Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
481
INTRODUCTION: in Brazil and abroad, influenced a growing
PERSPECTIVISM IN number of professionals and students, and
PERSPECTIVE projected Brazilian anthropology beyond its
The word perspective has gained a surprisingly national borders. Unlike the equally influential
inflated dimension since Brazilian anthropol- theory of interethnic friction proposed by
ogist Viveiros de Castro began to apply it to another Brazilian anthropologist, Cardoso de
a new theoretical offshoot of L´ evi-Strauss’s Oliveira, in the 1960s and 1970s (Cardoso
structuralism (Turner 2009). Viveiros de de Oliveira 1960, 1964, 1968, 1972, 1976),
Castro has dedicated many years of his prolific perspectivism bypasses the political reality
career to intensive and extensive readings on of interethnic conflict to concentrate on the
lowland South American cultures. In analyzing principles of ontology and cosmology internal
the vast mass of ethnographic material in the to indigenous cultures. Under Viveiros de
Amazon region and elsewhere, he concluded Castro’s leadership, an impressive collection of
g
r
o
. . that Amerindian philosophy—or ontology, as monographic works on Amazonian Indians has
s y
l
w
e n he prefers—about nature and culture inverts been produced since the 1990s (Andrello 2006;
i o
v e Calavia S´ aez 2006; Cesarino 2011; Fausto 2001;
e
r s the Western model. Hence, for Amazonian
l u
a l Gonçalves 2001; Gordon 2006; Lagrou 2007,
u a Indians, nature is the variable, whereas culture
n n
n o Lasmar 2005; Lima 2005; Pinto 1997; Pissolato
. s
a r is the constant. As a corollary, humans and
w e
p 2007; Vilaça 1992, 2006; among others).
w r nonhumans (especially animals, and game
w o
F
. animals in particular) partake of the same However, most of this copious production
m 2
o
r 1 fails to exhibit the talent of its mentor. In con-
f / ontological makeup, and what varies is their
d 9
e 0
/ point of view, that is, their specific perspective. trast to the theory of interethnic friction, which
d 1
a 1
o n
l He dubs this dichotomy Amerindian multi- was enacted with similar aptitude by its creator
n o
w o
r
o i naturalism versus Western “multiculturalism.” and many of his followers, perspectivism suffers
D e from what has troubled, for instance, Marxism:
. n “One ‘single’ culture,” multiple “natures,”
a
4 J
9 It is very interesting in Marx’s hands, but not
- e
4 he asserts (Viveiros de Castro 1998, p. 478)
1 d
o
8 i
4 and reiterates (Viveiros de Castro 2004, p. 6). so in those of many of his disciples. A common
: R
1 o feature of these perspectivism-inspired works is
4
. d These various natures would be literally incor-
2 l
1 a
0 r porated in the body. In a plethora of articles, theuniformityofresults.Mostfocusoncosmol-
e
2 d
. e
l he persistently elaborates on this idea (Viveiros ogy, shamanism, categories of otherness, es-
o F
p e chatology, mythology, and associated symbolic
o
r d de Castro 1998, 2002, 2004, 2011). Each new
h a
t d
n i publication takes his generalizing imagination systems. Such similitude of ethnographic prod-
s
A r ucts reinforces the notion that perspectivism
. e
v a little further away from the nitty-gritty of
v i
e n is the most appropriate theoretical strategy to
R
. U
indigenous real life. Structuralism is at once
u y apply in indigenous Amazonia, thus creating
n b
n
his inspiration and point of departure, whereas
A a certain facet of Western metaphysics is part a feedback effect that propels further research
of his motivation and rhetoric. Latour (2009) projects in the same direction. The Indians thus
eagerly endorsed perspectivism as it reinforces portrayed, regardless of where they are in the
his hyperbolic argument against modernity Amazon, what their linguistic affiliation is, and
according to which the West is as “holistic” which historical paths they have trodden, differ
as any indigenous society. This review intends very little from each other. Perhaps the model’s
to survey perspectivism by pointing out its excessive generality and its pr ˆ et- à-porter char-
contribution as well as its shortcomings. acter render it easily applicable even when it is
not quite appropriate. Regrettably, it has be-
AMAZONIAN INDIANS BACK come a facile recipe for producing copies with-
ON CENTER STAGE out the flair of the original. The ease with which
In the past two decades, perspectivism has one can deploy perspectivism facilitates its dis-
dominated a certain kind of ethnography both semination and capacity to travel far and wide.
