University “St.

Cyril and Methodius” Skopje

Faculty of Philosophy

Joint program in International relations-Conflict resolution

Tempus project

Master thesis report

Thesis title:

Reconciliation process in Macedonia through interviews of relevant politicians

published in daily newspapers 10 years after signing of the Ohrid Framework
Agreement

Submitted by: Dushko Arsovski

Supervised by: PhD Zoran Matevski

June 2017
Abstract:

In the period of bloody dissolution of Yugoslavia and after, Macedonia was pointed as a
good example, if not best, for avoiding conflict on its territory that might had occur at that
time. But internally conflict happened 10 years later, between National armed forces and
Albanian rebels who were not satisfied with status of Albanian minority in the country.
Fortunately it lasted several months followed by the period of reconciliation.

Despite serial of projects (mainly by the civil sector) supported by foreign and domestic
donors, situation on the ground is not as it supposed to be. Several ethnic incidents that
happened since the end of the conflict give core evidence- Macedonia still has long path to
go towards full reconciliation. Like in any case concerning the interethnic relations, politics
is very important. Therefore the politicians have influence this situation to be improved.
Some of them are supported almost by 30 percent of the population (ex. VMRO DPMNE
party leader Nikola Gruevski, according latest polls.) This means their attitudes and
statements do matters in creation public opinion. This research examine the interviews of
the top four most popular politicians in the Republic of Macedonia who are more oriented
towards inter- party relations than anything else. None of them speaks about reconciliation
at all. There was no single reaction by the observed politicians during interethnic clashes on
Kale fortress that were provoked by the governmental project for building church-museum.
On the contrary, this project raised up doubts that politicians use methods to inflame the
situation for their own purposes. Professor Vankovska notes: “There is a strange kind of
reconciliation in Macedonia, agreed amnesia, forgetting or using some elements from 2001
only when politicians need them. That is instrumentation of the pain, trauma and memories.
“(RECOM debate)1

In the meantime many other critical events occur in Macedonia, such as ethnically
motivated incidents on sport matches (mainly among ethnic Macedonians and ethnic
Albanians), fights in the public transport buses in Skopje (again among ethnic Macedonians
and ethnic Albanians) followed by sporadic hate speech on the social media, and sometimes
in mainstream media. In all these cases Macedonian public has not seen mutual action by
ethnically divided political parties and their leaders.

1
http://daily.mk/makedonija/makedonija-se-ushte-ja-nema-utvrdeno-vistinata-za-2001

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Content

Chapter 1

1.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………5

1.2 Specific area of research…………………………………………………………….7

1.3 Historical notes of armed the latest conflict in Macedonia………………………..11

1.3.1 What is OFA? ………………………………………………………………...13

1.4 Steps towards reconciliation ……………………………………………………….14

1.4.1. Ceasefire, disarmament, NLA becomes political party ...…………………..14

1.4.2. Reconciliation challenges ……………………………………………………15
1.4.3. Peace steps towards reconciliation………………………………………….. 17
1.4.4. Political peace-building………………………………………………………20
1.4.5. Security approach in peace-building…………………………………………20
1.4.6. What is the role of civil society? …………………………………………… 21

1.5 Political leader and who is relevant? ………………………………………………22

Chapter 2

2.1. Media- mass communication………………………………………………………25

2.2. Types of journalism………………………………………………………………..25

2.3. Specifics of the printed media (daily newspapers) …………………………….…27

2.4. Interview as a genre………………………………………………………………...29

2.4.1. Types of interview questions…………………………………………………….29

Chapter 3

Research.…………………………………………...…………………………………….......30

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 3.1 Timeframe of the research….……………………………………………………….30
3.2 Newspapers observed……....………………………………………………………30
3.3 Hypothetical frame………………………………………………………………….32
3.4 Methods of research………………………………………………………………...33
3.5 Term definition ……………………………………………………………………35
3.6 Objectives of the research…………………………………………………………..36

Chapter 4

Analyses of the interviews...……………………………………………………………….37

4.1 Number of published interviews………………………………………………..37

4.2 Motives for the interviews …...…………………………………………………39
4.3 Analyses of interviews’ titles…………………………………………………...39
4.4 Diversity by the number of questions…………………………………………..41
4.5 Diversity in the topics…………………………………………………………...42
4.6 Answer analyses………………………………………………………………...46
4.6.1 Crvenkovski focused on the political opponents…………………..47
4.6.2 Gruevski proud of the realized projects……………………………51
4.6.3 Implementation of OFA- Ahmeti’s top political priority…………53

Chapter 5

Analyses of the interviews with people from Skopje and Tetovo…………………..57

5.1 Structure of the interview……………………………………………………….57

5.2 Categories of the respondents…………………………………………………..57
5.3 Need for reconciliation process in Macedonia after the 2001 conflict…………58
5.4 Ongoing interethnic reconciliation process in Macedonia……………………...59
5.5 Elements of reconciliation in everyday life……………………………………..60
5.6 Interethnic tensions in neighborhood…………………………………………...61
5.7 Reason for the occasional interethnic tensions in Macedonia…………………62
5.8 Political leaders’ contribution to interethnic reconciliation……………………63
5.9 Public appearances, statements and interviews and the reconciliation…………63

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 5.10 Attitude of the political leaders while in power and opposition………………64
5.11 Understanding of Ohrid Framework Agreement………………………………64
5.12 OFA and reconciliation process in Macedonia………………………………..65

Chapter 6

6.1
Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………...66

6.2 Result of the research……………………………………………………………...70

Appendix……………………………………………………………………………….74

Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………76

Chapter 1

1.1 Introduction
Several incidents among young ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians, few cases in
which policemen are being involved and forcing mono ethnic governmental projects in
recent years have inflamed interethnic relations in the country. These indicators are core
evidence that show more has to be done in the reconciliation process. 10 years after the
armed conflict Macedonians and Albanians, the two major ethnic groups in Republic of
Macedonia, see each other as competitors rather than close neighbors. On the other hand
Ohrid Framework Agreement- strategic document that ended the conflict intends to promote
the peaceful and harmonious development of civil society while respecting the ethnic
identity and the interests of all Macedonian citizens.

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As a matter of fact, the last three country annual progress reports issued by the European
Commission have stated that interethnic dialogue and trust building has to be developed
further in order to achieve relaxed relations.

“Inter-ethnic relations were strained by certain incidents. The urban plan 'Skopje 2014'
created inter-ethnic sensitivities. Members of non-majority communities complained about
the neglect of their respective historical and cultural monuments. In February the
construction of a museum in the shape of a church inside the Kale fortress in Skopje led to a
violent confrontation between members of the two main ethnic communities. The direct
involvement of politicians of one of the parties of the government coalition in the events
caused concern.” 2

The year before, European Commission has noticed that greater dialogue is needed to foster
trust especially in the areas of culture and language. 3

Regression in some aspects of Macedonian democracy has started in 2009 when European
administration noted “integration of ethnic communities remains limited. Effective
implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement needs to be maintained, in a spirit of
consensus. The concerns of the smaller ethnic communities should be more thoroughly
addressed.” 4

Politicians are very important element in this process since over three thirds of the citizens
have trust to them, shows a recent survey. Therefore it does matter Macedonian society what
do they think, say and act. Some statements of the political leaders 10 years after the end of
the armed conflict between Macedonian army and Albanian guerrillas imply reconciliation
is not in their vocabulary. Messages that have been sent through interviews published in
2011 are more in the context of general will for mutual understanding and peaceful

2
EC progress report 2011(https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-
enlargement/sites/near/files/pdf/key_documents/2011/package/mk_rapport_2011_en.pdf ,
p.20)
3
EC progress report 2010 (https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-
enlargement/sites/near/files/pdf/key_documents/2010/package/mk_rapport_2010_en.pdf
p.23)
4
EC progress report 2009 (https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-
enlargement/sites/near/files/pdf/key_documents/2009/mk_rapport_2009_en.pdf p.22)
6|Page
coexistence. There is a lack of concrete suggestions what has to be done in order to prevent
tensions. Topic as such is present in their statements almost always when incidents happen.

