508  

stronghold at Sadovec (Bulgaria), but also to some of the motifs used,

such as monograms und Christian symbols of salvation. For the
eighth century the situation is not quite so clear and a combination
of methods was needed to be able to identify Mediterranean origi-
nals in Avar archaeological material outside Avar territory.93 This is
because among the objects from over 50,000 Avar graves dating to
the eighth century, there are numerous cast belt-sets with obviously
Mediterranean motifs: circus scenes, griffins, marine spirits riding on
dolphins, imperial portraits, vine scrolls and many more, most of
which were, without doubt, produced locally.94 Apart from the sta-
tistical probability as a result of the distribution pattern observed,
this is also suggested by a number of failed castings and semi-finished
products found in Avar settlements. However, it is not yet clear from
which models the Avars had borrowed (and adapted to their own
tastes) the classical motifs. Due to the lack of suitable criteria, Byzantine
originals have—to date—not been recognised as such.
Recently, such a belt-set—from Hohenberg, Styria—has been
identified as an Italian-Byzantine product (pl. 34,1). Its method of
production differs from that of the vast majority of Avar parallels.
Moreover, two good parallels have been found recently in Bolzano,
and yet another comes from Biskupija (Croatia). A fresco in the
church S. Maria Antiqua in Rome (middle of the eighth century)
depicts the donator of the north-western side-chapel, Theodotus,
wearing a multi-part belt-set of this or similar type. As Theodotus was
supreme commander of the imperial troops in Rome, he is presum-
ably shown wearing the official dress of the dux (magister militum). The
chapel and with it also the fresco was made between 741 and 752,
which fits in quite well with the date established by means of archae-
ological criteria for the belt-sets of “Hohenberg type”: the third quar-
ter of the eighth century. Written sources from the early tenth century
refer repeatedly to precious belts as diplomatic gifts. There are good
reasons to suspect that this is valid also for the eighth and ninth
century. On the whole, decorated belts appear to have played an
important role both in the representation of high-ranking civilian

93
Daim, “‘Byzantinische’ Gürtelgarnituren”.
94
The most comprehensive work—to date—on the motifs from Late Avar belt
decoration is J. Dekan, “Herkunft und Ethnizität der gegossenen Bronzeindustrie
des VIII. Jahrhunderts”, Slovenská Archeológia 20,2 (1972) pp. 317–452, although it
does not take into consideration style and provenance.
   () 509

officials and military officers, as well as in diplomatic relations, and

certainly also in trade.
The problem was now to find a way to identify the Mediterranean
products—which doubtlessly existed—from among the thousands of
Avar buckles, strap-ends and mounts. Trials using a combination of
methods have now yielded some first results:

1. The types which are to be recorded on the map are defined so

that their main distribution lies outside the area of Avar settle-
ment, while their representatives only occur in the Carpathian
Basin in exceptional cases.
2. There should be technical differences between the Mediterranean
originals and the vast majority of parallel finds from the Carpathian
Basin (e.g. with respect to casting technology, fittings made in the
composite technique, soldering technology, granulation, the pro-
duction of beaded wire and gilding).
3. Iconographical differences may also play a role. The Avars select
from the Byzantine repertoire of motifs what appeals to them
and/or corresponds to their code of imagery. At the very least,
they do not choose motifs which have negative connotations or
are “taboo” in their culture. Half-palmette ornament, which is
very popular among the Byzantines, occurs rarely in Avar art.
Images of birds are, as a rule, not adopted and are, if necessary,
replaced by other motifs; frequently the style of the depiction has
been altered.

The higher the number of these criteria which is fulfilled by any

particular type of belt-set or fitting, the higher the probability that
a Mediterranean product has in fact been recognised.
Some of the objects identified so far may be dated with some cer-
tainty with the help of associated finds, for instance the mounts from
Vrap, Hohenberg and Brestovac. For others, it is necessary to resort
to auxiliary constructs. As the formal development of Avar strap-
ends and belt-fittings corresponds, by and large, to that of the
Mediterranean models, it should now be possible to locate chrono-
logically individual objects of uncertain date with the help of tech-
nical as well as formal details, such as the spout, appendices for the
rivets and casting in one or two parts. Additionally, strong tenden-
cies towards scrollwork and figural decoration seem to have alter-
nated with each other.
510  