482 Ramos
Just like L´ evi-Strauss’s structuralism, when intellectual wealth of the “Rest.” The novelty
used in local cultures, perspectivism leaves out in Viveiros de Castro’s theoretical proposition
such a large sociocultural residue that the fi- hinges on its philosophical rhetoric, which is
nal product is a suspect ethnographic homo- more appropriate to generalizations than to the
geneity covering over the Amazon and beyond. understanding of specific worlds of meaning,
The creativity and specificity of each indige- a feature he candidly admits: “[M]y strong (or
nous group are thus drowned under the run-of- weak) point has always been the synthesis, gen-
the-mill Kuhn (1970) called “normal science.” eralization, and comparison rather than the fine
I do not delve into particular perspectivist phenomenological analysis of ethnographic
ethnographies, important as it is to assess the materials” (Viveiros de Castro 2011, p. 3). Un-
merit and shortcomings of this theory when fortunately, this inclination has skidded into the
applied to the specificity of ethnographic work. terrain of reductionism, oversimplification, and
My purpose is rather to delineate perspectivism overinterpretation. For a West-trained mind,
g
r
o
. . in terms of its theoretical, methodological, and to break up with deeply rooted dichotomies
s y
l
w
e n political profile. would take much more effort than required to
i o
v e simply invert the terms of an equation. Indeed,
e
r s
l u
a l perspectivism replicates structuralism, (Turner
u a
n n PERSPECTIVISM IN A
n o 2009) without the latter’s ambitious quest to
. s
a r
w e
p POLITICAL NEVERLAND arrive at a universal human mind frame.
w r
w o
F
.
Most ethnographers who spend more than As in the structuralist era, the enormous
m 2
o
r 1 a couple of months in an Indian village rec- indigenous diversity is currently in danger of
f /
d 9
e 0
/ ognize in Viveiros de Castro’s “discovery” being compressed into formulas and principles
d 1
a 1
o n
l of animal-human interaction a very familiar of an alien philosophy. For this reason, and for
n o
w o
r
o i
phenomenon. Intercourse between human the automatism with which it has been applied,
D e and nonhuman beings is a recurring fact in perspectivism, started as a brilliant idea, runs
. n
a
4 J
9 fieldwork, regardless of one’s research focus. the risk of spawning a new ethnographic
- e
4
1 d
o
8 i
4
Nevertheless, this does not entitle us to pro- species: a generic Amerindian forever trading
: R
1 o pose that, for the Indians in general, culture is substances and viewpoints with animals in a
4
. d
2 l
1 a
0 r
constant and nature is variable. First, because cosmological orgy of predation and canni-
e
2 d
. e
l there are no Indians in general; second, because balism. Closely associated, but somewhat in
o F
p e the very idea of nature as we use the word, be competition with perspectivism, and equally
o
r d
h a
t d
n i
it one or many, is mostly alien to indigenous inspired by French structuralism, is the model
s
A r peoples; third, because to attribute so much concept of animism, an anthropological de-
. e
v
v i
e n uniformity to native thinking—Amerindian funct that has been resurrected by French
R
. U
u y thought, Amerindian mind, Amerindian soul, anthropologist Descola (1996a,b; Bird-David
n b
n
A even Amerindian Bildung are favorite phrases 1999). Whatever its theoretical sequels may
(Viveiros de Castro 1998, pp. 470, 476, 478, be, the perspectivist model for constructing
481, 482; 2004, pp. 6,19; 2011, p. 3)—is to ethnographies has stamped its brand on Brazil-
flatten down (if not deny) their inventiveness ian anthropology and has become a reference
and aesthetic sophistication and to ignore their point in international ethnology.