OFA by itself is a good driving force for reconciliation process requiring as following:

- Action of limited amnesty for those who committed crime during the conflict

- Decentralization of the country and development of local self-government

- Non-discrimination and equal representation

- Expression of identity

- Education and use of languages

All these and other obligations derive from OFA. Speaking openly about them is a
contribution in understanding some decision made by authorities without misinterpretation
that could lead to revolt and eventually tensions. That’s why is important to observe who of
the political leaders have said what in this regards.

The research will focus on the culture of peace building and culture of dialogue as a
precondition; tolerance; as core values important for post conflict multiethnic society like
Macedonian. It will answer on questions as following:

- Do the politicians mention these values in the interviews?

- Who of them and how frequently?

- In what way and context?

- Are they consistent in the attitudes from interview to interview published in different
timing?

The research will focus on daily newspapers interviews given by the relevant politicians
because this is a wide enough journalistic form for the interviewee to express his/her attitude
in extended way.

1.2 Specific area of research

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As it is stated in the title of MA thesis, this research intends to answer the basic question- do
the politicians talk about reconciliation process in Macedonia and what are their positions
on the 10th anniversary on signing Ohrid Framework Agreement. For that reason expression
of related attitudes of politicians in interviews published in the daily newspapers during
2011 will be monitored.
The problem will be researched from two aspects:
1. OFA and its provisions towards reconciliation process in Macedonia mentioned or
not in the interviews
2. Scientific interpretation of the reconciliation and what of this is present in the
interviews.
For the first aspect will be presented the basic principles of the Ohrid Framework agreement
such as further development of multiethnic society, amnesty for those who committed crime
during the conflict, decentralization of the country and development of local self-
government, non-discrimination and equal representation, expression of identity, education
and use of languages. As a comparison the paper will pay attention on what other
intellectuals think about OFA. Former Minister of Culture and Government spokesperson,
Guner Ismail, in a publication of Macedonian Center for International Cooperation stresses
“OFA has opened the road of decentralization. It is the only model which could bring
building relaxed relations in the society”5. In the same edition, Professor Ljubomir
Frchkoski explains OFA from the aspect of respecting human rights in Macedonia.
According to him “OFA is a document for improving minority rights, use of languages and
their inclusion in the public administration.”6 Former MP and ambassador, Abdurahman
Aliti, gives general asset of signing Ohrid agreement in this way “assuming of some OFA
principles is not only emphasizing multicultural and multiethnic character of Macedonia,
because it is already that. The goal is the state to function as multiethnic.”7
10 years after the end of conflict there is not unified stand what really happened. Whether
was civil war, ethnic conflict, or just small conflict? This is important in order to have
starting point in the reconciliation process, that is truth telling.

5
Клековски С. (уредник), Охридски рамковен договор: Интервјуа, Скопје, МЦМС, август 2011, page
83-98
6
Ibid, page 54-58
7
Ibid, page 64-67

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On the parliamentary elections in 2002, new political party (Democratic Union for
Integration) lead by Ahmeti and consisted of former military activists won majority of
Albanian ethnic votes and became part of the Government. This precedent was in fact
another one step towards reconciliation- that is redefinition of identities of those who once
have been fighting against Macedonian forces.
This process was supported with another one. In 2002, the Assembly passed the Amnesty
Law, granting amnesty to persons involved in the 2001 conflict until 26 September 2001,
except those who had committed war crimes and crimes against humanity.
All these acts are partly fulfilling of another very important criterion in curing conflict
wounds- forgiveness. “Forgiveness is the driving force behind an apology. An apology is
called for, someone apologizes, the apology (let us assume) is accepted, the offender is
forgiven, and life goes on as if nothing had happened.” As if”, acknowledges that some
tension and lingering antagonism may remain, but on the surface, “the social slate is wiped
clean” although the act itself cannot be undone. “ 8
Thomas Scheff describes the significance of the apology-forgiveness relationship as a
removal of a “threat to the social bond …a relationship in which solidarity prevails” caused
by alienation that can occur equally in both modern and traditional societies. “Modern
societies tend toward individualism and isolation, traditional ones, toward conformity and
engulfment. “9
After the Ohrid Agreement, the rebels agreed to cease-fire in June, however there were other
agreements in August, before settling on a final one in January 2002. Under the Ohrid
Agreement, the Macedonian government pledged to improve the rights of the Albanian
population that makes up just over 25.3 percent of the population. Those rights include
making Albanian language the second official language, increasing the participation of
ethnic Albanians in government institutions, police and army. Most importantly, under the
Ohrid Agreement, the Macedonian government agreed to a new model of decentralization.
The Albanian side agreed to give up any separatist demands and to fully recognize all
Macedonian institutions. In addition, according to this accord the NLA was to disarm and
hand over their weapons to a NATO force. Operation "Essential Harvest" was officially

8
Hartwell Marcia Byrom, 1999, Feinstein International Center
9
Scheff, Thomas J., Bloody Revenge, Emotions, Nationalism, And War (Westview Press, 1994)

9|Page
launched on August 22 and effectively started on August 27. This 30-day mission involved
approximately 3500 NATO and Macedonian troops to disarm the NLA and destroy their
weapons. Just hours after NATO wrapped up the operation, Ali Ahmeti told reporters
attending a news conference in the rebel stronghold of Shipkovica that he was dissolving the
National Liberation Army and that it was time for ethnic reconciliation.
On the parliamentary elections in 2002, new political party (Democratic Union for
Integration) lead by Ahmeti and consisted of former military activists won majority of
Albanian ethnic votes and became part of the Government. This precedent was in fact
another one step towards reconciliation- that is redefinition of identities10 of those who once
have been fighting against Macedonian forces.
The second aspect of research is related to scientific backup of the reconciliation. A
reconciliation process generally involves five interwoven and related strands. Those are:
1. Developing a shared vision of an interdependent and fair society
2. Acknowledging and dealing with the past: Acknowledging the hurt, losses, truths and
suffering of the past; providing the mechanisms for justice, healing, restitution or
reparation, and restoration (including apologies if necessary and steps aimed at redress);
to build reconciliation, individuals and institutions need to acknowledge their own role
in the conflicts of the past, accepting and learning from it in a constructive way so as to
guarantee non-repetition.
3. Building positive relationships: Relationship building or renewal following violent
conflict addressing issues of trust, prejudice, intolerance in this process, resulting in
accepting commonalities and differences, and embracing and engaging with those who
are different to us.
4. Significant cultural and attitudinal change: Changes in how people relate to, and their
attitudes towards, one another. The culture of suspicion, fear, mistrust and violence is
broken down and opportunities and space opened up in which people can hear and be
heard. A culture of respect for human rights and human difference is developed creating
a context where each citizen becomes an active participant in society and feels a sense of
belonging.

