28, 59). 0 L i d é n St
agreable’. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 2 3 4 (derivative of harlë, variant of harrje). XXXIX 111; BOGA II 200; BARIC ARSt 27 (to L
ith sciuju ‘to shoot’);
144 HEDHE — HELM

P is a n i Saggi 122; C im o c h o w sk i LP I I 251; P o k o r n y 1 955-956; H a m p


Laryngeals 129 (to Gk ayco), St. Whatmough 88, Ètimologija 1971 268-
269 (reconstructs *skeud-). St. albanica X /2 86-88; ÖLBERG KZ
LXXXV1 126 (against HAMP Laryngeals)', ÇABEJ St. VII 219, 250; OREL
Koll. Idg. Ges. 352 (metathesis of IE *sk- > P A lb *ks-)\ HULD 72-73;
DEMIRAJ AE 197-198 (reconstructs *skedho-).

hedhe f, pl. hedhe ‘dandruff’. Singularized plural of *hedh(ë), deriva­


tive of hedh. For the semantics cf. Russ sy p ’ ‘rash’ related to sypat’
‘to throw, to drop’.

h ejë f ‘food supply (for a year)’. From PAlb *skalja identical with Lith
àt-skala ‘supply, stock’ etymologized as a derivative of skalà ‘stick
of firewood’, see halë. 0 FRAENKEL 7 9 2 .

hejzë f,pi. hejza ‘w ater-shed’. D erived from hejë ‘spear’, see hell (G azulli
1 7 3 -1 7 4 ). 0 Ç a b e j * . I 23 7 .

h ek ë f ‘agony’. From PAlb *skaka etymologically connected with Lith


so'kti ‘to jump, to dance’, Slav *skoki> ‘jump’, O h sce'n ‘horror’ < *skek-
no~. 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 125; F r a e n k e l 1021-1022; V a s m e r III
645; POKORNY I 922-923; VENDRYES [S] 40-41.

h ekur m, pl. hekura ‘iro n ’. Plausibly borrowed from G k oiyKupa


‘anchor’ (JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. I 236), cf. hekur i anijes ‘anchor’, lit.
‘iron of the ship’. However, some phonetic details remain obscure. Initial
h- may be secondary. As for -e-, it could well appear as a result of umlaut
in plural and then in singular - a process widely spread in Albanian.
This leads to the reconstruction of PAlb *akura. However, -nk-
should yield Alb -ng-. 0 CAMARDA 90 (comparison with G k %a^KÔç
‘copper’); MEYER Wb. 150 (compares with Skt siñcati ‘to pour out,
to sprinkle’), Alb. St. Ill 5, 43; PISANI Saggi 120 (to Arm erkaf); IVANOV
SBJa Antic. 21 (a farfetched hypothesis close to that of CAMARDA);
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350; H a m p Laryngeals 130 (to Goth aiz ‘ore’),
StF XXII (V) 121-122; IVANESCU SAO VIII 274-276; O r e l Koll. Idg.
Ges. 359.

helm m, pl. helme ‘poison; grief, sorrow ’. From *skal(i)ma connected


with hall. (O r e l IF XC 107-108) 0 MEYER Wb. 107 (compares with
OHG scalmo ‘pestilence, epidemic’, scelmo id.), Alb. St. Ill 59, 64; JOKL
HELL — HERDHF, 145

Elf. Idg. 142 (to Thr GKÓ.Àjir| ‘sword’); ; BARIC ARSt 27; L a P ia n a Studi
1 9 4 (to Gk xàX.ijuoç ■(papiaÙKoç, Hes.); ÇABEJ St. I 2 3 6 -2 3 7 (to hell)-,
DEMIRAJ AE 198 (compared with Skt ala- ‘poison’; borrowed to
Greek as xà^xpoç).

hell m , pl. helle, heje, hej ‘spear, spit’. Another form of the same word,
hejë, is derived from plural. From PAlb *sköla identical with Gk ctkôàoç
‘pointed stake, thorn’ (JOK.L IF XXXVI 124). Further related to IE *skel-
‘to cut, to split’ ( M e y e r Wb. 151). 0 M a n n Language X X V I386; Ham p
St. albanka VI/1 125-126 (to OPr aycolo ‘needle’), StF XXII (V) 119-
120; FRISK II 745-746; POKORNY I 923-927; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147;
Ç a b e j St. I 237; D e m ir a j AE 199.

hep m, pl. hepa ‘furrow, scratch’. From PAlb *skapa etymologically


connected with hap (ÇABEJ St. T 237-238; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 72).

heq ~ hek aor. hoqa ~ hoka ‘to draw, to puli’. In dialects, a more con­
servative form helq is attested. It goes back to PAlb *ska!kja, a
causative identical with Gk *òÀ,Kéco < *solkeiO based on e^kco ‘to draw’
( C a m a r d a I 81; M e y e r Wb. 150-151). The initial h- in Albanian is
irregular (H u ld 73) so that an assimilative development *salkja > *skalkja
must be reconstructed. 0 M e y e r St. Ill 4,43; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI
278; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 133; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 664; P is a n i Saggi
120 (heq as a borrowing from Gk eàkcû); PISANI Saggi 120; PORZIG Namen
236 f. (Greek data for the reconstruction of *òÀ,icéco), Gliederung 172;
F r is k 1 497-4 9 8 ; C h a n t r a in e 340; P o k o r n y 1901; Ç a b e j St. V II 227;
H am p Laryngeals 132 (suggests *Huolkeiö); H u l d 7 3 (groundless com­
parison with OE ealh ‘temple, sanctuary’).

herdhe pl. ‘testicles’. From PAlb *ardzai related to IE *orghi- ~ *rghi-


id,: Av dual, drszï, Gk opxiç, Arm orjik\ M ir uirgge id. (CAMARDA I
42; M e y e r Wb. 151, Alb. St. I ll 18, 7 2 , 86). The initial h- is a secondary
prothetic consonant. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 6 7 , 275; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
335; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 90; P is a n i Saggi 132; F r isk 1 4 3 3 -4 3 4 ;
CHANTRAINE 831; HAMP Laryngeals 129 (h- as a continuant of the Indo-
European laryngeal); POKORNY 1 782; VENDRYES [V] 20-21; HAMP Laryn­
geals 129; RiX Münch. St. Spr. XXVII 93 (reconstructs *Hrghija); Ç a bej
St. VII 2 3 8 , 251; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 148; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 126;
K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; H u l d 7 3 -7 4 ; D e m ir a j AE 199.
146 HERDHE - H ËN Ë ~ HANF.

herdhe f, pl. herdhe ‘nest’. A singularized plural of an unattested


*hardh < *skordhos related to Skt sárdhas- ‘herd, crow d’, W cordd
‘crow d’ < *kordho-, Goth hairda ‘herd’, Slav *cerda id. ( M e y e r Wb.
151). These forms reflect a root with the alternation of *k- ~ *k- in
the anlaut. In Albanian, the initial *sk- must be reconstructed. 0
BARIC ARSt 27; JOKL AArbSt I 38-40 (specially on W cordd)\ KLUGE
310; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 113, Stratificazione 144; MAYRHOFER III
310; POKORNY I 579; F e is t Goth. 234; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 60-63.

herë f, pl. here ‘time, moment of time, hour’. Borrowed from Lat höra
‘hour’ (MEYER Wb. 151). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 113; MANN Language
XXVI 387; Ç a b e j Sí. VII 2 0 0 , 280; H a a r m a n n 129.

hermoj aor. hermova ‘to dig’. Initial h- is due to prothesis. Borrowed


from Rom *exrïmârï ‘to hoe, to dig out’, cf. Lat rïmârï ‘to hoe’.

herr m, pl. herra ‘d w a r f’. F rom PAlb *skarna d eriv ed from IE *sker-
‘to cu t’, see harr (ÇABEJ St. I 2 3 8 ).

hesht aor. heshta ‘to stay silent’. Derived from the interjection hesht
‘hush’ (M e y e r Wb. 151). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 113; Ç a b e j Sì. VII
220 .

heshtë f, pl. heshta ‘spear’. A derivative in -shtë based on hell (JOKL


IF XXXVI 124, LKUBA 214, 330). 0 MEYER Wb. 151 (from Lat hasta
id.); Ç a b e j St. I 238 (follows Jo k l ).

hetoj aor. hetova ‘to search, to inquire, to discover’. The initial h- is


prothetic. Borrowed from Lat êdictâre ‘to announce’. 0 M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 387 (to Lith skaityti)\ ÇABEJ St. VII 273.

h ë ~ h ê adv. ‘now ’, interj. ‘well’. From PAlb *skainai, dative-locative


of a noun related to Goth skeinan, OHG skinan ‘to shine’, with a seman­
tic development similar to that of E in a twinkling. 0 FEIST Goth. 431;
K l u g e 640.

hëpërhë ~ hêpërhê adv. ‘just, actually, in fact’. A univerbation of hë


për hë, a sequence including the advedrb hë.

hënë ~ hanë f hëna ~ hana ‘moon’. From PAlb *ksandâ further com-
HI ~ HÎ — HIJE 147

pared with Skt cándati ‘(he) shines, is bright’, candrá- ‘shining;


moon’ (MEYER Wb. 151 ,Alb. St. Ill 59). From the point of view of word-
formation, the Albanian word is particularly close to Celt *kando-: W
cann ‘white’, M B ret cann ‘full moon’. 0 SCHEFTELOWITZKZ LVI 2 08
(to Av sand- ‘to be visible’); GÜNTERT Ablaut 9 1 -9 2 ; BARIC ARSt 27
(to Skt chandati); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 6 9 -7 0 (reconstructs *skand-
nä); H a s d e u E M R I I 37; E r n o u t -M eillet 92; M a y r h o f e r 1 3 7 2-373;
POKORNY I 526; Ç a b e j St. IV 57 (on the development of -nd- > -«-);
HULD 74; SCHRIJVER Latin 4 2 8 ; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (metathesis
of IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-); DEMIRAJ AE 1 9 9 -2 0 0 (to hie or to Lat annus
‘year’).

hi ~ hî m ‘ash’. From PAlb *skina, a form with s mobile related to Lat


cinis ‘dust, ash’ (MEYER Wb. 152, Alb. St. Ill 5 9 , 6 7 ). 0 BARIC ARSt
2 7 -2 8 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 132 (reconstructs *skino-); WALDE-
HOFMANN I 2 1 7 -2 1 8 ; H am p Laryngeals 126 (to Skt edhas- ‘fire­
wood’); H am p Laryngeals 126 (groundless reconstruction of *Hidh-
no-); ÇABEJ St. VII 210; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 124; HULD 74.

hidhëtadj. ‘bitter, sad’. Derived from hidhem ‘to jump, to overflow,


to walk over’, reflexive of hedh. The verb hidhëroj ~ hidhënonj ‘to
sadden’ has the same source. 0 MEYER Wb. 157 (to Pol jçdza ‘fury’
and the like), Alb. St. Ill 16; JOKL Studien 2 9 -3 0 (to Gk aï0{o ‘to burn’);
B a r ic ARSt. I 28; LOEWENTHAL WuS XI 6 0 (to aïÇ ‘goat’); TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 134; H a m p Laryngeals 127 (to hi); ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to
Lat scindo ‘to split’); DEMIRAJ AE 2 0 0 -2 0 1 .

h idhës m, pl. hidhës ‘stin ging n ettle’. R elated to hidhët (ÇABEJ St. 1 2 3 8 ).
0 M e y e r Wb. 152 (u n certain co n n ectio n w ith Gk k v í S ti id.); BARIC
ARSt 28; JOKL Studien 2 9 -3 0 (to G k od'0ß> ‘to b u rn ’).

hije f, pi. hije ‘shadow’. Singularized plural of an archaic hë going back


to PAlb *skijâ. This form is connected with IE *skâi- ~ *ski-: Skt châya
id., Gk OKiá id. (CAMARDA 1 7 1 ; M e y e r Wb. 149-150, Alb. St. Ill 59).
0 Jo k l LKUBA 60-63; PISANI Saggi 119 (separates hije from he); MANN
Language XXVIII 39; JUCQUOIS Le Muséon LXXVIII 439; H a m p Laryn­
geals 131; F r is k II 730-731; C h a n t r a in e 1017; M a y r h o f e r I 407;
P o k o r n y 1917-918; Ç a bej St. m 139, v n 277; H u l d 74-75; R a s m u s s e n
Morph. 33, 61; OREL FLH VIII/1-2 46; Koll. Idg. Ges. 352 (metathe­
sis of IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-); DEMIRAJ AE 201.
148 H IK Ë R R - IH R

hikërr f, pl. hikrra ‘sour milk; buckwheat’. This form, with a secondary
prothetic h-, goes back to PAlb *eikra, an /-derivative of ik, ikëj. For
the semantic development of the Albanian word cf. Germ gerinnen ‘to
coagulate’ < rinnen ‘to run’.

hime pl. ‘bran’. From PA lb *skeidma, a m orp hological innovation based


on IE *skeid-men-, further co n n ected w ith G oth skaidan ‘to d iv id e ’,
Lith skiedzu, skiesti ‘to m ak e th in ’ and, in p a rticu la r, w ith Lith
skiemuö ‘o p en in g used to in sert the sh u ttle’ < *skeid-men-. 0 KLUGE
641; FRAENKEL 805-806; P o k o r n y I 921; F e is t Goth. 427; Ç a b e j St.
I 239 (id en tica l w ith imtë).

himtë adj. 'g rey ’. Derived from hi.

hingël f, pl. hingla ‘girth’. Borrowed from Rom *hinnicula, derivative


of Lat hinnus ‘m ule’.

hingëlloj aor. hingëllova ‘to whinny, to neigh’. Borrowed from Rom


*hinniculäre, an expressive form based on Lat hinnlre. 0 MEYER Wb.
151-152 (connected with Lat hinnlre ‘to whinny, to neigh’); ÇABEJ St.
VII 221.

hinje interj. ‘behold, now, there’. A sequence of two interjections: hi


identical with he and nje, a form of njoh (CAMARDA II 156; M e y e r
Wb. 314). 0 Ç a b e j St. 1 239 (follows C a m a r d a but also compares hinje
with inf).

hip(ëj) ~ hypi aor. hipa ~ hypa ‘to g o u p ’. From P A lb *sküpa. If .v m obile


can b e su g g ested h ere, the v erb w ith its unusual lo n g grad e co u ld be
com p ared w ith Lith kùpti ‘to r is e ’, Latv kupt ‘to gather, to b uild u p ’.
Ö B a r i c ARSt. 17 (to IE *upo ‘o v er , up’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 135;
F r a e n k e l 314; P o k o r n y 1 591; H am p Laryngeals 127-128 (to Skt tipa
‘up, hither’), St. Whatmough 88, SCL XXVIII/1 74.

hire ‘grace, favor, m ercy’. From PAlb *sklra etymological­


h i r m, pl.
ly connected with Goth skeirs ‘clear’, Slav *scirb ‘clean’ (MEYER Wb.
152, Alb. St. Ill 5 9 , 7 1 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 7 0 (identifies hir with xàpiç
‘favor, grace’); MlKLOSICH Bulg. Siebenb. 123 (from Gk %àpiç);
BUGGE BB XVIII 167 (to Gk aicipov "white parasol born by a priest­
ess’); JOKL LKUBA 67 (follows B ltg g e ); L a P ia n a Studi I 6 6 -6 7 (similar
H IR R Ë — HJEKËS 149

to C a m a r d a ); K l u g e 647-645; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (agrees


with M e y e r ); F e ist Goth. 432; P o k o r n y I 917-918; V a s m e r IV 507-
508; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (borrowed from Gk x«piç); Ç a bej
St. I 239-240 (singularized plural of *her which, in its turn, is an umlau­
ticized form of *har; the latter comes from Gk j^àpiç); D e m ir a j AE
201-202 (possibility of hir borrowed from Gk ÎEpôç ‘holy’).

hirrë f ‘whey’. From PAlb *ksirä to be compared with Skt ksJrd- ‘milk’,
Osset œxsir id. (PEDERSEN IF V 45; KZ XXXVI 277). Note that Alb
-rr- seems to reflect an intervocalic *-r-, 0 CAMARDA I 47 (to Gk ôpôç
id., Skt sarà- ‘flowing’); MEYER Wb. 152 (to Slav *syro> ‘cheese’ - pho­
netically impossible), Alb. St. Ill 43 (to Lat serum)', B a r ic ARSt 28 (to
Lith kartüs ‘bitter1), AArbSt 1/1-2 145-146; ÌOKLLKUBA 273 (follows
PEDERSEN); LlDÉN KZ L X I9-10 (to O N skyr ‘sour milk’ < Gmc *skurjan);
P o r z ig Gliederung 132; PISANI Saggi 132 (follows LlDÉN); TAGLIAVINI
Stratificazione 148-149; MAYRHOFER I 290; M ILLER Osset. 15; HUB­
SCHMID XII LFR II 978 (connected with Mantuan scaron id. borrowed
from Messap *skar-); ÇABEJ St. VII 234; H a m p LB XXIV/4 49 (links
hirrë to urdhë and reconstructs *skerHina)\ HULD 75; OREL ZfBalk XXIII
144; D e m ir a j AE 202-203.

hisëll ~ hîsëll m, pl. hisëlla ~ hîsëlla ‘burning nettle’. Goes back to *hithëll,
a derivative of hith. Another form belonging here is hiskull id. influ­
enced by hisk ‘sharp and long (of bull’s horns)’. Nasalization in Geg
is secondary. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 240 (connection between hisk and hiskull).

(G) hitas aor. hite ta ‘to hurry’. Borrowed from Slav *xytati, cf. South
Slavic continuants: Bulg xitam id., SCr hitati (ÇABEJ St. I 240). 0 Svane
256.

hith m, pl. hitha ‘blight, burning nettle’. Apparently, from *hidh with
an irregular auslaut unvoicing (but cf. gjethi), further connected with
hedh, see JOKL Stud. 29-30. 0 M e y e r Wb. 152 (to Gk icviSr) id.).

hjedhët adj. ‘slim, long and thin’. Derived from hjedh, a phonetic variant
of hedh. Note also hjedhë ‘chaff’ coming from the same source.

hjekës m, pl. hjekës 'm ediator, accessory, receiver o f stolen g o o d s’. D er iv ­


ative o f hjek, a d ialectal variant o f heq (M a n n HAED 160).
150 HO BE — HU ~ H l)

höbe f, pl. höbe ‘catap ult, s lin g ’. A d ialectal form o f bahe (Ç a b e j St.
I 240).

hoje f, pl. hoje ‘h o n e y c o m b ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f huall (Ç a b e j St.


I 240). 0 M e y e r Wb. 146 (to halë).

hokë f ‘jo k e , j e s t ’ . An o n o m a to p o eia im itating lau ghter. 0 LA PIANA


Studi I 95 (borrow ed from Lat jocus ‘jest, jo k e ’); ÇABEJ St. I 240 (iden ­
tifie s hokë w ith okë ‘m easu re o f w e ig h t’, from T u rk ish ).

hokoç m ‘uncastrated boar’. Other variants are hakoç, harkoç. A suf­


fixal derivative of *hark ~ *hork imitating pig’s grunting. 0 MEYER
Wb. 153 (to Pers xuk ‘pig’); ÇABEJ St. I 232 (related to harr).

hollë adj. ‘thin, fin e , slen d er, s lim ’. F rom P A lb *skdla further c o m ­
pared with IE *skel- ‘to cu t’: Lith skeliu, ske'lti ‘to sp lit, to d iv id e’ , M ir
scáilim ‘to let g o ’ and the lik e (JOKL IF XXXVII 99). 0 L e w y ZfslavPh
I 416 (to Slav *xoliti); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210 (fo llo w s JOKL); BARIC
ARSt 72 (to Gk c t k c o â o ç ‘picket, stake’), Ftymje 34; F r a e n k e l 800; H am p
Laryngeals 130 (to Gk àAico ‘to grind’); ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI126 (against
H am p); V e n d r y e s [S] 28-29; P o k o r n y I 924-925; Ç a b e j St. V I I 199,
227; H u l d 75-76; C l a c k s o n LR 219; D e m ir a j AE 203 (to Gk avXóq
‘reed flu te ').

hop m, pl. hope ‘instant, moment; jum p’. A descriptive stem, cf. E to
hop (M e y e r Wb. 153).

horr m, pl. horra ‘villain, scoundrel, rogue, pauper, m iser’. Together


with fem. horre ‘shameless woman, whore’, it represents a pair of Ger­
manic loanwords, cf. Goth hors ‘adulterer’ - ON hora ‘whore’, OHG
huora id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 153 (borrowed from Turk hor ‘bad, small’);
KLUGE 321; ÇABEJ St. VII 234; O r e l Orpheus VI 65.

hu ~ hû m, pl. hunj ‘p ick et, stake, p o le , p e n is’. C o n tin u es P A lb *skuna


w ith a secon d ary n asal su ffix , g o in g b ack to the ea rlier *skuja id en ­
tical w ith Slav *xujb ‘p e n is’. Further p a ra llels are rep resen ted by OIr
see ‘h aw th o rn ’, Lith slcujà ‘p in e -n e e d le ’, L atv skuja id ., S la v *xvoja
id. (P e d e r s e n Zb. Jagië2\%). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 29; V a s m e r Alb. Wort-
forsch. 83-84 (to Gk ^vkov); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 90; L e w is -P e -
d e r s e n 15; V e n d r y e s [S] 37; F r a e n k e l 821; P o k o r n y I 958;
H LAJ ~ H U EJ ---- H U LU M T O J 151

T r u b a ò EV ÈSSJa V ili 114; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (m e ta th esis o f


IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-).

huaj - huej adj. ‘foreign , strange’. From PAlb *ksanja further connected
w ith an iso la te d Gk ^évoç, D or ÇevÇoç ‘stran ger, g u e st’ ( M e y e r Wb.
154, Alb. St. Ill 59-60). 0 CAMARDA II 204 (to Lat hostis ‘stranger, fo r­
e ig n e r , g u e s t’); M e y e r Gr. Gr. 124; PEDERSEN IF V 59; BARIC ARSt
29 (b ased on ha, cf. Lat hostis - Skt ghdsati ‘to e a t‘); L a PIANA Studi
I 106; JOKL IF XXXVII 93 (fo llo w s MEYER ), L 55; PORZIG Gliederung
178; PISANI Saggi 119; FRISK II 333-334; HAMP Laryngeals 131, Anc.
IE 116; ÇABEJ St. I 240-241 (a d d u ces OAlb uoj as an argu m en t
again st M e y e r ’ s e ty m o lo g y ); HULD 76; O r e l Sprache XXXI 282;
D em iraj AE 203-204 (sem antically unacceptable hypothesis: from *ouos
‘that’ —»‘o th e r ’ —> ‘stra n g e’).

h uall ~ h u ell m,pl. hoje ‘honeycomb’. Goes back to PAlb *skála further
related to hollë (ÇABEJ St. I 241).

h udhër f, pl. hudhra ‘garlic’. A more archaic phonetic form is repre­


sented by the variant hurdhë continuing PAlb *skurdä, etymological­
ly connected with Gk oKÓpoSov id. ( C a m a r d a I 50; M e y e r Wb. 154,
Alb. St. Ill 28, 5 9 ,7 2 ) . 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 160, 331; B a r ic ARSt 29; J o k l
Festschr. Kretschmer 7 8 -8 0 , LKUBA 2 3 0 , Sprache IX 121; TAGLIAVI­
NI Dalmazia 273; F r isk I I 738; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 30, 121 ; C h a n t r a in e
1021; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 344; H A M PL ß XX 1 1 6 -1 1 7 (recon­
structs o-grade); Ç a b e j St. VII 237; D e m ir a j AE 2 0 4 -2 0 5 .

hudhëroj aor. hudhërova ‘to throw, to fling’. Derived from hudh-, a mor-
phonological variant of hedh. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 3 4 .

hukas aor. hukata ‘to sh o u t’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *xukati id. (SVANE


257).

hulum toj aor. hulumtova ‘to follow up, to track out, to investigate’. A
parallel form hulmëtoj is phonetically closer to the source which is Rom
*inventare based on Lat invenlre ‘to find out’. The complicated pho­
netic history of this word includes the assimilation of -v- to the pre­
ceding -n- and then the dissimilation of two nasals and the loss of the
second one. Finally, a prothetic h- was added. The irregularities may
reflect an unusual way of the word acquisition (via hunters’ slang?).
152 H ULLI — H IJR D H Ë

hulli f, pl. hulli ‘furrow ’. Another variant is holli. A derivative of hollë


(Ç a bej St. I 241). 0 M a n n Language XVII 14 (to Lith skiïvis).

humb aor. humba ‘to leave, to lose, to spoil, to m iss’, to drown. From
a nasal present *skumba compared with IE *skeubh-: Goth af-skiuban
‘to push away, to reject’, Lith skumbu, skubti ‘to hurry, to hasten’ (PISANI
Saggi 109). As to hup ‘to lose, to spoil, to m iss’, it may be a back fo r­
mation based on humb. 0 MEYER Wb. 154 (connects humb with hup)',
BARIC ARSt 36-37 (hup to Lat stipò ‘to upset, to overturn’); PISANI Saggi
124; F r a e n k e l 820; P o k o r n y I 955; H a m p Laryngeals 128 (to hipëj),
SCL XXVIII/1 75; FEIST Goth. 9; ÇABEJ St. VII 217, 232; OREL IF XCIII
109 (compares with hup and reconstructs *skupa ~ *skumpa further
connected with Slav *cupati to pinch, to tear, to break’), TBK 192.

hundë f, pl. hundë ‘nose’. Goes back to PAlb *skun-tä derived from *skuna
> hu (MEYER Wb. 152-153). The verb hundohem ‘to sneer, to turn up
nose’ is derived from hundë (CAMARDA II 143-144). 0 SCHMIDT KZ
LVII 16; B a r ic ARSt 103 (to Lat sentw ‘to feel1); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
276, Stratificazione 90; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 127 (accepts M e y e r ’ s
etymology); HULD 76 (fantastic comparison with IE *nas- ‘nose’); ÇABEJ
St. I 240 (on hundohem)-, OREL Ètimologija 1985 180 (against H u l d ).

hupte aor. ‘stale (of bread); forming a hard crust (of snow)’. Deriva­
tive of hup, see humb.

hurbë f, pl. hurba ‘swallow, mouthful’. Another variant is hurp which


also functions as a verb ‘to swallow’.From PAlb *skurbä etymologi­
cally linked to Lith skerbiu, skerbti ‘to cut deep’, Latv slçirba ‘fissure,
slot’, Slav *schrba id. 0 F r a e n k e l 801, 807; V a sm e r IV 503-504; Ç abej
St. I 2 4 2 (onomatopoeia).

hurdhe f, pl. hurdhe ‘iv y ’. T he p arallel form is urdhe. A sin g u la rized


p lural g o in g back to P A lb *wurda co n n ected w ith other r e fle x e s o f IE
*urdho-\ OE word ‘th o rn -b u sh ’, Lat rubus ‘b ra m b le-b u sh ’. 0 MEYER
Wb. 154 (to Skt pfs'ni- ‘sp o tte d ’); W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 445-446;
H o l t h a u s e n AEW 405; Ç a b e j St. VII 236.

hurdhë f, pl. hurdha ‘pond, pool’. Another variant is urdhë. Continues


PAlb *wurdâ, a derivative in *-dh- further related to Slav *vin>
‘whirlpool’, *variti ‘to cook’, Lith ve'rdu, virti id. 0 JOKL Studien 30-
(G) HUT — HYJ ~ HYJ 153

31 (to Skt vdr- ‘water’); PISANI Saggi 119; FRAENKEL 1263; VASMER
I 275; POKORNY I 1166; ÇABEJ St. VII 236-237; DEMIRAJ AE 205.

(G) hut adj. ‘vain, em pty’. The initial h- is prothetic. From PAlb *uta,
an adjective in *-to- based on IE *eua- : *uä- ‘empty’, cf. similar for­
mations in *-no-\ Skt üná- ‘missing’, Lat va nus ‘em pty’ and the like.
0 JOKL Studien 31 (to Gk ocutîoç ‘vain, empty’); WALDE-HOFMANN II
731-732; C h a n t r a in e 382; P o k o r n y 1 345; K o pec n y ESSI 1262; H a m p
Laryngeals 126; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 124 (onomatopoeia); KORTLANDT
Arm-IE 44; ÇABEJ St. VII 227; DEMIRAJ AE 205.

hutë f, pl. ‘vulture, ow l’. Another variant is utë. Borrowed from MGk
(¿toç ‘horned owl’. 0 MEYER Wb. 460 (borrowed from Lat ötus
‘horned owl’ < Gk cotoç); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31 (from Lat ôtus);
ÇABEJ St. VII 227.

hutloj aor. hutlova ‘to deceive’. Together hutrrohem ‘to be astonished’,


derived from unattested nouns *hutël and *hutërr (cf. hutrrojë ‘silly
old woman’), both of them based on hutoj.

hutoj aor. hutova ‘to astonish, to daze’. Derived from hutë figurative­
ly denoting ‘fool, dolt’ (MANN HAEW 164). 0 HAMP Laryngeals 126
(to Geg hut); ÇABEJ St. VII 206, 227.

hyj m, pl. hyja, hyj ‘g o d ’. S in g u la rized plural o f yll, hyll ‘sta r’ (OREL
Linguistica XXIV 4 3 8 ) c o in e d by BOGDANI (ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ). 0
MEYER Wb. 150 (connects hyj with hije); K r is t o f o r id h i 135, 139 (sam e
as MEYER); J o k l LKUBA 6 4 -6 5 (re co n str u c ts *hye co n tin u in g IE
*skëini-); M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to ON skuggi < IE *skuui-); Hamp
St. Whatmough 88.; DEMIRAJ AE 20 5 .

hyj ~ hyj aor. hyra ~ hyna ‘to enter’. The anlaut h- is prothetic. Goes
back to a denominative PAlb *eiwinja or *eiwanja based on *eiwi- ~
*eiwa, related to IE *ei- ‘to go, to walk’ and etymologically close to
Ski e'va- ‘speedy’, Lith at-elvis, at-e'iva ‘newcomer, stranger’, pe'r-eiva
‘tramp, vagrant’. 0 BARIC ARSt. I 17-18 (reconstructs *supniO, further
to Lat sub ‘under’ and the like); FRAENKEL 119; MAYRHOFER I 129;
P o k o r n y I 293-297; H am p Laiyngeals 125-126 (to Skt ava- ‘off’); ÇABEJ
St. I 2 4 2 (connects hyj with -y-, reflecting a contraction of *-oi- < *-
odi-, to IE *sed- ‘to go’).
154 ijë - im i i-:

I
ijë f, pl. ijë ‘hip, side’. Borrow ed from Lat pi. Ilia ‘groin, flank’ (CAMARDA
I 70-71; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb. 158). 0 M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­
MANN 130; Ç a b e j St. I 243; L a n d i Lat. 126.

ikëj aor. ikëna ‘to go away, to run away’. A more archaic form of present
is ik; there exists also a form with a secondary initial h-. Continues
PAlb *eika further belonging to IE *ei- ‘to go’ (ÇABEJ St. I 243). Sim­
ilarly to Slav *jbdç ‘(I) go’ based on *idhi, an old imperative of *<?/'-
(POLIVANOV lORJaS XXIV/2 349-350), Albanian present forms ik. ikëj
are derived from the imperative ik which can be compared with Lith
elk, elki ‘go!’ (OREL Lingv. issled. II 35-36, Baltistica XXI/2 156-157),
with the suffix of imperative -k- of dubious origin (STANG NorwJLing.
XXX 127-131). 0 M e y e r Wb. 158; B r u g m a n n IF XXIX 404-412; L a
PIANA Studi alb. I 193 (compares ik with Gk ikco ‘to come’); BUGA
REV LVII 240 (on Lith eJki); POKORNY I 293-294; ÇABEJ St. VII 205,
227; OREL ZfBalk X X II/1 82, Koll. Idg. Ges. 352.

CSM. 245). As to ishull


between ishull ‘sunny place’ and shullë).
rrowed from
driß 21 1044, ith prep, ‘behind’. From PAlb *its, a form of IE *eghs ‘from, out of’
(M e y e r Wb. 158, Alb. St. I l l 16). The change of meaning is a part of
a wider semantic shift in the system of prepositions (see nga); the old
: demonstra­ meaning is preserved in the prefix sh- < *is- < *its- (partly influenced
te . by a homonymous prefix of Latin origin continuing Lat dis-). The vowel
of ith makes it extremely close to Slavic (*jbz) and Baltic (OPrus is,
Derived from Lith is, dial. Latv iz). Cf. normal vocalism of the same root in jashtë.
0 M e y e r BB XIV 53; P i s a n i Saggi 125; I 98 f.; P e d e r s e n KZ
XXXVIII421 (*/- as the original vowel in this root); KARSTIEN Festschr.
.lb *ima con- Vasmer 213; E n d z e l in Latys. predi. I 98; F r a e n k e l 188; W a l d e -
(sas ‘short’, H o f m a n n 1 423 (reject the co n n ectio n b etw e en ith and *eghs); PISANI
AENKEL 187; Saggi 125; P o k o r n y I 292-293; P o l á K apud K o p e c n y ESSJ I 82; O r ft
derived from Koll. Idg. Ges. 359.
INJ ITH 155

inj prep, ‘up to ’ . A g h o st w ord reg ister ed o n ly by MlTKO and b ein g ,


in fact, a p h on etic variant o f hinje (ÇABEJ St. I 2 4 4 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 159
(to IE *eni ‘in ’), Alb. St. I ll 66; H a m p Laryngeals 136; D e m ir a j AE
2 07.

irë adj. ‘d u n '. R elated to err , w ith i- resu ltin g from the p arad igm atic
a lternation e ~ i in n oun s. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 4 4 -2 4 5 (lin k s ire to irëmadh
‘h e r o ic ’ but the latter is a com p ou n d o f ire ‘h e r o ism ’ and madh).

irë f, ‘wrath, heroism ’. Borrowed from Lat Tra ‘wrath’.

iriq m, pl. iriqë, iriqa ‘hedgehog’. Borrowed from Lat ëricius id.
(S tier KZ X I 141; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 159).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß 2 1 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 15;
Ç a b e j St. VII 254; L a n d i Lat. 8 4 , 112, 139.

iskër I. pl. iskra ‘spark’. B orrow ed from Slav *jbskra id., cf. South Slavic
continuants: B u lg iskra, SC r iskra (MEYER Wb. 159). 0 TAGLIAVINI
Dalmazia 135; SVANF, 57.

ishull m r.i ; J
form s: B u la ikra. SCr ikra (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 1 ). 0 SELIi
immmmmmmiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiii^j^^iiiMjpiìroireiniig’ I V , O V A JN t, lM-y.

ilq e f, pl. ilqe ‘h o lm -o a k ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f *ilqë b(


Lat ïlicem id. (MEYER Wb. 158). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Gruí
1048; H a a r m a n n 130.

im pron. ‘m y ’. A u n iv erb a ted se q u en ce c o n sistin g o f th


tiv e p ron oun *is (se e ay) and u n stressed 1 sg . p ron oun

im sh të f, pl. imshta ‘oak g r o v e ’. A nother variant is ipshtë.


imë, imtë (Ç a b e j St. I 2 4 4 ).

im të adj. ‘tiny, sm a ll’. A nother variant is imë. R efle cts P7


tin u in g *îs-mos, cf. Skt Tsdt ‘little, a little , s lig h tly ’, L iti
L atv îss id. 0 MEYER Wb. 158 (to IE *em~ ‘to s e iz e ’); F f
M a y r h o f e r 1 96; P o k o r n y 1 2 9 9 -3 0 0 ; Ç a b e j St. I 2 3 9 (
hi), 2 4 4 (to hime).
156 IV Ë — JA M

Î V C t , p l. I V U C lliu i u i u c i y p d ï i ô ï 11 u u i ï u v v v v i H v>kïi"O 'àuv ¿ V 'U " « i 'i k ï v ’ü w i ï v

m ean in g as rep resen ted by B u lg iva and SCr iva (DESNICKAJA Slav,
zaini. 11). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 245-246; S v a n e 99.

izbë f. ‘cellar’. Borrowed from Slav *istT>ba ‘house, cellar’ attested


in South Slavic in Bulg izba and SCr izba (S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie
149). 0 S v a n e 54.

J
ja interj. ‘behold, here, now’. A shortened form of javo, javua id., an
early borrowing from Slav *avi.nb ‘manifest, obvious’ in its adver­
bial function, with -o, -ua continuing *-wn>. For South Slavic continuants
of *avbm> cf. Bulgjaven, SCr javan. 0 M e y e r Wb. 160 (uncertain con­
nection with Slav *aviti sç ‘to appear’); Ç a bej St. I 246 (from NGk
y iá in y iá ôéç id.); OREL Orpheus VI 65.

jakë interj. ‘c o m e ’. A n iso la te d im p era tiv e form in -k (cf. ik) based on


IE *ja- ‘to g o ’. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 191 (com pou nd co n sistin g o f ja and
p ron om in al At?-); POKORNY I 296; ÇABEJ St. 1 2 4 7 (tra n sfo rm a tio n o f
the p hrase eja këtu ‘co m e h e r e ’).

jam aor. qeshë ‘to b e ’. From P A lb *es-mi further connected with IE *es-
id. and id en tical w ith Skt ásmi, G k e ip i (B O P P 460, 4 7 2 , 526; G i l ’f e r -
DING Otn. 22; C a m a r d a I 36; M e y e r Wb. 1 6 0 -1 6 1 ). T he a o rist m ay
be ten ta tiv ely ex p la in ed as a sig m a tic form ation b ased on IE *k"el- ‘to
turn, to r e v o lv e ’ (CAMARDA I 4 5 ), c f. G m c *werdan ‘to b e c o m e ’ in
its co n n ectio n w ith IE *uert- ‘to turn, to r e v o lv e ’. 0 S t i e r KZ VII 9;
M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 63, 85; L a P ia n a Studi 1 86; J o k l LKUBA 83; M a n n
Language XXVI 383; PISANI KZ LXXI 64 (a o rist com p ared w ith Latv
k(ût ‘to b ecom e’). Saggi 103; MAYRHOFER 1 67; F r isk 1 463-464; POKORNY
I 3 4 0 -3 4 2 ; HAMP Festschr. Beeler 3 3 7 -3 4 6 (d e r iv e s 3 sg. është ~ âsht
from *en esti to be com p ared w ith G k eveo x t); ÇABEJ St. I 2 4 7 -2 4 8 ;
KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. XL 113; OREL Lingv. issled. II 31-
33 (n asa liza tio n in 3 sg . është ~ âsht < P A lb *ensti ex p la in ed by the
in flu e n c e o f 3 p l . janë < *enti < *es(o)nti), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (a c c e n ­
tual o p p o sitio n b etw een 1 sg. jam and 1 pl. jenti in P roto-A lb an ian );
H u ld 7 6 -7 7 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 0 7 -2 0 8 .
JA P JA R M 157
J M J / ' a ò ’ì « r i i V i i i ï I " " i ’ü ” ^ ï » v " / l ’ ’p m U 11V ^ 1 1 U 1 111 IO t i-fS. V J L -g tllA JJ lU S U ild i l U lU

PAlb *en-apa while./- in jap is explained as filling hiatus (PEDERSEN


Festskr. Thomsen 2 4 7 ) or resulting from the analogical influence of
jam (DEMIRAJ AE 79). Thus, for Proto-Albanian, *apa should be recon­
structed as a parallel for IE *ap- ~ *ep- ‘to seize, to take’: Skt apnoti
‘(he) reaches, overtakes’, Gk mmo ‘to fasten, to bind’, Lat apiscor ‘to
grasp’ and the like (B O PP469; MEYER Wb. 13, Alb. St. Ill 3 1 ). Seman­
tically, the Albanian word is particularly close to Hitt epzi ‘(he) gives’
( H u l d 7 7 ). For the paradoxical semantic development replacing one
conversive with another cf. Hitt da- ‘take’ < IE *dö- ‘to give’. The aorist
dhashë < PAlb *e-das-a is based on the zero grade of IE *do- ‘to give’
( C a m a r d a i 7 3 ,1 2 7 ; M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 14). 0 C a m a r d a i 7 3 ,1 2 7 (jap
compared with Gk ia 7txco ‘to send, to drive on’; dhashë derived from
*dö-); JOKL Studien 3 2 , LKUBA 2 6 , IF XLIII 5 1 -5 2 , Sprache IX 118
(augment in dhashë); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I I 475; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
168; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; La PIANA Vocale 2 5 , Studi I 23;
M a y r h o f e r I 76; F r is k I 1 2 6 -1 2 7 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 5 7 -5 8 ;
POKORNY I 5 0 -5 1 , 2 2 3 -2 2 6 ; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 30; ÇABEJ St. VII 195;
H am p St. Whatmough 8 2 , Miinch. St. Spr. XL 4 (< IE *epi-d(o)H-iö,
cf. Gk éjuóíóopi ‘to give freely’); HULD 150; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 4 2
(reconstructs *dodHs- as the source of dhashë); KLINGENSCHMITT Miinch.
St. Spr. XL 123 (reconstruction of the aoristic paradigm); OREL
Etimologija 1982 154 (parallelism of dhashë < *e-das-m and Slav *daxrb\
traces of the augment), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 4 9 , 352; HAMP KZ CIII 291
(repeats JOKL and OREL in reconstructing the anlaut augment);
D e m ir a j AE 1 5 4 -1 5 5 .

ja rg ë f, pl.jarga ‘spit, phlegm’. From PAlb *ergá related to Av srazant-


‘bad’, OHG arg ‘bad, evil’, Lith arzus ‘lusty’. 0 POKORNY I 338; ÇABFJ
St. VII 212, 243.

jariçkë f,pl. jariçka ‘pullet, chick’. Another variant is jarickë. Borrowed


from Bulg jaricka. 0 POLÁK ZfBalk I 78 (derived from Slav *jarica
‘one year old creature’); SVANE 140.

jarin ë f ‘ripe fruit’. Borrowed from Slav *jarina ‘harvest’, cf. in South
Slavic continuants: SCr jarina (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 21). 0
S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 160.

ja rm m ‘yoke’. Borrowed from Slav *arbm-b id., cf. South Slavic con-
tinunants: OCS jarhm-b, Bulg jarem, SCr jaram (MEYER Wb. 161). 0
S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 156; SVANE 2 8 .
158 JASH TË — JES

jashtö adv. ‘outside’. From PA lb *e(k)sta derived from IE *egh-s ‘out’:


Gk ë^, Lat ex and the like ( C a m a r d a I 36, 87; Ç a b e j St. I 248-249).
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 24 (from Lat extra)', M e y e r Wb. 161 (from
Rom *extus parallel to Lat intus), Alb. St. IV 49; L a P ia n a Studi I 85
(reconstructs *eghs-to-)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 133 (follows MEYER);
M a n n Language XXVI 383; F risk 1527; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1423; Ç abej
St. VIT 232, 257; H u l d 77.

ja v ë f, plJ a v ë ‘week’. Borrowed from Lat hebdomas id. (MEYER Wb.


