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Educational Management & Administration 0263-211X (200107) 29:3 343

SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi)
Copyright © 2001 BEMAS Vol 29(3) 343–355; 017892

Leadership and Gender

An Australian Perspective

John L. Collard

Introduction
Recent decades have reflected a growing awareness of gender as a key and frequently
overlooked dimension of leadership (Rusch and Marshall, 1995). Historical and quali-
tative accounts have suggested that there are fundamental differences in the leadership
beliefs and practices of male and female leaders (Eisler, 1995; Helgeson, 1991; Hemphill,
1961; Shakeshaft, 1987, 1995). It has frequently been claimed that men are more directive
and bureaucratic leaders and women more collaborative and relational (Adler et al.,
1993; Ferguson, 1984; Gray, 1989; Hall, 1996; Hearn, 1993; Hemphill, 1961; Limerick and
Anderson, 1999; Ozga, 1993; Shakeshaft 1987, 1989; Tacey, 1997). However, we need to be
cautious about the ability of case studies and narrative accounts to generate claims which
may acquire the status of essentialist foundations in the discourse. Kanter (1993) main-
tains that sex-related differences have been overstated in organizational literature. Recent
researchers have complained about the lack of empirical evidence to support popular
stereotypes about male and female principals (Coleman, 1998; Grogan, 2000; Reynolds,
1995a). Studies of broad samples have tended to dispute essentialist typecasts (Coleman,
1998; Court, 1998; Evetts, 1994; Kruger, 1996; Shum and Cheng, 1997). There is therefore
a need to supplement the insights about gender differences generated by tightly focused
qualitative studies with broader empirical data than has emerged to date.
Recent gender discourse itself reveals growing scepticism with the validity of gender
typecasts of men as instrumental, bureaucratic and competitive beings and women as nur-
turant, relational and collaborative. Theories based upon transmission models of gender
socialization are also too simplistic. They fail to recognize that individuals who become
teachers and principals draw their beliefs from a range of value systems and undergo
extensive periods of training and reflection which may lead them to question broad social
norms (Schon, 1988). One theorist has even claimed that the terms ‘masculinity and
femininity’ are symptoms of ‘a false ideology in modern societies’ which obscures the
structural roots of inequality and injustice (MacInnes, 1998: 1).
Connell (1995) has disputed the validity of unitary typecasts and advanced a more
sophisticated theory of multiple masculinities and femininities. He argues that complex
social forces interact with gender to produce myriad forms of beliefs and values. Case
studies of men in corporate, environmental, gay and working class contexts are used to
illustrate that gender interacts with cultural, institutional and historical forces to produce
multiple masculinities which depart from dominant or hegemonic forms which portray men
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344 EDUCATIONAL MANAGEMENT & ADMINISTRATION 29(3)

as fundamentally authoritative, rational, instrumental and paternalistic (see Hearn, 1993;

Seidler, 1994; Steinberg, 1993). Connell also charts a range of femininities ranging from
an emphasized femininity which colludes with traditional patriarchy to radical forms which
resist male power.
This article reports upon the leadership beliefs of almost 400 Australian school princi-
pals in a study conducted in 1997–9. They constituted almost 20 percent of the school
leaders from Victoria, the second most populous state in the country. The study covered
principals from primary and secondary sites, government, Catholic and Independent
schools, co-educational and single-sex settings and urban and rural locations. It explored
whether males and females held different perceptions and beliefs about students, teachers
and parents. It explored these in the context of key contextual variables such as level of
schooling, organizational size, sectorial identity and student gender. It was informed by a
strong, if currently neglected, body of research, which indicates that the contexts in which
leaders work are important influences upon their beliefs and behaviour (see Blake and
Mouton, 1964; Fiedler, 1967; Halpin, 1959; Hersey and Blanchard, 1982; Vroom and
Yetton, 1973). Almost two decades ago W.H. Greenfield called for the development of
‘sophisticated methodologies’ which capture the influence of such phenomena (1982:
18–21). More recently, Hall’s (1996) study of women leaders in Britain indicated substan-
tial differences between women at primary and secondary levels. Pascal and Ribbins
(1998) have also alerted us that level of schooling may generate important differences
between the beliefs and practices of leaders. In The Netherlands, Kruger (1996) has noted
the differing impacts of ‘gender own’ and ‘gender other’ cultures in schools and concluded
that that the dominant gender culture in a school may be a more powerful influence than
the leader’s own gender. In Canada, Fennell’s (1999) studies of ‘facilitative female leaders’
also demonstrate the power of context. One of her subjects insisted that her experiences
in three different schools had been ‘totally different’ and that she ‘operated differently’ in
each of them (Fennell, 1999: 36).
This study has employed a complex research lens to explore differences across a broad
and balanced sample and has utilized the concept of multiple masculinities and feminini-
ties. It has asked whether variations between and within genders have been influenced by
the histories, cultures and structures of the schools in which they work. While confirming
many of the differences to emerge from previous studies it adds further support to recent
theories which acknowledge the interaction between gender and organizational context.