10
William J. Long & Peter Brecke, War and reconciliation

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 5. Substantial social, economic and political change: The social, economic and political
structures which gave rise to the conflict and estrangement are identified, reconstructed
or addressed, and transformed.
An alternative model of reconciliation assumes this process as forgiveness. As Long and
Brecke point out reconciliation process is part of a process of forgiveness, transforming
certain emotions (moving from anger to affinity) and transcending certain beliefs about
oneself and the other that opens the possibility of new, beneficial relations. According to
them there are four forgiveness factors- public truth telling, partial justice, redefinition of
social identities and call for a new relationship. The statements of the politicians in
Macedonia will be researched through all these factors.
In the world literature, reconciliation is connected with building culture of peace. This
research will pay attention on this aspect as well. As Ljubisa Markovic defines, it is one of
the basic and universal rights of the humankind; right of human being to live and create in
peace. Peace must not be a monopoly of one state or one nation in the world. It must serve
their development and progress. Therefore culture of peace means struggle for new relations
in the world: for freedom, equality and brotherhood among peoples and nations. In that
regards, culture of peace means proactive emancipator attitude towards building polycentric
democratic global order in the world in which pluralism, right for being different,
democratic autonomous sustainable and humanistic development would be respected.11
Media are very important factor in building culture of peace. It is notable that in Macedonia
they don’t give wider space for articles about the process of reconciliation. Usually they
behave sporadically in the situation when interethnic tensions happen, in the case some
thematic conference is being organized or some law that is related to post- conflict period is
being discussed in the Parliament.

1.3 Historical notes of the latest conflict in Macedonia

The insurgency in the Republic of Macedonia (January – November 2001) was an armed
conflict which began when the ethnic Albanian National Liberation Army militant group
attacked the security forces of the Republic of Macedonia at the beginning of January 2001.

11
Mitrovic, Miltojevic and Stevanovic, Kultura mira, pojam i funkcija, 2006, page 21

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60 ethnic Albanian civilians are thought to have been killed while possibly about ten ethnic
Macedonians died during the conflict. The conflict lasted throughout most of the year,
although overall casualties remained limited to several dozen for either side, according to
the sources from both of the sides in the conflict.

Macedonian science has identified 4 phases related to the conflict. The pre-conflict phase
lasted from 1991-2001. It consisted of the policies of “peace and coexistence”, gradual
concessions, corrupt exchange, and short outbursts in the use of force. This strategy of
“peace and coexistence” with the ethnic Albanians was not successful, as they did not
accept to be a “national minority” with equal standing to others as individual citizens.
Instead they demanded the group status of a constituent nation. At the very beginning of
Macedonia’s independence ethnic parties were formed. In addition, the emerging civil
society became ethnically divided. Therefore, integration as a method of “eliminating
differences” could not be implemented. In order to preserve fragile inter-ethnic relations in
Macedonia, the ethnic conflict was managed through a combination of gradual concessions
in favor of the ethnic Albanians’ requirements, coercive means, and corrupt exchanges
between ethnic elites. The phase of armed conflict lasted from February to August 2001.
The armed conflict itself encompassed two stages.

Stage one lasted from February to the end of March 2001. “Crisis at that stage was clearly
imported from Kosovo.” 12

The second stage stretched from early April through mid August 2001. In that period,
domestic ethnic Albanian fighters emerged and joined the insurgency.

The post-conflict phase began with the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement on 13
August 2001. The post-conflict situation entered into a new phase with the armed clashes of
November 2007 between the Macedonian security forces and armed Albanian guerillas,
supported by the “Albanian Liberation Army.” Parallel to these events, after signing the
Ohrid Agreement, one by one were launched projects in direction to reconciliation among

12
Ilievski Z. The Role of Human and Minority Rights in the Process of Reconstruction and Reconciliation for
State and Nation-Building: Macedonia, European Academy, Bozen- Bolzano, 2008

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the two major ethnic groups- Macedonians and Albanians. Most of them have been
supported by international community.

Even 10 years after the end of conflict there is not unified stand what really happened.
Whether was civil war, ethnic conflict, or just small conflict? This is important in order to
have starting point in the reconciliation process which is, according to Long and Brecke,
truth telling.13 Although potentially socially destabilizing, contributes to other factors
associated with successful national forgiveness- redefinition of the identities of the
belligerents, limited justice, and a call for a new relationship.14

For instance, scholars investigating the cause of civil war are attracted by two opposing
questions.

a) Are conflicts caused by who people are, whether that be defined in terms of
ethnicity, religion or other social affiliation, or

b) Do conflicts begin because it is in the economic best interests of individuals and

groups to start them?

Scholarly analysis supports the conclusion that economic and structural factors are more
important than those of identity in predicting occurrences of civil war. I’m mentioning this
because there are thoughts within Macedonian political elite that the 2001 conflict was pure
economically motivated.

1.3.1 What is OFA?

The Ohrid Framework Agreement was the peace deal signed on August 13, 2001 by the
government of the Republic of Macedonia and ethnic Albanian representatives supported by
EU and US special representatives. The OFA was the result of extensive coordination
across party lines, and of intense pressure from external factors such as the US, the EU,
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and the Organization for Security and

13
William J. Long & Peter Brecke, War and reconciliation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003,
p.148
14
Ibid

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Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The signatories of the Agreement were the main four
political parties at the time15, as well as the appointed representatives of the
EU and the US, acting as mediators and guarantors16. This agreement ended the
armed conflict between the National Liberation Army and the Macedonian security forces
and set the groundwork for improving the rights of ethnic Albanians. The Agreement also
included provisions for altering the official languages of the country, with any language
spoken by over 20% of the population becoming co-official with the Macedonian language
on municipal level. Currently only Albanian spoken by approximate 25% of the population
fulfils this criterion. Beside continuous revokes and demands by international community
for full implementation of this Agreement, on the ground within the years, OFA came under
many challenges. Ten years after its signing, the Framework Agreement is still an
open subject – either its justification is being questioned, or its potential for
sustaining a stable multiethnic society.
“There are very few measures that stimulate integration in the society and in general they
refer to fair representation and usage of the languages. There are not “soft measures” which
would stimulate real integration beside the technical one. More measures are needed for
affirmation and stimulation of the different groups to be included in the society in order to
compete for the resources. Equal representation and the economic measures are not
sufficient to overcome assumed inferior positions.”17

1.4 Steps towards reconciliation

1.4.1 Ceasefire, disarmament, NLA becomes political party

After the signing of Ohrid Agreement, the rebels agreed to cease-fire in June, however there
were other agreements in August, before settling on a final one in January 2002. According
to this accord the NLA was to disarm and hand over their weapons to a NATO force. In
addition, The Albanian side agreed to give up any separatist demands and to fully recognize
all Macedonian institutions. Operation "Essential Harvest" was officially launched on

15
SDSM, VMRO-DPMNE, DPA and PDP
16
Guarantors of OFA: Fransois Leotard (EU representative) and James Pardew (US representative)
17
Шикова Н, Охридски Рамковен Договор, Студии на случај, МЦМС, Скопје 2011, p.13, ISBN: 978-608-
4617-41-9

14 | P a g e
August 22 and effectively started on August 27. This 30-day mission involved
approximately 3500 NATO and Macedonian troops to disarm the NLA and destroy their
weapons.

