Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
By JOAKIM GARFF
Abstract
In this paper, I will first present a short synopsis of the main points of Kierkegaard's
critique of his own age; thereafter, I will describe that religious Utopia which is also to
be found in the text; then I will analyze the aporia to which the relationship between
the critique of his age and his conception of a religious Utopia gives rise; and finally - as
a more or less provocative point - I will claim that this aporia is biographically moti-
vated and thus has biographical implications. In conclusion, I will attempt to show that
Kierkegaard thinks a-politically, theatrically: that Kierkegaard, the man who so strongly
opposes the "play," actually views history as theatre and will himself end upon the
stage.
The Introduction
When Kierkegaard, in late March 1846, came out with A Literary Re-
view, his contemporaries were not only given the chance to read a
panegyrical discussion of Mme Gyllembourg's Two Ages with constant
reference to her A Story of Everyday Life, they also got an especially
rich opportunity to see what one of their own untimely contemporar-
ies thought about the age. And it was not the least bit flattering.
Besides being Kierkegaard's review of his own age, which was one
that shuffled uneasily between absolute monarchy and democracy, his
Review was supposed to be literary. Such literariness was due to the
subject of the review, Mme Gyllembourg's novel, yet the review is it-
self literary; opulent and audacious in its metaphors, impertinent in its
phenomenological descriptions, devilishly reckless in its stylistic aban-
1
2
AW xiv, 58.
KWXIV.ll
3
KW XXV, 196.
4
KWXIV,33.
5
KWXIV,91.
which he wishes to set up for a reversal, so that the age can regain
what it has lost.
Thus, it is not surprising that it is the boorishly banal bourgeois
who, with more or less caricatured care, gets a real dressing down, if
only because it is he who, being neither hot nor cold but only luke-
warm, deftly avoids all decision-making by cultivating the life of leth-
argy upon his day-bed, all the while coming up with inexcusable
excuses, each of which exceeds its predecessor in imaginative unin-
ventiveness, for remaining prostrate: "Exhausted by chimerical exer-
tions, the present age then relaxes temporality in complete indolence.
Its condition is like that of the stay-abed in the morning who has big
dreams, then torpor, followed by a witty or ingenious inspiration to
excuse staying in bed."6
The self-satisfied citizen's extensive indolence is an image of verti-
cal collapse. Formerly solid structures, religious as well as political,
have imploded: the middle is everywhere. Society no longer consists
of individuals or groups classified into a social hierarchy, but is in-
stead an undifferentiated mass known as the "public" which Kierke-
gaard, with formidable foresight, called "the most dangerous of all
powers and the most meaningless."7 The public, as sovereign lord and
master of depersonalization, had radically altered the traditional
power structure by rendering power proportional to its anonymity.
Kierkegaard's analyses of the public in its avatar as the great lord
and "master of leveling"8 not only draw an eminent portrait of the
mechanisms of mass psychology, but furthermore reveal a phenome-
non which has, ever since Marx, occupied a fixed place in language:
namely, the phenomenon of alienation. For despite Kierkegaard's use
of a host of economic and material elements in his analyses, these
elements are never organized into a practical political agenda or
aimed at anything which could even be said to resemble social or eco-
nomic reforms. To become one's self is an individual project, not a
collective endeavour; therefore, its material conditions have no deci-
sive significance.
Stemming from the socio-psychological challenges which the tran-
sition from absolute monarchy to democracy produced, the earlier
fear of epic structures has been replaced by the fear of differentiating
oneself from the others, of exceeding the average. Previously, an indi-
6
KW XIV, 69.
7
KW XIV, 93.
8
KW XIV, 91.
9
KWXIV,19.
10
KW XIV, 82.
11
KW XIV, 109.
12
KW XIV, 108.
13
KW XIV, 87f.
14
#WXIV,88.
15
KW XIV, 108.
16
Kresten Nordentoft Hvad siger Brand-Majoren?, Copenhagen 1973, p. 61.
IV.TheAporia
17
KW XIV, 109.
18
Ibid.
19
SV3 14,73.
20
KW XIV, 110.
21
JP 4167.
22
See SV3 18,67.