Research Method
In 1996 Victoria contained 2370 schools, 676,455 students and 59,340 school staff. Govern-
ment schools accounted for 66 percent, Catholic schools for 23 percent and Independent
schools for 11 percent of the students (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1998). In June 1996
there were 2259 Victorian principals. Males constituted 67 percent and females 33 percent
of this number (Curriculum Corporation, 1996). The sample constituted approximately 17
percent of principals in the state in 1996–7. Analysis was undertaken of 367 returned ques-
tionnaires which reflected a response rate of 73.4 percent of those distributed. Of these 51
percent were from men and 49 percent from women.
The study employed quantitative and qualitative modes of data collection. A survey was
used to identify broad patterns throughout the sample and structured interviews were con-
ducted to deepen understandings of emergent findings. Quantitative data were analysed
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COLLARD: LEADERSHIP AND GENDER 345

using SPSS and the Pearson Test of Statistical Significance to determine patterns at the
.05, .01 and .001 levels. Interview data were classified into themes that paralleled the
survey instrument. The findings were then combined. Interpretations were also linked to
evidence from historical accounts of Victorian schools.
The distribution of principals according to their gender was quite uneven. The propor-
tions of females were much higher in primary schools than in secondary sites (60 percent
compared to 26 percent). There were also marked differences in the distribution accord-
ing to sector. The disparity in the proportions of males and females was most marked in
the government sector (75 percent compared to 25 percent). In the Catholic sector the
proportion of females was marginally higher than the males (51 percent compared to 49
percent). This undoubtedly reflects the strong, though diminishing, presence of female
religious orders in Catholic schools (Martin, 1986). Women constituted 41 percent of the
leaders from Independent schools.
The past decade has seen a movement towards pluralistic approaches to research
methods in educational administration. In particular it has been argued more that ‘the
combination of qualitative and quantitative methods’ results in a ‘triangulation effect’
which enables fuller exploration of the complexity and richness of the phenomenon under
scrutiny (Burns, 1995: 273). Coherentists have argued that the use of both quantitative and
qualitative research traditions can generate more comprehensive accounts. They contend
that theoretical coherence emanates from the interpretations placed upon the data from
rival traditions rather than from the assumptions that underpin the methods. The validity
of the data from either method resides in the coherence of the theories and arguments,
not in the data themselves (Evers and Lakomski 1991, 1996). Such an epistemology pro-
vides equal legitimacy to and continues to highlight the potential complementarity of
qualitative and quantitative traditions.
A method of bivariate analysis was utilized to explore associations between variables.
Principal responses were tabulated according to frequencies and then cross-tabulated
according to the variables of gender, school level, sectorial identity (government, Catholic,
Independent), student gender (co-educational, boys school, girls school) and student
numbers according to enrolment bands ranging from 100 to 1000+ students. This method
enabled analysis of data in the form of paired observations on two variables such as
principal gender and school sector. The findings indicate the presence or absence of a
relationship between the two variables.
Interviews were conducted with 14 men and 14 women who had completed the ques-
tionnaire and indicated a willingness to participate in a follow-up interview. A structured
guide was developed which contained a mixture of closed, open-ended and scaled items.
This enabled developed responses which both complemented and qualified statistical
trends and were incorporated in the subsequent interpretations (Burns, 1995). The inter-
views were therefore used to test hypotheses about the various groups which emerged
from the questionnaire data. Each interview was conducted as a process of hypothesis
testing rather than a vehicle for phenomenological accounts of subjective worldviews
(Kvale, 1996). As such it was akin to a validation exercise, in that the knowledge claims
which had emerged from the quantitative research were tested through a dialogue
between the researcher and a representative sample of the population who completed the
questionnaire.
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346 EDUCATIONAL MANAGEMENT & ADMINISTRATION 29(3)

Findings and Discussion

The study supports the claim that there are consistent differences in the beliefs of male
and female leaders on many issues. However, Connell has demonstrated the interactive
nature of gender and social context and the findings indicate a similar process in schools.
Essentialist stereotypes of male and female leaders therefore need to be treated with
great caution. Organizational cultures interact with gender identities to create complex
tapestries which are not fully illumined through a singular lens.