Just hours after NATO wrapped up the operation, Ali Ahmeti told reporters attending a
news conference in the rebel stronghold of Shipkovica that he was dissolving the National
Liberation Army and that it was time for ethnic reconciliation. On the parliamentary
elections in 2002, new political party (Democratic Union for Integration) lead by Ali
Ahmeti and consisted of former military activists in NLA became part of the Government.
The same year, the Assembly passed the Amnesty Law, granting amnesty to persons
involved in the 2001 conflict until 26 September 2001, except those who had committed war
crimes and crimes against humanity. New model of decentralization was adopted in 2004.

1.4.2 Reconciliation challenges

Several incidents which happened throughout 2011 draw attention on the fact that ethnical
division remains in the Macedonian society. All cases were with elements of interethnic
intolerance. The year started with tensions over building a church on Skopje Kale Fortress
(government project that provoked Albanian partner in the Government). A group of people
led by few politicians of DUI by night tried to ruin the metal construction of the object
opposing to this project characterized as a mono-ethnic and mono-religious. Few days later,
clashes between two groups of ethnic Albanians and ethnic Macedonians occurred on Kale
fortress in Skopje. First group opposed and the second was supportive about this project.
Public was confused why the two main partners in the ruling coalition confronted in this
way and with that stimulated tensions.

There were incidents on sport matches between groups of fans ethnically divided on
Macedonians and Albanians.

An ethnic Albanian high school student was deadly stabbed with knife while defending
ethnic Macedonian school mate in fight.

Incident with burned Macedonian flag on a football match in Kosovo inflamed interethnic
tensions on social media in Macedonia. Number of insults among ethnic Macedonians and

15 | P a g e
Albanians were on nationalistic base. “Nova Makedonija” in the edition on February 15th
2011 comments “all that is happening smells on 2001 crisis”.

In august 2011 interethnic tensions raised in a village near city of Prilep, in central
Macedonia over building an orthodox church. In this small community live orthodox
Christians and Muslims. The Muslim villagers don’t allow this project on a land which they
claim belongs to all people.

The same year continued realization of another governmental project, officially titled
“Skopje 2014”, which involves the construction of numerous buildings and monuments
with historic and identity -building undertones. It has sharply divided the population at
home, among other reasons due to arguments that it favors the majority over other ethnic
communities in the country. As a Skopje based think tank pointed out, there no other fault
so far, then the politicians’.

Vlado Dimovski, president of Center for interethnic tolerance, Skopje in interview for Radio
Free Europe emphasizes that the citizens are afraid of worsening the interethnic relations.
The division is here and will remain unless politicians get the clutches of the people”18

Even some of the politicians who are part of the ruling coalition expressed dissatisfaction
how the authorities deal with crucial issues. Ermira Mehmeti, longstanding DUI politician
and ex MP in Facebook post writes “I voted pro this government because I believed we’ll
become NATO member state. We’ll start the negotiations with EU, we’ll fulfill promises for
equality, we’ll bring back the democratic values, we’ll establish security, but in the
meantime the Government has isolated Macedonia from the friends within the international
public, has destroyed the image of the state, has not showed respect for the principles of
ethnic governance, has obstructed the implementation of OFA, has established autocracy
instead of democracy, has not accepted dialog, has ruined coexistence, has destroyed the
cohesion. It is enough. Nor citizens, neither International community support undemocratic
governance. It is time for resignation of Gruevski.”

18
http://www.makdenes.org/content/article/24409242.html
16 | P a g e
This statements actually show how far is Macedonia from complete overcome of the 2001
conflict, and more important, how insufficient are the efforts of the politicians in that
process. On the other hand, there are many international models that Macedonia can
implement to its process of reconciliation.

1.4.3 Peace steps towards reconciliation

On the global level, Organization of the United Nations applies four peace steps for conflict
resolution: preventive diplomacy, peace-making, peace-keeping, and peace-building. All of
these mechanisms are defined with Agenda for peace19
In other crucial document, Agenda for peace says that the development could not be
reached with absence of peace and security and if human rights and fundamental freedoms
are not respected. Actually, in the war, short-term crises and humanitarian needs, efforts for
development are declining or neglected. As a matter of fact, the great military spending, the
arms traffic and its production have negative consequences on development prospects.
“With the end of the cold war, it seems benefits of the peace are reachable. Easing the
international tensions was assumed as possibility for reducing military spending elsewhere
in the world and those funds to be used for social and economic development for wellbeing
of all states. There should be adequate cut of overspending for military means including
global military spending and arms trade and investing in production and purchase of arms
according national security needs in order financial assets to be relocated for social and
economic development”. 20

On the other hand, existence of the military capacities does not mean some states cannot
consider and work on reaching permanent peace. “Sweden keeps relatively powerful army
with system of complete defense in which civil, economic and psychological elements are
involved. But the Government and the people are very active in research, educational,

19
http://www.globalpolicy.org/reform/initiatives/ghali/2002/0203ten.htm Agenda for peace is a paper of
former UN Secretary-general Boutros Boutros Ghali commissioned by the UN Security Council in 1992
20
“Peace benefits” from the book Agenda for development, Skopje: Preventive deployed UN forces, 1997),
p.37. This resolution 51/240 is adopted on the UN General Assembly on June 20th 1997 and in August the
same year was translated to Macedonian language with support of, then, UN preventive deployed forces

17 | P a g e
voluntary activities, keeping general world peace and disarmament (Exists International
institute for peace research, and the Government has a Minister for disarmament as well)”21
The world practice also recognizes peace Constitutions in the countries which do not
have military forces and armament (Japan and Costa Rica). But despite all these efforts on
individual level, constitutional law experts Skarikj and Tadakazu, claim that the system for
collective security didn’t succeed during the cold war exactly because of the rivalry between
the two blocks and race for nuclear and immoderate conventional armament. This state later
leaded to consensus for common security and disarmament. 22
Preventive diplomacy means permanent monitoring of potential tensions and the
cause of conflicts. In fact, the conflict is being prevented to escalate in violence using on-
time warning and realistic analyses. Peace-making, the other mechanism is use of different
methods in backing off, preventing and ending of violent conflict among the parties. Peace-
keeping makes efforts to control and end arm conflict, to stop fights and to intensify
political solution of the conflict through separation of the military powers.
“Instead keeping the ceasefire, while waiting the negotiations on some political solution,
peace forces are being deployed as part of dealing processes in order to help enforcement of
adequate political agreement. That includes participation of peacekeepers in activities such
as weapons seizure, demilitarization and demobilization of the armed forces, monitoring the
elections and sometimes training of the security organs (police)” 23
The final mechanism- “peace building” is focused on reconstruction and support of political
and social-economic infrastructure in order to normalize relations among the conflict
parties. So, this mechanism which is focused on the attitudes of the parties, aims to
eliminate roots of the conflict. It plays substantial role in renewal of the friendships, in
reconstruction and improvement of social and economic relations and in mediation of
resolving process. It is used the most in post-conflict divided societies which suffered phase
of destruction and it improves and institutionalizes peace structures in order to prevent a
new violence. There are many diverse and risky challenges in the phase of violence:
disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of the former soldiers, return and

21
More on this in Мирот и уставите by Тадаказу, Шкариќ, Скопје, Балкански центар за мир,
Филозофски факултет, 1997, p.33
22
Ibid
23
Петровски В, Вовед во Трансформација на конфликтите со мирољубиви средства од Јона Галтунг,
Скопје, Балкански центар за мир, Филозофски факултет, 2000, p.11