162) treated as a nominative in -a. The group -bdm- yields Alb -v-. 0
S k o k AArbSt. II 343 n. 3; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 252; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 133; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 129; H a m p GjA
XVII (8) 121-129.

ja z m, pl. jaza ‘mill-stream’. Borrowed from Slav *ëzrb ‘dam, w eir’, cf.
South Slavic continuants: Bulg yaz, SCr jaz (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaimstv.
11). Ö S v a n e 44.

je f. ‘p e r m issio n ’. A p h on etic variant o f leje. 0 MEYER Wb. 162 (to Skt


yo's- ‘w elfa r e, h a p p in e ss’ and the lik e ), Alb. St. Ill 40, 63; PEDERSEN
Festskr. Thomsen 253 (again st MEYER); JOKL Studien 32 (to Skt dvi-
‘fa v o r a b le ’); ERNOUT-MEILLET 330; ÇABEJ St. I 249 (je as a variant
o f the p a rticle le sem a n tica lly m isin terp reted by MEYER).

jeh m. ‘echo’. A scholarly borrowing from Lat echo id. Used as a basis
for the formation of jehoj ‘to echo’ and jehonë ‘echo’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I
249 (Greecisized Ital eco id.).

jer m m ‘delirium, absent-mindedness’. Goes back to PAlb *erma ety­


mologically identical with Lith ermas ‘m onster’. Latv çrms ‘wonder­
ful apparition’, qrmi ‘wonders, miracles’. 0 JOKL Studien 32; FRAENKEL
122; POKORNY I 58; D u r id a n o v Trakite 56, 75 (to Thr *ermas); ÇABEJ
St. I 250, VII 205, 247; DEMIRAJ AE 208.

jes aor. jeta ‘to remain’. From PAlb *etja, a denominative of jete. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 163 (suggests IE *et- or *ed- but without any meaning); BARIC
ARSt I 76 (to IE *sed- ‘to sit); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 134, 186;
XHUVANI KLetr I 5; ÇABEJ St. I 250-251 (to Phryg eirou, 3 sg. opt. ‘let
him be’).
.JETE — JU 159

jetë f, pl.jetë ‘life’. Goes back to PAlb *eta, related to the isolated group
of Gk éxeôç ‘true, real’, e tà - 0cX.r|0f), àyocGà (Hes.), ètàÇco ‘to test’.
0 C a m a r d a I 122 (to jes)\ M e y e r Wb. 163 ( from Rom *aeta > Arum
eta ‘world, life’, a back-formation of Lat aetas ‘age’), Alb. St. IV 12;
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1043, 1056; PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 156
(follows C a m a r d a ) ; B a r i c AArbSt. I 216; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch.
23 (reconstructs IE *aiuotä > M W oed ‘world’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
1 33-134; S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 242; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 9; Ç a b e j St. I
2 51-252; F r is k I 5 78-581; HAMP ERPh. 41 -4 3 (supports M e y e r ); H u ld
78; L a n d i Lat. 71; O r e l Orpheus VI 65.

jezull m ‘cloud of dust or smoke; ashes’. A secondary formation based


on jezer id. - a metaphoric usage of Slav * e zen ‘lake’ (Çabej St. I 252).
Ô MANN Comp. 7 (to Gk ai'GaXoç ‘soot’).

jo part. ‘no’. Borrowed from Germ ja via Slavic languages of Austro-


Hungary (F r ie d r ic h IF LX 164). Ö BARIC ARSt 37 (from IE *eneu:
Goth inti ‘without’, Skt ano ‘not’); ÇABEJ St. VII 227.

jonfi f, pl.jona ‘e c h o ’. Phonetic transformation o f jehonë, see jeh. 0 ÇABEJ


St. I 249 (seco n d a ry attraction o f jo n ë and jehonë).

josh aor. josha ‘to curl, to fondle, to caress’. From PAlb *jaudsja ety­
mologically connected with IE *ieudh-\ Skt yúdhyate ‘to fight, to strug­
gle’, Tokh A yutk- ‘to take care of, to trouble about’, Lith jdudinti ‘to
excite, to arouse’ (OREL FLH VIII 44). 0 FRAENKEL 195-196; POKORNY
1 511 ; M a y r h o f e r III 19-20; V an W in d e k e n s 1 612; Ç a b e j St. 1 252-
253 (identifies josh with osh ‘skimming’, from Turkish hos> ‘pleasant’);
K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (against O r e l ).

joshë f, pi. josha ‘grandm other’. Originally an element of the nursery


vocabulary, this word is based on josh and identical with joshë
‘caress’ (D e m ir a j AE 209). 0 M e y e r Wb. 163 (to gjysh); B a r ic ARSt
1 37-38 (same etymology); JOKL LKUBA 37-39 (to *ât-siâ derived from
atë)\ T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 115; Ç a b e j St. 1 253; D em iraj AE 209.

ju pron. ‘you’. From PAlb *ju identical with Lith jü s id., Goth jus id.,
Gk ùp.eîç id., Skt acc. yusman id. (BOPP 4 6 4 ; CAMARDA I 95; MEYER
Wb. 163, Alb. St. Ill 4 0 ), with the short vowel generalized from the
oblique stem. 0 G i l ’f e r d t n g Otn. 21; MEYER Gr. Gr. 29 1 ; PEDERSEN
160 .JUD — KABISHT

Festskr. Thomsen 252-253 (elim in ates the hiatus j- and recon stru cts *«
< *ues), KZ XXXVI 103; JOKL IF XLIX 275; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
135 (follow s PEDERSEN); M a n n Language XXVIII 38 (reconstructs
MANN Language XXVIII 38; P is a n i Saggi 132 (a g re es w ith MEYER);
MlNSHALL Language XXII 627; MAYRHOFER III 24; FEIST Goth. 305;
F r a e n k e l 199; F r isk II 963-964; P o k o r n y I 513-514; H u l d 78-79,
JIES VII 203-207 (rejects MEYER’s etym ology because o f the short vocal-
ism reflected in A lbanian, and reconstructs ju < *ues); OREL FLH VIII/1-
2 43; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X X III174 (cliticized form o f IE *iuH); D em iraj
AE 209 (from *usm- p resen t in o b liq u e ca ses based on *ues).

jud m ‘mythological m onster’. Borrowed from Slav *jud~b ~ *juda id.,


cf. in South Slavic: Buigjuda. 0 L A M B E R TZ Alh. Märchen 26 n. 8 (links
jud with the name of Judas); Ç A B E J St. I 253 (agrees with L A M B E R T Z ).

jug m ‘South, Southern wind'. Borrowed from Slav *jugb id., cf. in
South Slavic: Bulg jug, SCr jug (M e y e r Wb. 164). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 135; SELISCEV Slav., naselenie 197; S v a n e 175.

K
ka m, pl. qe ‘ox’. From PAlb *kaxa going back to *koso-, a nominal
derivative of IE *kes- ‘to scratch, to cut’; cf. Slav *voh, ‘ox’ ~ *valiti
‘to throw down’ > ‘to castrate’ (O r e l ZJ? XXVIII/4 52-53). 0 B opp
491 (from IE *gi‘öu-); S t ie r KZ XI 150 (same as B o p p , adduces Venet
ce va ‘cow’); G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 22 (same as STIER); M e y e r Wb. 164
(compares ka with Lith kárvé ‘cow’, Slav *korva id. and the like); JOKL
'WuS XII 68-69, Sprache IX 150; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 137;
MANN Language XVII 22 (to Goth auhsa); PORZIG Gliederung 175;
POKORNY I 585; SGGJa I 58; H a m p St. Whatmough 86, Münch. St. Spr.
59; Ç a b e j St. VII 201; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 684; O rel Balcanica
114 (a substratum loanword reflecting IE *g"öu- ‘bull’), LB XXVIII/4
52-53, Koll. Idg. Ges. 360; T r u b a c e v ¿iv. 43-44, ÈSSJa XI 108; TOPOROV
PJa IV 47 (repeats M e y e r ’s etymology); D em ir a j AE 210 (to Gk iceiaàç
‘deer’s c a lf).

kabisht m, pl. kabishta ‘earwig’. A derivative in -shtë based on an unat­


tested *kab continuing PAlb *kaba. The latter is related to Lith kaheti
K ACABU ~ KACABÛ — KAÇ 161

‘to hang’, kabà ‘crooked tree’ and the like. 0 F r a e n k e l 2 0 0 -2 0 1 ;


POKORNY 1 9 1 8 .

kacabu - k acab û pl. kacabunj ‘beetle, stagfly’. A compound consist­


ing of kaca and bu < PAlb *buna, a word of descriptive nature for ‘beetle’.
As to kaca, it is a form of kac ‘goat’ (see kec). In several words, it appears
as an expressive prefix (cf., for example, kacafik ‘hut’, kacafytem ‘to
fight’), occasionally meaning ‘up, over’.

k acad re ~ k acad rê m ‘stagbeetle, grasshopper’. A compound of kaca


(see kacabu ) and dre ‘deer’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 178 (a variant of karkalec).

kacagjel adv. A part of an idiom rii kacagjel ‘to brag’. Represents a com­
pound of kaca (see kacabu) and gjel.

kacam it m ‘stag’. The word kacamic ‘roebuck’ is obviously a phonetic


variant of kacamit. A compound of kaca- (see kacabu) and mite. For
the meaning of the latter cf. dialectal mitez ‘roe’ (Ç a b e j St. I 2 5 4 ). 0
MEYER Wb. 182 [kacamitë ‘deer, roe’ borrowed from Ital *camozzetta
‘chamois’, cf. camozza id.).

kacarroj aor. kacarrova ‘to climb, to clam ber’. A compound of kaca


(see kacabu) and rroj.

k acarrum aor. kacarruma ‘core of corn-cob, corn-cob’. A compound


of kaca (see kacabu) and rrum.

k acek m, pl. kacekë ‘w in e sk in ’. B ack -form atio n b ased on kaciq (ÇABEJ


St. I 2 5 4 ).

k a cë f, pi. kacë ‘butt, barrel, bin’. Borrowed from Slav *kadbca


‘barrel’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kaca, SCr kaca ( S e liS c e v
Slav, naselenie 154). 0 SVANE 68.

kaciq m, pl. kaciq ‘kid, wineskin’. Borrowed from NGk ko.toÍkv id. (MEYER
Wb. 185). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 5 4 (related to kec).

k aç m, pl. keç, keçër ~ keçën ‘weaver’. Borrowed from Slav *trbkacb


id., cf. South Slavic continuants in Bulg t-bkac (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele­
mente 35; M e y e r Wb. 182). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 171.
164 KAFSHOJ — K A K O LK

St. I 2 5 6 -2 5 7 (fo llo w s M e y e r Wb.); H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 7 3 ,


110 .

kafshoj aor. kafshova ‘to bite’. Another variant is kapshoj. Borrowed


from Lat capessere ~ capissere ‘to seize, to snatch at' (MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 11 1055). 0 M e y e r Wb. 176 (from Rom *capsare based
on Lat capere ‘to take’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1052 (from
Rom *captiäre ‘to grasp’); JOKL I.KUBA 19 n. 1 (to Gk koottcd ‘to snap,
to snatch’, Slav *xapati ‘to seize, to grasp’); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-
2 21; HAARMANN 115; Ç abej St. I 257 (agrees with JOKL and also adduces
kap).

kah prep, ‘from, out, out of’. Immediately connected with nga id. Both
prepositions require nominative. The underlying Proto-Albanian
phraze must have been *(en) kaxa continuing *(en) k"o(d) so ‘(in) which
(is) this’. The original meaning, therefore, may be reconstructed as ‘in’
or ‘wherein’ but the whole system of prepositions was semantically
transformed in Albanian, cf. ith. 0 CAMARDA I 66-67 (to Gk 7tr| ‘in
some way, to some place’); MEYER Wb. 304 (to Gk Kara ‘down’), Alb.
St. Ill 4; v o n B l a n k e n s t e i n IF X X I 112 (follows M e y e r ) ; Ç a b e j St.
VII 201.

kakë f ‘excrements’. A usual Kinderwort (MEYER Wb. 166). 0 MlKLOSICH


Rom. Elemente 8 (from Lat cacare ‘to defecate’).

kakërdhi f, pi. kakërdhi ‘dung (of sheep or goat)’. A modified sequence


consisting of kakë and dhi. 0 M a n n Language XXVI 386-387 (kakër-
to Gk K07tpoç).

kakërdhiçë f, pl. kakërdhiça ‘lizard’. Based on kakërdhi, a compound


consisting of kakë and rdhi (to hardhi), cf. a similar formation in hardhje.
Other compounds of the same type are kakëzorrë, kakërdhok ‘frog (to
kakë and zorre) and kakëzog ‘blindworm’ - to kakë and zog, i.e. a crea­
ture excreting its children: the blindworm is viviparous. 0 MEYER Wb.
147 (variant of hardhje), 166-167 (on kakëzog and kakëzorrë); SC H M ID T
KZ L 242-243 (borrowed from Gk KpOKÔôeiÀoç ‘crocodile’).

kakole f, pl. kakole ‘hip bone’. A phonetic variant oí ko kail ‘bone’ bor­
rowed from NGk kókkocàov id.
K A K R K .U K — K A I .ESH 165

kakrruk m, pi. ‘stone-fruit, hard nut’. A suffixal derivative of kokërr


with a dialectal change of the unstressed -o- > -a- ( M u r a ti Probleme
79). 0 M e y er Wb. 195 (to Slav *orexT> ‘nut’).

kalakiç adv. ‘piggyback’. A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)-


(see kalaveshi) and Lie.

kalam an ~ kalam âm , pl. kalamaj, kalamanë ‘child (till the age of 8-9)’.
A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)- (see kalavesh) and *man,
derivative of maj. 0 MEYER Wb. 170 (to Slav *kah> ‘dirt’, *kal'avi,
‘dirty’); B a ric ARSt. I 94-95; Ç abej St. I 257-258 (from Bulg kalimana
‘female witness at a wedding’).

kalamend aor. kalamenda ‘to entangle, to confuse’. A compound of of


an expressive prefix kala(n)- (see kalavesh) and mend.

kalaqafe adv. ‘piggyback’. A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)-


(see kalavesh) and qafë.

kalavesh m, pl. kalavesha ‘grape’. A compound consisting of an expres­


sive prefix kala(n)- (cf. kalamend, kalangërç ‘cram p’ ~ gërç id.) and
vesh, cf. vesh rrush ‘grape’ (ÇABEJ St. I 258). As far as the origin of
kala- is concerned, with its original meaning ‘upside down’, ‘topsy­
turvy’, it may continue PAlb *kala related to IE *k“el- ‘to turn’. 0 MEYER
Wb. 167 (kala- to Turk kara ‘black’); JOKL LKUBA 214 (kala- to Turk
kalan ‘rest, surplus’); POKORNY I 639-640; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 102 (pre­
fixes ka-la-).

kalb aor. kalba ‘to let ro t’. A denominative derived from PAlb *kalba,
see the singularized plural qelb. 0 MEYER Wb. 221-222 (to qelb)\ BARIC
ARSt. I 53 (reconstructs IE *go!bh- and compares kalb with Slav *zely
‘tum or’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 137; ÇABEJ SY. VII 203, 284.

k a le c ë adv ‘gently, quietly’. Other variants are kalehtazi and kaletas.


The original form must have been *ka-leht-az, consisting of the prefix
ka- and *leht-az derived from lehtë.

kalesh adj. ‘hairy’. A préfixai derivative of lesh (M eyer Wb. 170). 0


Cam aj Alb. Wortb. 104.
166 KALE — (T) K A LTËR

kalë m, pl. kual, kuaj ‘h o r se ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat caballus id. (STIER


KZ X I 146; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; M e y e r Wb. 167). 0 CAMARDA
I 66 (to G k KaßocX^nq ‘w o rk in g h o r se ’); G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 2 2 (to Skt
khdra- ‘d o n k e y ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1050; PISANI AAL
VIII 345 (back form ation o f pl. kuaj borrow ed from Slav *kon ’i>); TAGLI­
AVINI Origini 190; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 13; HAARMAN 113;
L a n d i Lat. 9 7 , 1 3 7 -1 3 8 .

kalibe f, pl. kalibe ‘hut’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav


*kolyba id. Cf. kolibe. 0 O r e l Sov . slav. 1 9 8 5 /5 7 9 -8 4 .

kalibobë f, pl. kaliboba Mote, n ettle -tre e ’. Borrow ed from Slav


*kalibob'h, a compound of *kaliti ‘to make dirty’ and *bob% ‘bean’ unat­
tested in South Slavic.

kaliboç adv. ‘on one’s back’. A compound of an expressive prefix kali-


(a variant of kala-, see kalavesh) and boçë. 0 XHUVANI - ÇABEJ
BShkSh 1956/4 74 (on kali-).

kalihum adv. ‘downwards, over and over’. A compound of an expres­


sive prefix kali- (see kaliboç) and hum < humb (ÇABEJ St. I 258).

kalis aor. kalita ‘to sharpen, to cleanse (of metal)’. Borrowed from Slav
*kaliti id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg k a l’a, SCr kaliti (DESNICKA­
JA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 MEYER Wb. 155,386 (from NGk ‘to carve’);
Ç a b e j St. I 258; S v a n e 234.

kalivaç adv. ‘in a group of three on a stem (of fruit and the like)’. Deriv­
ative in -ç of kalivare (Ç a b e j St. I 258).

kalivare adv. ‘trickling down’. A compound of an expressive prefix kali-


(see kaliboç) and var (ÇABEJ St. I 258-259).

kaloj aor. kalova ‘to pass, to go past’. Borrowed from Rom *coalläre
< Lat coambuläre ‘to go with’.

kalptoj aor. kalptova ‘to fill with tow, to plug, to caulk’. A denomina­
tive based on a Turkish loanword kallp, kallëp ‘form, m odel’.

(T) kaltër adj. ‘blue, sky blue’. From Rom *calthinus ‘yellow, yellowish’,
KALL KAM 167

based on Lat caltha ‘Calendula officinalis’, cf. calthula ‘yellow robe’


(M e y e r Wb. 170-171). 0 OREL Balcanica 113-114 (from a substratum
reflex of IE *ghel- ‘yellow’); HAARMAN 114; ÇABEJ St. VII 218.

kail aor. kalla ‘to insert, to thrust, to place, to incite, to set on fire’. From
PAlb *kalna, a denominative based on *kala. The latter continues IE
*k!‘olo- and must be related to sjell (JOKL LKUBA 266 n. 1). 0 CAMARDA
I 149 (to Gk xeXXa ‘to urge, to drive on’); MEYER Wb. 168 (repeats
CAMARDA’ s etymology), Alb. St. Ill 3; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 329; PISANI
Saggi 123; ÇABEJ St. I 259 (follows JOKL); JANSON Unt. 161; HULD 106-
107; D e m ir a j AE 210-211.

kalla pl. ‘slander, calumny’. Literally, ‘incitation’. Derivative of kail


(C a m a r d a II 67; M e y e r Wb. 168). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 259 (to kalli).

kallëzoj aor. kallëzova ‘to slander, to tell stories’. Derived from an unat­
tested *kallêz, a collective form of kalla. 0 MEYER Wb. 168 (to kail);
ÇABEJ St. I 260-261 (identifies this verb with kallëzoj ‘to put ears of
corn together’, derived from kallëz ‘ear of corn’).

kalli m, pl. kallinj, kallëza ‘ear of grain’. An archaic variant kail ‘straw,
chaff’ is attested in Italo-Albanian. From PAlb *kalsa related to Slav
*kols-h ‘ear of grain’ (MEYER BB XIV 53; Wb. 168). 0 PEDERSEN KZ
XXXIII 544; JOKL IF XXXVI 124, Sprache IX 151; TREIMER KZ LXV
79; P is a n i Saggi 123; Ç a b e j St. I 270; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 143;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X 152-153; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 203; D e m ir a j AE
211-212 (to Slav *koh, ‘picket, stake’).

kallm m. pl. kallma ‘reed, straw ’. Borrowed from Lat calamus ‘reed,
cane’ (Ç a b e j St. I 261). 0 M e y e r Wb. 168-169 (together with kallam
‘reed’ borrowed from NGk K aX á|ii id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2
I 1042; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 13; H a a r m a n 113; L a n d i Lat. 28,
138-139.

kam aor.pata ‘to have’. From PAlb *kapmi, an athematic verb based
on IE *kap- ‘to seize, to grasp’, cf. Lat capul id., Goth hahan ‘to have’.
The aorist is etymologically related to Lat potior ‘to take possession
of’ and its cognates (MEYER Wb. 171, Alb. St. Ill 36). 0 CAMARDA I
69 (to Gk ‘to possess, to have’); MEYER Wb. 171 (to Goth haban
and Lat habeô ‘to have’), Alh. St. Ill 6; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 93, KZ
168 RAM ARE - KANUSHF.

IXXXVI 308 (derives the aorist form *pot-to-); J o k l LKUBA 261; JOHAN-
SON IF XIX 115; T r e im e r Slavia III 4 5 5 ; S c h m id t KZ LVII 2 7 -2 8 ;
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 216; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 97; P is a n i Saggi 9 8, 130;
K l u g e 278; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 1 59-16 0 , II 3 5 0 -3 5 1 ; P o k o r n y 1 4 0 8 ,
842; F e i s t Goth. 229; CAMAJ Beitr. SOE 4 1 -4 4 (fro m *kè'-am. to *t>s-
‘t o b e ’); H u ld 167; J a n s o n Unt. 1 49-15 1 ; Ç a b e j * . Ili 130, VII 253;
H am p KZ LXXVII 252; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Koll. Idg. Ges. 230; H u ld
143; DEMIRAJ AF. 212, 3 13-314 (pashë treated as a denom inative derived
from *poti-).

kamare f ‘c o b w e b ’. A m etap h oric u sag e o f kamare ‘v a u lt’ b o rro w ed


from NGk K ap áp a id. 0 MEYER Wb. 171-172 (borrow ed from Lat cam-
marus ‘se a -c ra b , lo b s te r ’ or Gk K àppotpoç id.); ÇABEJ St. I 263
( fo llo w s M e y e r ).

kandër f, pl. kandra ‘jar, vessel’. Borrowed from Lat cantharus ‘large
drinking vessel, tankard, pot’ (LANDI Lat. 116, 145). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /3-4 350 (from Gk îcàvGocpoç); ÇABEJ St. I 264 (borrowed direct­
ly from Gk m vOapoç ‘drinking cup’).

kandërr f, pl. kandrra ‘insect’. Borrowed from Lat cantharis ‘beetle,


w orm ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 173 (to Ital canterella ‘Spanish fly’); MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Greek); ÇABEJ St. I 2 6 3 -2 6 4 (from Gk r á v -
Gapoç ‘beetle, scarab’).

kanë I ‘reed, rush’. Borrowed from Lat canna ‘reed, cane’ (M e y e r


Wb. 173-174), with the geminate preventing rhotacism in Tosk. 0 M eyer -
L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041, 1051; HAARMAN 114.

kangjel m ‘song’. Borrowed from Rom *canticellum reflected in Rum


cäntecel id. (M e y e r Wb. 187). C f. këngë. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 6 4 (Albanian
derivative in -el- based on këngë).

kanushë f, pl. katiuska ‘stork’. Borrowed from Rom *cänösus, deriv­


ative of Lat cänus ‘white’ MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; ÇABEJ St. I
265). 0 MEYER Wb. 174 (from Ital cicogna ‘stork’); VASMER Alb. Wort-
forsch. 24 (to SCr kanja ‘vulture’ and the like); SELISCEV Slav, nase­
lenie 198; H e l b ig 90 (follows M e y e r ); H a a r m a n 114; L a n d i Lat. 63,
110, 114.
KAP KAPIS 169

kap a o r . kapa ‘to seize, to grasp’. From P A lb *kapa connected with IE


*kap- ‘to seize’: Gk rámeo to ‘snap’, Lat capiö ‘to seize, to take’, Goth
haban ‘to hold, to have’ and the like ( J o k l Studien 34 ). See kam. 0
M e y e r BB VIII 185, Wb. 174 (from Turk kapmak ‘to catch’); T a g l i ­
a v in i Dalmazia 139-140; M a n n Language XXVI 380; F r is k 1 783-784;
F e i s t Goth. 229; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 159; P o k o r n y I 527-528; Ç a b e j
St. VII 254; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; DEMIRAJ AE 212-213.

kapasë f, pl. kapasa ‘oil-b arrel’. B orrow ed from NGk ko.kugo. id. (ÇABEJ
St. I 265). 0 J o k l Studien 33-34 (to kap); ÇABEJ St. VII 206. 266; D em ira j
AE 21 3 .

kapë f, pl. kapë ‘armful of corn; shock, pile’. From PAlb *kapa iden­
tical with Gk K07tT| ‘manger, crib’, further related to kap (KRISTOFORIDHI
141). 0 MANN Language XXVI 387 (to Slav *kup-h, Lith kaupas); FRISK
1 783-784; ÇABEJ St. IV 73.

k apërcej aor. kapërceva ‘to cross, to jump over’. A préfixai derivative


of ecej, *ka-për-ecëj. 0 MEYER Wb. 175 (from Rom *capitiare).

kapërdij aor. kapërdiva ‘to swallow’. A préfixai derivative in ka- based


on përdij. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 242, 244.

kapërdhij aor. kapërdhiva ‘to overturn, to subjugate’. A préfixai deriv­


ative in ka- based on pè'rdhe. 0 MEYER Wb. 175 (from Ital capovol­
gere ‘to turn upside down’).

kapërthej aor. kapërtheva ‘to entangle, to entwine’. A préfixai deriv­


ative in ka-për- based on thyej.

k a p in ë f ‘bramble, blackberry’. A recent loanword from Maced


kapina ‘blackberry’ with -a- < *-q-. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 266 (from Bulg thpina
or SCr kupina id.).

k ap is aor. kapita ‘to exhaust, to wear out’. Often in passive - kapitem.


Borrowed from Slav *kapiti - *kapati ‘to get tired’, cf. Bulg kap’a
id., SCr kapati (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 MEYER Wb. 176 (based
on NGk KÔrcoç ‘toil, suffering’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 24; JOKL
Studien 34 (to c/em); Ç a b e j St. I 266 (to kap); SVANE 247; DEMIRAJ
AE 213.
170 K A PRUA LL ~ KA PRUELL - KARABUSH

kapruall ~ kapruell m, pi. kaproj, kaprej, kaprenj ‘roebuck’. Borrowed


from Lat capreolus id. with an innovative penultimate stress ( S t i e r
KZ XI 136; M e y e r Wb. 176). 0 M E Y E R - L Ü B K E Gr. G rundriß21 1045,
1047; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 13; Ç A B E J St. VII 239; H A A R M A N N
115; L a n d i Lat. 78-80, 118.

kapt m, pl. kapte ‘irrigation ditch’. A parallel form kaptë ‘lee-side of


mountain’ also belongs here. An adjective in *-to- based on kap (Ç A B E J
St. I 266). 0 M E Y E R Wb. 175 (to kaptoj).

kaptoj aor. kaptova ‘to cross, to pass through’. A more conservative


form is kapërtoj. A phonetic variant of kapërcej. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 175 (from
Ital capitare ‘to arrive, to turn up’); Ç A B E J St. I 266-267 (derivative
of kap).

kapth m, pl. kaptha ‘path, mountain path’. A derivative in -th based


on an unattested *kap continuing PAlb *kapa. The latter is related to
Lith kâpas ‘grave’, kopà ‘dune’, Latv kâpa ‘dune’ continuing IE
*(s)kep-. 0 F r a e n k e l 217; P o k o r n y I 932.

kapua ~ kapue m, pl. kaponj ‘rooster’. Borrowed from Lat câpônem ‘capon’
( M E Y E R Wb. 176). 0 M lK L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 11 (from Ital capone
id.); M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1046, 1047 (same as M lK L O S I C H );
M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV/1-2 13; Ç A B E J St. VII 254; H A A R M A N N 115; L A N D I
Lat. 143-145.

kaq adv. ‘so, so much, so many’. For the structure of this adverb see
ag. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 167 (related to aq).

kar m ‘penis’. Borrowed from Gypsy kar id. (M eyer Wb. 176). 0 TREIM ER
MRIW 1 366; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 141.

karabobe f, pl. karabobe ‘lo te , n ettle tr e e ’. V arian t o f kalibobë (M a n n


HA ED 185).

karabush m, pl. karabusha ‘c o r n -c o b ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f rabush.


0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 141 (fro m Turk kara ba§ ‘b la ck h e a d ’);
Ç a b e j St. VII 244.
KARAVELË — KARPË 171

karavelë f, pl. karavela ‘sm all round b read ’. A nother variant is kravelë.
A sin g u la rized plural o f the o rig in a l *karavalë b o rro w ed fro m Slav
*korvajb ‘round bread ’, cf. in particular SCr kravaj (MEYER Wb. 177).
T he g rou p -ara- < South S la v ic -ra- is ex p la in ed by the a n a lo g y w ith
Turk kara ‘black’. 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 155; Ç a b ej St. I 268; SVANE
92.

karbë r ‘vulture’. From PAlb *kar(i)ba related to Lith kárti ‘to hang’
and its cognates, cf. the semantic development of Slav * k o b b C b
‘vulture’ - to Lith kabeti ‘to hang’. In both cases, the basis of the seman­
tic motivation is the well-known hunting position of the vulture
“hanging” in the sky. 0 MEYER Wb. 178 (to Bulg kraguj, SCr kraguj
'haw k '); JOKL LKUBA 304 (to shkabë, with an unorganic -/•-);
FRAENKEL I 224-225; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X 101-102 (on the etymolo­
gy of *kobbCb).

k ark alec m, pl. karkaleca, karkalecë ‘grasshopper’. A transformation


of Bulg skakalec id. (MEYER Wb. 178 ), probably, under the influence
of karkal ‘excrements’ and similar descriptive forms.

karkashinë f, pl. karkashina ‘lean sickly sheep; pottage of pulse and grain’.
Derived from SCr karkasa ‘carcass’. 0 MEYER Wb. 179 (the word for
pottage - from SCr adj. fem. kokosinja ‘belonging or related to hen’).

karkas a o r . karkata ‘to quack’. Borrowed from Slav *ki,rkati ‘to caw,
to croak, to quack’, cf. South Slavic continuants; Bulg k'brkam, SCr
krkati. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 216.

k arm ë f, pl. karma ‘rock’. From PAlb *karpnâ further related to karpë
(J o k l Studien 35). 0 Ç a b e j St. 1 269.

karpë f. pl. karpa ‘rock’. From P A lb *karpâ related to Lith kerpii, kirpti
‘to cut’, Latv cirpt ‘to shear, to clip’, O N harfr ‘harrow ’ and the like
(Jo k l Studien 34-35). 0 K r ist o f o r id h i 144 (related to the name of the
Carpathian mountains, Kap7iocrriç opoç); ROZWADOWSKI J P II 161-162;
Jo k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 24-26 (same
as K r is t o f o r id h i ); F r a e n k e l 257-258; P o k o r n y 1 944; C a m a j Alb.
Wortb. 119 (suffix -pe)\ Ç a b e j St. I 268-269, IV 74; O r el ZfBalk XXIII
148; D e m ir a j AE 213.
172 KARSH; — KARROQE

karsh m, pl. kersh ‘rocky area’. A parallel form is kërshë. Continues


PAlb *kar-usa, a derivative of IE *(s)ker- ‘to cut’, semantically
similar to karpë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 207 (from SCr krs id.); POKORNY I 938-
947; ÇABEJ St. I 269.

kartë f 4measure of grain’. Borrowed from Lat quarta ‘fourth part’


(Ç a b e j * . I 269-270). 0 M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 144;
L a n d i Lat. 134.

karthi f, pi. karthi ‘dry firewood’. The same root is represented in karthë
‘laburnum, golden rain’. A derivative in -th- based on *karë from PAlb
*karâ etymologically identical with Slav *kora ‘bark’, Lith keru, kérti
‘to become separated’ and further with IE *(s)ker- ‘to cut’. 0 MEYER
Wb. 178 (from NGk icàp(poç ‘brushwood’); FRAENKEL 245; POKORNY
I 938-947; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XI 44-45.

karrabisht m, pl. karrabishta ‘earw ig’. A compound of an expressive


morpheme karra- (a variant of kala-) and bisht.

karrapuc adv. ‘squatting’. A compound of an expressive karra- and an


unidentified morpheme. Unclear.

karravesh m, pl. karraveshë ‘stick’. A variant of kalavesh.

karrem m, pl. karrema ‘rainworm ’. A préfixai derivative of rrime.

karrë f, pl. karra ‘cart’. Borrowed from Lat carrum ‘two-wheeled wagon’
(M e y e r Wb. 180). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß2 1 1044; H a a r m a n n
115; L a n d i L ai. 4 6 , 128, 139.

karrigë f, pl. karriga ‘chair’. Borrowed from Lat quadriga ‘set of four’
(here, of four legs). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12 (from Ital
cadrega, carega ‘chair’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047 (from
Ital Venet carega ‘chair’); ÇABEJ St. VII 280.

karroqe f, pl. karroqe ‘bushel, milk-can’. A parallel form is krroqe ‘measure


made of bark, bucket’. Borrowed from Gmc *krCik- ‘jug’, cf. OHG krüche,
OE crúce. 0 M e y e r Wb. 180 (uncertain comparison with Germanic and
Celtic names of vessels); BÜGA III 721; K l u g e 407; HOLTHAUSEN AEW
61.
K A R R IP — K A TË R 173

karrup m, pl. karrupa ‘fish-trap’. An early borrow ing from Slav


*korup'b attested in Bulg korup (BER 648). 0 KLEPIKOVA Sb. Bernstej-
na 419-427.

karrutë f, pl. karruta ‘ferm enter’. An ea rly borrowing from S lav


*koryto ‘trough’, see koritë (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 78, 142). 0 S v a n e
67.

kasnec m, pl. kasnecë, kasneca ‘herald’. Borrowed from Slav *kaznbcb


id., cf. SCr kaznac (J o k l LKUBA 56-58). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie
179, 286; S v a n e 193.

kastravec m, pl. kastravecë, kastraveca ‘cucumber’. Borrowed, with a


metathesis, from Slav *kosirovbCb id, cf. Bulg krastavec, krastavica,
SCr krastavac (M eyer Wb. 180). 0 SeliSCev Slav, naselenie 162, 286;
ÇABEJ St. VTI 244; SVANE 106.

kashër f, pl. kashra ‘reed, rush’. From *kashtër related to kashtë


(ÇABEJ St. I 270).

kashnjet m, pl. kashnjete ‘chestnut grove’. Borrowed from Lat castanetum


id. See gështenjë.

kashtë f ‘straw’. From PAlb *kalsta, derivative of kalli (JOKL IF XXXVI


124, LKUBA 214, 274). 0 M e y e r Wb. 180 (to Gk kootou- Kpi0ai or
aKoaxri ■ Kpi0f| 7ia p à Kurcpioiç, Hes.); T r e im e r MRIW 1 366-367
(borrowed from Gypsy kast ‘wood’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 26-27
(to Slav *kosth ‘bone’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 143; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb.
104 (prefix k- and equivalent of Slav *ostb); H a m p St. albanica X /2
87-88, Ètimologija 1971 270-271; O r e l Sprache XXXI 283; Ç a b e j St.
VII 236; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 221; D e m ir a j AE 213-214.

kashtup m, pl. kashtupë ‘skin of corn-cob’. A derivative in -up based


on kashtë.

katër n u m . ‘four’. From PAlb *katur(a) etymologically related to IE


*k'ctur- ~ *k“etuer- id.; Skt catvara-, Gk zé a a a peç, Lat quattuor and
the like (C a m a r d a 1 169; G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 22; M e y e r BB VIII 185).
The vocalism of the second syllable is generalized according to the form
of accusative *keeturm. The vowel in the first syllable presents serious
174 KA TU A ~ K A TU E — K EDH K EM — KETËR 175

difficulties. It may be explained by reduction similar to that of Lat quat- T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 137-138; M l a d e n o v 1st. 192; P isa n i Saggi
tuor (M a n n Language XVII 17; H u l d 79 ) and Slav *cbtyre co-exist- 130; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XII 19-21; M u r a t i Probleme 131.
ing with *cetyre (but cf. T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 9 7 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 181
(from Lat quattuor); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1051 ; T a g l ia v in i kem m ‘incense’. Another form is qem. From PAlb *kapna etymologically
Dalmazia 144 (agrees with M eyer Wb.); M a n n Language XVII 17; PISANI identical with Gk k o c tiv Ô ç ‘smoke’ and its cognates reflecting IE
Saggi 102; FRISK II 883-884; MAYRHOFER 1 371-372; W a l d e -H o f m a n n *kyep- (J o k l Studien 37, IF XLIV 14). 0 M e y e r Wb. 222 (from *ked-
I 4 0 0 -4 0 1 ; POKORNY I 6 4 2 -6 4 4 ; Ç A B E J* . VII 2 2 8 , 244; L a n d i Lat. mo- and to Slav *cad'h ‘fumes, smoke’); B a r ic ARSt. 131; F r isk I 781 -
75, 79; HAMP Numerals 907-910. 782; P o k o r n y I 596-597; Ç a b e j St. I 272-273 (borrowed from Gk
0 u n ia |ia ‘incense’ or Lat thymiama id.); DEMIRAJ AE 215-216.
katua ~ katue m, pl. katonj ‘stable, basement, cellar’. Borrowed from
NGk KOrtfflYi < kcxtcoyeiov id. ( M E Y E R Wb. 183). 0 O R E L Subst. 12 (from kep a o r . kepa ‘to hew’. The basic deverbative is kep ‘quarry; tip, point’.
Iran *xata- ‘basement’). Continues the umlauticized PAlb *kapa etymologically related to Gk
k o j t t © ‘to hit, to hew’, Lith kapiu, kàpti ‘to hew’ and the like (M ey er
katund m, pl. katunde ‘village’. A préfixai derivative of tund representing Wb. 185, Alb. St. Ill 4, 31). ö JOKL Studien 39-40 (connects kep with
a caique of Slav *kolyba ‘hut’ as based on *kolybati ‘to tremble, to sqep); M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; P isa n i Saggi 127; F r isk II 914-
shake’(cf. O R E L Sov. slav. 1985/5 79-84). From Albanian, the word - 915; F r a e n k e l 218; P o k o r n y I 931; Ç a b e j St. I 272-273 (dialectal
originally, a name of a hut - was borrowed to other Balkan languages. form of qep); DEMIRAJ AE 216.
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10 (from Ital cantone); MEYER Wb. 183;
B r ü c k n e r KZ XLVIII 168; Jo k l IF XXXIII 421-424 (from ka- and keq a d j. ‘bad, evil’. From PAlb *kakja related to Gk k o c k c k ; ‘bad’ (BOPP
tund < *tnto-, participle o f ndej); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 28-30 (from 490; C a m a r d a I 43; M e y e r Wb. 184-185, Alb. St. Ill 3). The disyl­
P ro to -B u lg a ria n ); T r e im e r ZfromPhil XXXVIII 388; T a g l ia v in i labic keiq, këeq seems to be an artefact going back to K.AVALLIOTIS,
Dalmazia 144; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 102; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 339; 0 MEYER Alb. St. V 85 (borrowing from Rom *cadöcus), Gr. Gr. 258;
R o s e t t i ILR I 275; T a n a s , O c a RESEE XXVII/1-2 139-144; Ç a b e j PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 327; JOKL Studien 35-36 (divides këeq > keq into
St. VII 200, 230; MOUTSOS KZ LXXXVIII 59-73 (from M G k k o t o i>va M
^ l M i^ W ,l ^ K 7 , ^ ,,;..a.aeues m qua quis n'àôi'îSf'J; feu?® 1! ŸProblème
azia r1 4^3 .'rrcjec"'"‘‘
( r e j e c t s jfc^KL
T T ./ .1.. .1 .1 .'If.. .1.1.
e AAVl
jo k l s

JÖ D (IO IIO W S
s en-mology
e t y m o l o g y lor
.. .T... a. . .TYr. a. m . » . . C*.. T (\A , D ie
g ì - D c u i d . a t A1. T 1 , 1 . 0 1 ^ 1
Saggi
sick’); TAGLIAVINI Da In
128 (follows MEYER); MANN L an g u aj
Wortb. 100 (from kë + eq kazhup m, pl. kazhupë ‘peasant coat’. An early borrowing from Slav M e y e r Wb.); F r is k I 758-759; C a m a j Alb
; ÇABEJ St. I 273-274 (bor- *kozuxrb ‘coat made of skin’, cf. gozhup. = Latv Igns); ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 56:
j with the consequent ana- rowing from Gk k o ik Ô ç > Alb *kak, pl. *qe
80; D e m ir a j AE 216-217. ke prep, ‘to , at’. F rom P A lb *kO c o n tin u in g the p ro n o m in a l fo rm *£*0/' logical transfromation into keq); HULD 79-
or *k"öd (M e y e r Wb. 218, Alb. St. Ill 2). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 326
(a n a lo g ica l fo rm a tio n based on ku); Ç a b e j St. I 272 (a g re es w ith PE­ kerrm ë f, pl. kerrma ‘thorn-bush’. The uml
auticized form of karrmë,
DERSEN). variant of karmë.