specific historical trajectories. Essentialism By and large, perspectivism is indifferent
may be an apt label for such an approach. to political considerations regarding the
There is no reason why we should expect predicament of indigenous peoples in adverse
indigenous peoples to behave according to this interethnic contexts, but it can be the object of
or that academic model. And fourth, because political scrutiny. If we agree with Austin (1975)
to squeeze the ethnographic imagination into a that words can shape behavior and, hence, real-
rigid cast is to rob anthropology of itsbest asset, ity, it should not go unnoticed that perspectivist
namely, to expose the heedless “West” to the vocabulary has the disquieting potential to add
484 Ramos
myth is very often a synonym of lie, pretense, then dub the Indians as savage predators? Is
falsehood, a way of thinking opposed to scien- it reasonable to imagine that anthropological
tific and logical thought. The Merriam-Webster eloquence has the power to convince laypeople
Dictionary reinforces this notion by including to discard the overload of archetypes coming
among itsdefinitions of myth “a person or thing down the centuries about man-eating brutes,
having only an imaginary or unverifiable exis- primitive warmongers, and doomed heathens
tence” (http://www.merriam-webster.com/ (Ramos 1998, pp. 11–59)?
dictionary/myth ). Although some anthropol- The issue of ethics and social responsibility
ogists may not disagree with these meanings, came home to North American anthropologists
most would be uncomfortable as they witness with the publication of Darkness in El Dorado:
the Indians telling their fascinating narratives How Scientists and Journalists Devastated the
that, perhaps with innocent license, they call Amazon by US journalist Tierney (2000). The
myths. To do justice to the philosophical depth massive scandal it provoked is still in the pro-
g
r
o
. . of these narratives, it would be more appropri- fession’s living memory and led to a number of
s y
l
w
e n ate to abandon the term myth, for it occupies a actions and events aimed mostly at minimizing
i o
v e niche in Western perception that has no corre- the harmful effects that ethnographic research
e
r s
l u
a l spondence with the indigenous narratives mis- and writing can have on the people studied
u a
n n
n o labeled as myths. (Borofsky 2005). An array of abusive reports in
. s
a r
w e
p If terms such as cosmology and myth can the mass media, allegedly based on Chagnon’s
w r
w o
F
.
potentially diminish the intellectual value of in- work (1968, 1988), portrayed the Yanomami
m 2
o
r 1 digenous thinking, what to say of cannibalism, as killers, warmongers, baboon-like, etc. This
f /
d 9
e 0
/ one of the favorite themes in perspectivist the- negative publicity provided the Brazilian
d 1
a 1
o n
l ory? “[T]he omnipresence of cannibalism [is] military in the late 1980s with arguments to
n o
w o
r
o i
the ‘predicative’ horizon of all relations with dismember the Yanomami lands into “19 small
D e the other, be they matrimonial, alimentary or ‘islands’: being too violent, they have to be
. n
a
4 J
9 bellicose” (Viveiros de Castro 1998, p. 480). separated in order to be ‘civilized,’ as the Mili-
- e
4
1 d
o
8 i
4
Contributing to the pejorative connotations tary Chief of Staff, General Bayma Denys, [. . .]