Perceptions of Student Populations

Gray (1989) has claimed that female principals are more aware of individual differences
than their male counterparts. Female principals in Victoria did hold more complex per-
ceptions than their male counterparts. They were more sensitive to the difficulties of indi-
viduals and groups and also held higher expectations of student abilities. This was allied
to a stronger commitment to more diverse forms of curriculum provision, whereas men
were more satisfied if general programmes were in place. However, school level and
sectorial identity also emerged as key sources of difference and radical variations between
men and women leaders were evident in girls’ and boys’ schools. School size did not
appear to be a significant discriminator on these issues.
A third of all leaders believed that their schools contained ‘a high proportion of
students who find learning difficult’. However, the proportion of women who strongly
agreed with the statement was almost double that of the males (11 percent compared to
6 percent). This suggests that they were more acutely aware of learning difficulties than
the men. At the primary level 37 percent of women believed this to be the case com-
pared to 29 percent of the men. However, the pattern was reversed at the secondary
level. Men appeared more attuned to learning difficulties than the women (39 percent
compared to 27 percent). The gender pattern was therefore an inconsistent one. The
explanation most probably lies in the fact that the secondary sample contained women
from relatively privileged Independent schools whereas the primary one was exclu-
sively composed of government and Catholic principals who serve broader publics.
Approximately half (48 percent) the leaders of government schools believed that there
were many ‘students who find learning difficult’ in their schools and this was almost four
times the proportion found in Independent schools (13 percent). Catholic leaders (30
percent) occupied the middle ground and this position is consistent with the role of such
schools in the state.
Nor was the gender pattern consistent across the sectors. In the government sector
women were more attuned to learning difficulties than men (47 percent compared to 41
percent). In both Catholic and Independent schools the men (33 and 18 percent) were
more likely to agree with the proposition than their female counterparts (27 percent and
8 percent). The contrast between women in the three sectors is best understood with
regard to their perceptions of high achievers. Women from Independent schools were
almost four times more likely to believe that their schools contained many high achievers
than those from government and Catholic sites. A similar but less extreme contrast was
evident among the men (see Figure 1).
It is likely that the more selective student intakes and the traditional emphasis upon
excellence and academic achievement in Independent school cultures both contribute to
and re-enforce this perception. The findings clearly suggest that, even though the gender
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COLLARD: LEADERSHIP AND GENDER 347

80%

70%

60%

50%
MALES
40%
FEMALES
30%

20%

10%

0%

INDEPENDENT
CATHOLIC
GOVERNMENT

(Statistical Significance .01, 6df)

Figure 1. Proportions of overall agreement by principal gender and sector

pattern in the independent sector was consistent with that for the entire sample, sector
was a more powerful source of difference between principals than their gender.
The more optimistic perceptions of students of women than men in the Independent
sector was also related to the existence of segregated schools. Women from girls’ schools
were by far the most likely to believe they led populations of ‘high achievers’ (77 percent)
and to disagree that their schools contained high proportions of students with ‘learning
difficulties’ (90 percent). Conversely, 50–60 percent of principals from co-educational and
boys’ schools believed that there were large numbers of students who found learning diffi-
cult. The responses suggest the existence of a distinctive, optimistic and achievement-
oriented leadership culture among the female leaders of Independent girls’ schools. This
was a consistent finding throughout the study.

Curriculum Goals
The findings with regard to curriculum goals provide some support for repetitive claims
that men are more aligned to instrumental and technical values than women (Adler et al.,
1993; Craib, 1987; Ferguson, 1984; Parsons and Bales, 1956). Male leaders were slightly
more predisposed to support utilitarian goals and women were more strongly oriented
towards personal-developmental objectives. When the two types of goals were juxtaposed
it was also evident that the women were more adamant and unified about their beliefs
than the men who expressed greater uncertainty. However, this apparent conformity to
gender stereotypes was qualified by interview responses from both groups. Many argued
that a polarization between personal-developmental and utilitarian curriculum goals was
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348 EDUCATIONAL MANAGEMENT & ADMINISTRATION 29(3)