; it becomes obvious from kedh m, pl. kedhë, kedha ‘kid’. Other variants are kec and keç. An umlau­ kerrnjoj aor. kerrnjova ‘to purr (of cat)’. A
;r form *kerrmnjoj which, ticized form of PAlb *kadza related to Slav *koza ‘she-goat’ (Alb. St. kerrmëz ‘p u rr’, the verb continues an earli
z ‘to sing, to make verses’. Ill 4, 16; ClMOCHOWSKI L1I 231). 0 POTT KZ IV 70 (to Lat hoedus); therefore, is a loanword from Lat carminär
MlKLOSICEl Slav. Elemente 21 (from SCr keca ‘sound used to call goats’);
r variants are ketërr, kitër MEYER Wb. 185 (borrowed from Gmc *kidjaz ‘kid’ or Turk käci ‘goat’); ketër m, pl. ketra ‘squirrel, dormouse’. Othi
176 KEZË — KËLYSH KËLLAS KËNAQ. 177
+1preux Ke- ionowea oy tysn < '"iuan-sio-, to in teuan- , vCon- MÍ7BA Zjy-ZO
M ERM RIW I 357-358 (to Lat lutum ‘dirt’); TAGLIAVINI structed from kuokìné ‘dancing party’) and Slav *skakati ‘to jump, to ‘to grow’); TRI
149; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 105 (prefix kë-'y, F r is k II 741; spring’. At an early stage, borrowed to dialectal South Slavic *katerb, Stratificazione
Ik XXV/2 154-156 (from MGk k o v à ,o Ù k i ( o v ) ‘puppy, attested in Bulg katerica ‘squirrel’ (OREL Ètimologija 1980 6 0 -6 1 ). 0 MOUTSOS ZfB(
•EMIRAJ AE 218-219. F r a e n k e l 3 1 1 -3 1 2 ; P o k o r n y I 9 2 2 -9 2 3 ; Ç a b e j St. I 2 7 4 (derivative young dog’); I
of SCr kita ‘tuft, cluster’, Bulg kita id.); GEORGIEV V-hprosi 4 1 -4 2 (Bulg
katerica from Thracian, with the ultimate reconstruction of *skok- k ë lla s . aor.
këllit
i, kalla ‘to put into, to insert, to dig, to instigate’. Deriv­
ate various deverbatives based on këllas, such as këllëç ter-y S t a n g LS 86; BER 2 7 1 -2 7 2 (agrees with GEORGIEV); GlNDIN, ative of kail. N
’if id. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 257. K a lu Z s k a j a , OREL Bissi. 251; MURATI Probleme 83.
‘case’ and këll

qe ‘hip bone’. Borrowed from East South Slavic con- k ë llkm, pl. këll
kezë f ‘woman’s head-dress, bonnet, hair-net’. Another variant is kesë.
Ik-b ‘hip’: Bulg fo lk, Maced kolk, khlk. tinuants of *ki
Derivative in -zë of an unattested PAlb *kaxâ ‘plaited hair’ etymologically
related to Slav *kosa id., ON haddr ‘woman’s hair’ and the like. 0
këm bë ~ kam b
î f, pl. këmbë ~ kambë ‘leg, foot’. From Rom *camba ~ CAMARDA I 114 (to Gk yaixT\ ‘long hair’); ÇABEJ St. I 2 7 4 (from *krezë,
MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 178). Note *gamba ‘leg’ (
derivative of krye); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XI 1 3 1 -1 3 3 .
io traces of the variant camba in Balkan Romance. 0 that there are
(compares with Gk Kaputt) ‘bend’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. C a m a r d a 1 55
k ë l b o q e f, pl. këlboqe ‘sputum’. A suffixal derivative of kalb (ÇABEJ Grundriß 2 1 II
142; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 138; M a n n Language XVII St. I 2 7 5 ).
mpä, cf. C a m a r d a ); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r ­ 19 (from IE *kc
e l Balcanica 114-115; COROMINAS DEC II 645-646; MANN 114; Ol
f ‘lim e’. Borrowed from Lat fem. adj. calcaría ‘pertaining to
k ë lq e r e R o h l f s Spr. 9.
'-94 (borrowed from Gk mprcri ‘foot joint of a horse’);
lime’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 8; MEYER Wb. 186). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Ç a bej St. VII 2
79; HULD 80 (“the direction of borrowing is uncertain”);
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 0 4 3 , 1 047, 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; L a n d i Lat. Al-
48, 115.
H a a r m a n 114; L a n d i L ai. 4 6 , 8 1 , 111-112.
k ëm b o rë - k ë n
bonë f, pl. këmborë, këmbora ~ këmbonë, këmbona ‘bell’,
i Rom *campona, a secondary variant of Lat campana (G) k ë l s h ê j t m ‘communion cup, chalice’. Borrowed from Lat calicem Borrowed fror
I Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 186: directly from sanctum id. ( M e y e r Wb. 221) both parts of which are preserved in qelq id. (MIKLOSIC
^MARDAI 57 (to Gk Kupßr) ‘drinking vessel’); M eyer- and shenjtë. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 272 (believes the compound to be formed campana). 0 C.
tndriß 2 I 1042; JOKL Litteris IV 197 (from Dalm can- in Albanian rather than in Latin). LÜBKE Gr. Gr,
XIII 287. puone), Slavia
k ë lth a s aor. këlthita, klitha ‘to cry’. Together with këlcas ‘to make noise’,
mishë ‘shirt’. Borrowed from Lat camisia ‘linen shirt, this form reflects a strong secondary influence of kërcas. However, f, pi. kt
k ë m is h ë

Víik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 9; M e y e r Wb. 187). 0 originally, these verbs go back to a different source, Slav *klicati ~ night-gow n’ (
Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 13; *klikati ‘to shout, to call’. 0 MEYER Wb. 189 (identifies këlcas with kërcas); M e y e r -L übke
H a a r m a n 114
A n t t i l a Schw. 100.

qa ‘to please, to satisfy’. From PAlb *ka-nakja closely kënaq aor. këna
m, pl. këlyshë, këlysha ‘young of animal, cub’. A derivative in
k ë ly s h
ga-nah ‘to be enough’, OHG gi-nah id. (OREL Fort. 79). related to Goth
-ysh of an unattested *kul related to Gk KvXXa ■GKViXat,. ’HÀ,eîoi, Hes.
e based on IE *nek-: Skt ndsati ‘to reach’ and the like, These forms ai
further connected with OKÚA-ai; ‘young dog, cub’ (ÇABEJ apud
jpment of IE *-ki- > Alb -q- that seems to be phoneti- Note the devel
D em ir a j). 0 S t ie r KZ X I 145 (borrowed from Lat catulus ‘cub’); M e y e r
cally regular.
Wb. 186 (to Lith kale ‘dog, bitch’ or W colwyn ‘young dog, cub’); JOKL
178 KËND ~ KAND — KËNETË

0 JOKL Studien 36 (to Lith nokti ‘to become ripe’, Latv näkt ‘to come’);
WEIGAND 36 (préfixai derivative of ëndë); KLUGE 248; MAYRHOFER
II 145; POKORNY I 316-318; F e is t Goth. 194; Ç a b e j Sr. I 275 (sup­
ports W e i g a n d ); D e m ir a j AE 219.

kënd ~ k a n d m, pl. kënde ~ kande ‘corner, angle’. An early borrowing


from Slav *kçtb id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 174 (from Ital canto id.); MANN Lan­
guage XVII 19 (to Gk kocv0ôç).

‘somebody’. From PAlb *kan tan, a sequence of two pro­


k ë n d pron.
nouns continuing IE *k“o- and *to- in acc. sg. See kush. 0 JOKL AArbSt.
1 35 (related to kë, acc. sg. of kush); ÇABEJ St. I 275-276 (follows JOKL).

- k a n d e ll aor. kë tide Ila- kandella ‘to make red-hot, to revive’.


k ë n d e ll
A denominative of këndellë (MANN HAED 193). 0 JOKL Studien 40 (ana­
lyzes a dialectal variant knell as a préfixai form related to Goth ganisan
‘to be healthy’); ÇABEJ St. 1 276 (repeats M a n n ’s explanation);
D e m ir a j AE 219.

~ k a n d e llë f, pl. këndella ~ kandella ‘la m p ’. B o r ro w e d from


k ë n d e llë
Lat candela ‘w ax-lig h t, ta llo w -c a n d le’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 21;
H a a r m a n 114; Ç a b e j Sí. I 276; L a n d i Lat. 81, 116.

këndë- k a n d ë f ‘p lea su re, a p p etite’ . A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e fro m ëndë


(MEYER Alb. St. V 85). T he verb kënditem ‘to be sated ’ is derived from
këndë as w ell as këndis ‘to d e c e iv e ’, literally, ‘to satiate som eb ody (w ith
l ie s ) ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 187 (këndis ‘to d e c e iv e ’ - to T urk ki namak ‘to
to rm en t’ or to gënjej); JOKL Studien 33 (to gdhij).

këndirra ‘to choke, to suffocate’. A préfixai derivative of


k ë n d ir r aor.
djerr: kë-n-dirr.

këndova ‘to sing’. B orrow ed from Lat cantare id. ( G i l ’feR -


k ë n d o j aor.
DING Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10; MEYER Wb. 187). 0 M e y e r -
LüBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047, 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 139;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r m a n n 115; H u l d 80; L a n d i Lat.
40, 155.

f, pl. këneta ‘marsh, valley’. Borrowed from Lat cannëtum ‘reeds,


k ë n e të
thicket of rushes*.
KËNGË ~ K A N G ft — KËRBAÇ 179

këngë ~ kangë f, pl. këngë ~ kangë ‘song’. Borrowed from Lat canticum
id. ( M e y e r Wh. 187). As to këngjelë - kangjelë id., it continues Rom
*canticella. 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; M a n n Language
XVII 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 236; M lH Ä ESC U RESEE IV /1-2 26; H A AR M A NN
115.

këpucë f, pl. këpucë ‘shoe’. Derived from këputë ‘sole’, see këpus. 0
CAM ARDA I 67 (from NGk TraTroúxcn ‘slipper’); M E Y E R Wb. 188 (from
Turk papu$ ‘slipper’); Ç A B E J St. VII 214, 216.

f, pl. këpujë, këpuja ‘round fruit, drop’. Borrowed from Slav


k ë p u jë
*kapul’a , derivative of *kapati ‘to drip’.

k ë p u r d h ë f,pl. këpurdha ‘fungus, mushroom ’. Another variant is kër-


pudhë. A derivative in -dhe of an unattested *këpur related to Lith kèpurë
‘cap’, Latv cçpure id. Thus, the mushroom is described as having a cap.
0 M E Y E R Wb. 187 (borrowed from Bulg pecurka id., SCr pecurka id.);
ClM O CH O W SKI LP III 163-165 (préfixai form related to Gk rcapôaKÔç);
C A M A J Alb. Worth. 105 (prefox kë-); FR A E N K E L 241; NEPOKU PNYJ BSS
40 (follows M e y e r ); Ç a b e j St. V I I 221.

këputa ‘to tear off, to pluck’. Another variant is kërpuc ‘to


k ë p u s aor.
pinch, to pluck’. From PAlb *karputja, a derivative verb based on an
adjective in *-uta reflected in këputë ‘sole’. As to PAlb *karputa, it
is further related to karpë. 0 CAMARDA I 56 (to Gk icònico ‘to strike,
to hew’); M e y e r Wb. 187-188 (from Rom *carputiô, to Lat carpo ‘to
pick, to pluck’); Ç abej St. VII 258.

k ë p u s h ë f, pl. këpusha ‘tick, cattle-tick’. Other variant, with an unor-


ganic -r-, is kërpushë. Derivative of kap (Ç A B E J St. I 276-277). B or­
rowed to Rum cäpu$ä. 0 M e y e r Wb. 188 (to SCr krpelj ‘sheep
louse’); PU ^C A R IU Dacoromania II 594 (from Rum cäpusä id. based
on cap ‘head’); J o k l 1J XXIII VII 176 (derived from Lat capere ‘to
take’); P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. II 338; RO SETTI ILR I 274-275;
D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 13 (from Bulg kapus id.).

k ë q y r aor. këqyra ‘to look, to observe’. A préfixai derivative of qyr (MEYER


Wb. 230) 0 J o k l Studien 22; Ç a b e j St. VII 258.

kërbaç m ‘whip’. Borrowed from Slav *thrbacb, a derivative of *la,rbati


180 KËRBË — KËRCËLLOJ

‘to scratch , to b rea k ’, cf. SCr korbac (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaini. 11). 0
SVANE 48.

kërbë f, pl. kërba ‘tub, barrel’. From PAlb *karbä related to Lat
corbis ‘basket’, Lith karbas id., Latv karba ‘birch bark vessel’, Slav
*korb-h ‘basket’. 0 MEYER Wb. 188 (to SCr krbulja ‘small basket for
berries’ and the like); FRAENKEL 220; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XI 52-54.

kërbisht m ‘sacrum, sacral bone’. A derivative of bisht with a prefix


containing an unorganic -r- ( Ç a b e j St. I 277). 0 MEYER Wb. 123 (to
gërbë).

kërc m ‘stump’. Borrowed from Slav *ki,rcb id. (Czech krc id.,
Slovene krc ‘stubbed area, area cleaned of trees and stumps’). Note
Alb -c- reflecting Slav *-c-. Alb kërci ‘shinbone’ and kërcë ‘cartilage,
gristle’ belong to the same root. Cf. also kërcu. 0 MEYER Wb. 189; B a ric
ARSt 39 (compares kërci with Lith kdrka ‘pig’s foreleg’); TAGLIAVI­
NI Stratificazione 90-91; VASMER II 340; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 210-
211; ÇABEJ St. VII 191; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 360.

kërcas aor. kërcita, kërcisa ‘to cry, to shout, to rattle, to thunder, to sound’.
Borrowed from Slav *kricati ‘to cry, to shout’ (MEYER Wb. 189; JOKL
LKUBA 93). An early loanword with Alb -c- reflecting Slav *-c-. Note
that the verb *kricati is not attested in this meaning in South Slavic
where we have only SCr kricati ‘to w arn’ (Slovene kricati ‘to shout’
could not be the source of the Albanian word). 0 OREL Ètimologija 1980
61 (connects kërcas with kërcej), Koll. Idg. Ges. 360.

kërcej aor. kërceva ‘to dance, to jump; to pour’. Further phonetically


developed to këcej. This verb is derived from kërc ‘stump’, the main
element of the Albanian pre-Christian sacral rite similar to South Slavic
badnjak. The original meaning was ‘to dance, to take part in a ritual
dance’. The meaning ‘to pour’ is secondary - for a similar semantic
development in Rom *sallre see BUCK 6 7 7 -6 7 8 ; ANIKIN Ètimologija
1982 6 7 -6 9 . 0 MEYER Wb. 189 (from Slav *skociti ‘to ju m p ’);
SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 192; GEORGIEV V'bprosi 4 1 -4 2 (derives
kërcej from *katerj-), Trakite 253-2 5 4 ; OREL Ètimologija 1980 61 (mis­
takenly connects kërcej with kërcas), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 60.

kërcëlloj aor. kërcëllova ‘to grind one’s teeth, to crack, to creak’. Based
KËRCËNOJ - KËRLESII 181

on kërcyell ‘stem, stalk’ which is, in its turn, derived from kërc. 0 C a m a j
Alb. Wortb. 107 (analyzes kër-cyell as a préfixai form); Ç a b e j St. VII
199, 239.

kërcënoj aor. kërcënova ‘to threaten’. A recent derivative of kërcej. 0


ÇABEJ St. I 2 77 (identical with kërcëlloj).

kërcu ~ kërcû m, pl. kërcunj ‘stump, block, log, root’. Derived from kërc
(JOKL LKUBA 264). Used in semi-pagan Christian rites (TOPOROV Ètim­
ologija 1974 3 f.; ROSETTI Rom. slav. 1960 6 5 -7 0 ; Z o jz i BUShT 1949
4 9 f.), kërcu as a name of a sacral log was borrowed into Slav
*korcun-b ‘Christmas day, winter solstice’ from where it was passed
on to Rum cräciun ‘Christmas; ritual bread baked at Christm as’
(DESNICKAJA Slav. jaz. 1978 1 69-171). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23
(from Slavic); ÇABEJ St. I 2 7 7 -2 7 8 (reconstructs *kortjo-); VAILLANT
JF X X IV / 1-2 7 2 -7 6 (kërcu < Rum cräciun < Lat quartum jejünium)\
MLADENOV 2 5 6 (Rum cräciun < Lat calátionem)\ D en su§IA N U Hist.
I 2 62 f. (Rum cräciun < Lat creätiönem); PüÇCARIU EWR 3 5 -3 6 ;
SCHUCl LARDT AfslPh IX 526 (Rum cräciun < Lat Christi jejünium); M e lic h
MNr XXXVII 177 f. (Slav *koröum, from *korkh ‘leg’, *ko r citi ‘to
walk’); PREOBRAZHENSKIJI 361 (Slav *korcum, from *korciti ‘to walk’
as a caique of Lat adventus); ROSETTI Etudes 204-206; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb.
106 (prefix kër-)\ ROHLFS Spr. 1 91-196; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 6 1 .

kërçep m, pl. kërçepë ‘stump, log, branch’. A derivative of kërc. 0 ÇABEJ


St. I 278 (reconstructs the original sg. *kërçap and explains it as a pré­
fixai derivative of çapë).

kërdhokull f, pl. kërdhokulla ‘hip bone’. See krrokull.

kërkoj aor. kërkova ‘to look for, to seek’. Borrowed from Rom *circare
id. with the assimilation of velars in the original *qërkoj (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 14; M e y e r Wb. 188). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß2
I 1048, 1051; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 158-159; Ç a b e j St. VII 253;
H a a r m a n n 117.

kërlesh aor. kërlesha ‘to stand on end (of hair)’, refi, kërleshem ‘to quarrel’.
A derivative of lesh with a prefix kë(r)- (CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 104). Cf.
also ngërleshem ‘to bristle, to stand on end (of hair)’.
184 KËRRABË — KF.SULfc

kërrabë f, pl. kërraba ‘hook, staff. A suffixal derivative of an unattested


PAlb *kara further related to karthi. 0 M e y e r Wb. 129 (to grep).

kërris aor. kërrita ‘to grunt (of pigs), to gurgle’. A descriptive stem imi­
tating corresponding sounds.

kërrlë f ‘sloppy m ud, slim e ’. A nother variant is kërlë. F rom P A lb *kar-


ilâ related to ON hqrr ‘s n iv e l’, OHG horo ‘e x c r e m e n t’, Gk KÔpuÇa
‘s n iv e l’. A d erivative kërrnjotë ‘m ucus from n o se, sn iv e l’ also b elon gs
h ere. 0 FRISK I 924; POKORNY I 573.

kërrus kërrusa ‘to bend’. From PAlb *karnutja, based on a


aor.
nominal derivative in *-ut- further connected with Gk KUptôç ‘curved,
bent’, Lat curvus id. (CAMARDA I 178; MEYER Wb. 190). The origi­
nal nominal form is represented by krrutë ‘hunch-backed old woman’.
0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 248 (to Lat curvò id.); M a n n Language
XXV ili 33 (to ON hnjópa < *kneudhöy, FRISK I I 55; WALDE-HOFMANN
1 317-318; P o k o r n y I 309, 935; Ç a b e j St. VII 258; D e m ir a j AE 220
(to ON hverfa ‘to turn’).

kërrutë f, pl. kërruta ‘ewe with horns’. Borrowed from Lat fem. adj.
cornuta ‘horned’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER 11-7;, 190, Alb.
St. Ill 7 3 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 178 (to Gk Kepocxiocç ‘horned one’); KRISTO-
FORIDHI155 (to Gk KDpîoç ‘curved, crooked’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 1 1049; BariC AArbSt 1/1-2 148 (from *ko-Hru-to- ‘horned’); PASCU
RE 4 0 (from Rumanian); KLEPIKOVA SPT 75 (from Arumanian);
Ç a b e j St. IV 76; H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i Lat. 88, 9 9 , 114.

kësen impers, ‘to ache (of the stomach), to have griping pains’. Based
on PAlb *kantsa < *kankja related to Lith kenkiu, keñkti ‘to damage,
to harm ’, ON ha ‘to torment’ < Gmc *xanxön and the like (BariC ARSt.
I 39-40). 0 M e y e r Wb. 190 (from Turk ki smak ‘to pinch’); FRAENKEL
240; POKORNY I 565; ÇABEJ St. I 281 (dialectal form of këcej ~ kërcej).

kësulë f, pl. kësula ‘bonnet, cap’. Borrowed from Rum cäciulä ‘cap’,
with -ci- > PAlb *-ts- > -s-. The Rumanian word itself goes back to
Alb kaçule. 0 MEYER Wb. 190-191 (from Lat casula ‘hooded coat’ via
Gk KucovXa ‘thick coat’); PUÇCARIU EWR 21; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom.
II 338; R o se t t i ILR I 274; MOUTSOS ZfBalk X IX /1 48-65 (from NGk
K o e a o û X o c ).
KilSHKTE — KIKË 185

këshete pl. ‘bran’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f shete (CAMARDA I 7 0 ).

k ë sh ill m, pl. këshilla ‘c o u n c il’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat consilium id.


( C a m a r d a I 80; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 17; M e y e r Wb. 208-209).
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1049, 1053; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-
2 22; H a a r m a n n 119; L a n d i Lat. 87, 99, 117.

kështallë f, pl. këshlaUa ‘splint (in medicine)’. From PAlb *ka-stalä, a


derivative related to Goth stols ‘chair’, Lith stäias ‘table’, Slav *stolrb
‘table, pole’. 0 VASMER III 764-765; FRAENKEL 893; KLUGE 761; FEIST
Goth. 455-456.

kështër ~ kështën adj. ‘C h ristia n ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat christiänus id.


(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 13). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1042;
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 14; HAARMANN 117.

kështjellë f, pl. keshtjella ‘c a stle , fo r t’. B o r ro w e d from Lat castellum


id. (Ç a b e j St. I 2 8 1 -2 8 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 191 (fro m Ital castello id.);
M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 22; H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 5 0 , 81.

këshyre f, pl. këshyre ‘mountain path, path in the ravine’. Borrowed from
Lat clausura, clüsüra ‘lock, bar, bolt; castle, fort’ (ÇABEJ St. I 282).
0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 29; H a a r m a n n 117; L a n d i L a i. 68, 103,
110.

këtu adv. ‘here’. From PAlb *ka tu including a pronominal stem *ka
< IE *k“o- and adverbial *tu, cf. Skt tú ‘now, but’ (BOPP 496-497; VASMER
Alb. Wortforsch. 5-6). While the prevailing form for ‘there’ is aty, certain
dialects preserve atu (E l e z o v i C AArbSt. II 2 4 9 ). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 161; M a y r h o f e r I 507; Ç a b e j Sï. I 282; H u l d 8 0 -8 1 .

kic aor. kica ‘to bite’. A descriptive stem.

kij aor. kiva ‘to prune, to trim ’. Another variant is kiej. From *këinj <
PAlb *kadinja, a denominative verb related to kadhë (Ç A B E J St. I 2 8 2 -
283). Derived from kij is kizë ‘pruning-hook’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 2 2 6 (from
Lat incìdere ‘to cut’); B A R IC ARSt. I 4 0 (to shc/yej, from *kledniö)\ A JE T I
ZfBalkW11 1 3 9 -1 4 0 (to Slav *kyjb ‘stick’) .

kikë f, pi. kika ‘top, tip; mane’. Borrowed from Slav *kyka ‘tuft of hair,
186 K IN S E kllanë

plaited hair’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg kika, SCr kika (S vane 181).

k in se conj. ‘as, just as, as i f . A univerbation of kini se ‘you (pl.) have


that, you assume that’ (ÇABEJ St. I 283-284). Cf. also kish ‘if only’ from
3 sg. imperf. kish, form of kam.

k ish ë f, pl. kisha ‘ch u rch ’. A nother variant is qishë. B o rro w ed from Lat
ecclesia id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 2 2 8 ). 0
CAMARDA I 4 6 (to late Gk ¿K K lrjaia id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 146; ÇABEJ St. VII 2 3 0 , 279;
H a a r m a n n 123; L a n d i Lat. 81, 119, 125.

k itë f, pl. kita ‘icicle’. Borrowed from Slav *kyta ‘tuft, bundle, branch’,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kita, SCr kita. This Albanian word
is historically identical with the singularized form kite ‘sheaf; ear of
grain’ (ÇABEJ St. I 284). 0 SVANE 103.

k ith m ‘veil of m ist’. A derivative of kite.

k leçkë f, pl. kleçka ‘splinter, piece of wood’. Borrowed from Slav *klecbka
id., cf. Bulg klecka, SCr klecka (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 172, 308).
0 S vane 81.

k lek ë f, pl. kleka ‘kind of mountain pine’. From PAlb *klakä related to
Slav *klok-b ‘tuft, tow’. 0 VASMER II 252.

k lla b ë f ‘pick, pick-axe’. Borrowed from Slav *klapa, a derivative of


*klapati, with an irregular substitution of *-p- > -b-. A more phonet­
ically regular reflex of the same loanword is kllapë ‘fetter, chain’ (BER
419). Note a derivative kllabëz ‘door-bolt’. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa IX 184.

k llan ë f ‘last day of the year, New Year eve, first snow’. Other vari­
ants are kullana, kollanë, këllanë, kllandë. Borrowed from Rom
*calandae, a form of Lat calendae ‘first day of a month’ attested in
Romance and borrowed to Celtic (Ç a b e j St. I 296-297). 0 MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 8; MEYER Wb. 196 (from Slav *kolçda ‘New Year day’);
M e y e r -L ü b k e REW 115; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 27; H a a r m a n 113;
L a n d i Lat. 98, 116.
K LLAPË — KOCK 187

k llap ë f, pl. kllapa ‘puddle’. From *kë-llapë further related to llap. As


to kllaçë id., it continues *kllapçë. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 8 .

k llap it aor. kllapita ‘to eat like a dog’. Either derived from llap or bor­
rowed from Slav *klapiti ~ *klapati ‘to sound, to clatter’, cf. South
Slavic continuants: Bulg klapam, SCr klapati (SVANE 2 2 2 ).

kllashe f, pl. kllasha ‘cape of sheep and goat wool’. Borrowed from South
Slavic: Bulg klasn'a ‘woolen shawl’, SCr klasnje ‘kind of cloth’.

k llo ç is aor. klloçita ‘to brood, to cluck’. Borrowed from Slav *klociti
‘to cluck’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg klocam, Slovene klociti. As to kllukas
id., it is a local borrowing from dialectal Bulg klukam < klokam. 0 MEYER
Wb. 191 (adduces various Balkan forms but is uncertain of the actual
source of the Albanian verb); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 31 (from Bulg
kloca id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 147; S v a n e 2 3 6 .

kllupit aor. kllupita ‘to gulp’. From a dialectal form of Bulg klupam <
klopam ‘to clap, to beat, to quack’ belonging to Slav *klopati ~ *klopiti,
cf. also SCr klopati id.

k m esë f , pl. kmesa ‘billhook, sickle’. Another form is kamesë. D er iv ed


from kame. 0 Jo k l Studien 9 (to kep, suffix -esë); HULD 145, 154 (recon­
structs *Hekmrt-tieIf); DEMIRAJ AE 220-221 (crossing of kizë id. and
kame).

k o b ë f ‘th eft, au gu ry, d e c e p tio n , d is a s te r ’. B o r r o w e d fro m S la v


*kobb, *koba id., c f. B u lg koba, SCr kob, koba (MEYER Wb. 193, but
treats kobë ‘th e ft’ as an Italian lo an w ord ). 0 K r i s t o f o r i d h i 149, 493;
VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 32; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 185: SVANE 2 22,
23 6 .

k oc m, pl. koca, kocinj ‘bone, sk u ll’. Borrowed from Slav *kostb id. with
a metathesis in the consonantal cluster *-st- > -ts- (SELISCEV Slav, nase­
lenie 195). The Slavic deminutive *kostbka id. is the source of Alb kockë
id., koskë id. 0 MEYER Wb. 202-203 (from Ital coccio ‘cracked pot’);
Ç a b e j St. VII 203.

k o c ë f, pl. koca ‘black goat; girl from 8 to 10 years old’. An allegro


188 KOGË KOHË

form of Slav *kozblim ‘(young) she-goat’, cf. CS kozblica, SCr


kozlica.

k o c ë f, pl. koca ‘rush-trap for fish’. Borrowed from Slav *kotbCb id.,
cf. in South Slavic: Bulg koce, SCr kotac.

koç m ‘penis’. Another form is pl. koçet ‘testicles’. Borrowed from


Bulg koc ‘ram ’. 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22 (from Slav *kocam>
‘head of cabbage’); S eli SCe v Slav, naselenie 162, 194; TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 149 (to kokë); OREL Ètimologija 1983 140-141.

k od ër f, pl. kodra ‘hill, angular stone, corner’. Borrowed from Rom


*codrum < Lat quadrimi ‘square’ on which also Rum codru ‘forest’
is based (SCHUCHARDT Vokalismus II 510). 0 MEYER Wb. 193 (com­
pares kodër with Rum codru); PEDERSEN KZ XL 212-213 (from Rum
codru); C ap id an Dacoromania 1509 (follows P ed e r se n ); S c h e f t e l o w i t z
BB XXVIII 157 (to Alb katar ‘peak’); PU§CARIU EWR 34; TAGLIAVI­
NI RivAlb II 185 (repeats PEDERSEN’s etymology); SKOK AfslavPhil
XXXVIII 83-84 (agrees with SCHUCHARDT); B a r iC ARSt. I 40 (to Lat
castrimi ‘castle, fort’); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 340; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 29-30; HAMP SCL XXXI 664 (from early Rumanian); PlCClL-
LO Rl.iR XLV 146-157 (from Rumanian); Ç a b e j St. I 284-285 (follows
S c h u c h a r d t).

k o fs h ë f, pl. kofshë ‘hip, thigh’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat coxa ‘h ip ’


( C a m a r d a 1 65; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 193). 0
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1045; T a g l i a v i n i Origini 2 4 6 , 366;
H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i L ai. 9 9 , 124, 134.

k o h ë f. pl. ko he ‘time’. From PAlb *käxä etymologically related to Slav


*casb id. (M e y e r Wb. 194, Alb. St. Ill 3). 0 P e d e r s e n BB XX 279,
KZ XXXVI 279; JOKL Melanges Pedersen 144, Sprache IX 151;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 148; S c h e f t e l o w it z KZ L V I209 (reconstructs
an inlaut cluster *-sk-); MLADENOV 1st. 226; M a n n Language XXVI
383, XXVIII 35; PORZIG Gliederung 174; PISANI Saggi 124 (follows
S c h e f t e l o w it z and reconstructs *keskä), R E IE IV 6; E c k e r t ZfSlaw
VIII 890; ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 567; H a MP StFil XXVII (V)/3
68 (reconstructs *kêskâ or *këksâ), St. albanica X /2 86-87, Etimologija
1971 268-269; H u l d 81; O r e l Sprache XXXI 279, ZfBalk XXIII 143;
S c h m a l s t ie g 265; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 66; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X
KOj — KOT,LB 189

222; D emiraj AE 221-222 (to OPrus kisman, reconstructs kohë < *kêsuü).

koj aor. kova ‘to feed (children or an im als)’. A phonetic variant o f mëkoj,
0 C a m a r d a 11 73 (to G k Kovéto ‘to h a ste n ’); Ç a b e j St. VII 24 4 .

kokë L pl. kokë, koka ‘head, bulb, berry, grain’. Borrowed from Lat
coecum ‘b erry ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; WEIGAND 37). 0
MEYER Wb. 165 (from Rom *coca, Lat cauca ‘kind of dish, bowl’), 194
(on kokë ‘berry, grain’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 149; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 14; HAARMANN 117; Ç a b e j St. I 285-286 (agrees with
WEIGAND).

kokërr f, pl. kokrra ‘berry, grain’. Derived from kokë (JOKL ArRom XXIV
2 9 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 195 (from Ital coccola ‘globular fruit ( o f plants)’);
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 149 (to kokë)\ Ç a b e j St. I 2 8 6 -2 8 7 (agrees with
JOKL).

koleshkë f. pl. koleshka ‘cart’. An early borrowing from Slav *kolesT>ka


id. otherwise unattested in South Slavic.

kolibe f, pl. kolibe ‘hut’. Borrowed from Slav *kolyba id., cf. in South
Slavic: Bulg koliba, SCr koliba. Cf. kalibe (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie
165). 0 O r e l S ov . slav. 1 9 8 5 /5 7 9 -8 4 ; SVANE 52.

kolmë adj. ‘pretty, winsome’. From P A lb *kâlima, a suffixal deriva­


tive of IE *kal-: Skt kalyá- ‘healthy’, Gk Horn kôcA,ôç ‘beautiful’. The
long vowel in Proto-Albanian remains unclear. 0 FRISK I 766-767;
P o k o r n y I 524; Ç a b e j St. VII 202.

koll m ‘plow-beam’. Borrowed from Slav *ko!i> ‘pole’, cf. South Slavic
continuants: Bulg ko I, SCr kolac.

kollë f ‘cough’. From PAlb *kâslâ identical with Slav *kaslb id., Lith
kosulfs id. (M e y e r Wb. 195, Alb. St. Ill 2, 63). These forms are derived
from IE *k‘‘äs- ‘to cough’. 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 79; JOKL Sprache
IX 117-118; V a s m e r II 214-215; F r a e n k e l 284; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
150; M a n n Language XXVI 380, XXVIII 35-36; PISANI Saggi 125;
P o k o r n y 1649; H u l d 81; O r el Sprache XXXI 280; K o r t l a n d t SSGL
X 220; D e m ir a j AE 222.
190 KOM KOQE

kom m ‘inane’. Another variant is komë. Borrowed from Lat coma ‘hair’
(JOKL Studien 110). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 40-41 (from *(s)kep-no-, related
to Germ Schaf ‘sheep’); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 26; HAARMANN 118;
ÇABEJ St. I 287 (agrees with JOKL).

kongjill m, pl. kongjij ‘charcoal’. A variant of thëngjil with a different


prefix *k-. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 254.

kopër f, pl. kopra ‘fennel’. Borrowed from Slav *kopri, id., cf. South
Slavic continuants; Bulg kop'hr, SCr kopar (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie
162, 287). 0 S v a n e 109.

kopicë f, pl. kopica ‘m oth’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *kopica


id. (M e y e r Wb. 198).

kopil m, pl.kopilë, kopila ‘lad, chap, bastard’. Borrowed from Slav *kopyli>
‘shoot, sprout, bastard’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg kopil, kopile,
SCr kopil. Rum copil is of the same origin. 0 CAMARDA I 162 (to Gk
kôtcoç ‘toil and trouble’); MEYER Wb. 198 (from Rom *côpîlis ‘son born
from cöpa, tavern-keeper’); VASMER IORJaS LXXXVI 96 (from Gk
KOTiiXka ‘girl’); OS tir WuS V 220 (prefix ko- and -pii related to pjell);
JOKL LKUBA 6, 14, 311 (follows OSTIR), IJb XXIII 227 (from Modern
Greek); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 116-117; SCHÜTZ WSl III 17-18;
R e ic h e n k r o n Dakisches 112-113 (from Dacian *kolp!los, to IE
*guelbh- ‘cub, uterus’); HUBSCHMID ZfBalk XVI 61-63, ZfromPh
XC1X/5-6 497-511; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 340; ROSETTI ILR I 276;
A b a e v II 279 (to Osset qœbül ‘child’); TRUBACEV Ètimologija 1979
129-130, 177; ÇABEJ St. VII 230.

kopsht m, pl. kopshte, kopshtinj, qipshte ‘garden’. A derivative in -sht


based on PAlb *kapa identical with Gk Kf|7toç id., OHG huoba ‘plot
of land' (M e y e r Wb. 1 9 8 -1 9 9 , Alb. St. Ill 4 , 3 1 ). 0 Jo k l Sprache IX
118; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 153; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 123; PISANI Saggi
127; F r is k I 842; K l u g e 318; P o k o r n y I 529; Ç a b e j St. Ill 2 7 5 -2 7 6 ;
D e m ir a j AE 222.

koqe f, pl. koqe ‘corn, berry’. A singularized plural of kokë (CAMARDA


I 112; ÇABEJ St. I 287-288). The latter is the source of Rum coacäzä.Q
SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 249 (from Rom *cocceum, b ased on Lat coccum,
or from Ital coccia); MEYER Wb. 194-195, 210 (repeats SCHUCHARDT’s
KORB — KORP 191

etym ology); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1045 (the same explanation);


SKOK ZfromPhil X L V III 3 9 8 -4 0 0 (from R om *cocceum); ROSETTI ILR
1 276; Ç a b e j St. V II 23 8 .

korb m,pl. korbë, korba ‘raven’. Borrowed from Lat corvus id. (STIER
KZ XI 136; GlL-HERDING Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER
Wb. 200). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045, 1054; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV/1-2 14; ÇABEJ St. VII 268; HAARMANN 120; LANDI Lat. 139-
140.

korbull f, pl. korbulla ‘keg, cask, wooden pail’. Borrowed from Lat corbula
‘little basket’.

kordhë f, pi. kordha ‘gut string’. Borrowed from Lat chorda ‘gut, catgut’
(MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14; HAARMANN 119).

kordhë f, pl. kordha ‘sword’. Borrowed from Slavic, cf. CS kor-hda id.,
SCr korda id. (MEYER Wb. 199). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1052
(from Romance); M u r a t i Probleme 131.

korë f, pl. kora ‘crust, bark’. Borrowed from Slav *kora ‘bark’, cf. in
South Slavic: Bulg kora, SCr kora (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22; M eyer
Wb. 199). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 173; SVANE 94, 121.

kore f, pl. kore ‘chicory’. Borrowed from L at cichoream id. (M e y e r


Wb. 201). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 1 17.

koris aor. korita ‘to shame, to dishonor’. Borrowed from Slav *koriti
id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg kor’a , SCr koriti (MlKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 22; MEYER Wb. 2 0 0 ). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 5 3 -1 5 4 ;
SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 191; SVANE 2 3 6 .

koritë f, pl. korita ‘trough’. Borrowed from S la v *koryto id., cf. Bulg
korito, SCr korito (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22 -2 3 ; MEYER Wb. 200).
0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 142, 1 70-171; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; SVANE
67.

korp m, pl. korpe ‘b ody’. B orrow ed from Lat nom. corpus id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045). 0 TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 84.
192 K O RSËM — KOSË

korsëm adv. ‘perhaps, as if’. Another variant is korse. A univerbated


phraze kur se (Ç a b e j St. I 288-289). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 89 (from
*kosrem based on *kosë < IE *k“û-k“e).

kortë f ‘quarter of a slaughtered animal; liquid m easure’. Borrowed


from Lat quarta ‘fourth part, quarter’ (Ç a b e j St. I 289). Cf. kartë.

korube f, pl. korube ‘beehive’. Borrowed from Slav *koruba ‘hollow


trunk, beehive’, cf. Bulg koruba, SCr koruba (SELISCEV Slav, nasele­
nie 167). 0 MEYER Wb. 170 (connected with kolibe); ÇABEJ St. I 2 8 9
(agrees with SELISCEV); S v a n e 159.

korr aor. korr ‘to reap, to harvest’. Goes back to PAlb *kasra. Related
to Lith kasu, kàsti ‘to dig’, Slav *kosa ‘scythe’ (MEYER Wb. 2 0 0 ). The
name of July korrik as well as korriqe ‘measure of grain’ are derived
from korr. 0 P e d e r s e n IF V 4 6 (follows M e y e r ) ; J o k l IF XXXVII
1 0 0 -1 0 2 (to IE *sker- ‘to cut’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 153; PISANI RIL
CXII 12 (from Ital corre < cogliere ‘to reap’); FRAENKEL 2 2 6 -2 2 7 ;
POKORNY I 585; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XI 133-135; ÖLBERG Festschr. Bon­
fante 567; O r e l Sprache XXXI 280; Ç a b e j apud D e m ir a j (from IE
*kër-nô); DEMIRAJ AE 2 2 2 -2 2 4 .

korropitet refi, ‘to become tired’. A préfixai derivative related to rropatet


‘to strain’.

korropesh adj. ‘dark, dark-haired’. A compound of korr and peshë struc­


turally similar to korr ozi id., a compound of korr and zi.