: R
1 o of this term, the Merriam-Webster Dictionary commented to journalists” (Albert & Ramos
4
. d
2 l
1 a
0 r
provides as synonyms of cannibalism “savage 1989, p. 632). His source of ethnographic
e
2 d
. e
l cruelty; barbarism.” information was a series of newspaper articles
o F
p e A companion to cannibalism, the concept reproducing fragments of the 1988 Science
o
r d
h a
t d
n i
of predation is equally ubiquitous in the per- article by Chagnon (Ramos 1995, 1996).
s
A r spectivist lexicon. Cannibalism-cum-predation Apart from the real political risks that the
. e
v
v i
e n constitutes the medium of interaction between use of such vocabulary entails for the Indians,
R
. U
u y humans and nonhumans, be they animals or the generalized perspectivist use of predation
n b
n
A spirits. Whether these terms make sense in the imputes characteristics to indigenous peoples
confined ambiance of academic theoretical de- that are often insufficiently established by solid
bates is a matter of intellectual frustration or ethnographic data and analyses. In many cases,
gratification. However, as mentioned above, rather than an empirical demonstration, this
our anthropological products canreach out, po- problematic term is no more than a discursive
tentially or actually, into the real world, and device.
when that happens, the words we use are, we Frugality in humbleness and self-criticism,
may say, up for grabs. How can we expect the albeit often unconscious, can constrain anthro-
general reader, nonspecialist in the ethnogra- pologists in several ways. On the one hand, it
phy of lowland South America, to be able or is quite uncomfortable to face the increasingly
willing to convert words such as predation and evident indigenous challenge regarding our
cannibalism into a metaphor, a figurative way capacity to interpret their worlds. Lack of
of speaking, rather than take them literally and self-criticism painfully exposes our analytical
486 Ramos
did L´
evi-Strauss before him, and as does one of an old anthropological habit that, as so many
Viveiros de Castro’s followers in a tenaciously others, dies hard. No wonder V. Turner,
persistent way ( J.A. Kelly, unpublished infor- impatient with the elegance of formalism, used
mation). The selective choice of ethnographic a quote from poet Robert Browning—“On
passages picked out of their usually very com- earth the broken arcs, in heaven the perfect
plexcontexts assures the possibility of achieving round”—to affirm the following:
a much-coveted elegance of analysis, by juxta-
posing statements that point in the direction of Complex, urbanized societies have generated
the analyst’s choice. classes of literate specialists, intellectuals of
Elegance, however, can be a sort of mer- various kinds, including cultural anthropol-
maid’s song. Enticing as it is, its very allure can ogists, whose paid business . . . is to devise
disclose its shortcomings. Viveiros de Castro logical plans, order concepts into related
evokes the success Sahlins attained with his lav- series, establish taxonomic hierarchies, dena-
g
r
o
. . ishly elegant analysis of the story about Captain ture ritual by theologizing it, freeze thought
s y
l
w
e n Cook’s fatal blunder in Hawai’i as he miscal- into philosophy . . . . Anthropologists have
i o
v e culated his luck as god Lono’s impersonator. A assigned overmuch prestige to the models
e
r s
l u
a l native Hawaiian intellectual wasrequired to un- held up to them by these and similar profes-
u a
n n
n o ravel Sahlins’ elegant equivocation (a concept sionals and imposed upon the living tissues
. s
a r
w e
p to which I return below). Hawaiian political of dynamic social reality in non-Western
w r
w o
F
.
scientist Silva (2004) describes the work of US cultures the branding irons of Western
m 2
o
r 1 missionaries in nineteenth-century Hawaii. scholarly thought. (Turner 1975, p. 146)
f /
d 9
e 0
/ For the purpose of translating the Bible, these
d 1
a 1
o n
l missionaries opened schools and printing Drawing a parallel to his own interpretation
n o
w o
r
o i
presses. In due time, the native peoples learned about bodies and spirits, Viveiros de Castro
D e to use them and began to write copiously about (2004, p. 10), apparently oblivious of these crit-
. n
a
4 J
9 their own history, literature, worldview, etc. icisms, incurs Sahlins’s aesthetic temptation.