Apart from the belt-set from Hohenberg (middle of the eighth

century), there is also evidence for the Mediterranean origin of a
number of finds and even entire complexes of finds. The cast gold
belt-fittings with scroll- and circular lobe-ornament from the Vrap
treasure (Albania) may be dated to the initial third of the eighth
century. At least part of this find must have originated in a gold-
smith’s workshop; the rest consists of valuable tableware, some of
which may have belonged to the Church. Buckles, strap-ends and
mounts with elongated scrolls (Bändersträuße) which occur frequently
in the Crimea and in the Volga-Kama-region, belong to the same
period. In Austria there is one specimen from Micheldorf, Upper
Austria, in Slovakia there are two, from ’ataj and Holiare.
The fragment of a main strap-end made of gilded silver from
Mikul‘ice, Southern Moravia (pl. 34,2), may be dated to the mid-
dle of the eighth century. The same goes for the main strap-end
from Aleppo, Syria (pl. 34,3), which consists of four parts. Both these
strap-ends are decorated with images of birds, whereas the Avar imi-
tations depict quadrupeds.
A hinged fitting made of gilded silver from Weiden am See,
Burgenland, was produced in the second half or the final third of
the eighth century (pl. 34,4). It was put together from more than
70 individual parts. The gold belt-set from the Brestovac treasure
(Croatia) belongs to the same period. It will surely be possible to
identify further types of Mediterranean origin in the near future.
Although the production of cast and sheet belt-ornaments in the
Mediterranean region stems from the same roots, some regions with
common forms of dress or local particularities may already be dis-
cerned, for instance in Italy, on the Balkans and in the Black Sea
region.
The distribution of the Mediterranean originals known to date
indicates a significant agglomeration in the new Slav territories,
among the Carantanians, in the vicinity of the “Slawendekanie” of
Kremsmünster, in Southern Moravia, as well as in the adjacent Avar
border region. Further concentrations may be observed in the upper
Tisza-region and in the area around Keszthely, at the western end
of Lake Balaton. Of course, the objects might have reached the
places where they were found as regular trade goods, but it is also
possible that they came with Byzantine delegations which were inter-
ested in establishing contact in this region, in places where—as was
   () 511

clearly visible from afar—centres of power were in the process of

formation. Some of them were unable to survive in the long run,
but about two generations later, the differentation of society in
southern Moravia resulted in the establishment of centres of power
in the “Great Moravian Empire”. These diplomatic missions had to
bring with them gifts, which were finely graded according to value:
silk and other objects which have not survived, as well as the belts
as part of official dress which have survived in settlement strata and
graves.
Although only a small number (at least!) of Mediterranean origi-
nals are known to have been found on Avar territory, strong
Mediterranean influences are visible in the decoration of the belt-
sets and in women’s jewellery. The burial customs, however, show
a high degree of constancy, in which local traditions, apparently,
played an important role. The equestrian grave is still as popular as
ever, and in exceptional cases, women are also buried with horses.
On the fringes of the Late Avar Empire, in the same place that
agglomerations of cast gilded bronze fittings occur, we may also
observe a significantly higher proportion of equestrian graves. It seems
as though the border region had gained greater weight within the
Avar Empire. It will not be easy to determine whether this should
be attributed to the profit from small-scale frontier traffic, to promi-
nent forms of representation pertaining to equestrian warriors, or
alternatively, to the ideological superstructure of groups of border
guards. The cemeteries in the area of the city of Komárno are par-
ticularly impressive in this respect. In these cemeteries, the propor-
tion of equestrian graves is exceptionally high. In the largest necropolis
alone, Komárno-Schiffswerft, 63 out of a total of 153 graves are
equestrian burials.95 The graves from Komárno-Schiffswerft demon-
strate in an impressive manner the variety and partly also the qual-
ity of Late Avar bronze objects.
As in the earlier periods, Late Avar pottery shows numerous
regional types and preferences.96 Generally speaking, the proportion

95
A. Trugly, “Gräberfeld aus der Zeit des awarischen Reiches bei der Schiffswerft
in Komárno I”, Slovenská Archeológia 35 (1987) pp. 251–344; id., “Gräberfeld aus der
Zeit des awarischen Reiches bei der Schiffswerft in Komárno II”, Slovenská Archeológia
41 (1993) pp. 191–307; F. Daim, “Komárno/Komárom”, Reallexikon der Germanischen
Altertumskunde 17 (2nd edn., 2001) pp. 177–9.
96
In future: T. Vida, Die Keramik der Spätawarenzeit (working title, forthcoming).
512  