.korrovesh m, pl. korroveshë ‘jug with a handle; grape’, adj. ‘without ears’.
A compound of korr and vesh.

kos m ‘yogurt, clotted curds’. Borrowed from Slav *kvasi, ‘sour sub­
stance’, cf. in South Slavic: OCS kvas-b, Bulg kvas, SCr kvas (MEYER
Wb. 201). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 149; HA VIP LB XIV/2 14.

kosë f, pl. kosa ‘scythe’. Borrowed from Slav *kosa id., cf. South Slavic:
Bulg kosa, SCr kosa (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb.
2 0 1 ). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 157; S v a n e 2 3 6 .
KOSE — KRAH 193

k o së f, pl. kosa ‘plait’. Borrowed from Slav ^kosa id., cf. South Slavic:
Bulg kosa, SCr kosa (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb.
2 0 1 ). 0 S v a n e 181.

k o sis aor. kosita ‘to mow’. Borrowed from Slav *kositi id., cf. South
Slavic: Bulg kos’a, SCr kositi (MEYER Wb. 201). 0 SeuSC evSlav, nase­
lenie 157; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 155; S v a n e 236.

k o so r e f. pi. kosore ‘small scythe’. Borrowed from South Slavic


*kosoFh ‘scythe, pruning knife’: Bulg kosor, SCr kosor (SVANE 33).

k osh m, pl. kosha, koshe ‘b a sk e t’. B o r ro w e d from S lav *kosb id.: B u lg


kos, SCr kos (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 201-202). 0
SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 151, 154; SVANE 67, 159.

k o sh ë z f, pl. koshëza ‘b o t-fly ’. A nother form is koshas < *koshaz. A


c o lle c tiv e form o f *kosh b o rro w ed from Lat cossus ‘k ind o f la r v a ’
( C a n d r e a GS III 4 3 0 ). 0 M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 14; H a a r m a n n
120; Ç a b e j St. I 289; L a n d i Lat. 138.

k o t m. pl. kota ‘useless, vain’. From PAlb *käkta related to Lith kokths
‘disgusting’. The latter is further explained as a derivative of koks ‘which’,
Slav *kakb ‘how’. 0 C a m a r d a I 132 (to Gk k ô t o ç ‘rancor’); M e y e r
Wb. 202 (to kot ‘darkness’ and Gk c i k ô t o ç id.); FRAENKEL 280;
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IX 118-119.

kot m ‘darkness’. From PAlb *kata further related to Oír scáth


‘shadow’ < *skâto-, Gk o k o t o ç ‘darkness’ and the like (MEYER Wb.
202). 0 F r is k II 739-740; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 19; V e n d r y e s [S] 36;
P o k o r n y I 957.

k o v a ç m, pl. kovaçë ‘smith’. Borrowed from Slav *kovacb id., cf. South
Slavic reflexes: Bulg kovac, SCr ko vac (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23;
M e y e r Wb. 203). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 172,181; T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 156; Ç a b e j St. VII 268; S v a n e 87, 197.

k ozh u p ni, pi. '(ozhiipe ‘shepherd’s fur jacket’. A variant of kazhup.

krah m, pl krahë ‘arm, shoulder, side’. Borrowed from Slav *kraji, ‘end,
KRAHNUER K R A I' KRAI KREPULL 195
194 KRAHËROR

side, extrem ity’. For the semantic development cf. Bulg krajnik ‘arm, krat m ‘back’. Borrowed from Lat era t is (spinae) ‘spine’. 0 M eyer

leg’, kraiste id. (O r e l FLH V III/1-2 46). Note the development of -j- Wb. 204 (from SCr hrbat id.).
> -h- characteristic of early loanwords from Slavic. 0 M e y e r Wb. 203
kredh aor. krodha ‘to plunge, to immerse, to steep, to smother, to bespat­
(comparison with Lith kdrka ‘shin, shank’ and Slav *korkh id., mor-
phonologically difficult), Alb. St. Ill 6, 71; LlDÉN Studien 92, Arm. St. ter’. From PAlb *kröda identical with Slav *kradç, *krasti ‘to steal’,
refi. *kradç sç, *krasti sç ‘to sneak, to steal up, to approach unnoticed’
43 (comparison with Skt kisku- ‘forearm’); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 251
(OREL IF XL11I 110-111). Further connections of the Slavic verb (includ­
(derives krah from *krok-skä)\ SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 209 (recon­
ing a popular comparison with Latv krâju, krât ‘to galher, to collect’)
structs *kar-ska and compares krah with Skt kard- ‘hand, elephant’s
are uncertain. The aorist in -o- must be secondary as it is, normally,
trunk’); B a r i C AArbSt. II 384-385; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 18; TAGLIAVI­
characteristic of presents in -e- < PAlb *-e-. 0 M e y e r Wb. 204 (to Slav
NI Dalmazia 156 (agrees with WIEDEMANN), Stratificazione 91; PISANI
*grçznçti ‘to sink’, phonetically improbable), Alb. St. Ill 8, 17, 71; PISANI
Saggi 126 (follows LlDÉN); POKORNY I 945-946; ÇABEJ St. VII 207, 210,
Saggi 124; VASMER II 364; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XII 103-105.
Ç abej apud D em iraj (from *korok-); H u l d 81-82; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges.
361; K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (against O r e l ); D e m ir a j AE 224
k reh ~ k r e f aor. krc ha ~ krefa ‘to comb’. From PAlb *krebska related
(to Arm srunk1‘calf (anat.)’, Lat crus ‘shank’).
(with an irregular unvoicing of the anlaut) to Lith grebti ‘to rake’, Slav
*grebo, *grebti ‘to row, to rake’ (MEYER Wb. 204-205, Alb. St. Ill 8,
k rah ëror ~ krahnuer m. pl. krahërorë ~ krahnuerë ‘b reast, c h e s t’.
71). Derived from kreh are krehër ~ krehën ‘comb’, a singularised plural
D er iv ed from krah (CAMARDA II 66; MEYER Wb. 203). 0 WIEDEMANN
of *krah, and kresë ‘curry-com b’. 0 FRAENKEL 165-166; POKORNY I
BB XXVII 250 (to krehër)-, WEIGAND Grammatik 55 (fo llo w s WIEDE­ 455-456; Ç a b e j St. I 290 (on krehër)-, T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 109-100.
MANN); Jokl LKUBA 154 (agrees w ith W e ig a n d ); Ç a b e j St. I 290 (sup­
ports C a m a r d a ) . krej aor. kreva ‘to pull out’. From PAlb *krebnja connected with kreh
~ kref ( M e y e r Wb. 205).
krahinë f, pl. krahina ‘region, area’. An early loanword from Slav *krajina
id,; OCS kraina. Maced kraina, SCr kraina id. (J o k l LKUBA 175). 0 Borrowed from L-* .......... r-...-,,-.......
maple ( m e y e r wïï."2ü5).
LANDT SSGL XXIII 174 (-h- is a hiatus filler).

rain, s k u ii . t-or me seman- OHIO ClUl. IS itw <3VYwwp ^TYavwiy, w ~w*t. yi/*uuvxiwu; V "
i\ Metathesized in klerë ‘curly, fizzy’. from Slav *krajiti ‘to cut, to winnow’, otherwise unattested in South tic development cf. cerebellare ‘ca
Slavic.
pilarized plural of a less usual kremtë. krem te t. pi. kremte ‘holiday’. A sir
kreme is attested. A suffixal form in krap m, pl. krep ‘carp’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg krap id., In dialects, a form without suffi>
SCr krap id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 2 0 4 ). 0 M l­ -m- based on krye.
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 11 (from Lat carpio or Ital carpa).
iticized form of PAlb *krapa related
1 greppo ‘steep, rocky bank’ and the krap m ‘collar-bone’. From PAlb *krapa related to W craff ‘strong’
>; Ç a b e j St. I 268-269; O r e l ZfBalk < *krap nos, ON hrœfa ‘to tolerate, to bear with’, Slav *krëprhkh ‘strong,
constructs *krHp- or *krop-). firm ’ continuing IE *krep- ‘strong’. The same root is found in krape
‘ovary’. 0 POKORNY I 620; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XII 1 3 5 -1 3 8 .
w ed fro m R o m *crâpulus, c f. Lat k rep u ll adj. ‘inebriated’. Borre
196 KRESHKf: — KRI ~ KRÎ I
I / I-1 /¿. crupuiti c A tc ô ô ivt iin/ui l u u u i i
n iiiL -u i n u k in g , ^ zyu-zy I ,
w ith an altern ative link to Ital crepare ‘to burst, to s p lit’).
g of both
13). The kreshkë f ‘foliage’. A suffixal derivative in -shkë of krënd (attested also
: exclud- as krend). As to kreshk ‘fish scale’, it also belongs here. 0 MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 19 (from Ital crusca); JOKL LKUBA 166 (to kreshte).

om *car- kreshmë pl. ‘fast’. Borrowed from Lat quadragesima ‘Lent, fast of forty
days’, cf. Ital quaresima id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53; M e y e r Wb.
2 0 5 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1051 (from Ital quaresima)-,
cts PAlb H a a r m a n n 144.
; and the
; M eyer kreshnik m, pl. kreshnikë ‘hero, knight’. Borrowed from SCr krajisnik
ase of u- ‘inhabitant of a border region’ (SCHMAUS apud ÇABEJ St. I 291). 0 JOKL
; PEDER- Balkangerm. 116 (to kreshtë).
3; T a g li -
P is a n i kreshpë f, pl kreshpa ‘sheep with long and rough wool’. From Lat fem.
21, Etim. adj. crispa ‘curled, crisp, uneven’. The verb kreshpëroj ‘to anger’ is
Idg. Ges. based on the same Latin adjective in its different meanings - ‘quiver­
Mac Eoin ing, trem ulous’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; MEYER Wb. 205 (on
kreshpëroj)-, HAARMANN 120.

onnected kreshtë f ‘m ane, r o o s te r ’s co m b ’. B o rro w ed from Lat crista ‘r o o s te r ’s


v kraüpis com b , crest o f a h e lm e t’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb.
1; P isa n i 2 0 5 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß1 1 1054; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-
M lade- 2 14; H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i Lat. 5 7 , 102, 119.
ÎAENKEL
XIII 43- krënd ~ krande m, pl. krënde ~ krande ‘foliage; brushwood; leaves used
as fodder; chips; branch without leaves’.. From PA lb *ka-randa, a prefix
formation connected with IE *rendh- ‘to tear (asunder)’ and, in par­
~ krisht- ticular, with OHG rinda, rinta ‘rind’, OE rinde id. and the like (OREL
lom. Ele- IF XLIII 111). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 0 4 (to OIr grend ‘side-whiskers’, OHG
grana ‘mustache’ and the like), Alb. St. Ill 8, 71; JOKL Festschr. Rozwad­
owski I 240; M a n n Language XVII 20 (to Gk K p á v o v ) ; POKORNY I 865;
H o l t h a u s e n AEW 261; O r e l IF XCIII 111 (to IE *sker- ‘to cut’);
D e m ir a j AE 22 5 .
j. *cruda
kri ~ krî f, pl. kri ~ krî ‘w o o d w o r m , m o th ’. F rom P A lb *kriwi- c o n ­
tin u in g a d ialectal In d o-E u rop ean form *k“ i'ui-: S la v *cbrvt ‘w o r m ’
d to Goth (O r e l FLH V I I I /1-2 4 6 -4 7 ). N azalisation in G eg is secondary. 0 TRAUT-
K R IF E KRODHË 19 7
MAJNIN B O I V V O . 1 JH-; V Ä S M t K i V j J J - J J O , I K U B A L B V C J O J U 1 V

krife f, pl. krife ‘mane’. Borrowed, with the irregular unvoicir


voiced consonants, of Slav *griva id. (D e sn ic k a ja Slav, zaini
influence of kri ne ‘m ane’ borrowed from Romance cannot b
ed. 0 HAMP KZ CV I/2 305-306.

kriklloj aor. krikllova ‘to creak (of wheels)’. Borrowed from P


riculäre based on Lat car rus ‘wagon’.

krimb ~ krym m, pl. krimba, kërminj ~ kryma ‘w orm ’. Re tit


*krim- connected with IE * k jm i- id.: Skt kfm i-, Lith kirmi
like (S tier KZ XI 247; G il ’f e r d in g Otn. 22; C a m a r d a I 6:
Wb. 2 0 6 ). Geg -y- remains unexplained: could it be a rare c
umlaut suggesting P A lb *krimu-‘i 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 4,
SEN Kelt. Gr. 1 43; JOKL LKUBA 23, 191-192, 318, Sprache IX 12
A viN i Dalmazia 160; M a y r h o f e r I 2 6 1 -2 6 2 ; F r a e n k e l 25
Saggi 132; B a r iç Hymje 36; POKORNY I 6 4 9 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 2
II 323; H u l d 82; O r e l IF XLIII 116, ZfBalk XXIII 148, Koll.
351 (irregular -ry-, -ri- < IE K Ö D D E R IT Z S C H Festschr.
64; D e m ir a j AE 2 2 5 -2 2 6 .

kripë - krypë f, pl. kripëra ~ krypna ‘salt’. From PAlb *krüpâ <
with ON hrufa ‘scab’, Lith kraupus ‘rough’, kraupis ‘scab’, Lai
‘frail, brittle’, Slav *krupa ‘groats’ (M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 4, 31, 7
Saggi 124). 0 M e y e r Wb. 206 (borrowing from Slav *krupa)
N o v 1st. 220; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 161 (follows M e y e r ); F
290; P o k o r n y I 623; O r e l IF XLIII 106; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJû
45.

Krisht m ‘Christ’. Borrowed from Lat Christus while krishten


enë ‘Christian’ goes back to Lat Christianas id. (MlKLOSICH ¡
mente 14; M e y e r Wb. 191). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 158.

krocë f, pl. kroca ‘dogrose’. A derivative in -cë from kromë.

krodhë f, pl. krodha ‘bread crust’. Borrowed from Lat fem. ac


< cruda ‘crude, rough’.

krodhë f, pl. krodha ‘beehive’. Goes back to PAlb *krâdâ relate


198 KROM Ë K RU SH K

hrot ‘ro o f, Slav *krada ‘heap, pile’. 0 POKORNY I 617-618; FEIST Goth.
270-271; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XI 58-60.

krom ö r, pl. kronia ‘scabies; d o g ro se’. D erived from kruaj. Another deriv­
ative from the sam e so u rce is krosë ‘sc a b ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (to grij),

krongjill m, pl. krongjij ‘icicle’. Borrowed from Rom *corniculus


based on Lat corna ‘horn’.

krua ~ krue m, pl. kronj, kroje ‘spring, fountain’. From PAlb *krana <
*krasna with compensatory lengthening of the vowel. Related to Gk
Kpfjvr] id., OE hrœn ‘wave’ < Gmc *xraznö (CAMARDA I 50; MEYER
BB v n i 185, Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r /M . St. Ill 4, 71; T o r p IF V 204; T hum b
IF XXVI 3-14 (borrowed from Greek); PETERSSON IF XXIV 50
(from *krênuo-); H o l t h a u s e n AEW 146; JOKL IF XXXVII 92 (prefix
k- and root -rua identical to that of pernia); B a r iC ARSt. I 81-82 (to
krye and Skt khánati ‘to dig’); RlBEZZO/frM/fr II 137 n. 3 (agrees with
T h u m b ); M a n n Language XXVI 381; PISANI Saggi 120; CAMAJ Alb.
Wortb. 107 (prefix k-); F r is k II 16; Ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II 685;
Ç a b e j Sí. I 292-293.

kruaj ~ kruej aor. krova ‘to sc ra tch ’. F rom P A lb *kmbnja w ith a lo n g


grade o f ablaut, further con n ected with kreh. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (to grij);
JOKL Studien 23-25 (sam e identification with grij), IF XXXVII 99; M a n n
Language XVII 19, XXVI 3 81(to Gk icvfko, Lith knoju); Ç a b e j SiF I I I / 1
26; D e m ir a j AE 2 2 6 .

krunde pl. ‘bran’. Another form is gründe. Derivative of kruaj ~ kruej.


0 M e y e r Wb. 1 32-133 (exp lain s gründe in con n ection w ith O E grindan
‘to g r in d ’), Alb. St. Ill 8; J o k l Studien 23 (reco n stru cts ze r o grad e -
un- < *-«-); T r e im e r M RIW I 3 5 8 (to S la v *krupa ‘g r o a ts’); Ç a b e j Si.
1 2 9 3 (to Gk Kpivoj ‘to separate’).

krup aor. krupa ‘to lo a th e ’. F rom P A lb *krupa e ty m o lo g ic a lly related


to L ith krauphs ‘e a s ily s c a r e d ’, krupus id ., krupti ‘to s c a r e ’ . 0
F r a e n k e l 29 1 .

krushk m, pl. krushq ‘bride’s man, unmarried relative’. A metathesis


of *kushk(e)r, borrowed from Lat consocer ‘father-in-law’ > Rum cuscru
(M e y e r Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1039, 1045; Pu§-
K R Y B E ----- K R R O K 199

cartu EWR 41; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 26; T a g l ia v in i Origini 189;


H a a r m a n n 119; L a n d i Lat. 61, 117-118.

krybe f, pl. krybe ‘oakum, tow’. From PAlb *krüba, a derivative in


*-b-, connected with Gk Kpimico ‘to hide’ (where old *-bh- may be
alleged), Lith kráuti ‘to pile up’, Slav *kiyti ‘to cover, to hide'. 0 Fr a en k el
291; SCHWYZER I 333 (on the nature of the labial in KpúnTco); F r isk
II 29-30; POKORNY I 617; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 71-72.

k ryd h aor. krydha ‘to plunge; to steal, to rob’. An Elbasan form. Con­
nected with kredh (OREL IF XLIII 110).

k ry e n, pl. lerere ~ krenë ‘head’. From PAlb *kranja < *krasnja with a
compensatory lengthening of the root vowel. Etymologically identi­
cal with G k Kpávíov ‘skull, head’ (MANN Language XXVIII 33) and
further related to IE *keras- ‘head’ (G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23). The word
for ‘head’ is the source of kryej ‘to finish’. 0 MEYER Wb. 206 (bor­
rowed from Lat cerebrum ‘head, brain’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2
I 1054; T r e im e r M RIW I 360 (reconstructs *kreunom connected with
Slav *krusiti ‘to destroy, to grind’); B a r i C ARSt. 181 (comparison with
OIr centi ‘head’); Jo k l IF XLIV 47; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 160, Strat­
ificazione 91-92; MANN Language XVII 16, XXVIII 33; PISANI Saggi
120; F r is k II 6-7; P o k o r n y I 574-577; H a m p Sí. Whatmough 86, KZ
LXXVI 279-280; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 684; H u l d 83 (reconstructs
*irlLeuno-).

k ryq m, pl. kryqe, kryqa ‘c r o s s ’. B o r r o w e d from Lat crucem id. with


an irregu lar su b stitu tion o f the sh ort Lat -u- ( C a m a r d a II 201; MiK-
LOsiciT Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1054; T a g lia v in i Origini 198; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r ­
m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 68, 83, 146.

krrilë f, pl. krrila ‘crane’. Other forms are korrilë, kurrilë and kojrrilë.
Borrowed from Gmc *kran-ila, a deminutive of *krcmaz id.: OHG krano,
OE cran. 0 KLUGE 399-400; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 59; ZALIZNÄK Ètimo­
logija 1964 179; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31; HAARMANN 129 (from
Rom *gruilla).

k rrok aor. krroka ‘to caw ’. A descriptive stem similar to Lat crocio id.
200 KRROKULL — KUÇ

krrokull f, pl. krrokulla ‘hip bone, joint, knuckle’. An allegro form of


kërdhokull id. The latter is a derivative of *kerdhok ‘round object’ pre­
served as a singularized plural in kërdhoq ‘eye-ball’. As to *kërdhok,
it reflects a suffixal derivative based on the unvoiced variant of
gardh.

krrokull f, pl. krrokulla ‘saffron’. Borrowed from Rom *crocidimi, deminu­


tive of Lat crocum id.

kshetë f, pl. kshetë ‘nymph, m erm aid’. Identical with kshetë ‘plait’, a
variant of gërshetë.

kthej aor. ktheva ‘to tu rn ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f thyej. 0 CAMARDA


I 101 (to Gk eK-u0r]jui ‘to set o u tsid e’); MEYER Wb. 185 (from Lat con-
vertere ‘to turn ro u n d ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1054; JOKL
Studien 94 ( fo llo w s MEYER); ÇABEJ St. VII 258.

kthetër f, pl. kthetra ‘claw (particularly, of vulture)’. Derivative in


*-ter of kthej.

kthill aur. kthilla ‘to make clear, to brighten’. An older Tosk form is
kthiell. A préfixai derivative (CAMARDA I 101) of unattested *thiell reflect­
ed in thjeshtë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 184 (to Italo-Alb jjejonem ‘to clear up’);
BUGGE BB XVIII 191 (from *kthej diell)', JOKL Studien 37-38 (to IE
*skëi- attested in hije); ÇABEJ St. I 294 (to fill).

ku pron. ‘where’. From P A lb *ku identical with Skt kiiha id., Slav *hb-
de id., Lith kur id. and the like, originating from IE *kwu-, a variant of
the pronominal stem *k"o-. 0 CAMARDA I 67 (to IE *k"o-); M e y e r Wb.
218 (follows C a m a r d a ); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 317, 326; T a g l ia v i ­
n i Dalmazia 161; P o r z ig Gliederung 168; F r a e n k e l 314; M a y r h o f e r
1249; P o k o r n y 1 647-648; Ç abej St. VH 232, 254; H u l d 83-84; D em iraj
AE 226-227.

kuar ~ kuer m ‘measure, order, free time’. Borrowed from Lat chorus
‘dance in a ring, harmony, harmonious motion’. 0 MEYER Wb. 333
(përkuar ‘m oderate’ based on *përkoj < Lat parcere ‘to spare’);
ÇABEJ St. I 294-296 (to korr, IE *sker- ‘to cut’).

kuç m ‘dog’. Borrowed from South Slavic *kucq ‘dog, cub’, cf. Bulg
K UÇEDËR KULAÇ 201

kuce, SCr kuce. 0 M e y e r Wb. 218-219 (various Slavic and Romance


parallels); BUGA II 220; M a c h e k ZfslavPh XXI 154 (onomatopoeia);
MURATI Probleme 131.

k u çed ër f. pl. kuçedra ‘dragon (with many heads)’. Another variant is


kulshedër. Borrowed from Lat chersydrus ‘kind of snake’ (MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V /1 - 2 31 ; HAARMANN 116). 0 CAMARDA I 192 (compound of
kulish ‘whelp, young’ or kuç and gen. of \58poc ‘hydra’); MEYER Wb.
2 1 9 (from Lat excetra ‘snake, serpent’); POLÁK EBTch V 2 9 -3 0 .

k uh et refi, ‘to redden (of skin)’. Derived from kuq.

kujtoj aor. kujtova ‘to remember, to think’. Borrowed from Lat cogitare
( C a m a r d a I 99; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; MEYER Wb. 194). 0
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1049; BARIC ARSt. 141-42 (to OIr ciall
‘reason’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 162, Origini 190; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117.

kuk adv. ‘alone’. From PAlb *kuka continuing IE *kvu-k“o- ‘whoever,


anybody’, cf. Lat quisquam, quisquís and the like.

kukas aor. kukata ‘to wail, to shriek’. Borrowed from Slav *kukati ‘to
be alone, to wail’, cf. South Slavic forms; Bulg kukam, SCr kukati.

kukoj aor. kukova ‘to make fast, to seal (of a barrel)’. Literally, ‘to isolate’.
Derived from kuk.

kukur m ‘q u iv e r ’. B o r r o w e d from late Lat cucurum id. or M G k


KoÚKoupov id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 1 1 ).

kukutë f ‘fennel’. Borrowed from Lat cicüta id. (MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.


Grundriß 2 I 1048) 0 HAARMANN 121.

kuk zoj aor. kukzova ‘to bend, to arch over’. Based on *kukëz, a suf­
fixal derivative of *kukëborrowed from *kuka ‘hook’, cf. South Slavic
continuants; Bulg kuka, SCr kuka.

kulaç m, pl. kulaçë, kuleç ‘pancake’. Borrowed from Slav *kolach ‘round
bread’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kolac, SCr kolac (MlKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 22). O S eli SCev Slav, naselenie 155, 303; H a m p L/i XIV/2
14; S v a n e 93.

kular m, pl. kularë ‘cu rved p ie c e o f w o o d , o x -c o lla r ’. B o r ro w e d from


Lat collare ‘co lla r’ ( M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß2 1 1049) 0 MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V /1 - 2 14; HAARMANN 118; LANDI Lat. 2 8 , 88, 9 9.

kulbë f, pl. kulba ‘kind of freshwater fish’. Anolher form is kubël. Early
Slavic loanword: note Alb -u- rendering Slav - t>-. The source is (South)
Slav *ia,lba ~ *h,lhi, (Pol kielb, Rus kolba), see M e y e r Wb. 212; O r e l
Ètimologija 1983 143. 0 MlKLOSICH EW 154 (the Slavic and Albanian
words are genetically related); B e r n e k e r I 659; VASMER II 286; OREL
Ètimologija 1983 143; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 22; HAARMANN 117;
ÇABEJ St. I 2 9 6 (from Rom *cuplea)\ OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 61.

k u lë f ‘h ern ia ’. A n early b o rrow in g from Slav *kyla id., w ith *-y- ren ­
dered as A lb -u-. 0 MEYER Wb. 212-213 (from Lat culleus ‘leather sack’);
VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 34; SVANE 182.

kulrn m, pl. kulrne ‘ridge, peak; wave’. Borrowed from Lat nom.
culmen id. (MEYER Wb. 2 1 3 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19 (from
Lat culmus); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046; MlHÄESCU RESEE
I V /1 - 2 15; D o d b ib a St. Leks. 2 4 4 (to Gk Kotabvri ‘hill’, Lat columen
‘top’); H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lar. 147.
KU LTES. KUM B 203

of Lat cucurbita ‘gourd’ (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 15; ÇABEJ St. I 296)
0 L a n d i Lat. 114.

kultër f. pl. kultra ‘pillow, cushion’. Borrowed from Lat calcitra id. (M eyer
Wb. 2 1 3 ) 0 H a a r m a n n 121.

kulloj aor. kullova ‘to sieve, to sift, to filter’. Borrowed from Lat colare
‘to filter, to strain’ (MEYER Wb. 2 1 2 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß1
1 1049; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117.

kulloshtër f ‘beestings’. Borrowed from Lat colostra id. (MlHÄESCU


RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 118). 0 K l e p ik o v a SPT 116 (from
Italian).

kullos aor. kullota ‘to put out to pasture, to graze’. A derivative of kulloj.
0 C a m a r d a I 295 (to Gk ßou-icoXeco ‘to tend cattle’); M e y e r Wb. 212
(from Lat colere ‘to cultivate’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 163 (against M e y e r ).

kullumbri f, pl. kullumbri ‘blackthorn, sloe; turtle dove’. A derivative


of *kullumbe borrowed from Lat columba ‘dove’, the plant being called
after the bird as Rum porumb ‘maize, corn’ after palumbes ‘dove’ (M eyer
Wb. 2 1 2 ). 0 P u ç c a r iu EWR 119; S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 2 4 9 (from Lat
palumbes); H a a r m a n n 118.

kullusmë f, pl. kullusma ‘thicket’. A metathesis from *kullumesë (cf.


gjysmë) borrowed from Rom *çolumnâtia, cf. Lat columnätiö ‘supporting
204 KUM BULL — KUNDËR

kumbull f, pl. kumbulla ‘plum tree’. Other variants are kumull and kumëll.
Borrowed from G k K O K m priX ov id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 1 3 ) . 0 SCHUCHARDT
KZ XX 249 (from Rom *columbula)\ TA G LIA VIN I Dalmazia 1 6 3 ;
M A N N Language XXVIII 31; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/3-4 350; Ç a b e j St.
I 297 (borrowed from Doric).

kumerë f ‘fear, fright’. A préfixai derivative of mer, truer.

kumerq m ‘toll, duty’. Borrowed from Lat commercium ‘trade, com­


m erce’ (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 16). 0
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048.

kumt m ‘news, announcement’. Borrowed from Lat commonitus, par­


ticiple of commonere ‘to remind, to put in mind’. From kumt the verb
kumtoj ‘to announce’ is derived. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 297-298 (from Lat computare
‘to sum up, to reckon’); HAARMANN 118.

kumtër m, pl. kumtër ‘godfather’. Borrowed from Lat compater id. (MlK­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 214). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grun­
driß 2 1 1 045 , 1048; H a a r m a n n 118; Ç a b e j St. I 2 9 8 -2 9 9 (based on
fem. kumëtër borrowed from Lat commater ‘godm other’); LANDI
Lat. 4 1 , 115, 143.

kunat m, pl. kunetër ~ kunetën ‘brother-in-law’. Borrowed from Lat cognätus


‘kinsman, blood relation’. The feminine form cognata is reflected as
Alb kunatë (C a m a r d a I 158; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; M e y e r
Wb. 214). Note a derivative kunatoll ‘brother-in-law (wife’s brother)’
that may continue Rom *cognäteölus. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1041, 1048; T a g l ia v in i Origini 189; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 14;
H a a r m a n n 117; L a n d i Lat. 27, 125, 138.

kund adv. ‘somewhere’. Goes back to PAlb *kum to(m), acc. sg. of ku
and a pronominal stem *to-, see ay. 0 WEIGAND 4 1 (to Lat unde ‘whence’);
JOKL AArbSt I 35-36 (acc. sg. of *k“o- and a pronominal *to-); Ç a b e j
St. I 299-300 (phonetic transformation of kit).

kundër prep, ‘again st’. Borrowed from Lat contra id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 17; MEYER Wb. 214). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1045,
1048; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 119.
KUNDOJ KUQ. 205

kundoj aor. kundova ‘to hesitate’. Borrowed from Lat cunctürl id. (M e y e r
Wb. 214). 0 H a a r m a n n 121; Di G io v in e Gruppo -et- 52-54 (against
MEYER).

kungoj aor. kungova ‘to communicate’. Borrowed from Lat communicate


id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 214). As to kungë ‘altar
(of the Orthodox church)’, it is a back-formation derived from the verb.
0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 163;
M ih ä esc u RESEE IV/1-2 14,22; H a a r m a n n 119; Ç abej St. 1300 (kungë
borrow ed from Lat concha ‘sh ell-fish , m u ssel, *vau lt’); L a n d i Lat. 117.

kungull m, pl. kunguj ‘marrow, pumpkin, bottle’. From PAlb *kunkula


identical with Lith kuñkulas ‘bubble’ (M a n n Language XXVI 387). 0
M e y e r Wb. 214 (from Lat cucumis ‘cucumber’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
163 (against MEYER).

kunj m, pl. kunja ‘peg, wedge’. Borrowed from Lat cuneus ‘wedge' (MEYER
Wb. 215). The verb kunjoj ‘to close a sack with a peg’ continues Lat
cuneare ‘to wedge’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 121; L a n d i Lat. 138.

kup m ‘h eap, p ile ’. B o r ro w e d from S lav *kupr. id ., cf. South S la v ic


form s: B u lg kup, SCr kup. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 15 (from R om *cuppus ‘kind
o f v e s s e l’); SVANE 4 3 .

kupë f, pl. kupa ‘g la ss, bowl’. Borrowed from Lat cuppa ‘tu b ’ (M lK ­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 215). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-
2 15; H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 100.

kuptoj aor. kuptova ‘to u nd erstan d ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat computare ‘to


sum up, to re ck o n ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 215). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1
1 1048; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 250; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14;
H a a r m a n n 118: Ç a b e j St. I 300-301 (derived from kap).

kuq adj. ‘re d ’. Borrowed from Rom *cocceus, cf. Lat coccineus
‘scarlet’ (MEYER Wb. 210). 0 BOPP 490 (to Skt siici- ‘fiery, bright’);
C a m a r d a I 164 (compares with NGk kokkivoç ‘red’); M e y e r -L ü b k e
Gr. Grundriß2 1 1045; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 249; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
162; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 117; H u ld 84.
206 KUR — KURRË

kur adv. ‘when’. From PAlb *kur formally identical with Arm ur, Lith
kur ‘where’, Latv kùr id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 34 ), derived from
IE *k“u- (see ku). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 2 5 0 (from Lat qua hörä ‘at
what hour, when’, with an irregular development of the inlaut vocal-
ism); M e y e r Wb. 2 15 (accepts S c h u c h a r d t ’s etymology); P e d e r s e n
KZ XXXVI 3 1 7 , Kelt. Gr. I 127; MEILLET MSL X 2 5 9 , XX 92; TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 164 (follows VASMER); ACAREAN HAB III 6 1 3 -6 1 4 ;
P is a n i Saggi 123; F r a e n k e l 314; P o k o r n y 1 6 4 7 -6 4 8 ; K o p e c n y ESSJ
1 324 (on -r); HULD 84; HAARMANN 144; OREL Sprache XXXI 280;
D e m ir a j AE 227-228.

k u rorë ~ k un orë f. pl. kur ora ~ kunora ‘c r o w n ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat


corona id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß21 1046, 1048; ERNOUT-MEILLET 144; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-
2 14; Ç a b e j St. VII 277; HAARMANN 120; J a n s o n Unt. 52-53; LANDI
Lat. 63, 88.

kursej aor. kurseva ‘to spare’. Derived from *kurt ‘short’ borrowed from
Lat curtus id. 0 CAMARDA I 101 (to Lat curtus); MEYER Wh. 2 1 6 (from
Rom *curtiâre)\ MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1051; HAARMANN 122.

kurt m, pl. kurte ‘yard’. Borrowed from Lat cortem id. (MEYER Wb. 216).
0 GlUGLEA Dacoromania I II 472 (from N G k Koúprn id.); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. G rundriß21 1045; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 122;
ÇABEJ St. I 301 (on Old Alb kurtë id. preserving the gender of Lat cortem).

kurth m, pl. kurthe ‘snare, trap’. Derivative in -th of kurp ~ kulp, cf.
kulpër. Somehow connected with Rum cursa id. Ô M ey er Wb. 216 (from
Turk kurs ‘disk’); BARIC ARSt 42 (to OHG hurt ‘wicker-work’);
MANN Language XVII 14 (to Lat cratis, Goth haurds)', ROSETTI 1ER I
276; Ç a b e j St. VII 237.

k u rvë f, pl. kurva ‘whore, prostitute’. Borrowed from Slav *kury, gen.
*kui~bve id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg kurva, SCr kurva (MlKLOSICH
Slav. Elemente 24; MEYER Wb. 216). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 194;
S v a n e 200.

k u rrë adv. ‘never, ever’. Goes back to PAlb *kur ne of which the first
element is identical with kur and the second reflects the Indo-Euro­
pean negation *ne ‘not’ ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 17). 0 MEYER Wb. 215
K IJ R R IZ - K -U S H T R IM 207

(id e n tifie s w ith kur); PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 145; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia


164; H am p HSyn. 177; Ç a b ej St. I 302 (phonetic variant o f kur); D em ir a j
AE 22 8 .

kurriz m ‘spine, backbone, hump'. A derivative in -iz based on PAlb


*kurna < *kfnos related to Lith kèras ‘stump’, kirna ‘pointed end of
a trunk, bush’, Slav *korenb ‘root’. 0 MEYER Wb. 190 (to kërrus); TAGLI­
AVINI Stratificazione 92; F r a e n k e l 241; POKORNY I 573; T r u b a c e v
ÈSSJa X I 6 2 -6 6 .

kush pron. ‘who’. From PAlb *kusa going back to an Indo-European


pronominal compound *k"u-so- consisting of *kl‘u-, a morphonologi-
cal variant of *kvo- id., and demonstrative *so-. The Albanian form is,
Ihus, quite close to Tokh A kus id., B kuse id. < *k“u-so- (MEILLET Idg.
Jb. I 13; OREL LB X X X /1 57-58). Note -sh- < *-s- explained by the
“ruki” rule (OREL Die Sprache XXXI/2 114). As to acc. kë ~ kâ, it con­
tinues PAlb *kam < IE *kl'om (MEYER Wb. 217, Alb. St. Ill 2, 88). 0
BOPP 463 (to IE *k"o-); G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 22; CAMARDA I 212 (to IE
*k“o-); M e y e r Wb. 217-218 (kush treated as a borrowing from Lat quis
with some reserve); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 317 (related to IE *k“o-),
Kelt. Gr. I 128; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 165; M a n n Language XXVIII
39 (follows M e i l l e t ) ; V a n W in d e k e n s I 246; P o k o r n y I 647-648;
Ç a b e j St. I 275-276, 302-303; H u l d 84; O r e l Sprache XXXI 280, LB
X X X /1 58-59, Koll. Idg. Ges. 351; DEMIRAJ AE 218, 228 (from *t e ­
siti).

k u sh ë r i ~ k u sh ë r î m, pl. kushërinj ‘cousin’. Borrow ed from Lat


consôbrînus id. (CAMARDA I 120; MEYER Wb. 218). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß21 1049; TAGLIAVINI Origini 189; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-
2 14; H a a r m a n n 119.

kush t m, pl. kushte ‘vow, bet, boundary, condition’. Back-formation of


kushtoj ‘to cost’ continuing MLat constare id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 17; M e y e r Wb. 217). 0 Ç a bej St. I 303 (borrowed from Ital costo
‘price’).

k u sh trim m ‘h u e-a n d -cry , w ar cr y , ca ll-u p , en ro llm en t, a la rm ’. A r e ­


gular d ev erb a tiv e in -im b ased on *kushtroj b o rro w ed from R om
*conscrîptâre, cf. Lat conscrTbere ‘to en ro ll ( o f tr o o p s)’. 0 WEIGAND
BA I 2 5 7 (to kusht); LAMBERTZ Volkspoesie 247 (d iv id es into kush trim
208 KUSHULL LAB

‘w h o is b ra v e? ’); Ç a b e j St. I 303-304 (a g re es w ith LAMBERTZ).

kushuU m ‘consul’. Borrowed from Lat consulem id. (M lK L O S IC H Rom.