18 | P a g e
reintegration of the displaced people and refugees and reforms of the government structure.
Many countries face lack of human recourses, as well as institutional and financial sources
to begin resolving these problems and, in this case, very often the international activity is
the key in peace building. In 1992, Security Council received request to give
recommendations on empowerment of the UN capacity in preventive diplomacy aimed to
create and keep the peace. Boutros Boutros Ghali, at that time Secretary General, proposed
concept for peace-building in the Agenda for peace. Three years later “Supplement to An
Agenda for Peace” was adopted. As it is stated in the document, peace- building is an
instrument for reaching peace not only in post-conflict phase but as well as preventive
diplomacy. Peace-building closes the “virtual circle” of renewal of violence through
building capacities and negotiations, along with efficient judiciary, elections according
democracy and culming the civil society.
This mechanism could be used prior and after the conflict, although it is not possible to
make strict distinction between using in both phases. This concept is more expensive than
prevention if it is used in post-conflict period because it passed way of escalation and the
society has suffered economic, political damages and suffers of the innocent people. “Price
of the armed conflict is stunning, especially regarding the casualties and financial costs
imposed to international organizations and some states afterwards in post-conflict
reconstruction and peace-building”.24
If we add other aspects, it is clear how high cost a conflict has. In these surcumstacies, there
is a risk “leading” people to strive for reaching personal interests and security only.
Therefore, matching the requests of different segments in a conflict and avoiding
appearance of frustrations is a major problem. Leaders or “spoilers” could be a political
party or persons who think their power and interests would decline if peace is developed.
That is why they use violence very often in order to destroy peace efforts and to protect own
positions. But, there is a way how these “spoilers” to become fully supporters of actions
through political process and institutions which manage this conflict group without violence
but using legitimacy and authority. In these post-divided societies three segments are needed
for building successful peace: security (society transition from war to peace), political

24
Ackermann Alice, “Conflict Prevention: institutional challenges, rules and the role if civil society” in
Conflict Prevention- from idea to culture of conflict prevention in Macedonia, Lidija Georgieva, Skopje,
Friedrich Ebert and Initiative for peace-building and democracy, 2004, p.23

19 | P a g e
(transition from authoritarian to democratic with participation of the citizens) and social-
economic approach (rebuilding economic capacities and functioning market economy).
Macedonia successfully overcame 2001crises and continued in the phase of post-conflict
peace-building. Unfortunately, phase of prevention implemented since the country’s
independence didn’t succeed so as a result the conflict was inevitable. 10 years later many
challenges are still there. That’s why the Agenda for peace is very important for Macedonia
as the country started to move on its road, but it is impossible without peace, if the security
is under question, if there is violation of human rights and different crisis occur. Using
preventive diplomacy, potential tensions and causes can be intercepted and monitoring and
on time warning is being used to prevent potential conflict. At the same time, there is
reorganizing and reconstruction of the institutions and reintegration of the former soldiers in
the state system.

1.4.4 Political peace-building

Relations, processes, mechanisms and institutions that would be the most interested in
weakening of conflict and peace-keeping should be identified in order political peace-
building to exist. In fact, sometimes, it is necessary to rebuild old and create new political
institutions and to involve many people on different levels. Institutions should be
responsive, legitimate, because it’s up to them whether peace will succeed or violent
conflict will appear again. So, political structure should be reformed and capable institutions
should be created for keeping necessary security in this period of time. These institutions
have to be “leaded” by persons elected by the people and that is the reason why democratic
elections are necessary in political peace-building. They will allow reforms within the
political system and will bring legitimate political responsible people. This, actually, means
empowering civil organizations of the voters, their education and monitoring of the election
process, independent election commission and voting infrastructure. For instance, in
Macedonia, OFA and constitutional amendments introduced elements of con- social
democracy and gave different image of the current political system.

1.4.5 Security approach in peace-building

20 | P a g e
Disarmament, demobilization of the paramilitary structures and their reintegration in civil
society, definitely, contribute in prevention from a new violent conflict. This triple process,
known as DDR (disarmament, demobilation and reintegration of former combatants) lasts
few years- from experience usually three-four years. On the other hand reform in a post-
conflict situation imposes complitely different chalanges than those reform of the security
sector is facing with in society in peacefull transition.25
The process goes on in phases of collecting, long-term reintegration and dismissing the
weapons by the former combatants from one and civilians who have taken weapons on the
other side. The state provides former combatants with shelter, food, clothes, hygiene
materials and healthcare. Further, economic measures are implemented for employment and
reintegration of the civilian structures. On the other hand, former combatants return the
weapons and give trust to peace-keeping process. Regarding Macedonia, professor
Vankovska introduces the following dilemma: “how to equip the armed forces well enough,
at the same time when disarmament of the society is yet crucial issue, especially in case in
which security structures and the guerilla are ethnically defined? 26
In order to restore confidence, institutions have to guarantee security of people’s life and
property or to provide defense from external attacks, to secure rule of law and monitoring
the security forces. Beside former combatants and vulnerable groups, in post-conflict
societies, minorities and prisoners need improving human rights as well. Support comes for
institutions that are instrument against regime which violate human rights. In these societies
there is a UN mission who monitors human rights and trains candidates for civil police
forces, for military peace-keeping operations and for war against human rights violations.

1.4.6 What is the role of civil society?

Civil sector plays very important role in the peace-building. Organizations from this
segment develop ”peace culture” and build institutions for conflict management. These non-
government organizations are “liberators” of the people who should change and accept
democratization, to vote on elections and to be watchdog of the authorities. The independent

25
Ванковска Б. (2003) Тековни перспективи во Македонија: Напори за мир, демократија и безбедност,
Скопје, Фондација Институт Отворено Општество Македонија, 2003, p.72
26
Ibid, p.72

21 | P a g e
media have the same role as well. Peace-building requires intervention in all spheres of life-
economical, social, political, military (security), interreligious, ethnical, intercultural- in
order to reduce potential of a new conflict break out or to regress negative potential of
violence. “This is extremely important for countries with history of violence and maybe
short armed conflict like the case with Macedonia. In those countries, the aim has two
stages: prevention eruption of second round of violence, but also including of those efforts
to prevent from conflict through wider strategy for conflict transformation. All NGO actors
have to increase and encourage their awareness as critical players in conflict prevention and
peace-building process and they could have important influence on national and
international politics.”27
The manner and possibility for real mobilization of this “informal” union of non-
government organizations, women associations, media, religious leaders, businessmen and
other actors in civil society, is the most serious problem on which its success depends. In a
post-conflict society, civil sector is also weak, divided, financial dependent and all should
work on its empowering, integration and independence from different financial centers in
order to reach desired effects in peace-building.

1.5 Political leader and who is relevant?

In order to answer this question, the research will take as a reference what appears in the
surveys conducted by certified rating agencies in Macedonia such as Brima , ISPPI , IDSCS
, Rating. In surveys in 2011 top four influential political parties are VMRO-DPMNE,
SDSM, DUI and DPA. (See table 1) Since the leaders gain their influence from the rating of
the parties, the relevance of the politicians observed derives from this fact. According to
official figures, in 2011, 4 persons are leaders with highest influence in public. Nikola
Gruevski, prime minister and leader of VMRO-DPMNE ( Conservatives), Branko
Crvenkovski, leader of oppositional SDSM (Social-democrats), Ali Ahmeti, president of
ruling DUI (Democratic Union for Integration) and Menduh Thachi, leader of oppositional
DPA( Democratic Party of Albanians).