- e
4
1 d
o
8 i
4
Published in the indigenous language, these Whereas the latter used European documents
: R
1 o documents were only superficially understood as research material, the former singled out
4
. d
2 l
1 a
0 r
by the missionaries owing to the extensive use fragments collected in the field, in written
e
2 d
. e
l of figures of speech intended for Hawaiian ethnographies, or in personal communications
o F
p e readers only. These writings served as polit- (Viveiros de Castro 2002, pp. 132–40) to com-
o
r d
h a
t d
n i
ical tools in the Hawaiians’ struggle against pile grandiose interpretations about indigenous
s
A r US annexation of the archipelago. But they souls, minds, and “natures.” “Since the soul is
. e
v
v i
e n also recorded quantities of narratives that formally identical in all species, it can only see
R
. U
u y account for the emergence and maintenance of the same things everywhere—the difference
n b
n
A Hawaiian ethnic integrity. They contain a long is given in the specificity of bodies” (Viveiros
inventory of local divinities, of which Lono is de Castro 1998, p. 478). Such interpretations
but one, and a catalog of European explorers, often exceed ethnographic good sense (Turner
including Captain Cook. Had Sahlins read 2009) or lack significance in local contexts.
that literature and chosen to explore Hawaiian This is clearly a syndrome of what Eco (1992)
written history in the Hawaiian language, criticizes as overinterpretation. He shows,
very likely his analyses (1981, 1985) would for example, the futility of finding signs of
not display such trim and glittering elegance. occultism in works such as Dante’s Divina
More often than not, cultural complexity gets Comedia, because, even if they were found—and
in the way of analyses that meet the criteria given the size and depth of the oeuvre, they
of economy, parsimony, and elegance, as in may be found—they would contribute little or
canonical linguistics. The mismatch between nothing at all to the understanding of the text
neat analyses and the complexities of life is and the author’s purpose. In short, it would
488 Ramos
THE LIMITS OF generations, are reduced to a gluttonous gaping
GENERALIZATION mouth!
The yurupary case in the Makuna context One cannot but wonder about the merit of
demonstrates that it is not sound anthropology grand theories as exemplified by perspectivism.
to assert that multinaturalism is universal Although it has inspired—and continues to do
in the Amerindian world. What a people’s so—younger anthropologists, it entails a num-
jaguar perceives is not what all peoples’ jaguars ber of risks, as V. Turner pointed out decades
perceive (a point stressed by Turner 2009), ago. First, it is open to vulgar replication, invit-
let alone the perception of the jaguars them- ing interpretative excesses. Second, it is easily
selves! Each new text takes Viveiros de Castro replicated, leading to an implausible uniformity
a notch up in extravagant statements that of results and often taking the disquieting shape
become increasingly self-indulgent, verging on of a dogma. Third and foremost, by reduc-
irreverence. The following trying translation ing ethnographic complexity to a single model,
g
r
o
. . effort provides an example: “a model we might it virtually refuses to acknowledge indigenous
s y
l
w
e n
label ‘quasi-ergative’ (or, who knows, ‘split creativity. Moreover, such a reduced model, in-
i o
v e teresting as it may seem to perspectivists, is not
e
r s ergativity,’ if I knew what that is)” (Viveiros
l u
a l so for the Indians. By abdicating the central role
u a de Castro 2011, p. 4). The ease with which
n n
n o of ethnographic research as a means to arrive
. s
a r overstated generalizations are made in the
w e
p at a deeper understanding of and respect for
w r name of an “Amerindian perspectivist cos-
w o
F
. mology” (Viveiros de Castro 2004, p. 11) can indigenous peoples, perspectivism fails to in-
m 2
o
r 1 cite ethnographers to use their anthropological
f / astound seasoned anthropologists familiar with
d 9
e 0
/ imagination for new discoveries. Moreover, as
d 1
a 1 indigenous Amazonia. Carried away by his own
o n
l eloquence, Viveiros de Castro has taken unwar- a theory, perspectivism is, at best, indifferent to
n o
w o
r
o i ranted liberties with indigenous ethnography. the historical and political predicament of in-
D e digenous life in the modern world. It may be
. n Consider the following passages: “Amerindian
a
4 J
9 fair to say that the more extensive and deeper
- e
4 thought can be described as a political on-
1 d
o
8 i
4 tology of the senses, a radical materialist ethnographic knowledgeis, the lessarrogant we
: R
1 o become and the more clearly we perceive the
4
. d pan-psychism.” It is a thought that conceives of
2 l
1 a
0 r “a dense universe,saturated with intentions that folly of projecting our theoretical ambitions on
e
2 d
. e
l are avid for differences” in which all relations indigenous peoples. It is not without a shade of
o F
p e nostalgia that we look back at Viveiros de Cas-
o
r d are social. These relations “are schematized
h a
t d
n i by means of an oral-cannibal imagery, a topic tro’s superb “O M´ armore e a Murta” (“Marble
s
A r and Myrtle”), a fine analysis of missionary work
. e
v obsessively trophic that inflects all conceivable
v i
e n in sixteenth-century Brazil (1992), and his con-
R cases and voices of the verb to eat: tell me how,
. U
u y tribution to the Annual Review of Anthropology
n b with whom and what you eat (and what you
n
A
eat with whom)—and I’ll tell you who you are. (1996) on images of nature and society in in-
One predicates through the mouth” (Viveiros digenous studies in the Amazon.