of vessels produced on a slow wheel (pottery “finished on a slow

wheel”) seems to increase gradually and eventually displaces hand-
made pottery (pl. 33). The vessels which have been finished on a
slow wheel are frequently decorated with zones of wavy lines and
the rims become increasingly angular. On the base imprints of the
axial rod of a potter’s wheel may frequently be observed; in some
places there are real base-marks. As in the larger cemeteries, virtu-
ally identical vessels finished on a slow wheel frequently occur, and
we may assume that there must have been something resembling
division of labour regarding the production of pottery within the
respective settlement. However, hand-made vessels—and not the more
“modern” pots finished on a slow wheel—are often found in the
wealthier graves. This implies that those vessels produced with the
help of technical resources were not, in fact considered to be more
valuable. On the other hand, the Middle Avar vessels which were
finished on a slow wheel were the starting point of a typological
series97 which did not end with the Avar Period, but instead con-
tinued—at least on the western fringes of the Avar Empire—well
into the thirteenth century.
Apart from the pottery made by hand and on a slow wheel, fine
ware which was produced industrially on a fast wheel and some-
times even painted, is also known from the Late Avar Period.
Researchers usually refer to these characteristic, frequently pouch-
shaped vessels, which often have a spout-shaped mouth, as “yellow
pottery” (e.g. pl. 37,9).
Eperjes (eastern Hungary) is the only Late Avar settlement known
to date and Csanád Bálint has attempted to give an interpretation
of the material, which is as comprehensive as possible.98 Although
the excavated area is very small, it is possible to gain much infor-
mation about this population’s way of life by comparing the finds
with those from adjacent necropolises and by taking into consider-
ation the results of chemical and physical research. Of course it is
not yet possible to say to what extent we may generalise from the
situation at Erperjes especially if we know how much way of life
and customs can vary between settlements.
In the process of excavation, five sunken, rectangular huts, some
with ovens, were examined. There was also a free-standing oven and

97
Daim, “Nachgedrehte Keramik”.
98
Bálint, Eperjes.
   () 513

several pits. We do not know whether there were also houses which
were built entirely above ground. It should be noted that there is
also evidence for iron smelting, although it now seems that this was
quite a common activity in Avar settlements.
The vast majority of archaeological finds are in fact pottery. Here
we find a spectrum of types which by far surpasses that represented
in the cemeteries, as the grave goods have been selected consciously.
In the settlements—and therefore also in Eperjes—we find hand-
made cauldrons and “baking-bells”, as well as fine ware produced
on the potter’s wheel.
There is an interesting spectrum of animal bones: The majority
of fragments, 59, came from cattle, with 13 from pigs, 17 from
sheep/goats, 8 from horses. Apart from that, there were also deer,
roe, boar and rabbit bones.99 The Avars living at Eperjes must have
bred livestock, with a clear emphasis on cattle breeding. Apart from
that, hunting also took place, and game not only served as a sup-
plement to the everyday diet, but also yielded raw materials: For
instance, deer antlers and presumably also deer tendons were needed
to make a composite bow, which was strengthened with lamellae
made of deer antlers. We may assume that a considerable propor-
tion of farming is in fact crop husbandry, however, this cannot be
expressed in quantitative terms.
Avar cemeteries can grow to a remarkable size, especially if they
are used from the Early to the end of the Avar Period, such as
Keszthely-Dobogo, with its approximately 4,000 graves, or Zamárdi,
with around 6,000 burials. Although no real princely graves—as they
are known from the Early and Middle Avar Period (e.g. Kunbábony)—
have been found from the Late Avar Period, clear differences in the
construction of the grave, dress-ornaments and grave accompani-
ments may be observed also in this particular period. Among the
most remarkable, well furnished graves, which are therefore usually
described as “rich”, are, of course the equestrian graves, where the
male—in exceptional cases also female—deceased is buried with a
horse with its saddle and bridle. The cemeteries of Komárno (Slovakia),
which were mainly used in the Late Avar Period, have a particu-
larly high percentage of equestrian graves (pl. 37–38). The tendency
to maintain some local burial customs over several generations is