Elemente 17). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046,

kut m, pl. kut ‘m easu re o f le n g th ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat cubitus ‘c u b it’


(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1046;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 138, 141.

kutë f, pl. kuta ‘young dog, cub’. Borrowed from Slav *kute id. attest­
ed in East Slavic (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 198). Cf. kuç.

kutëndoj aor. kutëndova ‘to thank’. Borrowed from Lat contentare id.
(M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049) 0 H a a r m a n n 119.

kuvend m. pl. kuvende ‘sp eech ; c o u n c il, m e e tin g ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat


conventus ‘m eetin g, a sse m b ly ’ (CAMARDA I 340; MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 17; M e y e r Wb. 219). A p arallel form pl. tantum kuvise ‘sp e e c h ­
e s, w o r d s’ co n tin u es R om *conventiae. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 1 1039, 1044, 1048; JOKL Idg.Jb. XI 190 (kuvise as a d ev erb a tiv e
o f *kuvij b o rro w e d from Lat *convenire); TAGLIAVINI Origini 190;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 29; H a a r m a n n 119; Ç a b e j St. T 304 (kuvise
as a p lural o f kuvend, cf. h is in terp retation o f vise : vend)-, LANDI Lat.
55, 88, 148-149.

ky pron., f. kjo ‘this’. From PAlb *ka-ei, f. *ka-ja, based on a pronom ­


inal element *ka- and a demonstrative, see ai, ajo. 0 PEDERSEN Pron.
315; H u l d 84-85 (to k’o-)\ K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (from
*ku-i, with *-/ < IE *eiom): D e m ir a j AE 217-218.

kyç m, pl. ‘key’. Other forms are klyç and qyç. Borrowed from Slav
*kl’uch id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg k l’uc, SCr kljuc (MlKLOSICHSlav.
Elemente 21 ; MEYER Wb. 193). 0 JOKL Slavia XIII 296; S e l i SCe v Slav,
naselenie 144, 150, 308; H a m p L S XIV/2 12; SVANE 84.

lab m, pl. labë, lebër ~ leben ‘Lab, inhabitant of Laberia’, Back-formation


based on Labëri ‘L aberia’ borrow ed from an unattested South
LABËRGOJ — T.AFSHF, 209

Slavic *labanbja < *olhattbja rendering the native pre-Albanian name


of the country: Albania, ’AAßosvia. 0 DESNICKAJA VÈI 194 (directly
from ancient *arb-/*alb-)\ ÇABEJ St. VII 193.

labërgoj aor. labërgova ‘to undo, to untie'. A phonetic variant of the


same word is represented in lahërkoj ‘to reduce, to diminish, to wear
out’. A derivative of an unattested *lapërkë based on laper (Ç a b e j
St. I 304).

labiç m 'ghost, bogey’, adj. ’importunate, rotten’. From *lamiç. a deriva­


tive of lamjë ‘bogey’ (from NGk X ap ia , cf. M e y e r Wb. 2 3 1 ). 0 M e y e r
Wb. 2 3 0 (from Ital * larvicelo, based on Lat larva ‘specter, shade’);
JOKL LKUBA 77-78 (from Slav *l'ubicb ‘lover’).

labrik m ‘sea-w olf. Borrowed from Gk XàPpixoç id. 0 M lK LO SICH


Rom. Elemente 34 (from Lat labrax); M EY ER Wb. 233 (from Rom
*labracum < Gk A,aßpa£, id.); M lH Ä ESC U RESEE IV /3-4 350; OREL
Orpheus VI 65.

lacë f ‘gusset, inlet; white goat’. Continues *larcë, a phonetic variant


of larëz id., a derivative of lare ( Ç a b e j St. I 304-305). 0 B a r d h i apud
ÇABEJ ibid. (to IE *leuk- ‘white’).

laçkë f, pl. laçka ‘household goods’. One of the rhyming words appear­
ing together with plaçkë ‘thing, booty’ (of Modern Greek or late Slavic
origin, cf. M EYER Wb. 344): me laçkë e me plaçkë ‘bag and baggage’,
plaçkë e raçkë id.

ladut m, pl. ‘rogue, rascal’. Probably, borrowed from an unattested


Bulg *kbgut ‘liar’ derived from Slav *lbgati ‘to lie’.

lafatë f, pi. lafata ‘Judas tree’. Another phonetic variant is lajthatë. A


form lofatë is also attested. Derived from lajthi. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 8
(from Ital siliquastro ‘Judas tree’).

lafshë f, pl. lafsha ‘crest (of bird), comb". Borrowed from Lat laxa
(cutis) ‘loose (skin)’ (MEYER Wb. 234). 0 K r ist o f o r id h i 197 (to lape):
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1055; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 84
(deminutive of lapë); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 31; H a a r m a n n 133;
Ç a b e j St. IV 7 7 -7 8 .
210 LA G — L A JK Ë

lag aor. laga ‘to wet, to soak, to bathe, to wash'. From PAlb *lauga
to be further compared with legate. 0 G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Skt iT-
‘to m elt’); CAMARDA 140 (to Gk Xovm ‘to wash’); M e y e r Wb. 235
(from Slav *volga ‘liquid’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 37 (related to
Slav *volga); BARIC ARSt I 45-46; S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 159
(follows M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 166; M a n n Language XVII
17 (same as V a s m e r ) ; P o l á k Z ß a lk I 83; Ç a b e j * . I 319-320; H am p
apud DEMIRAJ (to Lith liugas ‘swamp’); OREL Linguistica XXIV 429-
430; DEMIRAJ AE 229-230.

lagaterë f ‘p erio d o f ch an geab le w eather (in M arch - A p r il)’ . A c o m ­


pound o f lag and ter (JOKL LKUBA 2 9 3 ).

lagje f, pl. lagje ‘district, quarter’. Singularized plural of *lag etymo­


logically identical with Gk Xó%oq ‘ambush, place for lying in wait’,
Slav *log-h ‘den, narrow valley’ and other continuants of IE *loghos,
a deverbative of *legh- ‘to lie’ (JOKL RIEB I 58-60). 0 POKORNY I 658-
659; F r is k II 110-112; P o l á k ZfBalk I 79 (borrowed from Gk taixoç);
ÇABEJ St. I 305 (agrees with JOKL, adduces sg. lag 'band, horde’);
T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X V 248-250; D e m ir a j AE 230.

laj ~ lâj aor. lava ‘to wash’. Originates from P A lb *launja related to
Gk Áoútú id., Lat lavo id. (PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht IX 211, 215).
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35 (b o r ro w ed from Lat lavare)', M e y e r
Wb. 2 3 5 (a g re es w ith MlKLOSICH); M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I
1050; JOKL IE X L III 51; VASMER A lb. W o rtfo rsch . 8 4 -8 6 (to R uss
solovyj); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 175 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) ; F r is k II 138-
139; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 7 7 3 -7 7 4 ; P o k o r n y 1 692; K l i n g e n s c i i m i t t
Verbum 117, Münch. St. Spr. 109; HAMP A/CW-L II (X III) 186 (fo llo w s
PEDERSEN); Ç a b e j St. V II 2 1 1 , 247; HULD 85 ( if b o rro w ed , Lat lavare
w ou ld y ie ld *lëvoj or *loj); DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 0 -2 3 1 .

lajkë f, pl. lajkë ‘caress; flattery’. From *larkë further related to lare.
Semantically, the development is identical with that of laroj ‘to
speckle, to spot’ and ‘to flatter’ (Ç a b e j St. I 305-306). 0 C a m a r d a
1 37 (to Gk À,aiKàÇ(o ‘to wench’); MEYER Wb. 235 (borrowed from
or related to Slav *laska ‘caress’); JOKL LKUBA 204-205 (to Gk XáoKto
‘to shout’ and its cognates); Ç a b e j St. VII 207, 276; D e m ir a j AE 231
(to laj).
L A JLE — LAKUR 2 11

lajle f, pl. lajle ‘orn am en tation , d e c o r a tio n s’. A con tam in ation o f lajkë
and laie. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 0 6 (related to larë).

lajthi f, pl. lajthi ‘hazel-tree, hazel-nut’. In Borgo Erizzo, lakthi is attest­


ed (T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 166-167). Based on lakth - *laqth ‘loop,
noose’, derivative in -th of lak ( Ç a b e j St. I 3 0 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 4 (to
Slav *lëska ‘hazel-nut’, Lith lazda id.); B A R IC ARSt 4 4 (to Skt vleska-
‘sling’); J o k l LKUBA 2 0 3 -2 0 5 (supports M e y e r and reconstructs an
earlier *ladh with an epenthetic -j-); PORZIG Gliederung 176; C A M A J
Alb. Wortb. 109 (from *l-al-thi)\ D EM IRAJ AE 2 3 1 -2 3 2 .

lak m, pl. leq, leqe ‘trap, sn are, rop e, b ow ( o f a m u sica l in stru m ent),
p ass (in the m ou n tain s), b en d, c u r v e ’. F rom P A lb *laka ‘bend, c u r v e ’
co n n ecte d w ith IE *lëk- ~ *tek-, see flak (OREL ZfBalk X X III/ 1 7 5 ).
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3 4 (from Lat laqueus ‘n o o s e , sn a re’);
MEYER Wb. 2 3 5 (from R om *laquus, c f. Lat laqueus); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041; JOKL IF XXXVI 160; DESNICKAJA Gr. str. 9;
POKORNY I 674; ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 7 , 22 7 .

lakë f ‘defilé, valley’. Borrowed from Gmc *lakaz ‘brook, river, swamp’,
cf. OHG lahha, OE lacu and the like. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
34 (from Lat lacus); MEYER Wb. 235 (from Ital lacca ‘deep bottom ’,
itself from Germanic); KLUGE 416.

lakër ~ lakën f, pl. lakra ~ lakna ‘cabbage, greens’. Borrowed from


Gk }.a%avov ‘greens’ ( T h u m b IF X X V I 14; M e y e r Wb. 236). 0 J o k l
LKUBA 208; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 166; ö l b e r g SPhAen 41; M i h ä e s c u
RESEE IV /3-4 350; JANSON Unt. 41.

lakmi f, pi. ‘greed, avarice’. Derived from *lakëm ‘greedy’ borrowed


from Slav *olkom-b id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lakom, SCr
lakom (M lK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 24; M E Y E R Wb. 236). As a result
of erroneous segmentation of *lak-ëm, a new form lakut ‘greedy, glutton’
was produced. 0 M L A D E N O V 1st. 77.

lakshte f ‘dew’. Derivative in -sht(ë) from lag.

lakuq adj. ‘red (of earth)’. A préfixai derivative of kuq.

lakur adj. ‘naked’. From PAlb *lauk-ura derived from IE *Ieuk- ‘to
212 LA LE — LA PA RO S

shine, to be white’. The derivative *lauk-ura > lëkurë ‘skin, bark’ also
belongs to the same root. For the semantic motivation of words for
‘bark’. From lakur the word for bat lakuriq, laskuriq is derived. 0
M E Y E R Wb. 2 3 6 (to Gk Àércco ‘to peel’), Alb. St. Ill 3; J o k l Studien
4 6 , n. 1 (compares lëkurë with Gk à.<xkîç ‘tear, break, crack’, Slav
*lgcg, *Igeiti ‘to split’), 51 (prefix lë- in lëkurë); T A G L IA V IN I Dal­
mazia 166 (agrees with J o k l ), Stratificazione 9 2 -9 3 ; E R N O U T -
M e i l l e t 335; T R U B A C E V Remesl. term. 1 6 5-166; P O K O R N Y I 6 8 7 -6 8 9 ;
H u l d 86; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 145, Orpheus VI 66; D e m i r a j AE 2 3 2 -
2 3 3 , 2 40-241 (dialectal form of lakuriq, further related to lëkurë and
based on IE *skeua- ‘to cover’).

lale f, pl. lale ‘ornamentation, decorations’. A result of assimilation of


liquida in the plural form of lar.

lalë m ‘uncle, father’ (used as a title). Represents a Lallwort wide­


spread in the Balkans, cf. NGk Xa.Xö.c, ‘grandfather’ and the like (M E Y ER
Wb. 236; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 167, Stratificazione 117). From this
stem lalush ‘to fondle, to caress’ is derived.

landër f,pi. landra ‘tendril (of plants); oleander’. Borrowed from MLat
lorandrum, a transformation of Lat rhododendron (OREL Orpheus VI
66).

lanok m, pl. lanokë ‘robber, th ie f. Another variant is landok. Borrowed


from Slav *lëm ,kb ‘lazy person, idler’, cf. Bulg lenk’o. 0 ÇABEJ St.
I 3 0 7 (derivative of lëndë with the original meaning ‘woodcutter’).

lap aor. lapa ‘to slurp, to lap up’. From PAlb *lapa, an onomatopoeia
relate to Gk Axirc-cm ‘to lick’, Lith lapth ‘to swallow greedily, Slav
*lopati ‘to eat greedily’ and the like ( C a m a r d a I 127; M e y e r Wb.
231, Alb. St. Ill 31). Among derivatives, note lëpij ‘to lick’ and lëpis
‘index’ (literally, the licked finger). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 253
(equal to Friul lapa ‘to lick’); F r i s k II 8 5, 92; P O K O R N Y I 677;
F r a e n k e l 3 3 9 -3 4 0 ; T r u b a ô e v ÈSSJa XVI 4 5 -4 6 ; D e m i r a j AE 2 4 2
(influenced by p ij, form of pi).

laparos aor. laparosa ‘to make dirty’. Together with Bulg lapardos-
vam id. borrowed from a Modern Greek formation based on Gk Âxxra.pôç
L A PË — LAR 213

‘s o f t ’. 0 JOKL Studien 4 7 -4 8 (to lapërdhi), LKUBA 90; D e m ir a j AE


2 3 3 (n e w form ation in -os b ased on laper ‘c lo th ’).

lapë f, pl. lapa ‘hard piece of meat or skin; peritoneum; le a f. Con­


tinues PAlb *lapâ related to Lith lapas ‘leaf’, Gk Àxmôç ‘shell, husk,
bark’ and the like. Derived from lapë are lapetë ‘peritoneum (of a
slaughtered animal); triangular patch of cloth’ and laper ‘peritoneum,
dewlap’, adj. ‘foul, evil, bad’. As to labe ‘bark’, it is a secondary dialec­
tal variant of lapë, cf. ÇABEJ St. I 307. 0 MEYER Wb. 237 (to Lith lópas
‘spot’ and its cognates); JOKL Stud. 44 (labë to Lith lúobas ‘bark’),
LKUBA 88-89; MANN Language XXVI 387 (to Slav *lup'b ‘scale’, ON
lauf ‘leaf’), XXVI 386 (labë to Gk Xopôç ‘pod’); F r a e n k e l 339-340;
F r is k II 105-107; C h a n t r a in e 632; P o k o r n y I 678; Ç a b e j St. VII
208, 230; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 147; DEMIRAJ AE 229, 233.

lapërdhi f, pl. lapërdhi ‘d ew lap ; o b sc e n ity , dirty j o k e ’. D e r iv a tiv e o f


lapër, cf. lapë (DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 4 ). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 36
(to Skt lápati ‘(h e) w h isp e r s’, S lav *lepetT> ‘b a b b le’); JOKL Studien
4 7 -4 8 (togeth er w ith laparos ‘to m ake d ir ty ’ related to IE *leip- ‘fat,
g re a se , d irt’), LKUBA 90.

laps aor. lapsa ‘to exhaust, to wary’. Although in other cases the cluster
-ps- indicates the Greek origin, this word may continue PAlb *lapitja
related to Gk taxrapôç ‘weak’, la n a ta ) ‘to weaken’ (JOKL Studien
4 8 ). 0 FRISK II 8 4-85; ÇABEJ St. I 3 07 (from Gk ßX.outTto ‘to disable,
to weaken’); DEMIRAJ AE 23 4 .

laps aor lapsa ‘to wish, to want’. From P A lb *laubitja related to Skt
hibhyati ‘to wish’, Slav * l’ubiti ‘to love’ and the like (JOKL Studien
48). 0 M a y r h o f e r III 107-108; P o k o r n y 1 683-684; Ç a b e j St. I 308
(identical with laps ‘to exhaust, to w ary’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XV 174-
176.

lapush adj. ‘big-eared’. Borrowed from Slav *lapusa ‘plant with big
leaves’, cf. SCr lapusa ‘kind of oak’. The Albanian usage is obviously
metaphorical.

lar m ‘laurel’. Borrowed from Lat laurus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 35; MEYER Wb. 237). From lar a deminutive larth ‘holly’ as
well as larëz ‘wild vine’ and larushk id. are derived. 0 M e y e r -
214 1.ARA — LASHTË

LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß21 1Ü47; MANN Language XXVI 382; MlHÄESCU


RESEE IV /1-2 17 (larushk from Lat labrusca); H a a r m a n n 132;
L a n d i Lat. 72, 110, 140.

lar a pl. ‘menstruation; rinse water’. Substantivized form of lare ~ lane,


participle of laj.

laracoj aor. laracova ‘to variegate’. Together with laraman ‘motley,


spotted’ and laragan id. derived from lare.

lardh m fat bacon . Borrowed from Lat laridunt, latdum id. (MlK-
LO SlC H fom Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 238). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 169.

larë f, pl. lara ‘white spot’, adj. ‘spotted, m otley’. From PAlb *laurâ,
derivative in -r- based on laj. 0 MEYER Wb. 238 (to laros, cf. laroj).

lar g adv. ‘far (a w a y )’. B orrow ed from Lat largus ‘b ig, la r g e ’ ( G i l ’f e r -


d in g Otn. 25; M ik lo s ic h Rom. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 238). 0 M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042, 1050; HASDEU EMR 1 583; TAGLIAVI­
NI Dalmazia 169; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17; HAARMANN 132;
HULD 85 (g r o ss m isin terp retation o f MEYER’s v ie w ); L a n d i Lat. 49.

laroj aor. lar ova ‘to speckle, to variegate; to flatter’. Another m or­
phological variant is laros. Derived from lare. 0 M e y e r Wb. 238 (bor­
rowed from NGk À.£p(óva> ‘to dirty’); BARIC AArbSt I 153 (laroj ‘to
flatter’ to Slav *laskati); JOKL / . / X VII 67 (united laroj ‘to speckle’
and laroj ‘to flatter’ by comparing it to Gk jioikÎÂA.cü ‘to speckle, to
paint, to flatter’); ÇABEJ St. I 308 (follows JOKL).

lartë - naltë adj. ‘high’. Based on the adverbial Lat in altum id. (M lK ­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 297). 0 MEYER BB XIV 54, Wb.
238 (rejects his earlier explanation); JOKL LKUBA 228 (from PAlb
*laudra, to IE *leudh- ‘to grow ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 34 (on
prothetic /-), 201; BARIC AArbSt 1/1-2 147-148 (< *th-ro-, to Lat tollö);
M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 16; Ç a b e j 5/. VII 246; H a a r m a n n 130; L a n d i
Lat. 49.

lashtë adj. ‘old; early, premature (of fruit)’. A parallel form is lashë.
An adjective in -të going back to PAlb *lausa related to Goth laus
L A IE LE 215

‘empty, loosen’, with further connection with Gk Xvm ‘to loose, to


release’. Semantically, the development may be compared to that of
Gmc *alda- ‘old’ if, in our case, an intermediate link ‘to release’ >
‘to let grow ’ > ‘to grow old’ is admitted. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 3 8 (from
Lat lassus ‘faint, languid’); JOKL LKUBA 2 2 6 -2 2 8 , Slavia XIII 3Ü9 (to
IE *leudh- ‘to grow ’); KLUGE 446; FRISK II 149-150; POKORNY I 6 8 1 -
68 2 ; F e is t Goth. 325; HAARMANN 132; LlUKKONEN SSF X 56 (to Lith
'ilgas ‘long’); ÇABEJ St. I 3 0 8 -3 0 9 (derivative of lag); OREL Orpheus
VI 66.

late f, pl. lata ‘small axe’. From PAlb *laptâ related to lapë (JOKLStudien
4 7 , LKUBA 88) and reflecting a derivation close to (thematic) Slav
*lopata ‘spade’, Lith lópeta id. and (athematic) OPrus lopto (D em iraj
AE 234). On the semantic link between ‘leaf’ and ‘spade’ see TRUBACEV
ÈSSJa XVI 4 3 . 0 MANN Language XVII 17 (related to Slav *de lb to);
T o p o r o v PJa IV 3 5 8 -3 6 3 .

latredh m, pl. latredha ‘uncastrated ram or g o a t’. A p réfix a i d eriv a ­


tiv e o f tredh (C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 110).

latyrë f, pl. latyra ‘rinse water’. Borrowed from Rom *lavatura from
Lat lavare ‘to wash’ (M e y e r Wb. 2 3 7 ).

lavare f, pi. lavare ‘noose, hangman’s rope’. Singularized plural of lavar


‘dog-collar’. A préfixai form of var (Ç a b e j St. 1 309). The corresponding
verb is lavirem ‘to hang down’.

lavij aor. lavila ‘to become mad’. Another variant is lavem id. His­
torically identical with lavos ‘to wound, to injure’ from NGk Xaßcovco
id. (Ç a b e j St. I 3 0 9 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 9 (on lavos); B a r i c ARSt I 108.

lavire f, pl. lavire ‘filthy rags; whore; brook, rill; ridge (of a hill)’.
Derivative of lavirem, see lavare (ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 0 ).

lbardh aor. Ibardha ‘to make white’. A préfixai derivative of bardh.

le part. Accompanies verb in jussive. Goes back to PAlb * laide iden­


tical with the Baltic particle of optative and permissive: Lith la!, Latv
lài, leí, OPrus -lai. It coincides with the old unattested imperative as
well as with 2 sg. pres, of lë (CAMARDA I 255; PEKMEZI 7 6 -7 7 ). 0
F r a e n k e l 329; Ç a b e j St. 1 3 1 0 .
218 LELË - I.E P T Y R Ë

le lë f, pl. lela ‘dirty woman, slut’. Borrowed from Slav *lel'a ‘aunt’,
cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS lël’a, lei’a. Bulg lel’a, SCr Ijelja
(MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25).

lem arak m, pl. lemarakë ‘glutton’. Another variant is lemacak. Expres­


sive derivatives based on lemcë.

le m c ë f ‘uterus (of animals)’. A morphological variant in -zë is re ­


presented by lemzë ‘female sexual organ’. Both words are based on
lemë, a participle of lej (GAZULLI 234). As to klemzë id., it is a pré­
fixai derivative of lemzë (GAZULLI 204). 0 ÇABEJ St. 1313.

le m e r i f, pl. lemeri ‘fear, terro r’. Préfixai derivative of (t)merr.

len d m, pl. tende ‘acorn’. From PAlb *lenta compared with the Indo-
European word for ‘lentil’ *lent-: Lat lëns, lëntis, OHG Unsi, Slav
*lqtja (ÇABEJ St. I 313-314). 0 MlKLOSICH Kom. Elemente 30 (from
Lat glände(m) ‘acorn’ but how to explain Lat gl- > Alb /-?); M e y e r
Wb. 243 (follows MlKLOSICH); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1054;
SCHMIDT KZ LVII 22 (compares with lënd); MANN Language XVII
20-21 (to Gk ßtxXavoq id.); VASMER II 553-554; WALDE-HOFMANN
I 783; POKORNY I 677; FRIEDRICH Trees 131-132 (same as MANN);
MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 16 (from Latin); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XV 63-
65; OREL IF XLIII 111 -113 (unconvincing comparison with lej).

le n ic ë f, pl. lenica ‘female salmon’. Derivative of lej using a suffix of


Slavic origin. The specific term is connected with the salmon spawn­
ing.

len oj aor. lenova ‘to mitigate, to soften, to relieve’. Borrowed from


Ital lenire id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 4 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 173 (to Lat lenire ‘to
make soft, to alleviate’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048; ÇABEJ
St. I 3 1 4 (derived from leh, lehtë).

lep ër f ‘le p r o s y ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat lepra id. (ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 5 ). 0


MEYER Wb. 241 (from N G k Â-Ércpa id .).

leptyrë f ‘muddy place’. Borrowed from Rom *lippirüra, cf. Lat lippitüdo
‘blearedness, rheum ’.
LEPUR — I.ESH 219

lepur m, pi. lepra, lepuj ‘h a r e ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat leporem id. (S tier


KZ XI 139; G il ’f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M eyer
Wb. 241). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1043, 1049; JOKL LKUBA
9; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 51, 83,
144-145.

lerë f, pl. lerë ‘dirt, mud’. From PAlb * laura etymologically identical
with Lith laüré ‘dirty person’, further related to *leu- reflected in lum.
0 CAMARDA 1 146 (to òÀepóv- K Ó rcpov, Hes.); MEYER Wb. 238 (to laroj,
óÀepóv); JOKL LKUBA 67 (derivative in -ré' of lyej), Reallex. Vorgesch.
1 86; LAMBERTZ KZ LIII 12 (follows M e y e r ); F r a e n k e l 346-347;
ÇABEJ Sr. I 315 (agrees with JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 237 (dialectal form
of lyrë, cf. lyej).

lerë f, pl. lera ‘heap o f sto n es, p eb b le b an k ’. C o n tin u es P A lb *laura


related to Gk Xorúpa ‘a lle y , p ass b etw e en r o c k s’ (JOKL RIEB I 43-
46). 0 F r is k II 91; P is a n i Saggi 85; P o k o r n y I 683; G in d in JaDN
164; POLÁK ZfBalk I 79 (b o rro w ed from Á a ú p a ); OREL ZfBalk XXIII
149; D e m ir a j AE 237-238 (o rig in a lly G eg ).

lerth m ‘ivy’. Another variant is lerdh. Deminutive in -th of lar.

lesë f, pi. lesa ‘harrow, wicker-work, frame’. Borrowed from Slav *lesa
id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg lesa, SCr Ijesa (SELISCEV Slav, nasele­
nie 156). A parallel form le she id. belongs to an earlier layer of Slavic
loanwords. 0 SVANE 31.

lesë f, pi. lesa ‘cleaning rag, cloth’. A derivative of lyej (ÇABEJ St. I
315).

leskër f, pi. leskra ‘scale (of fish), shred, slate, thin metal shavings’.
A derivative of *lesk borrowed from Slav *lisfhk-b ‘small le a f, cf.
South Slavic continuants: Maced listok, SCr listak. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 316
(from SCr liska ‘metal plate’); S v a n e 149.

lesh m, pl. leshra ~ leshna ‘wool, fleece, hair’. From PAlb *lai$a ety­
mologically connected with the Balto-Slavic word for ‘foliage’: Lith
laiskos ‘leaf’, Latv lai ska ‘leaf on a linen stalk; stalk’, Slav *listh ‘leaf.
0 M e y e r Alb. St. I (to Slav *volsi, ‘hair’); Wb. 241 (comparison with
Gmc *fleusaz ‘fleece’), Alb. St. Ill 24, 38, 61; Jo k l Studien 49 f. (to
220 LËSHKO — LËBY R

Skt lavi- ‘sickle’, Gk Xaîov id.), Slavia XIII 2 9 2 (borrowed from Slav
*lësa); K r i s t o f o r i d h i 2 05 (to Gk tax%vr| ‘down, fleece, frizzy hair’);
BARIC ARSt 45 (to Gk oùXoç ‘curly’), Hymje 26 (same as KRISTOFORIDHI);
VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 3 8 -3 9 (to ON vlóh ‘hair’, Gk M%vr|. same
as K r is t o f o r id h i) ; R ib e z z o Riv. indo-gr.-it. I 16 (to Gk Xáaxoc, ‘hairy,
covered with hair’); T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 92; P is a n i Saggi 122
(agrees with M e y e r Wb.); PUDIC IX Ling. Cong. 8 6 2 (follows M e y e r );
P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. I I 331; Ç a b e j St. 1 3 1 5 -3 1 6 , IV 78; F r a e n k e l
333-334; VASMER II 5 0 0 -5 0 1 ; POKORNY 1 681; NEROZNAK Paleob. 198
(borrowed from Slav * v o Ist,); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X V 1 4 3 -1 4 4 (Slavic
and Baltic words derived from IE *lei- ‘to spring up [of plants]’);
HULD 8 5 -8 6 (to OS wlöh ‘fringe’) ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 8 -2 3 9 (to Lat vellus
‘wool’).

leshko m, pl. leshko ‘credulous, gullible’. This homonym of leshko ‘hairy


one’ (to lesh) is borrowed from Bulg lecko, Ihcko, adv. ‘lightly’, cf.
lecok ‘light’.

leshnje f ‘m oss’. Derivative of lesh.

lez m,pl. leza, lezë ‘wart, mole, pimple, birthmark’. Another morphological
variant is lezë. There exists a dialectal form lemzë that reflects the
original structure of the word and allows to identify it with lemzë ~
lemcë and, in the long run, with lej (JOKL ArRom XXIV 31). For the
semantics cf. E birthmark. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 316-317 (to lyej).

lë ~ là aor. lashë ‘to let’. From PAlb *laidna, a present in *-ne/o- replac­
ing a more archaic *laida (see lej). Related to IE *leid- attested in
Baltic and Germanic: Lith le'isti id., Latv laîst id., Goth letan id. (MEYER
Wb. 2 4 2 , Alb. St. I ll 2 8 , 6 5 , IV 2 4 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 2 5 2 , Sprache IX
118; PISANI Saggi 130; FRAENKEL 351-352; POKORNY I 666 ; F eist Goth.
3 2 9 -3 3 0 ; ÇABEJ St. I 3 17 (to Lat Ieri is ‘soft, smooth’ - semantically
difficult); D e s n ic k a j a Sravn. 227; O r el IF XLIII 113; H u l d 155;
Ja n s o n Unt. 81 (on part, lënë); D e m ir a j AE 2 3 9 .

lëbarke f ‘d y se n te r y ’. A p réfixai d eriv a tiv e o f bark (MEYER Wb. 2 4 2 ).


0 JOKL Studien 51; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 109.

lëbyr aor. lëbyra ‘to dazzle, to maze, to confuse’. A préfixai deriva-


I .W O R K - L Ë K IJN D 221

tiv e o f byr. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 7 -3 1 8 (reco n stru cts tw o p r e fix e s lë- and
b-)\ MURATI Probleme 8 6 -8 7 (to lyej).

lë fo r ë f, pl. lëfora ‘rind, p eel, scale o f fish ’. A dialectal phonetic variant


o f lëvore (ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 8 ).

lë fo s m, pl. lëfosë ‘glutton’. From *lëpues ‘lapping’, see lap. The fem­
inine form lëfosë is attested in a different meaning - ‘woman or animal
with hanging breasts’.

lë fy t m, pl. lëfyta ‘pipe, tube’. A préfixai derivative offy t (MEYER Wb.


115). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 109; ÇABEJ St. VII 242.

lë g a të f, pi. legata ‘m arsh’. Cf. also lëngatë under the influence of lëng
~ lang. From PAlb *leugata connected with Illyr eÀoç Aoúyeov
tcatanjiievov (Strabo 7 .4 3 ), Lith liugas id., Slav *luza ‘pool' (MEYER
Wb. 2 4 2 ). 0 M e y e r Alb. Studien IV 52 (to G k A.ép<poç ‘mucus’); BARIC
ARSt 4 5 -4 6 (to lag)’, JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86 , IF XLVI 383; KRAHE
BNF XIV 1 20-124 (Illyrian parallels); FRAENKEL 379; POKORNY I 686 ;
Ç a b e j St. I 3 1 9 -3 2 0 ; OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 2 9 -4 3 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE
2 3 9 -2 4 0 (to lag, lagë).

lë k o r e f, pl. lëkore ‘chicory’. A préfixai derivative of kore id., prob­


ably influenced by lëkurë.

lëk o stër f ‘bast’. A préfixai derivative of unattested *kostër borrowed


from Slav *kostra ‘bark, grass’. In South Slavic only a derivative *kostr’a-
va ‘kind of grass’ has been registered: Bulg kostr'ava, SCr kostrja-
va.

(G) lë k u e m, pl. lëkonj ‘water lily’. Borrowed from Lat (lilium)


Lacönem ‘Spartan (lily)’.

lëk u n d aor. lëkunda ‘to rock, to swing, to sway, to shake’. A préfix­


ai derivative of an unattested *kund, a nasal present reflecting PAlb
*kunda and related to Gmc *xutan ‘to swing’: MHG hutzen. 0 BUGA
RFV LXV 3 1 7 (compares Germanic forms with Lith kuzdeti ‘to
trem ble’, kudulti ‘to pull hair or beard’); POKORNY I 9 5 6 -9 5 7 ; ÇABEJ
St. VII 2 6 9 .
222 LËKUQ. — I.Ë M O S H Ë

lëkuq aor. lëkuqa ‘to tinge red, to dye red ’. A préfixai derivative of
kuq (CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 101).

lëkurë f, pl. lëkurë ‘skin, h id e’. D erived from lakur. 0 TAGLIAVINI Strat­
ificazione 92-93; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 335; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 102, 108
(p refix lë-)\ DEMIRAJ AE 240-241.

lëmaqe f, pl. lëmaqe ‘expanse of rubble, stoneslide, pile of stones’. A


singularized plural of *lëmak, a derivative in -ak of lëmë.

lëmashk m, pl. lëmashqe ‘mud, scum, moss, fur on tongue’. Another


variant is lëmyshk ‘moss, fur on tongue’. A préfixai derivative from
my shk.

lëmazë f, pl. lëmaza ‘thin skin, shell’. A préfixai derivative of mazë


(C a m a j Alb. Worth. 108).

lëmehem refi, ‘to put on make-up’. A reflexive form of lëmoj ‘to smooth,
to polish’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 318 (derived from lyem, participle of lyej ).

lëmekem reti, ‘to become wet; to faint’. A préfixai denominative (CAMAJ


Alb. Wortb. 110) of an unattested *mek ‘w et’ continuing PAlb *maka
and connected with makë. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 242.

lëmë ~ lamë f, pl. lëmë ~ lamë, lëmënj ~ lamënj, lëmenj ~ lamenj ‘thresh­
ing-floor, wine-press’. There also exists a more archaic masculine form
lëm ~ lam. From PAlb *lamâ etymologically identical with OHG lam
‘lame’, Slav *lonrh ‘breaking; crow-bar; broken branches’, reflect­
ing *lomos further derived from IE *lem- ‘to break’ (M e y e r Wb. 243,
Alb. St. Ill 64). 0 S c h m id t KZ L V II17 (to lej); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia
167-168 (follows M e y e r ); P is a n i Saggi 124; P o k o r n y I 674; Ç a b e j
St. I 318-319 (to Lith lomà ‘pit, hole’); O rel ZfBalk XXTII 145; T r u b a c e v
ÈSSJa XVI 25-27; DEMIRAJ AE 241 (to Gk astori ‘threshing-floor’).

lëmoj aor. lëmova ‘to file, to polish’. Borrowed from Lat limare id.
( M e y e r Wb. 243). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 184.

lëmoshë f, pl lëmosha ‘alms, charity’. Borrowed from Germanic, cf.


OHG alamuosa id., OS alemösa id. Based on lemoshë is lemoshtër
LËMSH ~ LAM S H LËNDOJ ~ LËNDOJ 2 2 3

‘crumb, speck, offering to the dead enclosed in coffin with corpse’.


0 K l u g e 15; O r e l Orpheus VI 66.

lëmsh ~ lamsh m, pl. lëmshe ~ lamshe ‘ball (of wool, thread), globe
(of earth), pool, spellet’. The meaning ‘globe of earth’ < *‘broken
lump of earth’ may be one of the oldest. The word goes back to PAlb
*lemesja and is formally identical with Latv lemesis ‘sharp edge of
the plouw’, Slav *lemesb ‘plouwshare’, with a parallel form with a
voiced auslaut in Lith lëmezis ‘wooden part of plough to which the
ploughshare is fixed’, Slav *lemezb ‘plouwshare’. The resulting IE
*lemesjo- is a derivative of *lem- ‘to break’, cf. lëmë. 0 M e y e r Wb.
24 3 (from Rom *glemus, cf. Lat glomus ‘ball, clue of yarn, thread’);
M e y e r -LÜBKF, Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1054; JOKL LKUBA 2 3 -2 4 (follows
M e y e r ); T r eim er Slavia III 451 (against M e y e r for phonetic reasons:
Lat gl- cannot yield Alb /-; suggests a comparison with Slav *lomiti
‘to break’); SPITZER M RIW I 3 2 4 {-sh explained as the ending of loca­
tive!); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 2 0 (to Oír loman ‘cord’); TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 168; FRAENKEL 354; Ç a b e j St. I 3 1 9 (from IE *ulo-m- based
on *uel- ‘to turn’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIV 108-110; O r e l Orpheus VI
66 .

lëmuq adv. ‘in a heap, p iled up’, m ‘p ile ’. A nother variant is lëmuç.
A variant o f lëmaqe. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 255.

lëndë ~ landë f, pl. lëndë ~ landë ‘wood, timber, m aterial’. Goes back
to PAlb *lenta etymologically related to Gmc *lendö ‘linden’ (OHG
Unta, OE lind). Lith lenta ‘board’, Slav *lçti, ‘bast’ (MEYER Alb. Studien
IV 117; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 3 6 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 152, Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 93; MANN Language XVII 20; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 203;
F r a e n k e l 357-3 5 8 ; V a s m e r II 536; Z a l iz n ’ a k Ètimologija 1964 217;
Ç a b e j * . VII 277; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X V I 15 0 -1 5 1 ; H u l d 87; C l a c k ­
s o n LR 135, 2 2 7 .

lëndinë f, pl. lëndina ‘untilled land, fallow field, grassland’. Borrowed


from Slav *lçdina id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg ledina, SCr ledina
(S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 187). 0 S v a n e 166.

lëndoj ~ lendoj aor. lëndova ~ lendova ‘to irritate, to make sore, to


hurt’. Borrowed from Lat tentare ‘to make flexible, to bend’. 0
224 LËNG ~ LANG L Ë P IZ Ë

M e y e r Alb. St. V 9 2 (to linda); ÇABEJ St. 1 3 1 9 (from Lat laedere ‘to
hurt, to w o u n d ’).

lëng ~ lang m. pl.lëngje ~ langje ‘ju ice, liquid, broth’. From P A lb *langa
o b v io u sly co n n ecte d w ith lag and legate but re flec tin g an u n e x p e ct­
ed nasal in fix. M orp h o n o lo g ica lly not clear. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 (to Slav
*slçknçti ‘to b ecom e w et’); ÇABEJ St. I 319-320; OREL Linguistica XXIV
4 2 9 -4 3 0 .

lëngatë f, pl. lëngatë ‘illness, sickness, ailment’. Another variant is ligate


‘liver phthisis (in sheep)’. From PAlb *ligata derived from *liga >
lig. The inlaut -ën- has appeared under the influence of lëngoj. 0 MEYER
Wb. 2 4 4 (to lëngoj).

lëngoj aor. lëngova ‘to weaken, to languish’. Borrowed from Lat


languëre ‘to be faint, languid’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34; MEYER
Wb. 244). Note a nominal derivative lëngjyrë ‘typhus’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1047; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 28; HAARMANN 132.

lëngor adj. ‘p lian t, su p p le’. D er iv ed from lëngoj (MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 ). 0


JOKL Studien 5 0 (to Lith leñkti ‘to b en d ’); ÇABEJ St. I 3 2 0 (to lëng);
D e m ir a j AE 24 2 .

lënur - lnuer aor. lënura ~ Inora ‘to card, to co m b (fla x )’. A p r é fix ­
ai d eriv a tiv e o f nvar, a variant o f mvar. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 (fro m R om
*länörius ‘w ork er in w o o l’).

lëpec m ‘old ox or cow ; ailin g p e r s o n ’. D e r iv a tiv e o f lopë (M e y e r


Wb. 2 4 8 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 3 2 0 (to lapë).

lëpiskë f, pl. lëpiska ‘scale (of fish)’. A préfixai derivative of pisk.

lëpitkë f, pl. lëpitka ‘slipper’. A derivative of lapë with a Slavic suffix.


A homonymie lëpitkë ‘blade (of knife)’ is borrow ed from Bulg
lepidka, deminutive of lepida id., itself a Modern Greek loanword (BER
3 6 4 ). 0 MANN HAED 241 (explains lëpitkë ‘blade’ directly from
Greek).

lëpizë f, pl. lëpiza ‘shelf, rack’. As well as lëpozë ‘roof’, related to


lapë (J o k l LKUBA 8 6 -9 5 ).
L Ë P JE T Ë — LEVARE 225

lëpjetë f, pl. lëpjeta ‘orach, dock’. Borrowed from Gk Äojcaöov id. (Thum b
IF XXVI 14-16) or, rather, from an unattested *A.a7te9ov. 0 M e y e r
Wb. 241 (from Lat lapathum id.). Alb. St. V 92; JOKL LKUBA 119 (agrees
with T h u m b ); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31; H a a r m a n n 132; Ç a b e j
St. I 320 (Albanian and Greek forms derived from the same M editer­
ranean source).

lë p lu n g ë f, pl. lëplunga ‘webbing for tying cradle to m other’s back,


cheese-cloth used as a strainer’. A secondary phonetic variant of naplungë.
0 Ç a b e j St. VII 254.

lë p u sh ë f, pl. lëpusha ‘mullein; broad-leafed plant’. Derived from


lapë.

lëroj aor. lërova ‘to cultivate, to till’. Borrowed from Lat laborare ‘to
labor, to take pains’.

lëru sh k ë ~ laru shkë m lërushq ~ larushq ‘wild vine, kind of grape,


clematis’. Borrowed from Lat labrusca ‘wild vine’ (MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 244). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1049;
H a a r m a n n 132.

lësh oj aor. lëshova ‘to let, to leave, to free’. Borrowed from Lat
lassare ‘to render faint, to tire, *to let’ ( M e y e r Wb. 244). 0 CAMARDA
1 86 (to Gk A-íooopat ‘to beg, to pray’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
35 (from Ital lasciare ‘to let’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047
(agrees with MlKLOSICH); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 17; ÇABEJ St. VII
228, 243; H a a r m a n n 132.

lë ti ~ lë tî adj ‘Italian, Latin, Catholic’. Borrowed from Lat Latlnus


‘L atin’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; MEYER Wb. 238-239). 0
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1047; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 169-
170; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 132; Ç a b e j St. I 309.

lëvare f, pi. levare ‘waterfall’. Another variant is livare. A préfixai deriv­


ative of var (ÇABEJ St. I 310) structurally close to ujvarë id. < ujë
varë ‘hanging water’. For the original meaning of lëvare cf. a deriv­
ative livarzë ‘catkin’ < *‘hanging’.
226 LËVERE - U D II

lë v e r e f ‘cloth, rag, laundry’. A singularized plural of *levar, the latter


being a préfixai derivative of var, cf. lëvare (ÇABEJ St. I 309-310). 0
MEYER Wb. 244 (with a metathesis, from Lat velarium ‘covering, screen’);
C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 109.

lë v ir e m ~ lë v y r e m refi, ‘to beg, to beseech’. A semantic development


of an older lëvyrem ‘to scratch oneself (as a sign of grief)’, the latter
being based on lëvyr ‘to scratch, to lacerate’, a préfixai derivative of
var, vjerr.

lë v iz aor. lëviza ‘to move, to stir . Related to luaj from which it is derived
with an unusual suffix -iz < PAlb *-idja.

lë v o r e f, pl. lëvore ‘peel, skin; rag'. A formation parallel to lëvere but


with a different vocalism (ÇABEJ St. I 321). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 108
(prefix lë-).

lëvorzoj aor. lëvoriova ‘to peel’. Based on lëvorzë~ lëvorxë ‘peel, skin’,
derived from lëvore.

lëvozh gë f, pl. lëvozhga ‘hard shell, peel, skin’. Other variants are lëvezhgë,
lëvexhgë, levoxhgë. Derivative in -kë or -shkë of lëvorxë. 0 MEYER
Wb. 476 (borrowed from Slav *luska ~ * l’uska ‘peel, shell’); ÇABEJ
St. I 321 (derived directly from lëvorë).

li ~ lì m, pl. linj ‘flax, linen’. Borrowed from Lat linum id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 36; MEYER Wb. 244-245). 0 CAMARDA II 161 (com­
pares li with Gk Mvov id., Lat linum id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1044, 1056; JOKL LKUBA 256; M a n n Language XXVI 384 (same
as C a m a r d a ); M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133; J a n s o n
Unt. 53.

lic ë f, pl. lica ‘flax tow’. A metaphoric usage of Slav *lice ‘face’ as
‘face side’ or ‘upper part’, cf. such meanings as Bulg lice ‘upper part’
or SCr lice id.

lidh aor. lidha ‘to bind, to tie’. From PAlb *lïdza etymologically close
to Lat ligare id. ( C a m a r d a I 42; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 , Alb. St. Ill 17). 0
BARIC ARSt 4 3 -4 4 (to Lat volvö ‘to ro ll1); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I
89; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 173 (agrees with M e y e r ); C im o c h o w s k i
L IFQ E R LIJE 227

LP II 230; E r n o u t -M e ill e t 358; M a n n Language XXVI 384; P is a n i


Saggi 129; JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on LXXVIII 448; H a m p 1F LXVI 53;
Ç a b e j St. VII 254; H u l d 86-87; D e m ir a j AE 242-243.

lifqer m , p l. lifqere ‘waterfall’. Another form is lifqar. Borrowed from


Rom *lav cär um < Lat laväcrum ‘bath’. The vowel of the first sylla­
ble results from the development of the unstressed -ë- to 0
XHUVANI KLetr 1/5 9 (from Lat liquor ‘liquid’); Ç a b e j St. I 321-322
(related to lëvare); OREL Orpheus VI 67.

lig a d j. ‘bad, ill’. Reflects PAlb *liga while ligë ‘illness’ goes back to
PAlb *ligd. Further connected with Gk ôMyoç ‘small, few’, Axnyôç
‘destruction, death’, Lith ligà ‘illness’, Latv liga id. (CAMARDA I 66
on Aop/oq; MEYER Wb. 2 4 5 , Alb. St. Ill 7). The related adjective ligshtë
‘ailing’ is identical with Lith ligustas ‘ill’ (DESNICKAJA Sravn. 2 0 3 ).
0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 6 0 -6 1 ; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 173 (follows
MEYER); L a p i a n a St. Varia 45; M a n n Language XXVI 385; PISANI
Saggi 127; FRAENKEL 370; FRISK II 376; CHANTRAINE 645; H a m p 4/£W -
L II (XIII) 190; POKORNY I 667; Ç a b e j St. VII 199; H u l d 87; O r e l
ZfBalk XXIII 149; RASMUSSEN Morph. 164; DEMIRAJ AE 2 43.

ligj m, pl ligje ‘law ’. Other morphological variants of sg. are ligje and
ligjë. The word is borrowed from Lat lege(m) id. (CAMARDA II 69;
MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 ). Note Alb -i- < Lat
-ë- (explained by the Sicilian dialectal mediation in MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044). 0 JOKL LKUBA 4 3 (ligj vs. zakon), WuS XII
83; S ir o k o v ZEL X X IV / 1 15 (related to Lith lygùs ‘equal’, OPrus
lïgan ‘court’); T o p o r o v SBJa Ètnokul’t. 25 (follows SlROKOV); ÇABEJ
St. VII 266; H a a r m a n n 133; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 6 1 -3 6 2 ; L a n d i
Lat. 5 3 , 85.