V. The Drama
"-Act I- Two dogs have started fighting. This event causes an enor-
mous sensation. An unbelievable number of heads appear at windows
to watch. While it last, all works stops. Everything is abandoned. -Act
II- From the doors of the two houses closest to the battle emerge
two housewives, each from her own. One maintains that the other's
dog started the fight. The women become so angry over this that they
start fighting. -I observed no more than this, but it could easily be
continued. -So, Act III- Two men arrive, the husbands of the respec-
tive women. One of them maintains that the other's wife started it.
The two husbands become so angry that they start fighting. Where-
upon it may be assumed that other husbands and wives join in-and
this is now a European war. The occasion is the question of who
started it. In this you will perceive the formula for war in the second
degree. War in the first degree is war; in the second degree it is a war
occasioned by the question of who started the first war."23
This little play in three acts reached J.L.A. Kolderup-Rosenvinge, a
big stick conservative Danish State Councillor and Kierkegaard's
walking companion, on one of the first days of August, 1848. This
dogfight, no doubt personally experienced by the playwright, is, in a
double sense, a punchy picture of Kierkegaard's head-shaking pos-
ture towards the political unrest then afflicting Europe. It is a facili-
tating fact that his arrogance is sprinkled with humor and that, in the
very same letter, he acknowledges his ignorance of Realpolitik: "No,
politics is not for me. To follow politics, even if only domestic politics,
is nowadays an impossibility, for me, at any rate."24 About this, Kier-
kegaard is absolutely right, because his sense of the will of the world-
historical could at times make him out to be a screaming ninny. For
example, this occurred in the case where, at the beginning of Febru-
ary 1848, he sagely scrawled: "The whole scare about Germany is a
fantasy, a game, simply a new attempt to flatter national-vanity"25 -
but what were these big words in February when, one-and-a-half
months later, war was a reality! Correspondingly doubtful are his
prophetic qualifications, considering that in the Review he had
claimed with much ado that the possibility for "insurrection in this
XXV, 254.
24
KW XXV, 253.
25
JP 6010.
27
xiv, TO.
K W XIV, 80-81.
28
See SV3 14,59, cf. KW XIV, 69; 93.
29
See AW XIV, 69; cf. 89; 93.
30
SV314,34.
31
KW XIV, 78-79.
32
KWXIV,12.
33
Ibid.
34
Ibid.
35
Ibid.
36
KW III, 149.
37
KW III, 143-144.
In his Review, Kierkegaard sets the "theater" of his time up for harsh
criticism, but it remains an open question whether he himself man-
ages to stay out of its play. Especially since his alternative is com-
pletely impractical, and because he himself navigates over 70,000
38
SV314,73.
39
KW III, 144.
40
Nordentoft, op. cit., pp. 65-66.
fathoms with no Realpolitik compass in hand, and thus runs the risk
of conceiving history as mere theater. One could suspect him of being
deeply involved in the very vice that he wants to give up, even
though his involvement is of another and a higher order.
That this suspicion is not altogether groundless is supported by the
letters Kierkegaard exchanged with the aforementioned Kolderup-
Rosenvinge. These are hallmarked by a distinctive aristocratic
cliquishness, a cacophony of classical quotations, and overflowing
with phrases of friendly familiarity. There is a wealth to be mined in
this blue-blood vein and, if anyone is wanting a highspeed course in
Kierkegaard's idiosyncracies, here is a good place to begin. Despite
all this, however, the letters are interesting because in them Kierke-
gaard straightforwardly summarizes his views concerning the Febru-
ary, March, and June revolutions, and in that regard develops a kind
of "whirlwind theory." Or, as he says in August, 1848, "I am sure you
will agree that I am right in considering the whole development in
Europe as an enormous skepticism or as a [whirlwind]. What does a
[whirlwind] seek? - A fixed point where it can stop. (Therefore, you
see, I seek - said in parenthesi - 'that single individual/)"41
Kierkegaard's presentation of recent events is striking in that it
does not relate itself to the factual, political circumstances at hand.