too arbitrary and that the achievement of either type of goal was complementary to the
other. A male leader from a government secondary college insisted that ‘we are talking
about the holistic development of the student, we’re not just talking about academics’.
One of his female counterparts asserted that personal and academic goals ‘inter-relate,
you can’t have one without the other’. A woman from an Independent school stressed that
the pastoral environment is the fundamental platform for learning in the early years of
schooling and distinguished this from its role as a support structure at the post-compul-
sory level. Such responses indicate that reflective practitioners hold more complex beliefs
than gender polarities suggest.
Women were significantly more committed to regard student self-esteem as the most
important curriculum goal than men (87 percent compared to 78 percent). The pattern
was consistent for both primary and secondary schools. However, whereas approximately
nine in every ten primary principals were committed to self-esteem, only two-thirds of
their secondary counterparts shared their enthusiasm. It appears that the nature of
primary schools, where young children are in transition from family dependence to school-
ing, leads both genders to place similar value upon this developmental goal. Conversely,
in secondary schools, where students are assumed to be more self-reliant, both genders
placed less emphasis upon the need to foster self-esteem. Such findings continue to indi-
cate that gender patterns are modified by organizational factors (see Figure 2).
Women were also more supportive of learning as a search for personal meaning than
men (60 percent compared to 55 percent). However, the differences according to school
level and sector were much stronger than those according to principal gender. Primary
principals were markedly more committed to it than their secondary counterparts (58
percent compared to 34 percent). A woman from a large urban primary site insisted that
‘learning is something that you do for yourself . . . for your own ends’. Close scrutiny
revealed that it was men from secondary sites who made the greatest contribution to the
statistical difference between the levels. Indeed they were the exception to a general con-
sensus about the importance of such a curriculum goal (see Figure 3).

100%

90%

80%

70%

60%
MALES
50%
FEMALES
40%

30%

20%
10%

0%
PRIMARY SECONDARY

(Statistical Significance .01, 4df)

Figure 2. Proportions of overall agreement by principal gender and level of schooling

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COLLARD: LEADERSHIP AND GENDER 349

60%

50%

40%

MALES
30%
FEMALES

20%

10%

0%
PRIMARY SECONDARY

(Statistical Significance .01, 4df)

Figure 3. Proportions of overall agreement by principal gender and level of schooling

The findings suggest that male leaders at the secondary level are more pragmatic and
utilitarian whereas direct exposure to the learning needs of students in primary schools
generates a closer alignment between the genders.
Men from government schools were the least committed to learning as a search for per-
sonal meaning. Less than half (42 percent) supported such a goal, compared to two-thirds
of the men from the non-government sectors. Women from government schools (50
percent) also had a lower commitment to personal meaning than women from the Catholic
(62 percent) and Independent schools (78 percent). This clearly indicates different values
platforms in the three sectors which are more powerful than principal gender as a deter-
minant of curriculum beliefs. The strong heritage of religious values, with associated
emphasis upon personal development, in the non-government sectors helps to explain the
contrast. An address by the Principal at Camberwell Boys’ Grammar in 1927 which
stressed ‘a duty to cultivate all round boys and men, with every side of their natures devel-
oped to the fullest possible extent . . . not only mental, but physical, social and devotional
or spiritual’ illustrates the point (Hansen, 1986: 126). It would appear that religious tra-
ditions have shaped the cultures of non-government sectors in ways which prompt their
leaders to espouse curriculum values which differ from the more utilitarian emphasis
which has been a feature of government schools since their foundations in the 1870s (see
Vlahogiannis, 1989).
The strongest commitment to ‘learning as a search for personal meaning’ came from
women leaders in Independent schools. One explicitly stated that it was ‘the most import-
ant thing’. Over a third (38 percent) of her colleagues were in strong agreement on this
matter. This was almost five times the proportion of women from the government sector
(8 percent) and over double that from women in Catholic schools (17 percent). All three
sources, the questionnaire, the interview transcripts and the historical accounts, therefore
provide consistent evidence of the commitment to personal-developmental goals in
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350 EDUCATIONAL MANAGEMENT & ADMINISTRATION 29(3)

Independent girls’ schools in Victoria. Together they indicate that the history and tra-
ditions of the schools strongly influence the beliefs of the females who lead them and
suggest that on some issues differences within a gender can be more substantial than vari-
ations between them.