ligje pl, ‘m ou rn in g, d ir g e ’. H isto r ica lly id en tical w ith ligj. 0 M e y e r


Wb. 245 (from R om *elegium in stead o f Lat elogium)’, MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044.

lijë f, pl. lija ‘smallpox’. Borrowed from Slav *lixo ‘evil’. 0 MANN
Language XXVI 384 (to Lat lira ‘furrow ’).
LIK — L IN G I.TNGF, — LLSMË 229
228

lik m ‘lev el’. Borrowed from Slav *li!cb ‘face, surface’, cf. Bulg lik, 'to run (unattached)’. For forms with a nasal infix cf. Lith lingúoti
SC r lik (Ç a b e j St. I 322). 0 S v a n e 126. ‘to sw ing’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 246 ( ling ‘trotting’ from Turk link ‘trot’);
F eist Goth. 319-320; F r a e n k e l 330-331; M a y r h o fe r III 72; P o k o r n y
likardhë f ‘chickenpox’. Probably, from *lëkurdhë, a suffixal deriv­ I 667.
ative of lëkurë. As to the unexpected -a- in likardhë it could be explained
by the analogy with the dialectal likar ‘doctor’ of Serbo-Croatian origin. lin g ë f, pi. Unga ‘small bell’. From PAlb *lingä etymologically identi­
0 ÇABEJ St. IV 369 (to R uss k o r’ ‘chickenpox’); RUSAKOV U s 1980 cal with Lith fìnge ‘flexible pole; bend’, Latv liñga ‘loop’. 0 F r a e n k e l
173. 331; P o k o r n y I 676; Ç a b e j St. I 322 (onomatopoeia).

likogjone pi. ‘sacrum, loins, lumbar regions’. An adaptation of the unat­ linjë f, pl. Unja ‘linen shirt; linen’. Borrowed from Lat llneum ‘linen
tested Slavic compound *lçdvo-gom, ‘place from where hips begin’, garment’ (M e y e r Wb. 245). The homonymie linjë ‘line’ either goes
based on *lçdva ‘hip, kidney, loin’. 0 MEYER Wb. 245 (to Gk KO'/cóvr) back to Lat linea ‘thread, line’ or to its continuations in Romance. 0
‘part between the pudenda and the anus’); ÇABEJ St. VII 195. M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26;
H a a r m a n n 133.
likoq m ‘animal with one testicle’. A préfixai derivative of koqe one
of the meanings of which is ‘testicles’. lip ë f, pl. lipa ‘lime-tree’. Borrowed from Slav *lipa id., cf. South Slavic
continuants: Bulg lipa, SCr lipa (ÇABEJ St. I 322). 0 SVANE 126.
liktyrë f ‘rope for binding a bundle o f wood; band, bandage’. Another
variant is lyktyrë. Borrowed from Lat ligatura ‘band, bunch’ (MlHÄESCU liq m ‘woof, w eft’. A singularized plural o f *lik going back to PAlb
RESEE IV /1-2 17). 0 HAARMANN 133; ÇABEJ St. I 327-328. *lika. A nominal deverbative o f IE *leik“- ‘to leave, to remain’: Skt
rinákti ‘to leave’, Lat linquö id., O H G llhan and the like. 0 MAYRHOFER
lil m, pl. lila ‘lily’. Borrowed from Lat lllium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. III 59; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 808-810; P o k o r n y I 669-670; O rel
Elemente 35). Orpheus VI 67.

lilë f, pl. / U n . —Limali irnn riña Inon-rinp. link’. From PAlb *U'ilâ_____ liroj aor. lirova ‘to free’. Borrowed from Lat liberare id. (MEYER Wb.
d, lurttier, to netas o ig , ■ ¿,-r,,. H ! b b w b c t i w . * . . . i . . w .. IC IÉU C U 5, fle x ib le ai
I MlHÀESCll RfcSEE [ V / l - 2 23; HAAKMANN 133. T atv l i ß l c id 6 M R V R BiiihufláfeA ariha
lis m, pl. Usa ‘oak, high tree’. A borrowing from Slav *les7, ‘wood,
forest, tree’ (M E Y E R Wb. 247). The Slavic dialect from which the word lim ë f, pl. lima ‘file ’. Borrowed from Lat lima id. (MlKLOSICH Rom.
was borrowed must have had a narrow *e > Alb i, i.e. it may be iden­ Elemente 35; MEYER Wb. 246). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1044;
tified as “ikavski” Serbo-Croatian (J o k l LKUBA 177). 0 B a r i c ARSt M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 28 1 ; H a a r m a n n 133.
48 (to Gk a^aoç ‘holy grove1), AArbSt 1/1-2 205-206; H U LD 87
(compares lis with leude and lëndë as a parallel o f vise ~ vend). lin d aor. linda ‘to bear, to beget; to be born’. A nasal present of lej
(O r e l IF XCIII 1 1 2 -1 1 3 ). 0 P e d e r s e n Alb. Texte 12; Jo k l Studien
lis ë f, pl. lisa ‘woof, weft’. Goes back to PAlb * lit sä continuing *leik“ia 63; S c h m id t KZ LVII 3 3 -3 5 ; P is a n i Saggi 120; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 5 ,
and related to liq. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 322 (borrowed from Bulg lesa 2 1 7 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 4 3 -2 4 4 .
‘fishing-line, rope, plaiting'); OREL Orpheus VI 67.
lin g m ‘hurry, haste’. From PAlb *linga, a substantivized nasal present
lis m ë f, pl. Usma ‘slate, fr a g ile earth, ston y fie ld , c la y ’. F rom P A lb related to Skt réjate ‘to spring’, Goth laikan ‘to jump’, Lith Idigyti
230 I.O C - LO PA TË

* litsimä. A derivative of liq, lise. The original meaning of the word


might be ‘remaining (earth), rem ainders’.

lo c m ‘dear, darling’. As demonstrated by the derivative loçkë ‘pupil


(of the eye)’, also used metaphorically as a synonym of loc, the orig­
inal meaning of the latter must have been ‘pupil’. It is, therefore, a
continuation of PAlb *latja, derivationally connected with lot. Another
derivative of toc is loke ‘dear’ (addressed to mother).

lod roj aor. lodrova ‘to spring, to dance, to play’. Derived from lodër
‘game, play’ based on loz (SPITZER MRIW I 326). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dal­
mazia 175.

lodh aor. lodha ‘to tire, to w eary’. From PAlb *lada related to Goth
letan ‘to let’, Gk â i i S e î v ■Komâv, k e k l i i i KÉvai (Hes.) and the like (MEYER
Wb. 242, Alb. St. Ill 28). 0 CAMARDA I 124 (to Gk Ätoßii ‘m altreat­
ment’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 250; M a n n Language XXVIII 32, 36; PISANI
Saggi 130; P o r z i g Gliederung 104; F r is k II 114; K l u g e 424; F e i s t
Goth. 329; POKORNY I 666; HULD 143; B e e k e s IF XCI11 36; RAS­
MUSSEN Morph. 54; DEMIRAJ AE 244-245.

lo g m, pl. logje ‘meadow’. Borrowed from Slav *logb ‘ravine, low place’
(SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 7 5 , 187). Note that in these meanings the
word is not attested in South Slavic where it usually stands for ‘lying’
or ‘den’. 0 SVANE 167.

lo g o r i f, pi. logori ‘wailing, mourning, dirge’. Assimilated from *legori.


Borrowed from Lat allegoria ‘allegory’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 (to ligje)',
KRISTOFORIDHI 211 (related to Gk Àxiyoç used to denote ‘dirge’); J o k l
WuS XII 88 (from NGk pupoÀ-oyco ‘to m ourn’); ÇABEJ St. I 3 2 2 (iden­
tical with llogaris ‘to count’, of Modern Greek origin), IV 78.

lojc adj. ‘unstable’. Literally, ‘playful’. Derived from lojë ‘play’ < *loë
related to loz.

lop ate f, pl. lopata ‘shovel, oar’. Borrowed from Slav *lopata id., cf.
South Slavic continuants: OCS lopata, Bulg lopata, SCr lopata (M lK ­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 245). The derivative lopatëz
‘tadpole’ has derived its unusual meaning from the South Slavic
usage in which Bulg lopata and SCr lopata may stand for ‘unpro-
LO PF, — LOZ 231

portionately large parts of the body’. 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 176;


S eli SCev Slav, naselenie 169, 303; POLÁK ZfBalk I 81 (from SCr lopata)',
H a m p LB XIV/2 12; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; S v a n e 76.

lopë f, pl. lope ‘cow’. Continues PAlb *leipä related to Latv luöps ‘cattle’
( E n d z e l i n KZ XLIV 6 2 ). 0 S t i e r KZ XI 206; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 8 (par­
allels with Alpine words for ‘cow’); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. II 22 (to Celt
*ldpego- ‘calf’: Oír láeg, Bret leue); JOKL IF XLIII 5 7 , Sprache IX
149; MlKKOLA BKIS XXI 2 1 9 -2 2 0 (to ON lamb ‘lamb’); PETERSSON
Heter. 22; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 175-176, Stratificazione 138; POKORNY
I 654; Ç a b e j Ciotta XXV 51; H am p RomPh XII 153; S c h r i j v e r BC
309; D e m ir a j A E 24 5 .

loqe f, pl. loqe ‘penis; testicles’. A singularized plural going back to


a paradigm sg. *lok ~ pl. loqe. From PAlb *lâuka closely related to
Lith liaukà ‘gland’ further based on IE *leuk- ‘to shine; shining, white’
(ÇABEJ St. I 3 2 2 -3 2 3 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 4 8 (compares with SCr lokanja
‘belly’, Bulg Gypsy lokatsi ‘penis’); PEDERSEN St. Balt. IV 152 (on
Lith liaukà); T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 93; F r a e n k e l 3 6 1 -3 6 2 ;
POKORNY I 6 8 7 -6 9 0 ; OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 2 7 .

lorzë f ‘parrot’. Used in a phrase fla s si lorza ‘to chat like a parrot’.
A suffixal diminutive of an unattested *lori ‘parrot lori, one of the
Lorinae’.

losh adj. ‘tearful’. Continues *lot-sh, derived from lot.

lot m, pl. lot ‘tear’. From PAlb *la(i)ta, an adjective in *-to- based on
IE *lëi- ‘to pour, to flow’ (BARIC AArbSt I 1 4 8 -1 5 0 ). 0 MEYER Wb.
2 4 9 (from Lat flêtus ‘weeping, wailing’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 176
(agrees w ith B a r ic ) ; P o k o r n y I 6 6 4 -6 6 5 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 25 8 .

loz aor. lojta ‘to move, to shake, to play’. From PAlb *ládja, a denom­
inative verb based on . T h e latter is etymologically identical with Slav
*lad-b ‘order, peace’ from which a similar verb *laditi ‘to make order,
to make peace’ is derived. 0 CAMARDA I 50 (related to luaj); MEYER
Wb. 248 (related to Lith palo'da ‘lack of restraint, licentiousness’ and
separated from luaj); PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 152 (connects loz with luaj);
J o k l Studien 75, LKUBA 224; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 177; ÇABEJ St. I
323-324 (to OIr luaid ‘to move’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIV 9-12.
232 LOZ E — LUCE LU FTË LUKËR 233

loze f, pl. loze ‘tendril (of a plant)’. A singularized plural of a less wide­ ‘swamp, marsh; podzol (a kind of soil)’); KORTLANDT SSGL XXIII
spread lozë id. Borrowed from Slav *loza ‘vine, tendril’, cf. South 174 (against OREL).
Slavic continuants: OCS loza, Bulg loza, SCr loza (SELISCEV Slav,
naselenie 164). 0 SVANE 118. luftë f, pl. Iufta, luftëra ~ luftna ‘fight, w ar’. Borrowed from Lat lucta
‘wrestling’ > Rum luptä ‘fight’ (CAMARDA I 65; MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
Iter m ‘a lta r ’. B o rro w e d fro m L at altärium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 37; MEYER Wb. 250). Note the East Romance type of the devel­
mente 2). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1040, 1043; M ih ä e s c u opment of -ct- in this word. The verb lëftoj, luftoj ‘to fight’ corre­
RESEE IV/1-2 12; Ç a b e j St. VII 280; HAARMAN 110: LANDI Lat. 27, sponds to Lat luctâri id. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046, 1049,
38, 115. 1054; PU§CARIU EWR 86; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 17; TAGLIAVINI
Origini 145, 366; Ç a b e j St. VII 230, 267; Di G io v in e Gruppo -ct 55-
luaj ~ luej aor. lojta ~ luej ta ‘to move, to shake, to play’. From PAlb 56; H u l d 86; H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 22-123, 135.
*ladnja, a denominative verb closely connected with loz (CAMARDA
I 50). 0 MEYER Wb. 248 (borrowed from Lat ladere ‘to play’); lug m, pi. lugj, lugje ‘trough, water-trough, long gutter, pipe’. Related
S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 250; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII to lugë ‘spoon’ with which it continues PAlb *luga ~ *lugä etymo­
227; H a a r m a n n 133. logically connected with Slav *li,ga ‘spoon, blade’, *li>zica id. (JOKL
LKUBA 143-145. Reallex. Vorgesch. I 93). Both Albanian and Slavic
luan ~ luâ m. pl. luaj ~ luanj, luanë iio n ’. Borrowed from Lat leönem forms are based on IE *leugh- ‘to break’, cf. Skt rujdti ‘to break’.
id. ( S t i e r KZ XI 141-142; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. Note lugatë ‘oar’ derived from lugë under the structural influence of
249). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; JOKL LKUBA 89, IF L lopatë and lukth ‘stomach’ based on lug (MEYER Wb. 250). 0 M lK­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 250 (lugë borrowed from Slavic); MEYER IF
49-52 (from Slav *lbVb id.); M a n n Language XXVI 384 (related to
II 368-369, Wb. 250 (lug treated as a Turkish loan, from oluk, uluk
Gk Âéwv id.); Ç a b e j St. I 324 (follows M e y e r ) .
‘channel’; for lugë follows MlKLOSICH); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 101;
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 177; M a n n Language XVII 14; M a y r h o f e r III
lubenicë f, pl. lubenica ‘water-melon’. Borrowed from Slav *lubeni-
64; P o k o r n y I 686; H a m p SCL XXVII/2 183; Ç a b e j * . VII 201, apud
ca id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg lubenica, SCr lubenica (MlKLOSICH
D e m ir a j (to OE long ‘vessel’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XVI 257-260;
Slav. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 249). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 162,
D e m ir a j AE 245-246.
304; S v a n e 106.
lugat m, pl. luget, lugetër ‘bogey, vam pire’. Another variant is luvgat.
lubi f, pl. lubi ‘ogress, dragon-woman with seven heads’. Another variant Borrowed from an early Romance compound the first element of which
is luvgi. Note also luvgji ‘voracity, greed’ representing a metaphoric was, undoubtedly, Lat lupus ‘wolf’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 37;
° f 'bis word. It seems DrobaW
based on luvgat, see lugat. 0 JOKL LKUBA 12-1A (to Slav */ 'ubiti ‘to peccätus ‘false w o lf’. 0 POLÁK EBTch V 3 4 - 2
love’).
e r to r m s a r bjuce, juci a n a * l’uxati ‘to strike’, cf. in South Slavic - Bulg Vuxam ‘to strike at a iu te i , p i . ÏÜ CÜ iïïu c i, m ire ’. Im p o rta n t paral
íter Wb. 251). 0 C a m a r d a short stick while playing chelik’. juzi. B o rro w ed fro m Lat lutea ‘m u d d y ’ (M e
XOSICH Rom. Elemente 37 I 88 (co n n ected w ith L at Iut um ‘m u d ’); Mil
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1050; lukër f. ‘sheep’. Borrowed from Lat lucrum ‘gain, profit, wealth’ (JOKL (b o rro w e d fro m lutum); MEYER-LÜBKE
) llucc0; MlHÄESCl RESEE LKUBA 257-259). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 28; ÇABEJ St. I 324 (agrees F r a e n k e l 198-199; K r is t o f o r id h i 143 (t
I I I / 1-2 44 (to L ith jáudra with Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 118. IV/1-2 31; H a a r m a n n 133; O r e l FLH V
234 LULL — - LUNDËR LUNGË LUSPË 235
iu n g e f, pi. lunga 'swelling, tumor . hrom F A lb ' lunkä, a derivative
auree, p robably, from Copt ancient Balkan loanword from an oriental s
of IE *leu-k- ‘to bend’ with a nasal infix, similar to that of OPrus
ou rce is p ostu lated for Gk hr èri, Mèli ‘lily’ < Eg hrr.t id. The same ;
lunkis ‘angle’, Lith luñkanas ‘supple’, Latv lunks id. 0 MEYER Wb.
50 (from Lat Ilham w ith i Äevptov id., Lat lïlium id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 1
252 (to bulë, bulungë); BUGA RR I 369; JOKL Studien 53 (to Skt ro'ga-
q u estio n s M e y e r ’s ex p la - > u after /-); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 178 i
‘pain, illness’); FRAENKEL 390; POKORNY I 681-682; Ç a b e j BUShT
00-101; C a m a j Alb. Worth. XV /4 76-77 (follows M e y e r ), apud D e m ir a j (Lat volvö ‘to ro ll’); nation); M a n n Language XVII 16; F risk II
ULD 87-88. D e m ir a j AE 248 (to lëng).
109 (prefix /-); ÇABEJ St. VII 203, 254; F

ro m PAlb *lubna, an adjec- lu p esh m ‘glutton’. Derivative of Ilup (P e d e r s e n Alb. Texte 153). 0 lum adj. ‘blessed, happy, lucky, fortunate’. I
)ve, to w ish ’ (JOKL Studien ÇABEJ St. I 326 (from a non-existent Bulg lupez ‘thief’). tive in *-no- derived from IE *leubh- ‘to 1
icu lar G oth liufs ‘d e a r ’. 0 52-53, Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86), cf. in par
Ç a b e j St. I 325 (to lus); lu qerb ull f, pl. luqerbulla ‘werewolf. Other variants are ruqerbull, riqe- F e ist Goth. 333; P o k o r n y I 683-684;
bull. Borrowed from Rom * lupus cervulus, cf. a more usual Romance D em ir a j AE 247-248.
* lupus cervarias as in Fr loup-cervier id. (L a PIANA Prefisso 21). 0
)ther fo rm is lëmak. A su f- ÇABEJ St. I 326 (a préfixai derivative of qelb). lu m ak m , p l. ‘bud, shoot; lichen, m oss’. An
itinuing P A lb *lubna. T he fixai derivative of an unattested *lum coi
*leubh- ‘to p eel, to sk in ’, lu q erë f ‘lamp, lantern’. Borrowed from Lat lucerna id. (MlKLOSICH latter is an adjective in *-no- based on IE
luba ‘bark, b o a rd ’, O Prus Rom. Elemente 37; MEYER Wb. 250, Alb. St. IV 80). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE cf. Lith lubà ‘board (of a ceiling)’, Latv
’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 251 (from Gr. G rundriß2 1 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23; HAARMANN 133; lubbo ‘board’, Slav *h,b-h ‘forehead, skul
C ARSt I 48 -5 0 (a p réfixai ÇABEJ St. I 326 (adduces Old Albanian data); L a n d i Lat. 89, 112-114. Lat limäcem ‘snail’), Alb. St. IV 94; BAR
n k e l 388; Ç a b e j St. I 325- derivative of makë); POKORNY I 690; F r a i
125-228; O r e l Orpheus VI luroj a o r. lurova ‘to howl, to wail’. A phono-morphological variant of 326 (from lumë); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XVI ;
67.

lurtoj a o r. lurtova ‘to cajole, to flatter, to caress’. A phonetic modifi­ lu m ë m, pl. lumenj ‘r iv e r ’. F rom P A lb *lur,
ta ety m o lo g ically identical
d to IE *leu(a)- ‘d ir t’. 0
cation of *larëtoj, to laroj (ÇABEJ St. I 326-327). w ith Gk Äünot ‘d irt’, and further relatt
VltKLOSlCH Rom. Elemente CAMARDA 1 38 (to Gk tamco ‘to w a sh ’);
lu s a o r. luta ‘to pray, to invoke, to beg’. From PAlb *lugtja related to 27 (b o rro w ed from L a t ßUrnen ‘r iv e r ’); Ml
YERWfr. 251 (follow s MlK-
Lith lügate ‘to ask, to pray’, Latv Ihdzu, lugt ‘to ask, to invite’, OHG LOSICH); JOKL Studien 51-52 (to IE ~*Iei- ‘t
) p o u r ’); F r i s k II 144-145;
lockOn ‘to lure, to entice’ ( T r e im e r MR1WI 377-378), further related POKORNY I 681 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 227, 258; F
ULD 88 (to IE *(s)leub- ‘to
to IE *leugh- ‘to lie, to cheat’. 0 CAMARDA I 53 (to Gk Àiaaonou ‘to be slick , w e t’); DEMIRAJ AE 246-247.
beg, to pray’); MEYER Wb. 251 (repeats CAMARDA’ s etymology), Alb.
St. Ill 25; B a r i c ARSt 150-51 (to IE *leubh- ‘to love, to wish’); T a g l i ­ lu nd ër f, pi. landra ‘boat, b arge, fe r r y ’. B e
rrowed from Rom *lunter,
a v i n i Dalmazia 177; MANN Language XXVIII 31 (to Slav * l’utiti ‘to cf. R um luntre (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemen
fe 36; M e y e r Wb. 251). 0
be fierce, to be violent’); KLUGE 444; FRAENKEL 389; POKORNY I 686- Pu^CARiu EWR 86; M ih ä e sc u RESEE I \
/1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133; 687; J o k l Die Sprache IX /2 150 (agrees with T r e im e r ) . L a n d i Lat. 116, 129.

lu sp ë f, pl. luspa ‘scale ( o f f is h ) ’. B o rro w e d fro m Slav *luspa ‘scale,


Rom *lunter id. (MEYER - lundër f, pi. tundra ‘o tte r ’. B o rro w ed fro n
s h e ll’, cf. in S outh S lavic: B ulg luspa, S C r ljuspa (Ç a b e j St. I 327).
LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046).
0 S v a n e 119, 237.
236 LU SH — LYP

lush m, pl, lushë ‘berserk; carrion’. Back-formation based on fem. lushë


‘bitch; berserk woman’. As far as the latter has a parallel form lute
‘bitch, glutton’, lushë must be explained as resulting from *lut-shë
based on an unattested *lutë, borrowed from Slav *l'utb ‘angry, wild,
violent’ (in particular, of animals).

luzm ë f ‘swarm (in particular, of bees)’. From *luazmë ~ luezmë, deriv­


ative of loz. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 195.

lu zh i f ‘flo o d ’. B ased on *luzhë b o rro w e d fro m Slav *luza ‘p o o l’, cf.


in South Slavic: OCS hi za, SCr luza (ÇABEJ St. I 327). 0 XHUVANI
Shkëndija III/4 5 (re la te d to lëgatë); SVANE 170.

lyç adv. ‘in a mess, in a muddle, out of joint’. Derived with an adver­
bial marker -ç from lyej.

lyej aor. leva, lyejta ‘to smear, to oil’. Since the original meaning seems
to be ‘to cover with oil’, the expected Proto-Albanian form may be
reconstructed as *elaiwanja, with -ye- resulting form the contraction
of the inlaut cluster *-aiwa-. This is a denominative verb based on
an unattested *elaiwa borrowed from G k eX ai(f)ov ‘oil’. Note lyre
‘fat- derived from lyej. 0 C a m a r d a I 242 (to G k a t a n c o ‘to oil’);
M e y e r Wb. 2 5 1-252 (borrowed from Lat lino ‘to daub, to besm ear’
or related to IE *M - ‘to flow, to pour’); B a r ic ARSt I 50 (to IE *leip-
‘fat’, thus repeating C a m a r d a ’s etymology); JOKL LKUBA 67; TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 177; ÇABEJ St. I 327 (to IE *lei- ‘to flow, to pour’).

ly ly v e r m, pi. lylyvere ‘rainbow ’. A phonetic variant of y liber.

ly m m, pl. lyme ‘mud, alluvium’. Borrowed from Gk ‘d irt’, cf.


him. 0 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86 (to lerë); ÇABEJ St. VII 225; ÇABEJ
apud D e m ir a j (to lum); D e m ir a j AE 248-249.

lyp aor. lypa ‘to beg, to ask, to seek, to need’. In Tosk also lip. Despite
an irregular development of the root vowel, continues PAlb *leipa
related to Gk ÀÀrcxojaou ‘to be eager, to long for’, Lith liepiu, liepti
‘to order’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 247 (to lipsern ‘to miss’, itself a Modern Greek
loanword); B a r ic ARSt I 50-51 (to IE *leubh- ‘to love, to wish’); TAGLI­
AVINI Dalmazia 179 (against M e y e r ); F r a e n k e l 367; F r is k II 127-
128.
LYR LLAPUSHË 237

ly r aor. lyra ‘to make dirty’. Derived from lerë ‘dirt’.

lyrdhëz f, pl. lyrdhëza ‘w art’. Apparently, from *lyr-th-ëz, a deriva­


tive of lyre. Cf. ¡yih.

lyshtër f, pl. lyslttra ‘flotsam, alluvium; crow d’. Borrowed from Lat
lustrum ‘slough, bog, morass, puddle; house of ill-repute, debauch­
e ry ’. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 328 (to lyej).

lyth m, pl. lytha, lythë ‘w a rt, c o r n ’. A d e riv a tiv e in -th o f lyej (Ç a b e j


St. I 328).

LI

llabiç m, pl. Ilabiçë ‘bogey, vampire; glutton’. From *lubiç, derivative


of lubi.

llacë f. pl. 11acá ‘ladder’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *lazbca


related to *laziti ‘to climb’. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 67.

llallë f, pl. llalla ‘wet-nurse; moth’. An onomatopoeia. In its second


meaning llallë may be a caique of Slav *baba ‘woman, grandmoth­
er; butterfly, moth’.

llap aor. llapa ‘to lap up’ (of animals). From P A lb *lapa compared
with Gk Xó.nTK> ‘to gulp, to drink greedily’, Lith lape'nti ‘to swallow
food’ (of pigs), Slav *lopati ‘to eat u p ' (C a m a r d a 127; M e y e r Wb.
237). 0 F r a e n k e l 340; F r is k II 85; P o k o r n y I 651; O r e l Linguis­
tica XXTV 429.

llapë f, pi. llapa ‘tongue, language’. From PAlb *lapel connected with
the verb llap. 0 MEYER Wb. 237; OREL Linguistica XXIV 429.

llapush adj. ‘long-eared’. An early borrowing from an unattested


Slav *lop(o)usL, id., cf. *lopouxrb id.

llapushë f, pl. llapusha ‘broad-leafed cabbage, covering leaf of m aize’.


Borrowed from Slav *lopusb. derivative of *lopuxb ‘burdock, broad-
238 L L A S K O N JE — LLOM

leafed plant’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg lopux, SCr lopuh. 0 S v a n e


112; OREL Orpheus VI 67.

llaskonjë f ‘twig, shoot’. A derivative in -onjë of *laskë borrowed from


Slav *loz-bka, deminutive of *loza ‘vine’. Another form of *laske is
attested as llashkë ‘shoot’.

llazurë f ‘agitation, noise, swarm ’. Borrowed, with dissimilation of


liquids, from Slav *orzoi~b ‘ravage, destruction’, cf. SCr razoriti.

llënjëz f ‘mud, silt’. A derivative from PAlb *slinjä related to Lith


sliënas ‘saliva, mucus, slim e’, Slav *slina ‘saliva’. Ô FRAENKEL 826;
VASMER III 672; O rel Orpheus VI 67.

llërë ~ llanë f, pl. llërë ~ llanë, llëra ~ llana ‘fo rea rm , e l l ’. F rom P A lb
*alena related to G k cûÀÉvti ‘e lb o w ’, Lat ulna, O H G elina and the
lik e (MEYER Wb. 233). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 76 (b o rro w ed from R om
*ulnâna)\ PEDERSEN KZ XXX111 44, Kelt. Gr. II 59; TAGLIAVINI Strat­
ificazione 93; MANN Language XXVIII 37; F r is k 1146-1147; WALDE-
H o f m a n n I I 812; Po k o r n y 1 307; H uld KZ XCIX 247 (from Gk còÀévri);
H a m p AlON-L II 185-187; J a n s o n Unt. 30; O r el Z ß a lk XXIII 149;
D e m ir a j AE 249-250.

lloç m ‘mud, mire, sludge’. Derived from llohë. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 328 (from
Bulg locka ‘mud’).

llohë f ‘rain w ith sn o w , sn ow broth, d a m p n e ss’. A n early b o rro w in g


from Slav *lojb * ‘anything liq u id ’ (SLAWSKI V 259) > ‘fat, lard; flooded
area; crater, fu n n el’ (OREL FLH V III/1-2 46). 0 MEYER Wb. 233 (co m ­
pares with S lav *loky ‘p ool, pit’); SvANE 173; KORTLANDT SSGL XXIII
174 (again st O r e l ).

llokmë f, pl. llokma ‘lump, chunk’. Another variant is llomkë. Borrowed


from Turk lokma id. (M e y e r Wb. 233). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 328 (from Bulg
dial, lomka id.).

Horn m ‘mud, sludge, sediment’. Derived from llohë. 0 MEYER Wb.


233 (from the non-existent Slav *lonrh ‘swamp’); MANN Language XXVIII
36.
L L O M IS — M ACE 239

llomis aor. llomita ‘to pound, to crush’. Borrowed from Slav *lomiti
id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lom ’a, SC r torniti (DESNICKA­
JA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 188; S v a n e 91, 237.

llomotis aor. llomotita ‘to brawl, to chatter’. Borrowed from Slav *lomoti-
ti id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lom ot’a, SCr lomotiti.

lloskë f, pl. ‘kind of fish, roach’. Borrowed from Slav *loska unat­
tested in South Slavic except for Slovene losk ‘kind of insect, Ixodes
ricinus’.

llosh m, pl. lloshe ‘nest, den’. Borrowed, with the unvoicing of the anlaut
consonant, from Slav *loza ~ *lozb id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg
loza, SCr loza, loz.

lloz m, pl. lloze ‘bolt, bar'. Another variant is loz. Derived from the
verb loz.

Illibate f ‘sediment’. A derivative from llurbë as well as lluburdinë


id.

llukë f, pl. lluka ‘lime-tree’. An early Slavic loanword, from *lyko ‘bast’
and, in particular, ‘lime-tree bast’. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 67.

llukë f, pl. lluka ‘foul egg’. From PAlb *lukâ related to lerë and derived
from IE *leu(a)- ‘dirt’. 0 POKORNY I 681.

llup aor. llupa ‘to gulp down, to swallow’. Continues P A lb *lupa ety­
mologically connected with Skt lumpáti ‘to break, to injure’, Lith liipti
‘to peel’, Latv lupt ‘to peel; to eat’, Slav *lupiti ‘to peel’ (hesitantly
- M e y e r Wb. 233). 0 F r a e n k e l 391-392; P o k o r n y I 690-691;
M a y r h o f e r III 108-109; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XVI 183-184.

llurbë f ‘sediment, mud’. Continues PAlb *lur(i)ba derived from */«-


r-a, a form related to lerë.

M
macë f, pl. maca ‘cat’. Borrowed from Slav *maca id., cf. South
240 M ACOLLE — MAGAR

Slavic forms: Bulg maca, SCr maca (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25;
M e y e r Wb. 2 6 3 ). Derived from mace is mache ‘cat; bush (on wheel)’.
0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 166; S v a n e 138.

macollé f, pl. macolla ‘m allet’. Dissimilated from *malolle, borrowed


from Lat malleolus id.

macukë f ‘shepherd’s staff’. A lexicalized phonetic variant of matukë.

maçë f, pl. maça ‘hard soil’. Borrowed from Slav *maca ‘swamp, marsh4
(Czech maca) unattested in South Slavic.

madh adj. ‘b ig , la r g e ’. F rom P A lb *madza rela ted to H itt mekkis id.,


Skt mahânt- ‘great, la r g e ’, G k |i iy a ç id ., Lat magnus id. and the lik e
(B op p 4 8 9 ,4 9 1 ; G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23; C a m a r d a 1 6; M e y e r Wb. 252).
The irregular vocalism m ay be explained by an unusual reduction (MANN
Language XXVI 3 8 5 , XVII 17); in any ca se, it is rem in isce n t o f -a-
in Lat magnus and OIr maige id. R um mare id. se em s to h ave b een
b o rro w ed fro m dial. A lb mall w ith -II- < -dh-. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill
18, 6 3 , 8 1 , Gr. Gr. 277; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 535; JOKL IF XLIV
57; PUÇCARIU EWR -88-89; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 180-181; M akn Lan­
guage XVII 17; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 379; F r isk II 189-190; C im o c h o w s k t
LP II 230; M a y r h o f e r II 6 0 9 -6 1 0 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 10-12;
POKORNY I 708; P o g h i r c Ist. limb. rom. II 344; ROSETTI ILR I 279;
JUCQUOIS Le Museon LXXVIII 448; HULD 8 8 -8 9 ; OREL ZfBalk XXIII
146; D E M IR A J StF XXVI/3, 9 5 -9 6 (reco n stru cts *magios), AE 2 5 0 -
251.

magar m, pi. magare ‘d o n k e y ’. A nother variant is magjar. A s it is clear


from margaç id ., the o rig in a l fo rm o f magar w as *margar, w ith the
d issim ilation o f sonorants. B oth w ord s are d eriv a tiv es o f an unattested
*margë. T h e latter appears to b e a b o rro w in g from Gmc *marxjö, cf.
OHG mar(i)ha ‘m a re’, mar(a)h ‘h o r s e ’, ON merr ‘m a re’ and the lik e.
T he form magar w as b orrow ed to other Balkan languages. 0 CAMARDA
II 73 (from gomar); M e y e r Wb. 2 53 (rep eats C a m a r d a ’ s e ty m o lo ­
gy); B a r ic ARSt 5 4 (p refix ma- + krric); KLUGE 4 5 4 ; lL ’lNSKIJtfoc/«a
ree VII 9 -1 0 (to IE *mek- ~ *meg- ‘to b e llo w ’); SKOK AArbSt IV 124-
132; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 345; Z a l i z n ’AK Ètimologija 1964 180;
KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 218; Ç a b e j St. I 3 2 9 (p r éfix a i d eriv a tiv e
o f O ld A lb gare ‘s h e -a ss’), Etim. 14-15.
M A I IA JË R M A JM Ë 241

m ahajër f ‘fallow'. A compound mah ajër "feeds the air’, cf. for the
semantic motivation Russ pole pod parom ‘fallow’ = ‘field under the
vapor’. 0 Jo k l Gioita XXI 121-124 (from Rom *majârium, cf. Ital
maggiatico id.); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31 ; Ç a b e j St. I 329 (agrees
with Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 134.

m ahnis aor. mahnita ‘to astound, to stu p e fy ’. A nother variant is manis.


B o rro w ed from S lav * maniti ‘to lu re, to ch a rm ’, w ith -h- in flu en ced
by *maxati ‘to w a v e ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 5 4 (from *maxati). 0 S v a n e
2 50.

m aj ~ m âj aor. majta ‘to feed, to fatten’. Another morphological


variant is mah id. From PAlb *mazdnja, a deverbative based on IE
*mazd- ‘feeding’: OHG mast, Skt me'das- ‘fat, m arrow ’ ( D e m iraj AE
251-252). 0 C a m a r d a I 37 (to TE *megh- ‘big’); M e y e r Wb. 259 (to
Lat mandò ‘to chew’), Alb. St. Ill 28, 63; JOKL Studien 54, LKUBA
183 (to Skt mddati ‘to boil’); KLUGE 465; MAYRHOFER II 683-684;
P o k o r n y I 694.

maj m ‘May’. Borrowed from Lat Mâjus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 38; M e y e r Wb. 255). 0 H a a r m a n n 134.

maj m, pl. maja ‘hammer’. Borrowed from Lat malleus id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 38; MEYER Wb. 255). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536 (uncer­
tain of Latin origins of the word); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1050
(from Ital maglio id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 180; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV/1-2 17; Ç a b e j St. I 330; H a a r m a n n 134.

m ajere f ‘terraced land’. Derived from majë. 0 ÇABEJ St. 1 3 2 9 (from


Rom *majdrium ‘fallow’ reconstructed by JOKL for mahajër).

m ajë f, pl. maja ‘tip, top, point, peak, summit’. Another form is male.
From PAlb *malâ, a feminine form of mal (M e y e r Wb. 2 5 5 ). Derived
from majë is majos ‘to fill to the brim ’. 0 CAMARDA II 6 9 -7 0 (from
IE *megh- ‘big’); MEYER Alb. St. Ill 63 (to Lat möns ‘mountain’); JOKL
LKUBA 1 62-163 (from *moliâ): P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 542; T a g l i ­
a v in i Dalmazia 8 8 -1 8 9 ; HULD 89; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 2 -2 5 3 .

m ajm ë adj. ‘fat’. Derived from maj ‘to feed, to fatten’ (C A M A R D A I


242 M A JT Ë ~ M Â JT Ë — M AKTH ~ M ÂKTH

37; M e y e r Wb. 259). 0 G r ie n b er g e r Got. 156-157 (to Goth mats ‘food ',
Skt mádati ‘to b o il’, M ir mat ‘p ig ’).

majtë ~ mâjtë adj. ‘left’. Borrowed from Rom *manctus, based on Lat
mancus ‘maimed, infirm ’, cf. also Ital manca ‘left hand’ (MEYER Wb.
273). Cf. mëngjër. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 203.

makar adv. ‘at least’. The word is also used as an interjection. Based
on M G k p a ic á p i < p a icá p to v , neut. ‘blessed’ (F il ip o v a -B a j r o v a Gr.
zaemki 122). The same word is attested in other Balkan languages. 0
MlKLOSICH EWb 181 (from Turk meyer ‘but, however, only’ < Pers
meger); MEYER Wb. 255 (follows MlKLOSICH ); SKOK II 359 (from NPers
mä ‘not’ and ägär < Iran *hakaram ‘unless, maybe’).

makë f, pl. maka ‘glue, scum, skin (on the milk or other liquids)’. Goes
back to P A lb *makd related to Lith makenti ‘to walk through a
swamp’, Slav *mokrrb ‘w et’, *moknçti ‘to become wet’ (M e y e r Wb.
2 5 5 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 698; F r a e n k e l 3 9 9 -3 4 0 ; T r u b a î e v ÈSSJa XIX
7 0 -7 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 3 -2 5 4 .

makërr m ‘stagnant g re en on p o n d s’. A d eriv a tiv e o f make (D e m ir a j


AE 254) reflecting PAlb *makra, an exact correspondence o f Slav *mokrh
‘w e t ’. F rom *makra other fo rm s are d eriv ed : makrohem ‘to get
covered with a film (o f liq u id s)’ and makrosë ‘stagnant green on p on d s’.
0 OREL Orpheus V I 67.

makth ~ mâkth m ‘kind of clover’. A parallel form is mokth. Derived


from mak ‘opium poppy’. The latter is borrowed from Slav *makT,
‘poppy’. 0 O r e l Orpheus VI 67.

makth ~ mâkth m ‘place where the cattle gives birth to their young’.
Based on an unattested *mak ~ mak derived from maj. 0 T a g l ia v i ­
n i Stratificazione 138.

makth ~ makth m ‘bogey, nightmare’. Other variants are mangth, mankth.