de Castro 2011, p. 3). Despite the numerous Perspectivism’s theoretical goal, rather
analyses of the ritual use of the human body than a down-to-earth hermeneutical effort
(Seeger 1975, Turner 2007), Viveiros de Castro (phenomenological, in Viveiros de Castro’s
goes out on a limb with gratuitous tirades such parlance) (see Viveiros de Castro 2011, p. 3),
as these. With sweeping flamboyance, entire attempts to arrive at the equivalence between
indigenous traditions, such as the highly valued native and academic epistemologies. It is
arts of oratory, ceremonial dialogues, shamanic interested in “anthropological knowledge
s´
eances, ritual singing and chanting, and other involving the fundamental presupposition that
powerful verbal expressions, meticulously the procedures which characterize research are
constructed and diversified through untold conceptually of the same order as those investi-
gated” (Viveiros de Castro 2002, pp. 116–17;
490 Ramos
intermediacy and transforming the puppet into The wisdom of seasoned scholars leads us
a cothinker and “symmetrical” interlocutor. to forecast the future of perspectivism as an all-
encompassing Amerindian theory. Overgrown
and oversaturated notions with this degree of
CODA generality are destined to either burst out into
oblivion or slim down to a proper size and
Once more, philosopher Langer, to whom
realistic dimension. Once the current enthusi-
Geertz (1973, p. 3) resorted in his critique of
asm for “multinatural perspectivism” recedes,
grand ideas in anthropology, can help us eval-
it will probably enter the array of concepts that
uate the just dimension of perspectivism as a
are helpful in certain contexts. It will likely
theory. Overgrown concepts that seem om-
come to designate that which most, if not all,
nipresent, all-encompassing, and even manda-
ethnographers of indigenous life have known
tory while in their prime pass through the sieve
for a long time, namely, the constant and, in
g
r
of time with greater or less success, greater or
o
. . various degrees, intimate intercourse, both
s y
l
less durability. In Langer’s lucid assessment, it
w
e n symbolic and practical, between humans and
i o
v e
“is the most natural andappropriate thing in the
e
r s
nonhumans. The vast majority of indigenous
l u
a l
world for a new problem or a new terminology
u a ethnographies are brimming with examples
n n
n o
to have a vogue that crowds out everything else
. s
a r
of transformations, assimilations, associations,
w e
for a little while.” She continues, stating
p
w r
communion and exchange of substances, and
w o
F
.