Perceptions and Beliefs about Teachers

Another recurrent claim has been that women are more relational than men and operate
from a morality based upon communal responsibility, compared to the abstract universal
principles which guide men (Adler et al., 1993; Gilligan, 1982; Grogan 2000; Shakeshaft,
1987). There is also a long tradition of claims that men are more autonomous, rational and
analytical than women (Craib, 1987; Gilligan, 1982; Hemphill, 1961; Seidler, 1994; Steinberg,
1993). This study supports claims that women approach work relationships in a more col-
laborative manner than men (Bem, 1993; Steinberg, 1993; Tacey, 1997; Tannen, 1991).
When it came to relationships with staff, women leaders were markedly more committed
to collegiality and teamwork than men (47 percent compared to 34 percent). This was
allied to a greater willingness to foster a consultative climate within the school and allow
staff to ‘participate in decision making’. They were more ‘receptive to advice’ and demon-
strated a greater tolerance for ‘debate about goals and policies’. Men were more inclined
to believe that teachers expect and accept directive leadership. When asked if ‘teachers
generally do what they are told’, 60 percent agreed, compared to 54 percent of the females.
Primary leaders were more positive about the ability of teachers to work in teams than
their secondary counterparts (96 percent compared to 89 percent). Such confidence was
evident in the detailed outline of team structures by the female leader of a large urban
primary school:

The whole school is structured into a variety of teams . . . each of my grade areas works
as a team . . . the curriculum leader of each of those teams is one of my leading teachers.
They are supported by and they have their own team meetings . . . there is an adminis-
trative team in the school . . . we work very strongly as a team. There are teams feeding
into teams all the way through.

Secondary principals were marginally more inclined to believe that teachers viewed their
classrooms as personal domains (31 percent compared to 29 percent). A comment from a
leader in a secondary girls’ school revealed greater tolerance for teacher autonomy. She
asserted the need to ‘respect the classroom teacher, when he or she is there with their par-
ticular group of twenty . . . there is a particular ambience they want to display’. The differ-
ent perceptions can be linked to the fact that secondary leaders are more likely to have
undergone formal training in distinct disciplines than their primary counterparts and to
the more segmented curriculum structures of secondary schools themselves. Both factors
contribute to different beliefs within the same gender.
Men and women from secondary schools were also less optimistic about the quality of
their relationships with staff than primary leaders. Over three-quarters of those from
primary sites believed that ‘principal and staff worked like a well oiled team’, compared
to less than two-thirds of secondary leaders (83 percent compared to 62 percent). The
same pattern emerged with regard to ‘a shared sense of purpose’ between principal and
staff. There is also evidence to suggest that this contrast was linked to the respective sizes
of the schools they led.
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COLLARD: LEADERSHIP AND GENDER 351

Leaders from the smallest schools (80 percent) were the most likely to believe they had
harmonious relationships and ‘a shared sense of purpose’ with teachers. Such confidence
declined dramatically in schools with more than 600 pupils (55–60 percent). The confi-
dence of women leaders declined more constantly with increases in size than that of men.
The only exception to this was women from schools with more than 1000 pupils and this
category contained many leaders from Independent girls’ schools who consistently dis-
played confidence in the collaborative cultures of their sites. With this exception, it is
evident that women become marginally less confident about the quality of their relation-
ships with staff than men in schools of more than 300 and the gap expands after that.
Gender theorists may claim that this reflects the greater sensitivity of women to such
matters. It is also possible that men become more remote from relational dimensions of
leadership as size increases. Both trends suggest that gender predispositions can be re-
enforced by the scale of the sites in which leaders work.

Perceptions and Beliefs about Parents

It was surprising to find that women were less supportive of parent engagement than men.
Such a finding contradicts relational theses (Gilligan, 1982; Noddings, 1984) and claims by
recent Australian masculinist writers (Biddulph, 1994; Edgar, 1997). It suggests that
female receptiveness may not extend beyond the schoolyard. Women from government
schools were the only ones who were more inclusive than their male counterparts. Indeed,
there were radical sectorial differences on this issue (see Figure 4).
Independent school leaders were the least inclined to agree that they regularly
consulted parents. The explanation may lie in the fact that government schools have a
longer tradition of parent participation (Evans et al., 1995; Vlahogiannis, 1989). In the
1990s Victorian government schools were also strongly encouraged to increase parent
participation in school councils and the determination of school charters (Caldwell and
Haywood, 1998) and it appears that women may be more inclusive than men in this sector.