Instead, he takes direct aim at "that single individual" as the figure
by whom the whirlwind of the age would be halted. And this could
only come about by introducing an a-political point outside the
movement itself. "And therefore my opinion about the whole Euro-
pean confusion is that it cannot be stopped except by religion, and I
am convinced that - as so strangely happened once with the Refor-
mation, which appeared to be a religious movement but turned out
to be a political one - in the same way, the movement of our time,
which appears to be purely political, will turn out suddenly to be re-
ligious or the need for religion."42
It is strange that Kierkegaard should set forth such a viewpoint
right in the middle of a letter which is otherwise marked by informal
intellectual twaddle, and Kolderup-Rosenvinge seems to take the
swirling, whirling wind theory as an elaborate joke. But such was cer-
tainly not Kierkegaard's intent, which is borne out in both contempo-
rary as well as in later variations upon the same theme.43 Kierke-
41
K W XXV, 260-261.
42
KW XXV, 262.
43
See Pap. X 5 B 107; SV3 18,77.
44
KW XXV, 262-263.
45
See KW XXV, 271.
46
KW XXII, 67.
47
Ibid.
48
Ibid.
49
KW XXII, 67.
50
SV3 16,117.
51
KW XXII, 68-69.
52
Pap. IX B 13.
53
See Nordentoft, op. cit., p. 113.
masses, rather than the fact that his discovery of singularity's odd
category has been patented through all eternity, simply because there
was something which has now gone, and thus it must have been ipso
facto that category. This is something which Kierkegaard, to a certain
extent, is clear about, but the point here is a bio-graphical one: that
the category of "that individual" does not, first and foremost, consist
of an abstract existential principle zum Gebrauch für Jedermann who
merely has the desire to realize himself. When the category of "that
individual" suddenly becomes the pregnant point in the middle of the
catastrophic, historical whirlwind, it is because it is only in virtue of
the category's inventor that the whirlwind can be stopped. This looks
quite a bit like a circular conclusion, but none the less it is the way in
which Kierkegaard concludes - and by thus concluding, includes him-
self in the world-historical circle.
In other words, it is anything but an academic interest which lies
behind these lines of Kierkegaard on the inevitability of martyrdom,
despite its being spoken of in its deepest sense as bloody seriousness.
Martyrdom is that "suffering action" which gives any Utopia its actu-
alizing force. In October 1848, Kierkegaard prepared this foreword to
the never-completed publication of A Cycle of Ethico-Religious Trea-
tises: "The catastrophe...will also help me to be understood better
than before, or to be more passionately misunderstood....Governance
has lost patience, and will not tolerate this any longer....And there-
fore this itself is the catastrophe....The problem is a religious, a
Christian problem....The age would...in many ways recall Socrates'
age; but there will be nothing which recalls Socrates."54
If this passage is prophetic, then its fulfilment rests almost entirely
with the prophet himself, for just like Governance, Kierkegaard him-
self has also finally lost patience. He has finally realized that a new
accounting of the age can only have its beginning when someone un-
dertakes the task of re-introducing eternity into time. And such a re-
introduction will not happen gently: "In order to receive eternity
once again, blood will be required, but blood of a different sort, not
that of thousands of sacrificial victims who have been put to death,
no, it is more expensive blood than that, that of the single individuals
- the martyrs, these mighty dead, who will achieve what no one living,
whom human beings by the thousands have cut down, achieve, what
these mighty dead could, not even as living beings, achieve, but only
54
Pap. IX B 10, pp. 308-11.
as the dead achieve: to force the raging masses into obedience, simply
because these raging masses were allowed, in disobedience, to put a
martyr to death."55
"The problem is a religious, a Christian problem." That is the cen-
tral feature of Kierkegaard's diagnosis of his age. That this re/view re-
flects nothing more untimely than Kierkegaard's own desire for a
new accounting of that age, is certainly true, but it must be added
that it is also a desire for something as untimely as martyrdom as
well. The one is no less anachronistic than the other, and both corre-
spond almost perfectly to the notion that someone must needs soon
begin to rechristianize heathen Christendom.
And this is precisely what the rest of Kierkegaard's authorship is
about.
55
Pap. IX B 20, p. 317.