A secondary formation based on ankth with an expressive prefix
m-. 0 D e m ir a j AE 25 4 .

makth ~ m âkth m ‘le v e r e t ’. D e r iv e d from mang. 0 JOKL IF XLIII 57 -


6 0 (related to G oth magus ‘y o u th ’ and co n tin u in g IE *maghu-)\ BARIC
M A KUSH — M A L L Ë N G JF J 243

ARSt. 16 -17; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 138 (agrees with JOKL); D emiraj


AE 254.

makush m, pl. makushë ‘ostrich’. Derived from makut.

makut adj. ‘greedy, gluttonous’. Suffixal form in -ut based on an unat­


tested *mak ~ mûk derived from maj. Cf. also makth. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII
195.

mal m, pl. male ‘mountain’. From PAlb *mala identical with Lith mala
‘land’, Latv mala ‘bank, shore’ (JOKL LKUBA 162 f., 320, Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 87); cf. also *mal- reflected in the ancient Balkan toponymy:
Illyr Maluntum, Dac Dacia Maluensis vs. Dacia Ripensis. Note an archaic
derivative in PAlb *maljâ > majë ‘summit, peak’ (MEYER Wb. 273,
Alb. St. Ill 63, 78; OREL FLH V III/1-2 39). From Proto-Albanian *mala
was borrowed into Rum mal ‘bank’. 0 G tl’ f e r d in g Otn. 23 (to Skt
marú- ‘mountain’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 543; JOKL ZONF X 198-
200; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 181, Origini 149; KRAHE Balkan-ill. 53-
55; K r e t sc h m e r Ciotta XIV 90; M ü h l e n b a c h - E n d z e l in II 556;
M a y e r II 73-74; La P ia n a Studi I 112 (to Skt mürdhán- ‘top, summit’,
O E molda ‘forehead’); M a n n Language XXVI 386-387, XXVIII 36
(to rare Ir mol ‘heap’); PISANI Saggi 126; FRAENKEL 400-401; POKORNY
I 722; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 331; R o se t t i ILR I 278; H u l d 89
(follows La P i a n a ); D em iraj AE 254-256.

malcoj aor. malcova ‘to inflame, to make sore’. Borrowed from Rom
*malitiâre, cf. Lat malitia ‘badness, spite’ (MEYER Wb. 256). 0
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; ÇABEJ St. I 330 (euphemistic use of mëlcoj);
H a a r m a n n 134.

mall m ‘h o m e sick n ess, lo n g in g , a ffe c tio n ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat malum


‘e v il, m isfo r tu n e ’ (M e y e r Wb. 256). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23;
Ç a b e j St. VII 255; H a a r m a n n 134; L a n d i Lat. 142.

mallesë f, pi. mallesa ‘pasture, meadow’. A variant of mballesë, see


mballoj.

mallëngjej aor. mallëngjeva ‘to touch, to move, to stir’. Used in the


figurative sense only. Borrowed from Lat malum angere ‘to cause pain’,
instead of angere proper (MEYER Wb. 256). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 233.
244 M A L I.K O J — M ARAJ

m allkoj aor. mallkova ‘to curse, to excommunicate’. Another form is


malkoj. Borrowed from Lat maledîcere id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 38; M e y e r Wb. 256). 0 C a m a r d a I 105 (to Gk paÀ,ocicôç ‘soft,
gentle’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047, 1050; MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV /1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 253; H a a r m a n n 134.

m allth m ‘pad under the claw (of animals)’. Based on an unattested


*mall continuing P A lb *maldwa and related to Lat mollis < *molditis
‘soft’, Skt mrdú- id. and the like. 0 POKORNY 1 7 1 8 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n
II 1 03-104; M a y r h o f e r II 676; O r e l Orpheus VI 67.

m a m ic ë f, pl. mamica ‘wet-nurse, m idwife’. Borrowed from Slav


*mamica ‘m other’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg mamica, SCr
mamica (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25). 0 SVANE 190.

m am u z m, pl. mamuza, mamuze, mamuzë ‘spur’. A suffixal derivative


of mamis ‘to allure, to embroil, to spur’ borrowed from Slav *marniti.
id., cf. Bulg mam'a, SCr marniti.

m an m, pl. mana, mane ‘m ulberry’. Other variants are (T) mën, (G)
mand. From PAlb *manta. The same word is attested in Dac ^xavxeia
‘blackberry’, Diosc. 4.37, mantla, App. Herb. 87 ( P o n A'Z XIV; M eyer
Wb. 257). 0 W e ig a n d BA II 213, III 236; BERTOLDI Ciotta XXI 258-
260 (Dac pavieicc to Gk pàxoç ‘blackberry’); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch.
I 88; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; P is a n i Saggi 124; Ç a b e j St. I 330-
331 (quotes mani ‘straw berry’ of the Alpine Romance).

m an d ile f, pi. mandile ‘kerchief’. Borrowed from Lat maritile ‘towl,


napkin’ (M e y e r Wb. 258).

m ang m ‘small (of animals); urchin’. Borrowed from Lat mancus ‘maimed,
infirm ’. The adjective mangët id. with a recently added suffix -ët and
the adverb mangut ‘less, missing, short’ go back to the same source.
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 38 (mangut from Ital manco ‘maimed’);
M a n n HAED 262 (metaphorical usage of mangë ‘flax-breaker’, see
mëngë)-, T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 182; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 17;
ÇABEJ St. I 331 (to IE *men- ‘little’); LANDI Lat. 48.

m araj m ‘fennel’. Other variants are mërajë and maraq. Borrowed


from Rom *marathrium, derivative of Lat marathrum ‘fennel’ (M e y e r
M ARAUZHGË M ARTE 245

Wb. 259) or, as reflected by maraq, from *marathricum. The inter­


mediate form *mararja was borrowed to R um murar. 0 MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 39 (from Lat marathum or G k pápotGov); MlHÄESCU
RESEE IV/3-4 350 (from Gk *papa0piov); R o se t t i ILR I 279; Ç a b e j
St. VII 280; H u l d KZ XCIX 247.

m arau zh gë f, pl. marauzhga ‘horse-fly’. Borrowed from an unattest­


ed Bulg *maravuska, deminutive of dialectal marave ‘ant’ (DESNICK­
AJA Slav. zaim. 13). 0 OREL Orpheus V I 68.

m ardhë f ‘chill, frost, ice’. Goes back to PAlb *mardzâ etymologi­


cally identical with Slav *morzi, ‘frost’ (MEYER Wb. 260, Alb. St. Ill
17, 63, 72). Both forms continue IE *mergh- ‘to rot, to soak’. The
verbs mardh ‘to chill, to freeze’ and mërdhij id. are deverbatives. 0
PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 535, Kelt. Gr. I 105; LA PIANA Studi 141; MANN
Language XVII 18; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 231; PISANI Saggi 124;
POKORNY I 739; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XX 10-
14; DEMIRAJ AE 256.

m are f, pl. mare ‘bearberry, strawberry-tree’. Borrowed from Lat marum


‘cat-thyme, kind of sage’.

m arenë f, pl. marena ‘marsh rosem ary’. Borrowed from Slav *marena
‘plant Rubia tinctorum ‘ attested in West and East Slavic.

m argaç m, pl. margaçë ‘ass, donkey’. A derivative of *marge, see magar.


0 K o n it z a Albania VIII/Ser. 9 52 (from Rom *marcätum ~ *mercätum
‘m arket’).

(G) m argjën uer m ‘ledge of a rock serving as a cover’. A suffixal


derivative of *margjen borrowed from Lat marginem ‘edge, brink’ (ÇABEJ
St. I 332).

m arm ur m ‘m arble’. Borowed from Lat marmurem id. (M e y e r -


LU b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 332.

m ars m ‘M arch’. Borrowed from Lat Martins id. ( M e y e r Wb. 261).


0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 17; Ç a b e j St. VII 215; H a a r m a n n 135.

m artë f, pl. marta ‘Tuesday’. Borrowed from Lat Martis (dies) ‘(day
246 M ARTESË - MAS

of) M ars, T u e sd a y ’ (MEYER Wb. 261). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente


40 (from Ital marte id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183 (supports MEYER);
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17.

martesë f, pl. martesa ‘m arriage’. Borrowed from Rom *maritätiö id.


( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 0 8 ). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Lith marti
‘sister-in-law’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183.

martoj aor. martora ‘to m arry’. B o rro w ed from Lat maritare id. (M lK ­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 39; M e y e r Wb. 261). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 2 I 1047, 1050; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 308; JOKL LKUBA 13-15
(to IE *meri ‘yo u n g w o m a n ’); SKOK AArbSt. I 2 1 0 (d eriv ed from IE
*merï ‘y o u n g w o m a n ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183 (q u estio n s JOKL’s
ety m o lo g y ); ÇABEJ St. VII 266; HAARMANN 135; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 6 -
257.

marr mora ‘to take, to grasp’. From PAlb *marna, a deverbative


aor.
based on the heteroclytic word for ‘hand’ preserved in Gk (lápti, Lat
manus ( N e is s e r BB XIX 1 2 1 -1 2 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 261 (to Skt mrsáti
‘to touch’); P e d e r s e n BB XX 231 (to Gk pápirrco ‘to grasp, to
seize’); JOKL Studien 5 3 -5 4 (agrees with N e is s e r ) ; L a PIANA Studi I
9 4 (to Gk neipo|ioa ‘to divide’); P o r z ig Gliederung 178; FRISK II 175;
C h a n t r a i n e 667; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I I 34 -3 5 ; P o k o r n y 1 740; C im o-
CHOWSKI St. IE 43; H am p Laryngeals 140 (compares marr with Gk
apv-oni ‘to take’ and reconstructs *(s)med-Hernö), Norw. JLing. XXIII
13-14, Sprache XXX 157; HULD 89-9 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 7 -2 5 8 (to Skt
prá-mrna, imper. ‘to pack’).

marre adj. ‘mad, foolish, crazy’. Literally, ‘dim, m urky’. See marrtë.
0 G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23 (to Skt milra- ‘stupid’); M a n n Language
XXVIII 37 (to Hitt marsas).

marrtë ‘murky, cloudy, dim. dull’. A suffixal derivative of PAlb *marsa


related to Slav *morx~b ‘dusk, fog’. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIX 222; OREL
Orpheus VI 68.

mas aor. mata ‘to m easure’. From PAlb *matja, a denominative verb
based on an adjective in *-to~, *ma-ta- further related to IE *me- id.:
Skt mimäti, Tokh A me- and the like ( C a m a r d a I 35; M e y e r BB VIII
190, Wb. 262-263, Alb. St. Ill 24, 63, 81). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. II
MASI IK — MATUKF. 247

575; JOKL Sprache IX 118-119; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 184; PISANI Saggi


123; P o k o r n y 1 703-704; Ç a b e j StF I (XIX)/3 41; C im o c h o w s k i St.
1E 44; M a y r h o f e r li 638; V a n W in d e k e n s I 295-296; H u ld 95;
DEMIRAJ AE 258.

mashë f ‘gum, paste, glue’. Borrowed from Lat massa ‘lump, mass,
adhering stuff’.

(G) mashën f ‘barn, hayloft, cowshed’. A singularized plural of


*mashë borrowed from Lat nom. mansiö ‘place of abode, dwelling’.
0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 3 2 (from Lat massa).

mashkull m, pl. meshkuj ‘m a n ’, adj. ‘m a le ’ . B o rro w ed from Lat mas-


culus ‘m a le, m a sc u lin e ’ (CAMARDA I 86; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
40; MEYER Wb. 2 6 2 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1042, 1049;
JOKL LKUBA 143; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 184; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1 -
2 17; H a a r m a n n 135; L a n d i Lat. 9 4 , 1 3 7 -1 3 8 .

mashkull m. pl. mashkuj ‘hook’. Borrowed from Lat masculus ‘male,


masculine’ used to denote the part of the hinge which is inserted into
another called fem ina ‘fem ale’. Thus, Lat masculus et fëm ina > Alb
mashkull e fem ër ‘hook and eyelet’. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 68.

mashterk m. pl. mashterq ‘big wooden platter, dish’. Another variant


is mashtër. Borrowed from Rom *magistericus, literally, ‘master’s (dish)’.
0 ÇABEJ St. I 332-333 (from SCr masur ‘wooden platter’).

mashurkë f, pl. mashurka ‘green bean, pod’. Derived from mashë.

mat m ‘bank, shore’. Continues PAlb *mata < *mnto- related to Lat
möns ‘mountain’ ( V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 3 9 -4 0 ). 0 J o k l LKUBA
3 1 4 -3 1 5 (borrowed from Gk â|aa0oç ‘sand, sandy soil’); B a r i c
Lingv. stud. 17 (agrees with V a s m e r ); W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 1 0 8-109;
POKORNY I 726; Ç a b e j St. I 3 3 3 -3 3 4 (related to OIr math ‘sand’).

matkë f, pl. matka ‘queen-bee’. Borrowed from Slav *matbka id., cf.
South Slavic forms: Bulg matka, SCr matka ( J o k l LKUBA 2 8 6 -2 8 7 ).
0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 167; SVANE 158.

matukë f ‘mattock, hoe’. An early borrowing from Slav * moty ha id.


248 M A ZA ! O R K - M BARRSHTOJ MBAROJ — M BA TI I 249

................... ......t M n o - g sjuo .if ç , r : \ . . F Â ' Î W ’/ • 01- M c v fr Wh


w ttçw im m w n m m w m , ..,., , _, o ; J a n s o n Ui
0 SKT
nt.
tenie 7 8 , 142; S v a n e 76. 54.

mazatore f, pl. mazatore ‘one year old heifer’. Derived from mëzat, mbaroj aor. mbarova ‘to fin is
i, to end, to complete’. A préfixai deriv-
see mëz. ative o f pare. 0 MEYER Wb.
55 (to mbar)-, T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 8 5
(a g rees w ith M e y e r ); Ç ab e,
St. VII 230.
mazë f, pl. maza ‘cream, skin on the milk’. The same word is attest­
ed as madh. mazë ‘corn skilly with cream’. Borrowed from Slav *mazb mbars aor, mbarsa ‘to make p
■egnant, to fecundate’. Derived from the ~ *maz-h ‘fat, ointment’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg m a z\ SCr adjective mbarsë, barsë ‘pn
gnant’. The latter continues PAlb *en- maz. 0 JOKL Studien 5 4 (to maj); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 4 9 ; ClM O- hartja related to IE *bher- ‘to
give birth’ ( M e y e r Wb. 2 8 ) . 0 P o k o r n y CHOWSKI LP II 2 5 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 0 (madh- to Skt médas- ‘fat’); I 1 2 8 - 1 3 2 (presented togethe
with *bher- ‘to bear’); ÇABEJSr. I 334- ÇABEJ apud DEM IRAJ (to Goth mats ‘food, meal’); DEM IR AJ AE 2 5 8 - 3 3 5 ; M a n n Comp. 7 2 (barsë
dentical with Illyr [equa] bardia ‘preg- 2 5 9 (related to Slav *mazb); OREL Orpheus VI 6 8 . nant [mare]’).

mbaj aor. mbajta ‘to hold, to carry’. From PAlb *en-barnja, a causative mbart aor. mbarta ‘to bear, to
:arry (back)’. Continues PAlb *en-barta derived from *bera > bie ( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 ) . 0 JOKL LKUBA 1 9 6 based on an adjective in *-to
- and related to mbar. (reconstructs *-bhoreiO but Italo-Albanian forms preserve -nj), IF XXXVII
1 0 3 - 1 0 5 ; TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 1 8 7 ; H a m p S í. Whatmough 8 2 ; ÇABEJ mbarre f ‘shame’. Another j
ihonetic variant is marre. The original St. VII 2 0 1 , 2 2 7 ; H u l d 9 0 (believes that in the cluster *-rnj- the first meaning was ‘burden’. Derh
ed from mbar.
element is preserved); O REL FLH V III/ 1 -2 3 9 ; DEM IRAJ AE 8 6 .
mbas prep, ‘after’, adv. ‘behir
d ’. A préfixai variant of pas id. These mball rnbolla ‘to bung’. A préfixai derivative of ballë.
aor. 0 M eyer forms continue PAlb *en-apa
-tsi from *en apo k id , cf. pa. 0 M e y e r Wb. 264 (to Gk epßocMuo ‘to throw in, to put in’). Wb. 3 2 2 - 3 2 3 (to Skt pascal ‘a
ter, behind’); HAMP KZ LXXV/1-2 23.
mballoj aor. mballova ‘to turn out to graze’. The noun mballesë mbase adv. ‘perhaps, maybe’. F
■om mba(j) se (M e y er Wb. 264). 0 Ç abej
‘meadow, pasture’ is derived from mballoj. From an earlier *mbëlloj St. VII 193, 247.
reflecting a loan from Lat ambulare ‘to walk (around)’.
mbasi conj. ‘s in c e ’ As elea
from a variant mbassi, continues a mbar mbara ‘to bring (back)’. From PAlb *en-bara, further
aor. seq u en ce mbas si.
related to mbaj and bie (BOPP 5 4 0 ; C A M A R D A I 1 3 5 ; M e y e r Wb. 3 5 ) .
0 JOKL IF XXXVII 1 0 4 ; TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 1 8 5 ; ÇABEJ St. I 5 4 - mbath aor. mbatha ‘to put on
(shoes)’. From PAlb *amb(i)-autsa, a 55. préfixai verb based on *autso
< *ou-k-. The latter is an extension of
IE *eu- id.: Arm aganim ‘to p
it on (clothes)’, Lat ex-uO ‘to draw out, mbarë adj. ‘right, good, favorable’. A tabooistically used Lat impar to pull off’, Lith aunu, aüti, S
lav *uti. Q M e y e r Wb. 264 (from Rom ‘uneven, unequal’. 0 M EYER Wh. 35 (to mbar); ÇA BEJ St. VII 230. *bassus ‘lower part, under;
/ea r’); BARIC ARSt. 54-55 (from IE
*ambhi-oudhö, derivative of
he above *eu-); TAGLIA v in i Dalmazia mbarështoj aor. mbarështova ‘to arrange, to dispose, to administer’.
186; L a P ia n a St. Varia 18-21
) (to IE *auedh-)\ A c a r e a n HAB I 76; Another variant caused by the analogical influence of shtroj is F r a e n k e l 27; W a ld e - H o f m a
síN 1 434-436; P o k o r n y I 346; V a s m e r mbarështroj. Goes back to the phraze mbarë shtoj (ÇABEJ St. I 334). III 109; Ç a b e j St. I 335-336 (
o Slav *bosT> ‘barefooted’, Lith basas 0 Jo k l ZfromPhil XLI 233 (from Lat ministrare ‘to take care of, to id. - but there is no *fc in this
root!); OREL Orpheus VI 68.
250 M BES M B Ë R R IJ ~ M B ËR R ÎJ

mbes aor. mbeta ‘to remain, to stay’. A préfixai derivative of jes (C a m a r d a


I 134; M e y e r Wb. 163). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 186.

mbesë f, pl. mbesa ‘n ie c e , gran d d au gh ter’. B o r ro w e d from Lat nepötia


id. known only in Dalmatia, > O D alm nepoça (M EYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­
riß 21 1 0 4 0 ; TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 ) . 0 M EYER Wb. 2 6 4 -
2 6 5 (phonetically incredible com parison with Lith mésa ‘sister-in -la w ’);
BUGGE BB XVIII 1 8 0 (from R om *neptia); PEDERSEN BB XX 2 3 2 (recon­
stru cts IE *nepötiä), KZ XXXVI 3 0 8 , Kelt. Gr. I 9 3 ; JOKL LKUBA 2 7
(again st the Latin e ty m o lo g y ), WuS XII 8 2 ; W IED EM A N N BB XXVII
2 0 1 ; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 ; E R N O U T -M E IL L E T 4 3 8 ;
H u l d 9 0 ; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 9 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 9 .

mbë prep, ‘at, in’. Another variant is me. From the atonic form of PAlb
*ambi continuing IE *ambili: Gk ot|u<pi ‘about, around’, Goth bi, OIr
imm- < Celt *mbi and the like ( M e y e r Wb. 2 6 5 , Alb. St. Ill 3 5 , 6 4 ) .
0 B o p p 4 9 9 (to Skt dpi)-, C a m a r d a I 1 7 0 (to Gk é n t ‘upon’); F e i s t
Goth. 8 7 - 8 8 ; F r i s k 1 9 8 ; P o k o r n y I 3 4 ; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 9 5 ; H a m p
Laryngeals 1 3 0 , Ériu XXVIII 1 4 5 ; M a n n Language XVII 2 2 ; Ö L B E R G
KZ LXXXVI 1 2 8 ; K O R T L A N D T Arm-IE 4 5 ; D E M IR A J ZfBalk XXIX 6 4 -
6 7 , AE 2 6 0 - 2 6 1 .

mbëltoj aor. mbëltova ‘to plant’. Borrowed from Rom * implantare ‘to
plant’, cf. Lat plantare id. 0 K r is t o f o r id h i 227 (derived from balte)',
Ç a b e j St. IV 79, VII 230.

mbërdhe adv. ‘on the ground’. A compound of mbë and dhe with an
epenthetic -r-.

mbërthej aor. mbërtheva ‘to fasten, to button’. A préfixai derivative


of birth (see birk). For the semantic development cf. Germ knöpfen
‘to button’ ~ Knopf ‘button, knob, bud’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 265 (from Lat
invertere ‘to turn upside down’); ÇABEJ St. I 336-337 (phonetic trans­
formation of mbath).

mbërrij ~ mbërrîj aor. mbërrita ~ mbërrina ‘to arrive’. Another variant


is mërrij. Derived from arrij (M EY ER Wb. 17). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 337 (related
to mbar).
M BËSH EL — M BLED H 251

mbëshel aor. mbëshela ‘to shut, to c lo s e , to lo c k '. O ther variants are


mbëçel and mbërshel. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f çel (JOKL Studien 5 5).

mbështet aor. mhështeta ‘to stand, to prop’. From PAlb *ambhi-stata


based on an adjective *stata identical with IE *st(h)atos ‘standing’,
cf. Skt sthità-, Gk oiaxôç id., Lat status id. (JOKL LKUBA 250). 0 F risk
I 739; M a y r h o f e r III 526-527; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 596-599;
P o k o r n y I 1006; D e m ir a j AE 259.

mbi adv. ‘on, upon’. Oiginally, an adverb. From a tonic form of PAlb
*ambi, cf. mbë.

mbiatu adv. ‘immediately, at once’. A Calabrian phonetic variant of


mbi ato ‘on this’ > ‘at once’ (Ç a b e j St. I 337). 0 C a m a r d a II 153
(mbi + Ital atto ‘act’); M e y e r Wb. 265 (repeats CAMARDA’ s etymol­
ogy).

mbij - mbij aor. mbiva ‘to th riv e, to g ro w , to sh o o t’. F rom P A lb *en-


biinja related to IE *bheu- : *bhu- ‘to g r o w , to b e ’ (CAMARDA I 48;
M e y e r Wb. 36-37, BB VIII 189). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 35; J o k l apud
WALDE-HOFMANN I 504 (to IE *bher- ‘to b r in g ’); POKORNY I 146-
150; Ç a b e j St. I 66 (to IE *bhei- ‘to beat, to strik e’); D e m ir a j AE
100-101 (fo llo w s Ç a b e j).

mbjell aor. mbolla ‘to sow’. A préfixai derivative o f pjell (MEYER Wb.
3 4 2 ). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 124; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 4 2 .

mblatë f, pl. mblata ‘shew bread’. Borrow ed from Lat oblata id.
(M ey er Wb. 38), with a non-etymological nasal in the anlaut. 0 JOKL
LKUBA 292; Ç a b e j St. I 337-338.

mbledh aor. mblodha ‘to gather, to collect’. Continues P A lb *ambi-


ledza, a préfixai verb related to Gk Xeym id., Lat lego ‘to read, *to
gather’ ( M e y e r Wb. 265, Alb. St. Ill 17). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335;
B a r i c ARSt I 13; JOKL LKUBA 8; L a P ia n a Studi I 56; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 382; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 231; PORZIG Gliederung 192,
211; P is a n i Saggi 129; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 350; F r i s k II 94-96;
C h a n t r a i n e 626; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 1 780; P o k o r n y 1 658; S ir o k o v
ZFL XXIV/1 15 (to Goth lisan ‘to gather’); KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum
28; Ç a b e j St. VII 243; H u ld 145, 156; D e m ir a j AE 261-262.
252 M B LO I — M BRO D H

mbloj aor. mblova ‘to fill’. Borrowed from Lat implêre id. (M E Y E R
Wb. 265). 0 C a m a r d a T 125 (related to piote)-, L a m b e r t z LVII 71
(follows C a m a r d a ); M a n n Language XXVI 383; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t
Verbum 254-255; Ç ABEJ St. I 338.

mbloj aor. mblova ‘to betroth’. Historically identical with mbloj ‘to
fill’.

mbrapa adv. ‘behind, back’, prep, ‘behind’. Together with prapa id.
continues PAlb *(en)-per-apa, cf. per and pa (C A M A R D A 161; M e y e r
Wb. 351). 0 J o k l MRIW I 302; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 188.

mbraz adj. ‘empty, void’. Results from the recombination of mbrazëm


< *(m)brazen, borrowed from Slav *porzdbm> id., cf. Bulg prazen,
SCr prazan (MEYER Wb. 266). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 193, 323-
325; H AM P LB XIV/2 15.

mbrej aor. mbrejta ‘to harness, to yoke’. Another variant is mbreh. From
PAlb *en-breunja, further related to brez (M E Y E R Wb. 46). 0 T A G L IA ­
VINI Dalmazia 1 8 8 .

mbrenda adv., prep, ‘inside, within’. Variant of brenda.

mbres aor. mbreta ‘to bruise, to beat’. A préfixai derivative of pres.

mbret m, pl. mbretër ~ mbretën ‘king’. Borrowed from Rom *imperätus


for Lat imperätor ‘em peror’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32; MEYER
Wb. 266 (directly from imperätor)-, MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I
1043; T a g l ia v in i Origini 191, 256; R o se t t i RRL XXVII/6 495;
M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 26; Ç a b e j * . VII 239,280; H a a r m a n n 130;
L a n d i Lat. 145.

mbrëma ~ mbrama adv. ‘in the evening’. From PAlb *en-prama the
second element of which is identical with Gk 7tpôp,oç ‘foremost man’,
Goth from ‘from ’, OHG fram id. (M E Y E R Wb. 266, Alb. St. ITT 64, 72).
0 F e ist Goth. 164; M a n n Language XVII 20; F r is k II 600; P o k o r n y
1 814.

mbrodh aor. mbrodha ‘to h elp , to do g o o d ’. A su ffix a l d eriv a tiv e o f


prodh ‘to p r o d u c e ’, a b a ck -form ation o f prodhoj. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 6 6
(con tin u ation o f Ital prode ‘b rave, v a lia n t’); MANN Comp. 4 (from IE
*en-pro-ago).
M BRO J - M BU TO J 253

mbroj aor. mbrojta ‘to defend, to protect’. Borrowed from Rom


* imparare id. (HAARM ANN 140).

mbruaj ~ mbruej aor. mbrujta ‘to k n ea d ’. F rom P A lb *brunja related


to brume ( M e y e r Wb. 266) and, furth er, to Lat ferveO ‘to b o il’ (JOKL
LKUBA 263). D er iv ed from mbruj is mbrits ‘to stu ff fu ll’ . 0 M a n n
Language XVII 15 (to OE beorm ‘b arm ’, Lat fermentimi); P is a n i Saggi
126; D e m ir a j AE 111.

mbufas aor. mbufata ‘to inflate, to swell’. A préfixai derivative of *bufas


borrowed from Slav *buxati ‘to beat, to swell’ (Ç a b e j St. I 338). 0
MEYER Wb. 54 (to Ital buffare ‘to blow’).

mbulim m ‘source; burial, grave’. Deverbative o f mbuloj. 0 ÇABEJ


St. I 339-340 (to buie).

mbuloj aor. mbulova ‘to cover, to bury’. Another variant is mbloj. Bor­
rowed from Rom *manipulare ‘to dig in handfuls’, cf. Lat manipu-
lus ‘handful’. 0 MEYER \\1t. 267 (from Rom *invëlâre ‘to cover’); M e y e r -
LüBKE Gr. Grundriß 11 1049; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 538 (agrees with
M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 187; H a a r m a n n 131; K l i n g e n -
SCHMITT Verbum 172; ÇABEJ St. I 339-340 (identical with mbloj).

mbuloj aor. mbulova ‘to seal’. Attested only in BUZUKU. Based on *bulë
borrowed from MLat bulla ‘seal’ (ÇABEJ St. I 340). 0 H e lb i g 84 (from
Ital bolla id.).

mburr aor.mburra ‘to praise’. Denominative of burrë (M eyer Wb. 5 5 ).


0 M ann Comp. 1 2 6 (to Lat furo ‘to rage’).

mbush aor. mbusha ‘to f i l l ’. C on tin u es P A lb *en-busa rela ted to Gk


ßuveco < *ßvo-v-£co ‘to fill up’ and its cognates (CAMARDA I 52; MEYER
Wb. 267, Alb. St. Ill 32, 61, 80). 0 L a P ia n a Studi 191; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVIII 39 (to Gk (pXútü); F r is k I 276-277; C h a n t r a i n e 202;
P o k o r n y I 101; D e m ir a j AE 262 (reco n stru cts a n asal p resen t for
P ro to -A lb an ian ).

mbutoj aor. mbutova ‘to seal, to bung’. Denominative based on but ‘barrel,
tub’.
254 M BYLL — M EH ~ MF.F

mbyll aor. mbylla ‘to shut, to fasten’. Continues PAlb *ambi-wela, orig­
inally, * ‘to encircle’, related to Skt vaiati ‘to turn’, Gk eiXém ‘to roll
tight up, to close’, OIr fillid ‘to bend’ and the like (HAMP Evidence
139-140). 0 ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 130; F r is k I 457-458; M a y r h o f e r
III 161; POKORNY I 1140-1143; Ç a b e j St. VII 230, 233.

mbys aor. mbyta ‘to strangle, to drown, to kill’. From PAlb *ambi-
witja with the regular development of *-iwi- > -y-. Further related to
Skt vyáthate ‘to sway, to rock’, Goth wipon ‘to pour’. 0 JOKL Studien
56 (to Lat confutare ‘to suppress, to restrain’, ON bauta ‘to strike’);
P o k o r n y I 1178; C i m o c h o w s k i St. IE 130; Ç a b e j St. VII 233, 254;
H u l d 90-91; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 130; HAM P Laryngeals 139 (derived
from IE *ijed— *ud- ‘w ater’, cf. also zhys ‘to dive’); DEM IRAJ AE
262-263 (derived from pi).

me m ‘insufficience, lack’, adj. ‘insufficient, scanty, not full’. From


PAlb *manu etymologically close to Gk póvir piKpóv. ’A0uu«vfç (Hes.),
pavôç ‘thin’ and Arm m am ‘small, thin’ (O REL Linguistica XXIV 430).
The form mete ‘insufficient’ is derived from me after the fall of the
final nasal. Related to me is mej ~ mêj ‘to reduce, to diminish’. 0 MEYER
Wb. 273 (comparisons with Lat minuö ‘to lessen’, Ital meno ‘less’ or
Slav * n ib n b ‘small(er)’); M EILLET MSL VIII 164; KRISTOFORIDHI 227
(to mangut, mungoj)\ A C A R E A N HAB III 257; M A N N Language XVII
20-21 (mej < IE *nu}iö)\ FRISK II 171-172; POKORNY I 728-729; NEROZ­
NAK Paleob. 199 (to IE *(s)meik- ‘small’); ÇABEJ St. IV 79.

me prep. ‘with’. From PAlb *me(t) etymologically connected with Goth


mip id., Gk p é ta ‘in the middle, between’ (M a n n Language XXVIII
32). 0 C a m a r d a I 314 (identifies me with NGk né); M e y e r Wb. 268
(borrowed from NGk |aé); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 188 (against M e y e r );
F e is t Goth. 364; F r isk II 216; P o k o r n y I 702; Wmav Laryngeals 140,
NTS XXTII 13 (follows M a n n ); H u l d 91.

meçkë f, pl. meçka ‘she-bear’. Borrowed from one of South Slavic taboois-
tic names for bear: Bulg mecka, SCr mecka. <) ÇABEJ St. VII 184.

mefshtë adj. ‘slow, sluggish’. A suffixal derivative of mehem.

meh - m ef aor. meha ~ mefa ‘to soak’. From PAlb *meu-ska related
to Latv maût ‘to dive’, Slav *myti 'to wash' and other continuants of
MEHEM — MEMEC 255

IE *meu- ~ *meua- ‘w e t’. 0 VASMER III 26; POKORNY I 7 4 1 -7 4 2 ; O r e l


Orpheus V I 68.

mehem refi, ‘to f a il’. G o e s back to P A lb *nwja related to O H G muoan


‘to w ork d ilig e n tly ’, G k nô>À.oç ‘toil ( o f w a r )’, S lav *majati ‘to w o rk
s lo w ly ’. 0 FRISK II 282; P o k o r n y I 746; BER 702; T r u b a C e v ÈSSJa
X V II 132-134; OREL Orpheus V I 68.

mekem r e f i ‘to gasp , to c h o k e ’. R elated to meke't ‘w e t’ (JO K L apud


W A LD E-H O FM A N N I 5 0 8 ) a cco rd in g to a sem an tic u n iv ersa l lin k in g
w ord s for ‘b ein g sile n t’ and ‘m e ltin g ’. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I ll 4 , 63 (to
S lav *mblcati ‘to be sile n t’); PEDERSEN KZ X X X III 549; TRUBACEV
PlEJa 1 00-105 (ex a m p le s o f this sem an tic d ev elo p m en t); A n i k i n 6 7 -
78 (sem a n tic p arallels); DEM IRAJ AE 2 6 4 (e x p r e s siv e w o rd ).

mekët adj. ‘w e t’. C f. a lso the v erb mek ‘to m ake w e t’. C on tin u es P A lb
*maka related to makë (ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ). 0 J o k l apud WALDE-
H o f m a n n I 50 8 (to Lith minkau ‘to k n ead ’); C im o c h o w s k i LP V 193;
C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 1 10; DEMIRAJ AE 2 6 3 -2 6 4 (b o rro w ed from SCr
mek, Bulg mek).

meksh m, pl. meksha ‘buffalo-calf’. Another variant is meshk ‘bull-calf’.


From *megsh continuing PAlb *magusa related to OIr maug ‘slave’,
Goth magus ‘youth’ (from IE *maghu- : *maghos). 0 F e ist Goth. 339;
P o k o rn y I 696; Ç abej St. I 3 4 0 (related to meke't).

mel m ‘m ille t’. B o r ro w e d from Lat milium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 523; M e y e r Wb. 2 6 8 ). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 189; M e y e r -
L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; MIHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; HAAR­
MANN 136.

mellë f ‘clay, lo e s s ’. B orrow ed from S lav *meh, ~ *melb ‘chalk, lo e s s ’,


c f. B u lg mel, SC r mel.

memec m, pl. memecë, memeca ‘deaf-mute, dumb’. Borrowed, with assimil­


atio n of nasals, from Slav *nembcb ‘stranger, mute person’, cf. Bulg
nemec, SCr nemac, nijemac (M E Y E R Wb. 269). Such assimilation is,
in fact, attested in Bulg dial, memkin’a < nemkin'a ‘kind of haricot’,
originally, ‘Germ woman’, fem. of * n e m b C b . 0 S c h u l z e Kl. Sehr. 2 1 4 ;
SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 1 9 5 - 2 8 6 ; SV A N E 1 8 5 .
256 M EM ZI M ERË

memzi adv. ‘h ardly, s c a r c e ly ’. A nother variant is mëzi. B ased on mem,


a p articipai form o f mej ~ mej ‘to red u ce, to d im in ish ’, se e me.

menati adv. ‘early in the m o r n in g ’. A le x ic a liz e d p hrase me nate w ith


an ad verb ial m arker.

mençëm adj. ‘c le v e r , in te llig e n t’. A d eriv a tiv e in -ahem o f mend (JOKL


LKUBA 106).

mend pl. ‘m in d ’. B o rro w ed from Lat mentem id. (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn.


25; C a m a r d a I 306; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 0 -4 1 ; MEYER Wb.
2 7 4 ). N o te the d en o m in a tiv e verb mendoj ‘to think, to c o u n t’ . 0
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 189;
M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (from IE *mt}tis), XXVIII 32 (from Latin);
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 17; Ç a b e j St. V II 255; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i
Lat. 5 5 , 8 3 -8 5 , 116.

mendër f, pl. mendra ‘m int’. A suffixal derivative based on *mende


borrowed from Lat menta id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 41; MEYER
Alb. St. I 55 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 7 2 (from Ital menta id.); MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044; JOKL LKUBA 232; ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 0 (from Gk
|iiv0T| id.); L a n d i Lat. 5 5 , 135.

mendull f ‘almond’. Borrowed from Rom *amendula, cf. Ital dial, ammen-
nola < *amendula (ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 1 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 8 5
(from Ital Venet mandola id.); MEYER Wb. 258-259 (follows MlKLOSICH);
T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 189-190; M ihäescu RESEE IV / 1-2 21; H a a r m a n
110 (from Lat amyndala).

(G) merajë f ‘w inter pasture’. A derivative o f mera ‘pasture’, o f Turkish


o rig in (Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 5 9 -2 6 0 (from Lat hibernälis
‘w in tr y ’); JOKL LKUBA 2 65 (fr o m R om *invernälia ); MlHÄESCU
RESEE I V /1 - 2 31; H a a r m a n n 129.

merendoj aor. merendova ‘to a rr a n g e’. A recen t fo rm a tio n b ased on


the ad verb merend ‘in o r d e r ’, a le x ic a liz e d p hrase me rend, cf. rend.

merë f ‘fea r’. A p hon etic variant o f tmerr (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 190).

merë f ‘m ea su re’. B o rro w ed from S lav *méra id., cf. in South S lavic;
M ERË - (Cr) M ETEH 257

Bulg m ’ara, dial, mera, SCr mera, mjera (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente
26; M e y e r Wb. 270). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 182; S v a n e 89.

m erfi f ‘scent, fragrance’. Borrowed from Lat myrrha ‘m yrrh’ > Rom
*mirra.

m erim a n g ë t' ‘spider’. Other variants are merimagë, mirëmangë, mil-


imangë, milingonë and merimajkë. Tabooistic transform ations of
merming id. borrowed from NGk pt>p|ifjyYi ‘ant, midget’ (M e y e r Alb.
St. I 77). 0 M e y e r Wb. 274-275 (compound the first element of which
is compared with Slav *paçlch ‘spider’); KRISTOFORIDHI 220, 234 (to
Gk juùppriç); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Gk Dor púppai;
‘ant’); ÇABEJ St. I 341-342 (follows MlHÄESCU).

m esë ‘skin (of onion), milk-skin, film ’. Goes back to PAlb *matsä
related to make and reflecting IE *mokvi-. Thus, Albanian seems to
reflect a labiovelar in this root.

m esn ik m ‘meat pasty’. Borrowed from Bulg mesnik id. 0 M e y e r Wb.


270 (to Slav *mçso ‘meat’).

m esh ë f, pl. meshë ‘mass’. Borrowed from Lat mis sa id. (CAMARDA I
86; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; MEYER Wb. 270). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav.
Elemente 26 (from Slavic); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1045; JOKL
LKUBA 22; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23; ÇABEJ St. VII 209; HAAR­
MANN 136; L a n d i Lat. 56.

m esh n o h em refi, ‘to become senile, to dote, to be childish’. A pré­


fixai derivative (in me- < mbë-) of *shenoj borrowed from Lat senëre
‘to be old’.

m etale f, pi. metale ‘snow-drift’. Borrowed from Slav *metadlo ‘heap’,


cf. in South Slavic: Bulg metalo, SCr metalo. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 2 (from
Bulgarian). 0 S v a n e 174.

(G) m eteh m ‘boundary, frontier’. Another variant is metef. A dever­


bative based on an unattested *meteh ‘to partake, to share’. The latter
is borrowed from MGk hetÉx® id. From MGk ^etóxiov ‘priory, farm ’,
metoq ‘stable’ has been borrowed. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 2 (borrowed from
MGk hetÓjciov ‘priory’, later - ‘farm ’).
258 M E TË — M ËKRESË

metë f, pl. meta ‘swallow, mouthful’. A deverbative based on Slav *metati


‘to throw’ (depicting a swallow as a ‘throw ’ of food into the mouth).

m ezh d ë f, pi. mezhda ‘baulk, strip of land between fields’. Reflects a


Bulgarian continuant of Slav *medja ‘boundary’ > mezda. Another
regional loanword, megjë id., reflects a Serbo-Croatian continuant of
the same provenance, SCr medja (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26).

m ë ~ m â adv. ‘m ore’. Continues P A lb *mai from IE *males with a


secondary nasalization. Related to Goth maiza id., Osean mais id. 0
MEYER Wh. 271 (borrowed from Lat ma gis id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß 2 I 1042; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 86-88 (< IE *maison-);
M a n n Language XVII 23 (same as M e y e r ); K l u g e 470; F e i s t Goth.
342; P o k o r n y I 704.

m ëgash tër f, pl. mëgashtra ‘sage’. Another variant is mugashtër. Bor­


rowed from Rom *medicaster reflected in Ital medicastro (JOKL
LKUBA 211-213). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 31; Ç a b e j St. I 342;
H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i Lat. 82, 109, 136.

m ëkat m, pl. mëkate ‘sin’. Borrowed from Lat peccatimi id. (MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 48; C a m a r d a II 199; M e y e r Wb. 271). The initial m-
results from mp- as demonstrated by the form mpkat in B o g d a n i
(WEIGAND BA III 205) and seems to be a prefix added already in Alban­
ian. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia
180; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 18; Ç a b e j St. I 343; H a a r m a n n 141.

m ëk eq aor. mëkeqa ‘to anger’. A préfixai derivative of keq.

m ëk ëm b ~ m ëk am b aor. mëkëmba ~ mëkamba ‘to set up, to erect’. A


préfixai denominative of këmbë.

m ëk oj aor. mëkova ‘to feed’. Borrowed from Lat medicare ‘to heal,
to cure’ (M e y e r Wb. 282). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; Ç a b e j St.
VII 184, 244; HAARMANN 135.

m ëk re së f, pl. mëkresa ‘tombstone’. Together with its morphonologi-


cal variant mëkrejcë ‘baulk’, reflects a préfixai derivative of krye.
M ËLCOJ - M ËLT.EZË 259

mëlcoj aor. mëlcova ‘to sweeten’. Other variants are ëmbëlcoj ~ ambël-
coj. Derivative of ëmbël (M a n n HAED 279; Ç a b e j St. I 343). 0
M e y e r Wb. 281-282 (from Rom *mellïtiâre based on Lat mellïtus ‘of
honey, related to honey’); i O K L LKUBA 212, 287-288 (derivative of
mjaltë in -ësoj); PEDERSEN Philologica II 111 (agrees with J o k l) .

mëlçi f, pl. mëlçi ‘lung, liver’. Also used in phrases mëlçi e bardhë
‘lung’ and mëlçi e zezë ‘liver’ and, originally, representing a word
for spleen borrowed from Ital milza id. (MEYER Wb. 2 7 1 -2 7 2 ). 0 H a m p
Festschr. Kahane 3 1 0 -3 1 8 , Festschr. Shevoroshkin 95.

mëlmej aor. mëlmeva ‘to add fat and oil to food’. Based on majmë even
though the origin of -I- is not clear.

mëltoj aor. mëltova ‘to graft, to wed (of plants)’. Borrowed from Lat
maritare ‘to m arry’, also used in the sense of mëltoj.

mëllagë f, pl. mëllaga ‘marsh mallow’. Another variant is mullagë. From


the original *mëllakë, with an unexplained sonorization of the auslaut.
Borrowed from G k paA-axil id. (M e y e r Wb. 2 7 1 ). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal­
mazia 193 (considers g < x to be strange); ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 3 -3 4 4 (from
the same pre-Indo-European source as Lat malva ‘mallow’ and G k
|aoc?uxxr| id.); ÇABEJ St. VIT 208; H u l d KZ XCIX 2 4 7 .

mëllenjë f, pl. mëllenja ‘blackbird’. There exist also phonetic variants


mëllënjë, mëllinje and the like. Continues PAlb *melanja from IE fem.
adj. *mebnia ‘black’ > Gk péÀouva id., cf. also Skt malina-, fem. malin!
‘dirty, unclean, Latv mçïns ‘black’ (V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 4 2 -4 3 ;
Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 45 (borrowing from Gk |.iéÀ,ociva);
S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 2 07 (Greek origin); M e y e r Wb. 271 (from Rom
*mer(u)lanea, derivative of Lat menda ‘blackbird’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII
5 3 7 (accepts M e y e r 's etymology); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I
1048; W e ig a n d 5 8 (from Rom *merlönia, cf. Rum merloi < Rom
*merlönius)\ Jo k l LKUBA 1 93-194; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 138;
POKORNY I 7 2 0 -7 2 1 ; M a y r h o f e r II 598; F r is k II 1 9 8 -1 9 9 ; Ç a b e j
St. Pisani I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 , St. Ill 259; JANSON Unt. 205; OREL ZjBalk XXIII
149, Koll. Idg. Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ AE 2 6 4 -2 6 5 (to OHG amasia,
amsala ‘thrust’).

mëllezë f, pl. mëlleza ‘kind of elm; blackbird'. Another variant is mullezë.