100. 0%
90.0%
80.0%
70.0%
60.0%
MALES
50.0%
FEMALES
40.0%
30.0%
20.0%
10.0%
0.0%
GOVERNMENT CATHOLIC INDEPENDENT

(Statistical Significance .00, 6df)

Figure 4. Proportions of overall agreement by school sector and principal gender

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352 EDUCATIONAL MANAGEMENT & ADMINISTRATION 29(3)

Conversely, in the Catholic sector, the men were more likely to consult parents than the
women (75 percent compared to 68 percent). This was consistent with the high value men
from Catholic schools placed on collaborative values throughout the study.
Interview responses from women in Independent schools consistently revealed strong
antipathy towards extensive parent involvement. One asserted that ‘the idea of a parent-
controlled school is absurd and that’s what some of them are looking for. They’ve only
got self-interest at heart.’ Another insisted that ‘what parents want is precisely what we
don’t . . . there are many parents who want the entire school to change to accommodate
their child’. The warmth of these comments suggests that they may experience more con-
flict with parents than those from other sectors. It is likely that if schools operate within a
market economy model, then some parents may become demanding clients. However, it
is also possible that the women principals have inherited some of the attitudes of prede-
cessors who conducted girls’ schools as private realms where outside interference was not
tolerated. Several historians have recorded colourful incidents where women conducted
‘cottage industries’ and ‘family enterprises’ in matriarchal modes (see Burren, 1984;
Gardiner, 1977; Theobald, 1978, 1996). There is also evidence of strong matriarchal
regimes in Catholic schools conducted by female religious congregations (see Bell, 1988;
Leonard, 1995; O’Connor, 1982; Praetz, 1980). Both the contemporary findings and the
historical accounts therefore point to a pattern among female leaders in non-government
schools in Victoria which contradicts relational typecasts and suggests that women leaders,
particularly those in girls’ schools, may be so protective of their domains that they become
more exclusive of parents than their male counterparts. Indeed some women leaders
in such schools exhibit characteristics which strongly resemble the paternalism which
some theorists have labelled a male characteristic (see Blackmore, 1993; Grogan, 2000;
Shakeshaft, 1987). There is a danger that gender stereotypes fail to comprehend the
present and suffer from amnesia about the past.

Conclusions and Implications

While confirming the importance of gender differences in the principalship, this study also
cautions against regarding them as solitary and unilateral influences. Instead it appears
that principal gender interacts with other factors related to where principals are located
in the school systems. In particular, whether they worked in a primary or secondary setting
or in a government, Catholic or Independent school frequently exerted a more powerful
influence than their gender. Location in a co-educational or single-sex environment was
also found to be an important source of differences on some issues. Contextual variables
were also found to both amplify and modify differences between men and women on many
issues and were frequently associated with significant differences within the same gender.
It is therefore clear that the beliefs of principals are likely to be the products of these
multiple influences and any theory such as one based upon gender stereotypes can
only provide a limited map of the territory. This study therefore challenges researchers
and theorists to resist reductive explanations of leader beliefs and behaviours. The
past two decades have seen gender theory move from unitary assumptions about sex
roles and transmittal models of socialization towards understandings of the complex
range of forces which generate varied patterns and permutations within particular
environments. Connell’s theory of multiple forms of masculinity and femininity captures
such diversity on a social scale. Leadership theory needs to complement this advance at
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COLLARD: LEADERSHIP AND GENDER 353

the organizational level, resist essentialist typecasting and recognize that there are mul-
tiple forms of male and female leadership in schools.
Theories related to the school culture have a powerful capacity to illuminate and
explain the diverse beliefs and behaviours of leaders. The study indicates that the nature
of primary schools can transcend gender polarities and unite male and female leaders in
common goals. The values of particular sectors can generate similar consensus, as
exemplified by the emphasis upon personal development in Independent schools. Student
gender also appears to exert a powerful influence as is evident in the importance leaders
from girls’ schools placed upon positive expectations of students.
Future theories about leadership and gender need to be based upon sophisticated con-
cepts of schools as institutions and leaders as complex human beings. The interactions are
multifaceted and multidimensional. This study supports more moderate claims than those
advanced by proponents of gender stereotypes. It is clear that leader gender cannot be
fully understood without reference to organizational cultures.

Note
1 This pattern provides some support to claims that women are more likely to be in leadership
roles which require ‘emotional labour’. The nature of the primary principalship requires
nurturant qualities which may conform to traditional gender roles for women. The more
managerial tone of secondary principalship may also be claimed to conform to traditional
masculine traits. (See Blackmore, 1993; Ferguson, 1984; Hearn, 1993; Reynolds, 1995a, 1995b.)

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Correspondence to:
DR JOHN COLLARD, School of Professional and Community Education, University of Canberra, ACT
2601, Australia. [johnc@comedu.canberra.edu.au]