antagonisms between human beings, animals,
m 2
o
r 1 we try it in every connection, for every pur- and supranatural entities, in short, the great
f /
d 9 pose, experiment with possible stretches of
e 0
/ reservoir of “facts” that has fed the perspectivist
d 1
a 1 its strict meaning, with generalizations and
o n
l imagination. This plethora of data, however,
n o derivatives. When we become familiar with
w o
r
o i
does not lend itself automatically to theoretical
D e the new idea our expectations do not outrun experiments, let alone scholarly subtleties of
. n
a
4 J
9 its actual uses quite so far, and then its unbal- vocabulary that can be misappropriated and
- e
4
1 d anced popularity is over. (Langer 1951, p. 31)
o
8 i
4
misused, thereby putting the intellectual in-
: R
1 o tegrity and cultural security of specific peoples
4
. d
2 l
1 a
0 r
Eventually, the grande id´
ee “no longer has the at risk. It is hard to overstate the demand
e
2 d
. e
l grandiose, all-promising scope, the infinite ver- that, regardless of one’s theoretical persuasion,
o F
p e satility of apparent application, it once had” anthropologists must not renounce their role
o
r d
h a
t d
n i
(Geertz 1973, p. 4). as responsible political actors.
s
A r
. e
v
v i
e n
R
. U
u y
n b
n DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
A
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holding that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am deeply grateful to my colleagues Wilson Trajano Filho and Luis Cay ´
on for their invaluable
comments.
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evi-Strauss C. 1962. La Pens´ ee Sauvage. Paris: Plon. 395 pp.
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evi-Strauss C. 1976. Antropologia Estrutural Dois . Rio de Janeiro: Tempo Brasileiro. 366 pp.
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evy-Br ¨
uhl L. 1910. How Natives Think. Transl. LA Clare, 1985. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press.
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g
r
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s y
l
w n Luciano GJS. 2011. Educaç˜ ao do mundo: entre a escola ideal e a escola real . PhD thesis.
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e
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v e Univ. Bras´ ılia. 387 pp.
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Robert McC. Adams p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
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Sarah Tarlow p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 169
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D e Matthew H. Johnson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 269
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8 i Ofer Bar-Yosef and Youping Wang p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 319
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Daniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 371
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v i Colonialism and Migration in the Ancient Mediterranean
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Archaeometallurgy: The Study of Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy
David Killick and Thomas Fenn p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 559
Rescue Archaeology: A European View
Jean-Paul Demoule p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 611
Biological Anthropology
Energetics, Locomotion, and Female Reproduction:
Implications for Human Evolution
Cara M. Wall-Scheffler p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p71
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Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of the
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Agustin Fuentes p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 101
Human Evolution and the Chimpanzee Referential Doctrine
Ken Sayers, Mary Ann Raghanti, and C. Owen Lovejoy p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 119
Chimpanzees and the Behavior of Ardipithecus ramidus
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Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human Prehistory
Richard Potts p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 151
Primate Feeding and Foraging: Integrating Studies
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Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened,
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Patrick Eisenlohr p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p37
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2 d Three Waves of Variation Study: The Emergence of Meaning
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Penelope Eckert p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p87
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The Semiotics of Collective Memories
Brigittine M. French p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 337
Language and Materiality in Global Capitalism
Shalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 355
Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futures
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David Zeitlyn p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 461
Music, Language, and Texts: Sound and Semiotic Ethnography
Paja Faudree p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 519
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International Anthropology and Regional Studies
Contemporary Anthropologies of Indigenous Australia
Tess Lea p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 187
The Politics of Perspectivism
Alcida Rita Ramos p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 481
Anthropologies of Arab-Majority Societies
Lara Deeb and Jessica Winegar p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 537
Sociocultural Anthropology
Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal Relations
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Rebecca Cassidy p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p21
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The Politics of the Anthropogenic
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Nathan F. Sayre p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p57
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Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate Change
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d 9 Heather Lazrus p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 285
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Toward an Ecology of Materials
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Tim Ingold p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 427
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e n Niko Besnier and Susan Brownell p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 443
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Language and Materiality in Global Capitalism
Shalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 355
Toward an Ecology of Materials
Tim Ingold p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 427
Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futures and Contingent
Pasts. Archives as Anthropological Surrogates
David Zeitlyn p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 461
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