27
Ackermann Alice, “Conflict Prevention: institutional challenges, rules and the role if civil society” in
Conflict Prevention- from idea to culture of conflict prevention in Macedonia, Lidija Georgieva, Skopje,
Friedrich Ebert and Initiative for peace-building and democracy, 2004, p.32

22 | P a g e
Since any of the wars in modern time eventually have been finished with political agreement
does matter who is most influential political leaders regardless in power or opposition.

Table 1: Political parties’ rating (in percent)28, by agency

Rating VMRO- VMRO-

agency DPMNE SDSM DUI DPA ND LDP NDP NP

IDSCS 19,4 15,1 6,9 3,9 1,0 0,8 1,8 1,1

PROGRES 19,6 22,9 8,3 5,3 2,4 0,1 3,1 1,6
IPIS 22,6 15,4 6,4 3,6 1,4 1,5 2,0 1,7
REJTING 20,6 15,0 6,8 4,1 2,0 1,9 2,5 2,7
ISPPI 21,8 19,8 8,8 5,9 1,9 - 4,5 -
BRIMA 18,0 11,2 8,6 2,9 0,9 0,3 0,4 0,2

There were also several surveys realized in 2011 targeting the popularity of the political
leaders. Media in Macedonia play crucial role to inform on this issue.29 The results showed
the same position on the rating list confirming there is very narrow interconnection among
the influence of the political parties’ and that of their leaders. This is a kind of tradition in
Macedonian pluralism party’ public influence to relay on its leader influence and vice versa.

The ethnicity of the top 4 influential political leaders which are part of this research reflects
the general demographic image of Republic of Macedonia- dominant are ethnic
Macedonians, second biggest community are Albanians. The other ethnic groups
represented in the Constitution (Roma, Turks, Serbs, Vlachs, Bosnians) are politically
represented by their own ethnic parties which are smaller than the dominant VMRO
DPMNE, SDSM, DUI and DPA. So far, in the democratic history of the state, all of them

28
Клековски С., Кржаловски А. (2011) Рејтинг на политичките партии, преглед на анкетите за
мерење на рејтингот, Скопје, МЦМС, ISBN 978-608-4617-27-3
29
News from daily Utrinski vesnik on the results of surveys from two sources (as for May 2017):
http://www.utrinski.mk/default.asp?ItemID=132A6CC9E603BE49B5B6D26B6240E084
http://www.utrinski.mk/default.asp?ItemID=20BC295398AC3D46AA21380C0EBDB40F

23 | P a g e
are in coalition led either by VMRO DPMNE or SDSM. Therefore their leaders are less
influential within the public and are in shadow of the four stated above.

The parties mentioned as dominant have been the key political players through building
inter-ethnic governmental coalitions and with three major turnovers of power since
independence (see table:2 below ). Inter-ethnic coalitions have been an informal rule in
the political landscape of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, as all
governments since independence have consisted of at least one party from each of
the two –Macedonian and Albanian –blocks. (Many analysts consider this feature as one of
the main reasons why the country managed to avoid the ethnic bloodshed witnessed in the
rest of the Yugoslav federation.)

Table 2: Coalition Governments in Macedonia (1991-2017)

Period Main partners in ruling coalition

2017- present SDSM, DUI and ALIANCE FOR
ALBANIANS
2008- 2017 VMRO-DPMNE and DUI
2006-2008 VMRO-DPMNE and DPA
2002-2006 SDSM and DUI
2001-2002 VMRO-DPMNE, SDSM, DPA
and PDP(national unity
government during and in the
aftermath of 2001 conflict)
1998- 2001 VMRO-DPMNE and DPA
1994- 1998 SDSM and PDP
1992- 1994 SDSM and PDP
1991- 1992 Expert government

24 | P a g e
Chapter 2

2.1 Media- mass communication

“Media” is one of the most useful essences of human life. We speak of mass media, of
media revolution and of living in a media society. We are overloaded with all these letters,
sounds and films, pixels, headlines, jingles. When we use the term media in this context we
speak of print and electronic media, the so called mass media. Media affect our modern life
in nearly every way. With a turn of a magazine page or an easy flip of the TV channel there
at our disposal is a huge array of potential identity replicas. But more important they create
or participate in creation of our opinion over many issues that are not necessarily only
personal, but wider, national or supranational. This is because main work of media is to
inform the people. A modern democracy cannot work without the media which are an agent
between public and state. For instance, it’s impossible to organize a meeting between 50
million people to inform them orally, so there is a need for instrument- the media. There
lays the answer of the crucial question why media are so important for the political life. And
how big is the political influence using this “channel”.

2.2 Types of journalism

Professor Zivko Andrevski distinguishes four types of journalism which are defined
according the certain specifics present in its structure- creative, conservative, transmitting
and developing journalism (which requires physiognomy).30

Explaining this division, he notes that creative journalism, in terms of professionalism,

respects achieved and search for solutions for the future. It is fully open towards positive
and negative topics; it is investigative using attractive vocabulary and has modern style.
“The creative journalism stimulates the values of human content, message and commitment,
progressiveness, freedom and person’s liberation.31

30
Андревски Ж. Четири А- за новинарот и новинарствито (теорија, пристап, практика), Битола,
Култура, 1994, p. 24
31
Ibid

25 | P a g e
The conservative one, as its name implies, is devoted to keep the current situation, and
rather has negative tone towards something new. Here, we have restricted choice of topics
for writing, partially presence of investigation, classical style and language.

Within the transmitting journalism we have ultimate affirmation; it treats topics that are
previously “approved” by the authorities. Lack of investigation and creativity is normal for
this type of journalism and rather bureaucratic writing is present.

For the developing journalism should be emphasized “ethic dimension of permanent

search and defining of the human values” and regarding this, it treats topics which are social
necessary and justified. There are not possibilities for investigation because it has no
tradition, experience, audience and writing style is classical, narrative32.

Different types of journalism appear in different stages of press development. Here, we will
mention few without going into deeper analyses of the approaches. The well known
syntagma “yellow” press (or tabloid) applies to the pejorative “journalism” that publishes
scandals, sensationalism, chauvinism or other unethical and unprofessional practices within
the journalistic organization or by the journalists themselves. In fact, authors of these
articles intend to excite or anger the readers rather than inform them.

Furthermore, the world also identifies advocacy journalism which represents and protects
certain groups that are not able to protect their own interests. “The journalist is assumed as
fourth authority that prevents abuse of power, which implicitly means devotion to social
structure change. It does not feel responsibility for the principle of neutrality, but identifies
itself with the valuable perceptions of public, or part of it”. 33

There is another defined type of journalism in which the citizens play active role in a
process of collecting, reporting, analyzing and publishing the information. It is called
“citizen” or “participative” journalism. Its intention is to provide independence, reliability,
precision, wide-covered and relevant information. Here, the citizens participate in creation
of the future of information and news. However, journalism “for citizens” begins with its

32
Ibid
33
Андревски Ж. Четири А- за новинарот и новинарствито (теорија, пристап, практика), Битола,
Култура, 1994

26 | P a g e
popularity along with appearance of internet and the networking technology. Definitely, it
should be distinguished from the civil journalism which is used by professional journalists
and not by the ordinary people. The civil journalism movement appears in 1988 in the USA
during the president elections as a counteraction against erosion of the truth in the media.
The information society development leads to appearance of modern online journalism
defined as reporting facts and their publishing on internet.

It is important to mention that the top ranked journalism which does not depend on trends is
investigative one. But it is problematical to be accepted in daily journalism because it
requires significant amount of time for investigation, preparation of the article (days,
months, years). On the other hand, daily pace requires urgent preparation of the article. Very
often, the investigation covers many interviews and trips, analyses of documents, research,
and scientific analyses, social and legal issues.