99
Ibid., p. 80.
514  

particularly interesting. For instance, only a few years ago a well-

furnished equestrian grave from Pitvaros (eastern Hungary), which
had been constructed as a tunnel grave, was published: The deceased
was put in a tunnel leading downwards obliquely, which had been
dug outward from the rectangular grave. In the grave itself, a com-
plete horse with equipment of exceptional quality had been placed
(pl. 39–41).100
The majority of Avar cemeteries terminate at the end of Late
Avar Period III. However, in some cemeteries we may observe phe-
nomena which suggest that there were radical changes in burial cus-
toms or an interruption in the supply of representational goods. In
Leobersdorf, for instance, in Late Avar Period IIIb belt-sets are no
longer placed in the grave and, although the final graves are large
and deep, they contain only few dress components and no grave
accompaniments (food).101 Similar observations were made during
another excavation campaign in Vienna 11–Csokorgasse: here how-
ever, there is no direct connection with the Avar necropolis.102 In
the most recent part of the cemetery at Zalakomár, there is a high
number of repaired and replaced belt-sets. Therefore, it seems that
this type of dress-component was no longer produced, but that one
did not (as yet) wish to adopt forms of representation which were
already in common use in Carolingian western Hungary. We must
assume that the transition from Avar to East Frankish culture took
place with variable speed in the different regions. This may partly
be attributed to the skill of local potentates and church officials, but
also depended on other organisational, economic and social factors.
Therefore, it is of utmost importance to examine this process sepa-
rately for every population group and every cemetery, and then to
compare the results. It is not much use giving statistical generalisa-
tions for larger regions or, even worse, for the whole Avar Empire.
Given the fundamental changes which are visible in the archaeo-

100
L. Bende, “A pitvarosi késo avar temeto 51—sírja (Adatok a késo avar kori
lószerszámok díszítéséhez) [Das Grab 51 im spätawarenzeitlichen Gräberfeld von
Pitvaros (Beiträge zur Verzierung der spätawarenzeitlichen Pferdegeschirre)]”, A Móra
Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve—Studia Archaeologica 4 (1998) pp. 195–230 [German summary:
pp. 210–2].
101
Daim, Leobersdorf, p. 171.
102
E.H. Huber, “Neu entdeckte Awarengräber in Wien, Simmering”, Fundort Wien.
Berichte zur Archäologie 1 (1998) pp. 117–43, esp. fig. 2 and 5.
   () 515

logical record at the time of transition from Late Avar Period IIIa
to IIIb, and in due course up to the point where the Avar necrop-
olises are abandoned, it is difficult to imagine that these changes are
not linked to the political turmoil of the Avar wars. In this context,
it seems completely exaggerated to place the entire phase Late Avar
Period III in the ninth century, because we cannot expect that Avar
craftsmen were particularly creative after the year 800. However it
must be granted that Hungarian research, and especially the spe-
cialist for the ninth century, Béla Miklós Szoke,  is correct in criti-
cising the current chronological criteria, which are much too schematic.
The Avar wars have initiated a cultural process which certainly had
not yet been completed at the time of the first Hungarian invasion
in the year 862.
The most important archaeological deposit from the Carpathian
Basin is the gold treasure from Sînnicolau Mare (Hungarian:
Nagyszentmiklós and present-day Romanian Banat). It was found in
1799 and consisted of 23 gold vessels, which together weighed around
10 kg, and is now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna
(pl. 42–44). Numerous archaeologists, historians, linguists and re-
searchers from many other fields have studied the Sînnicolau Mare
(Nagyszentmiklós) Treasure, often at a relatively late point in their
career. Less experienced researchers tend to avoid the topic due to
the complexity of the culture-historical problems associated with it.103
The historical identification of the treasure is still highly contro-
versial, mainly because it is difficult to establish precise dates, which
however, are an important pre-requisite for any historical interpre-
tation. When were the different parts of the treasure produced? When

103
N. Mavrodinov, Le trésor protobulgare de Nagyszentmiklós, Archaeologia Hungarica
29 (Budapest 1943); B.I. Marschak, Silberschätze des Orients. Metallkunst des 3.–13.
Jahrhunderts und ihre Kontinuität (Leipzig 1986) pp. 308–16; K. Benda, “Souèasny stav
studia zlatych nádob pokladu ze Sânnicol>ul Mare (Nagyszentmiklós) [Gegenwärtiger
Studienstand über die Goldgefässe aus Sânnicol>ul Mare (Nagyszentmiklós)]”, Slovenská
Archeológia 13,2 (1965) pp. 399–414 [German summary: pp. 412–4]; G. László and
I. Rácz, Der Goldschatz von Nagyszentmiklós (Budapest 1983); C. Bálint, Die Archäologie
der Steppe (Wien-Köln 1989); R. Göbl and A. Róna-Tas, Die Inschriften des Schatzes
von Nagy-Szentmiklós. Eine paläographische Dokumentation, Denkschriften der Österre-
ichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse 240 (Wien
1995), with extensive bibliography at pp. 64–77; F. Daim and P. Stadler, “Der
Goldschatz von Sînnicolaul Mare (Nagyszentmiklós)”, Reitervölker aus dem Osten. Hunnen
+ Awaren, ed. F. Daim (Halbturn 1996) pp. 439–45. Currently in preparation: C.
Bálint, “Der Goldschatz von Nagyszentmiklós”, Varia Archaeologica Hungarica
(Budapest forthcoming c. 2003).
516  