260 M ELLE ~ M L 'L L Â M ËN GË ~ M AM GË

A d eriv a tiv e in -zë o f mëllenjë (VASMER Alb. St. I 42; JOKL LKUBA
1 9 3 -1 9 4 ). 0 ÇABEJ Festschr. Pisani I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 , St. I 345; DEMIRAJ AE
2 8 0 -2 8 1 .

mëllë - mullâ m, pl. mëllënj ~ mullanj ‘grief. From PAlb *melana ‘black’,
the masculine form of the adjective represented in mëllenjë (MEYER
Wb. 283). 0 MEYER Wb. 285 (from Ital malanno ‘m isfortune’); JOKL
LKUBA 195 (follows M e y e r Wb. 283); M a n n HAED 298 (figurative
use of mëllë ‘swelling’).

mëllë ~ mullâ m, pl. mëllënj ~ mullanj ‘s w e llin g , lu m p ’. D er iv ed from


mullë (ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 5 -3 4 6 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 53 (fro m R om *bullâna,
to bulla ‘b u b b le’); B a r i c AArbSt I 145 (p réfix a i form ation w ith -llâ
b ein g related to lungë); SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 6 (related to bulë); T r e im e r
Slavia III 5 4 5 (co n n ected w ith mall ‘p rop erty, g o o d s ’, a T urkish lo a n ­
w ord ).

mëllugë f, pl. mëlluga ‘scale; scar, m ark’. Related to mëllë.

„L~:zr -.ÌMmàrv’JvfbYmÍ7il¿?."Srrif 6$ (iWäfÄTö'Sßk jianjia);


T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 117; ERNOUT-MEILLET 381; ÇABEJ St. V II
21; D e m ir a j AE 26 5 .

m ënd m. pi. mènde ‘m o m e n t’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat momentum id.


(M e y e r Wb. 2 7 4 ).

mënd aor. mënda ‘to suckle, to feed’. Continues P A lb *manzda, a nasal


present further related to maj. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 6 4 (to Gk |iaÇ ôç);
T o m a s c h e k BB IX 101; K r e t s c h m e r Glotta X V I 182; L a P ia n a Studi
1 1 1 3 ; M a n n Language XVII 2 0 (to Lat mentum); D e m ir a j AE 2 6 5
(related to même).

mëndafsh m, pl. mëndafshra ~ mëndafshna ‘silk’. Borrowed from Lat


metaxa ‘raw silk’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 40; MEYER Wb. 2 7 2 )
or from M G k p é t a l a id. (CAMARDA I 4 5 ), in both cases, through an
intermediary stage of Rom *mentaxa. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1050; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i Lat. 135, 140.

mëngë ~ mangë f, pl. mëngë ~ mangë ‘armful, sleeve’. Borrowed from


M ËN GËR ~ M A N G EN — M Ë N JA N Ë 261

Lat manicae ‘s le e v e ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 39; M e y e r Wb. 272).


N o te a d eriv a tiv e mëngore ‘short jack et, fu r -c o a t’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE
Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; M a n n Language XVII 23; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 135; L a n d i Lat. 48, 111.

mëngër - mangën f, pl. mëngra ~ mangna ‘o il-p re ss, p ress, r o lle r ’. B o r­


ro w ed from Gk p á y y a v o v ‘a x is o f a p u lley , b o lt’ (THUMB IF XXVI
9 ) or, rath er, from M G k p a y y a v o v ‘m ach in e, c o n tr iv a n c e ’ . 0 M e y f.r
Wb. 272 (from N G k p a y y a v o v ‘p r e s s ’); JO K L/F XXXVI 250, XLIV
24-27; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042, 1050; M a n n Language
XVII 23; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350; ÇABEJ St. I 346 (a G eg variant
mangë resu ltin g from the d eco m p o sitio n o f mangën); ÖLBERG SPhAen
42; JANSON Unt. 42.

mëngoj aor. mëngova ‘to rise e a r ly ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat manicare ‘to


co m e in the m o rn in g ’, d erivative o f mane ‘m o rn in g ’ (MEYER Wb. 272-
273). 0 CAMARDA I 141 (to Lat mäne); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2
I 1039, 1047; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26; ÇABEJSr. VII 184; HAAR­
MANN 135.
(T) m ëngjër adj. ‘left’. Borrowed from Rom *mancinus, cf. Lat
mancus ‘maimed, infirm ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 273). 0 HAARMANN 134;
R o h l f s Spr. 161; Ç a b e j St. VII 203.

mëngji ~ man gji f, pl. mëngji ~ mangji ‘sorcery, witchcraft; medicine’.


Borrowed from Lat magia ‘magic, sorcery’ (M e y e r-L ü b k e Gr.
Grundriß 2 I 1050) influenced by the popular etymology linking it to
mëngjër. 0 MEYER Wb. 253 (from Gk payera ‘sorcery’); JOKL IF XLIV
24-27 (from Gk páyyavov ‘charm, drug’); ÇABEJ St. I 346-347 (de­
rived from mjek).

mënoj aor. mënova ‘to halt, to be la te ’ . P h o n etic variant o f vënoj id.


( M e y e r Wb. 274, IF VI 105), see vonë. ô C a m a r d a 1 44, 61 (to vonë);
MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 39 (from Lat manëre ‘to stay, to re m a in ’);
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047 (a g r e e s w ith MlKLOSICH);
T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 287; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17; H a a r m a n n
134.

mënjanë adv. ‘at the s id e ’. A u n iverb ation o f me nj(ê') anë. F rom it,
a verb mënjanoj ‘to a v e r t’ is d erived .
262 M Ë N JË M ËRKURË M ËRLAQET M ËSOJ 263

m ën ië f ‘manna: drizzle'. From Rom *mannia, cf. Lat manna ‘manna’. * m ërla q et refi, ‘to eat greedily’. An expressive verb of onomatopoeic t f%r
VI g l i , 1 U O V- . J J V » 1 V/ VV\ ^^4 v i . j.® ll

EYER Wb. 2 7 3 -2 7 4 ) with the further assimilation I m ërm ëris aor. mërmërita ‘to murmur, to m utter’. Borrowed from Slav ^ at vlS '^ a vigil
4IHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 23 (from Lat mane vigil); « *m'hrmrhrati id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg m w rnor’a, SCr to Rom *mingilia. 0 ]
I mrmrati. HAARMANN 157.

i ‘sapling, shrub, shoot’. Borrowed from Lat malle- m ënjollë f. pl. mënjoll
m ërq in jë f ‘jujube, kind of b rie r’. Borrowed from Rom *myrïcïnia
ith a dissimilation of sonorants (MEYER Wb. 274). olus ‘mallet-shoot’ v
based on Lat mynca ‘tamarisk, kind of shrub’ ( M e y e r Wb. 2 7 4 ). 0
<111 542; ÇABEJ St. I 347 (from Ital Venet magli- 0 P e d e r s e n KZ X X
H a a r m a n n 137.
134. olo id.); H a a r m a n ?
m ërsh ë f ‘corpse, carrion’. From PAlb *merusa based on IE *mer-
fascinated, to be charm ed’. Borrowed from Lat m ëreh em refi, ‘to be
‘to die’: Skt mriyàte, Lith mirti. Slav *merti and the like. 0 FRAENKEL
□ be astonished’. mîrârï ‘to wonder, 1
4 5 7 -4 5 9 ; MAYRHOFER II 6 9 6 -6 9 7 ; POKORNY I 7 3 5 ; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa
XVIII 101-102.
0 exile, to drive away’. Borrowed from Lat mergere m ërgoj aor. mërgova ‘
;M e y e r Wb. 274). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grund- ‘to thrust, to push’
m ërsh in ë f, pl. mërshina ‘wineskin’. Borrowed, with an epenthetical
scu RESEE IV/1-2 28; H a a r m a n n 136; H a m p riß 2 I 1039; MIHÄI
from Slav *mësina id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg mesina, SCr mjesina, SCL X X V III/1 73-7
\.
mesina (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 2 7 5 ). 0 ÇABEJ St.
VII 185; SVANE 68. m ër g jy z ë ~ m ër g jiz
s f, pl. mërgjyze ~ mërgjize ‘marigold, narcissus’,
id of mër- < Maria and gji, ‘M ary’s breast’. Based on a compou
m ëru ~ m ir û m, pl. mërurë ~ mërun ‘handle’. Borrowed, with a
metathesis, from Rom *manurus. The latter is a derivative of Lat manus m ëri ~ m ën i f, pl. m ëi
1 ~ mëni ‘hate, wrath’. Borrowed from Lat mania
‘hand’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 275 (from *manöbrium or mamibrium ‘handle’); ‘m adness’ (MEYER
Wb. 273). Note, however, that an alternative
MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 T 10 5 4 . source could be Gk
xavia with its stress corresponding to that of the
^ a r m a n n 134; J a n s o n Unt. 54-55. Albanian word. 0 H
m ërzej aor. mërzeva ‘to rest at n oon ( o f a n im a ls)’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat
meridiäre ‘to take a m id-d ay n a p ’ (MEYER Wb. 274). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE m ërk o sh m, pi. mèrla
sha ‘man lying in w ife’s bed after childbirth and
Gr. Grundriß 21 1052; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17; HAARMANN 136. receiving visitors; lc
ver’. Borrowed from Rom *märicösus ‘husband­
man ‘m ale’. For the formation cf. bellicösus like’, based on Lai
m ë r z is aor. mërzita ‘to bore, to hate’. Borrowed from Slav *nibrziti ‘warlike’. 0 JOKL L.
CUBA 10-13 (related to Skt márya- ‘young man,
‘to hate’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg mi~bzi, SCr mrziti (M lK ­ lover’ and the like):
ÇABEJ apud D e m ir a j (borrowed from a poorly
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 275). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, nase­ attested Bulg mi.rh
\is ‘m iserable, broken’); DEMIRAJ AE 267-268
lenie 191; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 198; S v a n e 237. (derived from Turk
meraki ‘hypochondriac’); OREL Orpheus VI 68.
m ëso j aor. mësova ‘to teach, to train’. Borrowed from Rom *invitiare m ërkurë f, pl. mërkun
! ‘Wednesday’. Borrowed from Lat Mercurii (dies),
id. > Rum învefa, Prov envezar and the like (MEYER Wh. 276, Alb. cf. MlKLOSICH Ron
!. Elemente 5 1 6 . 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 190;
St. IV 81). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1051; PU§CARIU EWR ÇABEJ St. I 347; h a
\RMANN 136.
78; PEDERSEN KZ X X X III 538; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 43 (from
264 M Ë SY J — M ËSHTEKOHEM

Gk p.av0àvcû ‘to learn’); Ç a b e j St, I 3 4 7 -3 4 8 (a préfixai derivative


of pësoj).

mësyj aor. mësyta ‘to attack’. A préfixai derivative of sy, cf. Germ ins
Auge fassen (MEYER Wb. 276; ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 8 ). 0 WEIGAND BA I 2 5 9
(from mbë syj)\ JOKL Mélanges Pedersen 149-150 (related to qoj)\ ÖLBERG
¡B K X IV 109; DEMIRAJ AE 3 5 7 -3 5 8 .

m ëshere f ‘small piece of cheese’. Borrowed from Rom *mensöra for


Lat mensura ‘m easure’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 9 (identical with mueshirë).

mëshikë f ‘bubble, blister, bladder’. Borrowed, with an irregular change


of the anlaut, from Lat vesica ‘bladder’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
70; MEYER Wb. 2 7 6 -2 7 7 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 6 (from
Slavic); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1 0 4 4 , 1053.

m ëshirë f ‘pity, m ercy’. Borrowed from Lat miseria ‘wretchedness’.


0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; MEYER Wb. 2 7 7 (based on an unat­
tested *m ësh(ijroj borrow ed from Lat miserere ‘to feel p ity ’);
MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; ÇABEJ St. V II 224; HAARMANN 136.

m ësh k en jë f, pl. mcshkenja ‘cad aver, c a r r io n ’. D er iv ed from mërshë.

mëshoj aor. mëshova ‘to be heavy, to bear down’. Another variant is


pëshoj. Borrowed from Lat pensare ‘to weigh’ > Rom *pesare (MEYER
Wrb. 3 3 6 ). 0 P is a n i Saggi 124.

m ëshqerrë f, pl. mëshqerra ‘heifer’. A préfixai derivative of shqerra


(MEYER Wb. 4 1 7 ).

m ështekër ~ m ështekën f, pl. mështekra ~ mështekna ‘b irc h ’. B o rro w ed


from Lat masticinus ‘rela ted to the m a stic -tr e e ’ (> R um masteacan
‘b ir c h ’). 0 M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 29; Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 9 (fro m Gk
ô é v ô p o v |ia o tí% iv o v ‘m a stic -tr e e ’).

m ështekohem refi, ‘to b e c o m e w ild , to ra v e, to r a g e ’. B o r ro w e d from


Lat masticare ‘to c h e w ’, w ith an unusual sem an tic d ev elo p m en t partly
refllected by Rum mesteca ‘to chew, to m ix’ (MEYER Wb. 277) 0 PijSCARHJ
EWR 91; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 17; H a a r m a n n 135.
M E T R IK M IE T I, 265

m ë tr ik m ‘disease of cattle, tumor, gangrene of intestines’. Borrowed


from Rom *mâîricus based on Lat matrix ‘womb’ MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV/1-2 17). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 349; H a a r m a n n 135.

m ë z ~ m â z m, pl. mëza ~ mâza ‘f o a l’. F ro m P A lb *mandja r e la te d to


mënd ‘to s u c k le ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 276, Alb. St. I l l 28). A c lo s e ly re la te d
f o rm is a tte s te d in M e s s a p ic , in J u p it e r ’s n a m e Menzana (STIER KZ
X I 148). F ro m P r o to - A lb a n ia n , R u m mînz ‘f o a l’ w a s b o r r o w e d w h ile
Ital manzo ‘o x ’ a n d o th e r f o rm s g o b a c k to M e s s a p ic . 0 MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 39 ( fro m Ita! manzo ‘ta m e o x ’); TOMASCHEK BB IX
101; KRETSCHMER Einleitung 266; PU§CARIU EWR 94; CHARPENTIER
KZ X L 436 (to L a t mandas); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 184, Stratifi­
cazione 138; J o k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 384; P o r z i g
Gliederung 150; PISANI Saggi ì l i ; SCHMIDT KZ L V II 33; POGHIRC 1st.
limb. rom. II 332; ROSETTI ILR I 279; POKORNY I 729; HAMP St. What­
mough 79; ÇABEJ Ciotta X X V 51-52; St. V II 204, 212; JANSON Unt.
27; D e m i r a j AE 267.

m i ~ m î m, pl. minj ‘m ouse’. From PAlb *mü(s) related to IE *müs


id.; Skt mus-, Gk pî>ç, Lat mils and the like (M e y e r BB V III 190, Wb.
278). The nasalization in Geg is secondary. 0 STIERÂZ X I 139 (bor­
rowed from Greek); MbYLR Alb. St. I ll 63-64, 81; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI
282; J o k l Studien 77; T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 190, Stratificazione 138;
L a P ia n a Studi I 95; M a n n Language XXVI 387; E r n o u t -M e il l e t
424; F r is k II 275-276; M a y r h o f e r II 668; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 132-
133; p o k o r n y 1752-753; H u l d 91-92; O r e l ZfBAlk X X III 149; D e m ir a j
KZ CVI 100-103, AE 267-268.

m ic ë f, pi. mica ‘cat’. A word of onomatopoeic origin represented in


Romance: Rum mita, Ital micio. 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25 (from
SCr mica id. - but there is no such word); M e y e r Wb, 263 (follows
M i k l o s i c h ); T a g l ia v i n i D abm zia 192.

m id ë r f, pl. ntidra ‘raspberry’. Another variant is miter. A figurative


use of miter ‘womb, uterus’, of Modern Greek origin.

m ie li m, pl. miellra ~ miellna ‘flour’. Continues P A lb *melwa closely


related to OHG melo id., ON mjçl id., Slav *melvo ‘grain for grind­
ing’ and continuing IE *melyo-, further - to *mel- ‘to grind’ (MEYER
Wb. 2 8 2 , Alb. St. I l l 6 4 , 7 5 ). 0 T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 191; K l u g e 4 7 0 ;
266 M IH ~ M IF — M IL I.

MANN Language XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 122; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 9;
K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 145; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XVIII 92-93;
P o k o r n y I 716-718; D e m ir a j AE 268.

mih ~ mif aor. miha ~ mifa ‘to dig, to hoe’. F ro m PAlb *mik-ska related
to Skt mimiksati ‘to mix’, Gk jjiayco < *(jiyoKco id. (with a voiced velar),
Lat misceö id., OHG miskan id. and the like. 0 FRISK II 192-193;
M a y r h o f e r I I 632-633; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 95-96; P o k o r n y 1 714;
C o p ÏA IV 294-295; H a m p Sprache XI 139 (< IE*(s)mi(d)-sk-)\
Ç a b e j St. VII 254.

mijë f, pl. mije, mija, mijëra ‘thousand’. A phonetically more archaic


variant is mile. Borrowed from Lat ml lia id. (CAMARDA 1171; M l­
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 41; MEYER Wb. 278). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.
Grundriß 2 1 1044, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; ÇABEJ St. VII
193; H a a r m a n n 136; H a m p Numerals 920.

m ik m. pl. miq ‘f r ie n d ’. B o r r o w e d f ro m L a t amicus id. ( G i l ’ f e r d in g


Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; M e y e r Wb. 278). T h e d e r iv a ­
tiv e mikloj ‘to fla tte r, to fo n d le , to c a r e s s ’ se e m s to be b a se d o n *mikull
c o n tin u in g L a t amlculus ‘f r ie n d ’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I
1044, 1049; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192, Origini 209; MlHÄESCU RESEE
IV /1-2 21; HAARMANN 110; H u l d 92 (o n th e a p h e r e s is o f th e p r e ­
to n ic v o w e l); Ç a b e j St. VII 257; L a n d i Lat. 59, 136.

milak m, pl. mi lake ‘leveret’. Borrowed from SCr milak ‘dear one’. 0
M e y e r Wb. 2 78 (to milor ‘young ram ’, of Rumanian origin); PASCU
RE 65 (suffixal derivative of *mel borrowed from Rum mel ‘lam b’);
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from G k |iéA.Âa^ ‘boy’); Ç a b e j St. I
350 (follows M i h ä e s c u ).

milingër f ‘b ligh t on le a v e s ’. A su ffix a l d eriv a tiv e o f *milingë b o r­


ro w e d from S lav *melirn>ka ‘crum b, p in c h ’, o th e rw ise unattested in
S outh S la v ic . 0 M e y e r Wb. 279 (c o m p a r iso n w ith SCr medljika
‘m ild e w ’); SCHUCHARDT ZfromPhil XI 489-490 (fr o m G k -R o m
melandrya).

mill m , pl . mille ‘sheath’. From PAlb *meila ‘fastening (of a knife)’


related to Skt minoti ‘to fasten’, OIr -tuidmen id. and the like. 0 POKORNY
I 709; Ç a b e j St. VII 233.
.M IRE — M IS H K O N J Ë 267

mire adj. ‘good’. From PAlb *mira forming a separate isogloss with
Slav *mii~b ‘peace’ ( V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 43-44; as to OLith mieras,
it was borrowed from Slavic despite VASMER II 626). Further con­
nections are OPrus mils ‘nice’, Lith meilus ‘dear’, Slav *mil'b ‘nice,
pleasant’ (MEYER Wb. 279, Alb. St. Ill 64, 78) and other continua­
tions of IE *mei- ~ *ml- ‘mild, weak, nice’. 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23
(to Skt mitra- ‘friend’ ); PEDERSEN KZ XXX111 541; iOKL LKUBA 228
(on suffixes *-/- ~ *-r- in this stem); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192;
MANN Language XXVI 386-387 (from Lat mints ‘wonderful, amazing’);
P i s a n i Saggi 125 (follows V a s m e r ) ; H o l u b - K o p e c n ÿ 224 (follow
V a s m e r ) ; F r a e n k e l 449; P o k o r n y I 711-712; P o g h i r c 1st. limb,
rom. II 345; HULD 92 (confused account of JOKL’s analysis); ÇABEJ
apud D e m ira j (to G k opùpiç ‘emery’); O r e l Koll. Idg, Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ
AE 268-269.

mis m, pl. misa ‘limb, m em ber’. Continues PAlb *mitja related to Lith
miklas ‘supple’, mitrùs id. (for the semantics, cf. Germ gelenkig as a
usual translation of miklas), Latv mikls id., mitrs id., mikât ‘to knead’.
0 F r a e n k e l 447-448, 452.

miskë f, pl. miska ‘turkey’. Unclear.

misur m, pi. misure ‘deep plate’. Derivative of an unattested *mise bor­


rowed from Slav *misa ‘plate’, cf. South Slavic reflexes; Bulg misa,
SCr misa (MEYER Wb. 280). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 44.

mish m/n, pl. mishra ~ mishna ‘flesh, m eat’. From PAlb *misa further
related to IE *memso- id.: Skt mâmsa- ‘flesh, m eat’, Arm mis, Goth
mimz, Slav *mçso (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23; M e y e r Wb. 280, Alb. St. Ill
61, 64, 68). The development of *-em- to *-i- seems to precede the
“ruki” rule. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 56, Kelt. Gr. I 82; JOKL LKUBA
326; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192, Stratificazione 93; L a PIANA Studi I
113-114; BARIÇ Hymje 39; A C a r e a n HAB III 323-324; PISANI Saggi
100; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 395; M a y r h o f e r II 615; F e is t Goth. 361;
P o k o r n y I 725-726; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XIX 7-11; H a m p S SL LXVI/1
222; Ç a b e j LP VIII 128, St. VII 242; H u l d 92-93; OREL Sprache XXXI
280; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 221; D e m ir a j StF I X /1 359, AE 269-270.

mishkonjë f, pi. mishkonja ‘midge, gnat’. Another variant is mushkon-


jë . A feminine derivative of *mushkë ~ *mushkue borrowed from Lat
268 M IT Ë — M JA L 'l'Ë M JA L L O J M JE K Ë R 269

RESEE IV /1-2 31; HAARMANN 137 (from Rom *mnscönea). onomatopoeic origin.

îulberry; tares’. Other variants are mjetërr, mitë f, pl. mita ‘shoot’. Continues PAlb *meita related to Skt methi- mjedhër f, pl. mjedhra ‘r
sed ti a phrase mane mjedhëra id. A suffix- ‘pillar, post’, ON meiÔr ‘beam’, Lith miëtas ‘post, stake’. 0 FRAENKEL miter and mjedër. Also i
451; M a y r h o f e r I I 683; P o k o r n y 1 709; Ç a bej St. 1 350 (to Gk pixuÀoç al derivative of *mjedh r
îlated to Lith mëdis ‘tree’, Latv mezs ‘wood’,
as a wood berry. 0 FRAENKEL 4 2 3 -4 2 5 ; ‘hornless’). thus defining m ulherrj
lBEJ St. I 3 5 0 -3 5 1 (from *mer-dâ related to
P o k o r n y I 706-707; Ç^
mitë f ‘bribe, tip’. Borrowed from Slav *myto ‘payment’, cf. in South OIr merenn ‘m ulberry’)
Slavic: Bulg mito, SCr mito (M e y e r Wb. 2 8 1 ). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, nase­
d ’. O ther variants, mjergull and njegull, are
lenie 181, 299; S v a n e 2 0 8 . mjegull f, pl- mjegulla ‘cl<
1). From PAlb *meg(u)lâ related to Gk ópí/Xr) secondary (Ç A B E J St. 1 35
1., S la v *mhgla ‘d ark n ess, m ist’ (CAMARDA
mizë f, pl. miza ‘fly’. A derivative in -zë of PAlb *müjä identical with ‘fog, m ist’, Lith miglà i
îe w ord with an unusual vocal m w as reshaped
ON my id., further connected to Gk ju n a d., Lat musca id. and the 1 70). In Proto-Albanian, t
idard pattern w ith *-e- in the root. 0 M e y e r
like (CAMARDA I 75; MEYER BB VIII 190, Wb. 2 8 1 , Alb. St. Ill 6 4, according to a more stai
81). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 168 (derives mizë from *tints- rather than *müjä); Wb. 283-284 (borrowing
fro m Lat nebula ‘c lo u d ’ or co g n a te o f S lav
TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 193, Stratificazione 139; L a P ia n a Studi I 9 3, *ntbgla and the like); B R
JGMANN - DELBRÜCK I I / 1 362; JOKL Studien
107; P is a n i Saggi 131 (to Arm mzil); E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 4 2 4 ; F r i s k II 57-58 (explains mjergul
by in v o k in g the in flu e n c e o f *mergl!- d ark ’,
2 6 5 -2 6 6 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 133; P o k o r n y I 7 5 2 ; Ç a b e j 5/. VII cf. ON myrkr ‘dim’); T ac
LIAVINI Dalmazia 191; MANN Language XXVI
2 5 4 , 268; DEMIRAJ AE 2 7 0 . 385-386; PISA N I Saggi 121
;; ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 2 0 2 -2 0 4 (derived from
0; F r is k II 387; F r a e n k e l 451; V a s m e r II *mjergë with suffix -ull
.; H a m p St. Whatmough 80; Ö l b e r g Festschr.
i z( aor. mizova ‘to rage, to snarl, to hate’. Borrowed from Rom 587-588; P O K O R N Y I 7L
3 5 1 -3 5 2 ; H u l d 93; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 149;
*invidiare id., cf. Lat invidia ‘envy, jealousy’ (M E Y E R Wb. 268). 0 Pisani II 687; Ç A B E J St.
M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049; H A A R M A N N 131. D e m i r a j AE 271-273 (t
j Lat nühës ‘c lo u d ’, W nudd ‘f o g ’ and a lso
to nate).
mizon aor. mizoi ‘to sn o w ( o f ght f lo c k s ) ’. D er iv ed from mizë ( Ç a b e j
ian, doctor’. Borrowed from Lat medicus id. St. I 3 5 0 ), a fig u r a tiv e u sa g e w lespread both in R o m a n ce and S la v ic. mjek m. pi. mjekë ‘physic
mte 40; M e y e r Wb. 282). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e (M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elem

352; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; Ç a b e j Si. mjalcë f, pl. mjalca ‘b e e ’. C o n tin u es PAlb *melitja id en tica l w ith G k Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043, 1
,uá/U oaa ( *|xéÀtxja id. (C a m a r d a 1 7 9 ). Cf. mjaltë. 0 M e y e r Wh. 281; VII 184; H A A R M A N N \ z
6; L a n d i Lat. 51, 109, 137, 139.
Jo k l LKUBA 287; F r is k II 2 0 0 -2 0 1 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 3 .

i, b ea rd ’. F rom P A lb *smekra e ty m o lo g ic a l- mjekër f, pl. mjekra ‘chii


kur- ‘b ea rd ’, Skt s'mdsru- id ., A rm mawruk‘ B altë m /n / f ‘honey’. Continues PAlb *melita related to Hitt milit id., ly related to Hitt zamar
(M e y e r Wh. 282, Alb. St. Ill 4, 58, 71, 84).
Gk (LtéX.1 id., Goth milip id. (C A M A R D A I 79; M e y e r Wb. 281-282, Alb. id., Lith smäkras ‘chin’
St. Ill 64, 78). 0 M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 40 (from Lat mel); P E ­ 0 BUGGE ß ß XVIII 169;
P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 86; Jo k l LKUBA 268;
D E R SE N Kelt. Gr. I 162; JO K L LKUBA 287-289; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia
191 ( f o llo w s MEYER), Stratificazione 93;
190; F e i s t Goth. 359-360; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 394; P i s a n i Saggi 132; A c a r e a n HAB III 375; N
[ANN Language XXVIII 39; PORZIG Gliederung
M a n n Language XXVI 383; P O R Z IG Gliederung 203; P O K O R N Y I 75, 126, 161; F r a e n k e i
, 839; M a y r h o f e r III 382; P o k o r n y I 968;
723-724; F r i s k II 200-201; C h a n t r a i n e 682; Ö l b e r g IBK XVII 38; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 11(
ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 683, 687; HAMP
Ç A B E J St. VII 230; D e m i r a j AE 270-271. BSL L X V I/1 222; HULD
33-94; A d a m s JIES X V I/1-2 76; K o r t l a n d t
270 M JE L — M JE T Ë

SSGL X 220; RASMUSSEN Morph. 263; D E M IR A J AE 273.

mjel aor. mola ‘to milk’. From PAlb *melga identical with Gk aue^y®
id., Lat mulgeö id., Lith mélziu, meliti id. and the like ( C a m a r d a I
40; MEYER Wb. 283, Alb. St. Ill 17, 64). The loss of -g- may be rather
late if the variant mjelg adduced by CAMARDA is not an artefact. 0
MEYER Gr. Gr. 23; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 550, Kelt. Gr. I 43; JOKL
LKUBA 275; BARIC ARSt 20; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 382, XXVIII 37; FRAENKEL 434-435; FRISK 1 91; WALDE-
H o f m a n n II 121; POKORNY I 722-723; H am p Laryngeals 139; H u ld
94-95; D e m ir a j AE 273-274.

mjellme f, pl. mjellme ‘swan’. Derived from miel, cf. similar connec­
tions of Slav *olbçdb ‘swan’ related to Lat albus ‘white’, Gk ccÄcpt
‘barley flour’. 0 MEYER Wb. 283 (to Slav *belbmo ‘wall-eye, white
spot’); V a s m e r II 470; P o g h ir c LB VI 98 (follows M e y e r ).

m jerë adj. ‘unhappy, unfortunate’. Borrowed from Lat miserem id. >
Rom *mis rem (CAMARDA I 133). 0 MEYER Wb. 283 (to TE *mehn-
‘black’), Alb. St. Ill 64, 78; JOKL LKUBA 193-194 (from *mel-); PED­
ERSEN KZ XXXIII 541 (to Lat morior ‘to die’); M a n n Language XXVIII
39 (to Lat miser); ÇABEJ St. VII 254, 264, apud DEMIRAJ (to OIr meirb
‘lifeless’); D e m ir a j AE 274 (to Gk puxpôç ‘stained’).

mjeshtak m, pl. mjeshtakë ‘brother-in-law ’. Borrowed from Rom


*domestiâcus, cf. Lat domesticas ‘belonging to the house’,

mjeshtër m, pi. mjeshtër, mjeshtra ‘m aster, b u ild e r ’. B o rro w ed from


Lat magister ‘m a ste r’ (CAMARDA II 204; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente
37; M e y e r Wb. 284). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045;
M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17; Ç ab ej St. V II252; H a a r m a n n 134; L a n d i
Lat. 56, 136, 139.

mjet p re p /a d v . ‘(up) to, among, between’, m, pl. mjete ‘means; bound­


ary’. From PAlb *meta related to Gk p e tá , p éra ‘among’, Goth mip
‘with’ (JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87). 0 T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 191-
192; Ç a b e j St. VII 187; D e m i r a j AE 274-275.

mjetë f ‘coarse wool, lint, yarn’. Borrowed from Gk pixoç ‘thread


M J E Z D IT Ë — M O DHULL 271

( o f the w o o f ) ’ w ith the ch an ge o f v o w e l sim ila r to that o f mjegull. 0


C a m a r d a I 4 4 (to Gk p iio ç ) ; M e y e r Wb. 2 8 4 (fro m R om *migetta
~ *micetta > Fr miette ‘cr u m b ’); ÇABEJ St. I 352 (a p réfix a i d eriv a ­
tiv e o f jes).

m jezd itë f ‘n o o n ’. W h ile in the p arallel fo rm s mesditë and mestiate


‘m id n ig h t’ the first elem en t is mes ‘m id d le ’ o f M od ern Greek o rig in ,
in mjezditë and mjeznatë ‘m idn igh t’ tnjez con tinu es Lat medius ‘m id d le’
(MEYER Wb. 2 8 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 89 (mjez- to Gk piaoç ‘m id d le ’);
M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 191.

m k eq em refi, ‘to g et w o r s e ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f keq.

m ly sh m, pl. mlysha ‘kind offish , pike’. Another variant is mlyç. B or­


rowed from Rom *maris lücius ‘sea pike’, even though in Albanian
the word refers to a sweet water fish. 0 M e y e r Wb. 284 (a hesitant
comparison with Ital merluzzo ‘cod, hake’), NGr. St. Ill 39; ÇABEJ St.
I 352 (from Lat lücius ‘pike’); MTHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 23; HAAR­
MANN 133.

(G) m lle f m ‘rancor, wrath’. A derivative in - /( = Tosk -h) of mëllë


(ÇABEJ St. I 352-353).

m nerë f ‘fear, frig h t’. A p h on etic variant o f tmerr.

m o ç m. pl. moça ‘one year old wether’. From PAlb *matusa derived
from mot.

m oçoj aor. moçova ‘to insult, to offend'. Borrowed from Lat monsträre
‘to show, to report, to witness against’.

m od h m ‘bushel’. Borrowed from Lat modus ‘m easure’.

m o d h u ll f, pl. modhulla ‘v e t c h , c h i c k l i n g , c h i c k - p e a ’ . C o n t i n u e s PAlb


*madzula d e r i v a t i o n a l l y c l o s e t o L i t h mazidis ‘s m a l l ’ ( P E D E R S E N KZ
XXXVT 335) a n d f u r t h e r r e l a t e d t o L i t h mazas i d . ( M E Y E R Wb. 284-
285, Alb. St. Ill 16, 64, 83). B o r r o w e d t o R u m mazare. 0 C A M A R D A
I 178 ( t o G k j i ô ô o ç ' k i n d o f p l a n t ’ ); J O K L LKUBA 182-186 ( t o G o t h
mats ‘d i s h , f o o d ’ , OIr maisse i d . ) ; B A R I C ARSt 55-56 ( t o S k t mäsa-
‘b e a n ’ ); T R E I M E R Slavia III 453 ( t o mot)’, C lM O C H O W S K I LP 11 233;
272 M OKËR ~ M OKËN - M O LLË

C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 117 (su ffix -«//); F r a e n k e l 4 2 2 -4 2 3 ; P o g h ir c 1st.


limb. rom. II 332; ROSETTI ILR I 278; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 218;
H a m p SCL XXX 89; BURROW Hennins 95; OREL ZfBalk XXIII
149; DEMIRAJ AE 2 7 6 .

mokër ~ mokën f, pl. mokra ~ mokna ‘millstone’. Borrowed from Gk


(XTixavTi ‘device, instrument’ (THUMB IF XXVI 16). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom.
Elemente 37 (from Lat machina ‘machine, instrument’); MEYER Wb.
285 (from Latin); BARIC ARSt. I 19 (follows THUMB); JOKL Reallex.
Vorgesch. I 89; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 195 (prefers the Latin etymol­
ogy); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 31; O l b e r g SPhAen 42; H a a r m a n n
134 (from Latin); JANSON Unt. 43; LANDI Lat. 27, 112.

m okërr f, pl. mokrra ‘millipede, woodlouse’. Borrowed from the sub­


stantivized Slavic adjective *mokra, fem. ‘w et’, cf. *mokrica ‘milli­
pede’.

molar adj. ‘dirty, muddy’. A préfixai formation based on lare, a par­


ticipial form of lyej.

molë f, pi. mola ‘moth’. Borrowed from Slav *molb id., cf. South Slavic
continuants: Bulg mol, SCr molj. A parallel form molicë continues
S lav *molica id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 285). The
verb molis ‘to eat away (of m oth)’ is derived from molë. 0 S e l i SCev
Slav, naselenie 198; SVANE 154.

molikë f, pl. molika ‘silver fir ’. An early b orrow in g from S lav *moldika
‘y o u n g tall tr e e ’, cf. B u lg mladika, SC r mladika. 0 JOKL LKUBA 196-
197, 2 0 0 (to mëllenjë and its cogn ates); SELlSÒEV Slav, naselenie 164;
S v a n e 127.

molis aor. molisa, molita ‘to make tired, to weaken’. Borrowed from
Slav *m'bdbliti id., cf. CS mbdliti, Slovene medliti.

mollë f, pi. molle ‘apple, apple tree’. Borrowed from Lat mälum id.
( G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 25; M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 38; M E Y E R Wb. 285).
0 C a m a r d a I 46 (compares with G k jafi^ov id.); M i h ä e s c u RESEE
IV/3-4 350 (from G k ia.TjA.ov); Ç a b e j St. VII 210, 254; H U L D 94 (molle
described as a cognate of Lat mälum and G k jxrjÄov).
M OLLOK — M ORTH 273

mollok m, pl. mollokë ‘boulder, rock, lump’. Derived from molle.

moraçë f ‘fennel’. Borrowed from South Slavic *moracb id.: Bulg


morar, SCr morac (M ik l o s ic h Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 259).

more interj. A vocative particle used in a call to a man. Other variants


are mre, bre, ore. In feminine forms mo] and mori are used (but vore
in Italo-Albanian). The same interjection is used in all Balkan lan­
guages. The source of more may be one of the aoristic forms of marr.
0 CAMARDA I 323 (to Gk òpàco ‘to see’); MEYER Wb. 28 6 .

more f ‘bogey, nightmare’. Borrowed from Slav *mora id., cf. South
Slavic reflexes: Bulg mora, SCr mora (MEYER Wb. 2 8 6 -2 8 7 ). 0 SVANE
2 1 6 , 23 7 .

mori f ‘swarm, mass, crowd’. Borrowed from Slav *m or’e ‘sea; (fig.)
large amount, swarm ’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg more, SCr more. 0
ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 9 , 281

mornica pi. ‘shivering fit’. Borrowed from Slav *morbnica ‘shiver­


ing; kind of illness’, cf. Bulg mornica, Slovene mornica (SVANE 184).

morovicë f ‘ant’. Borrowed from South Slavic *mor\ica id., cf. Bulg
mravica, SCr mravica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 287).
Alb -oro- seems to reflect an analogical change of *morvica to
*morovica, cf. Ukr muravic'a and the like. 0 S e l i SCev Slav, nasele-
riie 198; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 196 (contamination with morr).

morovinë f ‘sultriness’. Borrowed from Slav *morovina, deverbative


of *moriti ‘to destroy’ otherwise unknown in South Slavic. 0 SVANE
172.

m ort m ‘death’. Borrowed from Lat mortem id. (G il ’ f e r d in g Otn.


25; CAMARDA II 145; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; M e y e r Wb. 2 8 7 ).
0 M e y e r -LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1045, 1048; MTHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-
2 18; H a a r m a n n 137; L a n d i Lat. 85.

morth m ‘chilblain’. Derivative of morr, cf. a similar semantic rela­


tionship in Rum paducci ‘chilblain’ ~ päducel ‘small louse, n it’
274 M ORR — MOT

(ÇABEJ St. I 353). 0 MEYER Wb. 260 (to mardh)\ MURATI Probleme
91.

m orr m, pi. morra ‘lo u s e ’. F rom P A lb *merwa based on IE *mer- ‘to


d ie ’ as Gk q>0eip ‘lo u s e ’ is b ased on (p 0 e ip r o ‘to d e s tr o y ’(OREL Fort.
79 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 2 4 5 (to Lat mordeO ‘to b ite ’ or to NCik ¡ K o p á ) ;
M e y e r Wb. 2 8 7 (fo llo w s S t ie r ) ; J o k l Studien 58 (to Skt marcdyati
‘to en d a n g e r’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 196, Stratificazione 139; F r is k
II 1 0 1 2 -1 0 1 3 ; D e m ir a j AE 27 7 .

mos adv. ‘not’ (prohib.). From P A lb *mats connected with TE *më id.
(BOPP 497; CAMARDA I 102, 214; MEYER Wb. 2 8 7 ). The Indo-Euro­
pean prohibitive *mê is directly reflected in a simple form mo. The
second element may go back to IE *k“e ‘and’ so that mos continues
*me k^e as reflected in Gk nr|te ‘and not’ (OREL SBJa Leksikol. 149-
150). 0 BO PP497 (identifies -s in mos with s ’ ‘not’ so that mos is treated
as a double negation); MEYER Wb. 2 8 7 (-s = s ‘not’ < Lat dis-)', PE­
DERSEN KZ XXXVI 322; JOKL AArbSt. I 3 7 -3 8 (connects - i with the
pronominal stem ~ *k“i-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 197; M a n n Lan­
guage XXVI 383; ClMOCHOWSKl LP IV 205; LA PIANA Studi I 2 2 , 90;
P is a n i Saggi 110; P o k o r n y 1 703; C h a n t r a i n e 692; Ç a b e j St. 1 3 5 3 -
3 5 4 (analyzes mos as two subsequent negations mo + s’; HAMP SCL
X X X / 1 89; H u l d 9 4 -9 5 (follows O r e l ) ; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 349; ;
D e m ir a j AE 2 7 5 -2 7 6 .

moshë f ‘age’. In dialects, a more phonetically archaic form mocë is


preserved. Goes back to PAlb *mätusä derived from *mäti-