For post-conflict peace building it is necessary to develop investigative, participative and

creative journalism. All of them will lead to solutions for the future, of course, with active
participation of the citizens. With their journalistic investigative eye, the present time will
be presented as such. On the contrary, the yellow press should be completely avoided
because it could bring worsening of the post- conflict efforts for easing tensions using
writing based on scandals and sensations without deep analyses of the problems.

2.3 Specifics of the printed media (daily newspapers)

The newspaper is one of the traditional media. It is a publication consisted of news,

information and adds. Current events, political and business developments, culture, sports,
criminal news and editorial or experts’ opinions, are published in it. There can be found
weather forecast, crosswords and horoscopes as well. In order to illustrate the stories,
photographs and sketches are being used, but also comical, satirical and serious cartoons.
The newspapers are published on a daily basis except Sundays and national holidays (case
of Macedonia and some countries). Newspapers are generally published daily, weekly, and
bi-weekly, although they may have less regular publication schedules. Most major
newspapers publish daily, with expanded coverage on the weekends. Newspapers can be

27 | P a g e
national or international in focus or might be targeted strictly to a particular community or
locality. Newspaper articles are written largely by newspaper staff and editors and often do
not provide authors' names. Regarding the territorial coverage newspapers could be national
(covering events throughout the state) and local (for certain city or region). Articles
published in the newspaper could be divided by genres and defined as following: news
(short journalistic form), which deliver one or limited number of information; report- this
genre delivers more information related to certain event, or more elements of the story are
present; interview- specific genre in which certain interviewee answers many questions
asked by journalist that are related to certain event, topic or situation; statement- short genre
in which certain person deliver his/her opinion for certain developments; commentary-
analytical genre which allows personal views and critics about events, processes; feature
story- wider form of report, with many sources and opinions by different people involved;
reportage- genre that activates author’s and reader’s sensitive moments transmitting
information in descriptive form.

News, report, statement and the interview are informative, while commentary, feature story
and the reportage are more analytical articles. It is difficult to place own position in the
news and report except if journalist want to put some attributes or other valuable categories.
It is easier in the interview through figuring out the construction and disposition of the
questions. On the other hand, it is expected media to observe the treated problems critically,
continually and professionally. In most of the newspapers dominant genres are report, news
and interview. Analytical genres (feature story, commentary and reportage) are less present
but that does not mean they are not used at all. Unfortunately, many researches showed up
that the newspapers only reflect and transmit the reality. They have never started to shape it
actively. They only react on certain happenings, events, appearances and problems. It is
required and expected by them motive for treating of something and analytical genres
appears only when reaction on certain event occurs, which is actual in certain period of time
or initiated by the author.

The solution as a cure for incompatibility between dramatic news and positivism of the
peace offers Johan Galtung and that is “journalists should focus on the battle for peace as
dramatic, and yet, positive thing in which many people are involved, all heroes from

28 | P a g e
everyday life”.34 Therefore, there is serious base and it is realistic to expect strong effect of
the daily journalism towards efforts for post-conflict peace building and reconciliation. The
journalists will search for alternatives of the problems and will place new ideas into reality
for overcoming disagreements. Simply, they all have to take the role of partners for peace,
to become peace workers and not propagandists of war, unrest, crime and arms.

2.4 Interview as a genre

Interview in journalism is a tool and method for gathering information. The focus is on an
individual. An interview is an exchange of information between a reporter and an
interviewee. When a reporter asks the right question, a source becomes a window to the
news.35 According to professor Cvetanovska there are three stages in every interview- the
research, setting up the interview and the questions and answers. During the interview, the
reporter should pay attention to the ways in which questions are asked. Reporters miss many
stories because they don’t know how to ask questions.36
For effective interviews, reporters prepare carefully, and they ask questions that induce the
source to talk freely. Questions are directed at obtaining information on a theme that the
reporter has in mind before beginning the interview. If a more important theme emerges, the
reporter develops it.

2.4.1. Types of questions

Open-ended questions are used when a short, precise answer in not immediately necessary.
In fact, they do not require a specific answer. They allow the interviewee more time to
develop an answer. Open-ended questions are less direct and less threatening more
exploratory and more flexible.
Closed-ended questions are used in some interviews which require only quick questions
and short answers. These questions are structured to elicit precise answers. They call for a
brief, pointed reply.

34
Johan Galtung Ibid, p.135
35
Cvetanovska Danica J., Journalism, University St. Cyril and Methodius, Skopje, 1995, p.93
36
Ibid, p.95

29 | P a g e
Direct Questions Most questions flow from what the reporter perceives to be the theme of
the assignment.
Reporters often begin their interviews with open-ended questions, which allow the source to
relax. Then the closed-ended questions are asked, which may seem threatening if asked at
the outset of the interview. The reporter who asks only open-ended questions should be
aware of their possible implications. To some sources, the open-ended question is the mark
of an inadequately prepared reporter who is fishing for a story.37 Good questions are the
result of solid preparation, and this requires more than reading the local newspaper and
chatting with authorities. The reporter notes what is said, how it is said and what is not said.
Interviewees are encouraged by the reporter's gestures and facial expressions to keep
talking.

Chapter 3

Research

3.1 Timeframe of the research

This research is focused on year 2011 that is the 10th anniversary of signing the Ohrid
Framework Agreement. For that purpose are being analyzed 4 daily newspapers in their
editions from January 1st 2011 until December 31st. In this period of time were published 6
interviews with the politicians who are among the subjects of this research.

In order to have more relevance and because of many interethnic tensions that occurred in
the meantime, a questionnaire with 11 questions was being sent to 25 people as well. To
have time distance and to compare from a different perspective, they are being sent and
answered from March 2nd until June 10th 2014.

3.2 Newspapers observed

The third millennium, Macedonia has started with few daily newspapers. “Nova
Makedonija” and “Vecher” which were state owned and “Dnevnik”, “Fakti”, “Utrinski

37
Columbia University, Four Principles of interviewing
(http://www.columbia.edu/itc/journalism/isaacs/edit/MencherIntv1.html)

30 | P a g e
Vesnik”, “Makedonija Denes” and “Vest” all private owned media. Later on the newspapers
“Vreme”, “Shpic”, sport daily “Makedonski sport”, “Koha” and several other which
appeared in Macedonian media market for short period of time. The only two state owned
newspapers have changed its ownership and were being privatized.

The research “Reconciliation process in Macedonia through interviews of relevant

politicians published in daily newspapers 10 years after signing of the Ohrid Framework
Agreement” involved four newspapers “Dnevnik”, “Utrinski Vesnik”, “Koha” and “Nova
Makedonija”.