was the most recent object made? Is there evidence on the most
recent vessels which suggests that they were in use for a long period
of time? It now appears that the vessels from Sînnicolau Mare
(Nagyszentmiklós) were made in the seventh and eighth centuries.
As the results of antiquarian analysis of the treasure show that it is
most closely related to the Avar material and as Sînnicolau Mare
(Nagyszentmiklós) lies within the region of Avar settlement, it is pos-
sible that the objects in the gold hoard are in fact “left-overs” from
the Avar royal hoard, which remained in the Danube region when
most of the treasure was brought into the Frankish Empire after
Charlemagne’s Avar wars. This, however, does not neccessarily imply
that the Sînnicolau Mare (Nagyszentmiklós) Treasure was buried in
the course of the Avar wars—this could also have taken place later.
A number of different cultures meet in the treasure from Sînnicolau
Mare (Nagyszentmiklós); elements of Byzantine, south Russian/Central
Asian, post-Sassanian and Avar origin may be discerned. For now,
it may be assumed that the different parts of the Sînnicolau Mare
(Nagyszentmiklós) treasure originated in a heavily barbarised, provin-
cial Byzantine environment, and that the customer’s tastes and wishes
were taken into consideration when the vessels were made. The tech-
nical quality of some of the vessels is of the very highest standard.
The fact that there are few good parallels for the different types
of vessels included in the treasure, that they are basically individual
objects, and that the ornament of the vessels combines decorative
elements which occur—in the archaeological material pertaining to
the broad masses—in different chronological phases, makes research
on this treasure both difficult and interesting. An international research
project currently in progress in Vienna is aimed at providing a com-
prehensive analysis of the treasure and will, perhaps be able to answer
some important historical questions, and at least provide the basis
for further research.

Instead of a summary:
Constant factors, influences and breaks in Avar culture

Traditionalist historians frequently ask the archaeologist—finally—to

summarise his “historical” results. In fact, the results of archaeolog-
ical research are usually concerned with other aspects of human life
than the written sources. The latter take no notice of what is “obvi-
   () 517

ous”. Archaeological research is restricted to observing long-term

structures and processes, in as far as these leave traces in the ground,
for instance in types of settlements, burial customs, technology, cul-
tural exchange, crafts and trade. Only in very rare cases is it pos-
sible for archaeology to obtain data pertaining to political history.
Nevertheless some of our results are on the same level as our writ-
ten sources, thus shedding light on high politics, structures of sov-
ereignty, international relations, communication and value systems.
Without exaggerating, we can say that only the archaeological sources
and the results of their careful, methodological evaluation and inter-
pretation permit us to interpret a number of written records. One
example of this is the isolated story of an Avar delegation being sent
to Constantinople in 678/79 in order to congratulate the Emperor
on a victory—in the vicinity of the capital—of the Byzantine fleet
against the Arabs. The historian would have many ways to inter-
pret this event, however, only the archaeological sources demonstrate
that this diplomatic activity occured in a period during which Byzantine
coins and luxury goods entered Avar territory, and the Avar elite
almost exclusively followed Byzantine fashions (see for instance Ozora-
Tótipuszta), while at the same time, merchants and/or craftsmen
must have also been crossing the western border of the Avar Empire.
Only once this delegation is thus integrated into a clear archaeo-
logical picture does it make sense from a historical point of view:
The process during which the Avar Empire had gradually re-gained
its strength had now been more or less completed and, immediately
before the foundation of the Bulgarian Empire in 680, Byzantium
was looking for allies on its northern border.
However, let us first deal with the basic pattern and the main
lines of development of Avar culture:
What now presents itself to us as the Avar culture in the Carpathian
Basin was the result of mainly Byzantine but also western influences.
It was doubtlessly formed in situ, with various eastern traditions
grafted onto a local base. The traditions that once constituted the
“backbone” of Avar identity can only be glimpsed archaeologically
in minute fragments. The myths and songs remain unknown to us,
and to be honest we know nothing about the religious ideas; we can
only employ analogies as an aid to understanding. Only the way of
life and the appearance of the Avars may, if only to a certain degree,
be reconstructed. In the course of doing this, one is struck by the
impression that the most vital elements of Avar culture—as far as