The choice has been done based on few criteria: the continuity of publishing within years,
the tradition of having interview as genre, the circulation (number of printed copies) and
therefore the influence in the public. “Dnevnik” newspaper appeared on the media market
on March 20th 1996, “Utrinski Vesnik 3 years later on June 23rd 1999. “Nova Makedonija”
as the oldest one was established on October 29th 1944. After years of turbulences it was
privatized in 2006. “Koha” is one of the two newspapers in Albanian language still present
on the market. The first edition was released on November 26th 2006.
The main characteristic of these printed media is that they succeeded to survive in a very
critical media market and continuously to inform, educate and entertain the readers.
They all belong to the category of daily informative-political print media. According the
characteristics “they mostly fulfill informative rather than recreational and educational
function, but do not mean that they don’t have the last two as such. They all present the
most important events in the previous 24 hours and treat general universal topics. The stile
and the language are important marks and the way of presenting the information is
moderate, calm, explainable, without sensationalism, and the language used is standard
literature language.”38
It was very difficult to find official figures on circulation of each of the newspapers
observed. Request was sent to three marketing agencies which suppose to have this
information because of the nature of their work. None of them replied. There is no
information about the circulation on the web site of the State Statistical Office and Agency

38
Андревски Ж. Живот со мас-медиуми, Скопје, Љуботен, 1995, p.43

31 | P a g e
for Audio and Audio Visual Media Services which is in charge to follow the print media
market as well.
On request of the researcher, Koha co-owner Lirim Dulovi sent information on the average
circulation of this newspaper throughout 2011. 7000 copies of Koha were being distributed
daily. At that time also other newspapers in Albanian language were on the media market-
Zurnal, Lajm and Fakti. Dulovi claims that their total circulation was as big as Koha’s
circulation alone. Today only Koha and Lajm still exist.
Regarding Utrinski Vesnik circulation, as a reference is used information from an editor
(who didn’t want the name to be revealed) of average 8000 copies a day.
Despite official request sent to Dnevnik, I didn’t receive information on the circulation of
this newspaper.

As a matter of fact, print media was not obliged publicly to announce their circulation. This
obligation appeared with the intervention in Media Law in 2014.39

In the meantime, on April 28th 2017, Utrinski Vesnik released its last edition. The
management of its mother company, Media Print Macedonia (MPM), decided to cut almost
two decades history of this media. It continues to exist online with reduced staff (as for June
2017). The same step MPM took for its other newspaper Vest, and later for Dnevnik which
last edition was released on June 13th 2017.

3.3 Hypotetical frame

There is an opinion within the scientific community in Macedonia that politicians avoid to
use term reconciliation. However they react on issues which are, somehow, in relation with
this process. Examining this field is important in order to understand the reasons for certain
attitudes about post-conflict stabilization. Although it is a permanent process that requires

39
Media Law (Official Gazette of Republic of Macedonia, number 184/13, 13/14) in Article 14 states: “The
media publisher is obliged to enable publishing on a visible spot of the following data on each content
provider (e.g. printed media, websites, television program): name and head office address, address of Editorial
Board of the media publisher; name of the media publisher's authorized person; name and surname of the
Editor -in-Chief, that is, editors, in accordance with the internal organization of the Editorial Board; name
and address of the printing house and the date of print or reprint, as well as the number of printed
copies, in case of printed media”

32 | P a g e
acceptance and participation of all relevant actors, they behave according their political
orientation- position or opposition. Power-sharing by definition provides basis for
cooperation in determining and realizing common interests of the parties. But in
Macedonian case particular governmental project which is ethnic sensitive (such as building
church on Kale fortress) was supported by ethnic Macedonian party VMRO-DPMNE but
condemned by ethnic Albanian DUI. Furthermore, representatives of DUI leadership have
tried by night to demolish the building, which eventually expended in inter ethnic crash
between two groups of young people. All these events could give parameters in defining the
hypothesis in this research. They are as following:

- The political leaders who have influence could foster reconciliation process in
Macedonia;
- If they speak often about reconciliation they promote the process and directly
affect opinion of their supporters;
- Being leader of ruling or oppositional party does affect the attitudes towards
reconciliation;
- Politicians are more active in debate about reconciliation whenever interethnic
incident occurs;

3.4 Methods of research

There are two methods used in this research- content analyses and interviews.

In order to receive relevant results, it is necessary to have integrated quantitative and

qualitative approach in the research that will lead to more experienced, empirical evidence,
to override mistakes and overall higher quality of the study. Therefore content analyses will
be used in order to examine interviews and statements published in newspapers “Dnevnik” ,
“ Utrinski Vesnik” , “ Koha” in the period January- December 2011.

Quantitative approach will measure the frequency of using terms related to process of
reconciliation. The qualitative approach will study semantic aspect, the meaning of opinion
being given in particular context. In this respect Content analyses will have comparative
approach in examining interviews (and statements) with each of the politicians published in

33 | P a g e
different newspaper. In general certain newspaper attracts certain reading audience. Having
that in mind it is expected different treatment on certain event or happening. This method, in
fact, provides “objective, systematic and quantitative description of something that is
obvious content of symbolic communication”40. There is systematic definition such as
“directed research procedure, theoretical-hypothetically framed which produces objective
and systematical experienced structure on social communication content which enables
relevant conclusions for social context of that communication to be derived”41. Interview
analyses are qualitative and quantitative because the quantitative (frequent) approach gives
precise data on usage of the reconciliation terminology by the interviewee and the
interviewer. On the other hand qualitative (semantic) approach reveals possible hidden
message or context of the questions asked and answers given.

A systematic treatment of the reconciliation process can be proved based on the number of
questions asked and number of answers being given related to this issue.

Systematic treatment means awareness about this very important process and giving voice,
sending clear message to the public how important reconciliation is in post-conflict
Macedonia. Systematical approach also means putting this process in certain context of
events happened in the period the interviews are being conducted.

On the contrary, the unsystematically approach means the interview is inspired by some
other motives, current events etc. other than reconciliation itself as a topic. Sometimes the
titles of the articles (in this case interviews) can provoke strong feelings, emotions,
excitement, attention and even anxiety within the audience. This can be proved by their
qualitative analyses.

The analytical aspect is being examined the questions asked by interviewers, whether they
are put in certain context, whether some other documents, acts, historical facts, statistics had
been used while conducting the interviews. So, again, the quantitative and qualitative
approaches are matching.

40
Андревски Ж. Живот со мас-медиуми, Скопје, Љуботен, 1995
41
Ibid

34 | P a g e
This aspect of the research is used to gain findings on the competence of the journalists as
well. Examining the questions can be drawn conclusions on their professionalism and
analytical abilities.

Furthermore, to understand how ordinary people see the behavior of the politicians in their
public appearances, the interviewing was being used in this research. It was realized with
25 citizens. All of them are from different education level, ethnic and religious background,
both males and females from two cities in Macedonia- Skopje and Tetovo. These cities are
chosen because of their diversity in any means and because both were involved in the 2001
conflict. All of the 25 people responded with their view on the topic observed. Their
answers are being examined through content analyses using integrated quantitative and
qualitative approach. The intention using this method was “to get prospect of the peoples’
thoughts, attitudes, believing, expectations, conclusions, plans, views and feelings in the
certain period of time related to certain persons, appearances and events”.42

Using the information collected from these interviews, the research came up with the data
related to the ordinary citizens’ perception for the politicians who are subject of this paper
as well as their own life experiences with the reconciliation, neighborly relations and
interethnic coexistence in general.

3.5 Term definition

In order to start statistic processing of the collected data, it is necessary to define key terms
relevant for this research. The term analytical, methodologically means separation of parts
of the certain occurrence and their processing. In journalism, analytical means treating from
all aspects, using different and competent sources, facing opposite sides, arguments,
attitudes, comparison in time and space and adequate argumentation. Analytical but at the
same time direct in messages is also very important in politics. Avoiding facts and not
treating certain topic (like reconciliation in this case) is missed opportunity to contribute in
important processes and eventually to be responsible leader. Sometimes politicians send
secret messages whether they have positive or negative context and this research will
identify if that is the case.

42
Бешка П. В. Анкетирање: што, зошто, кој како, Скопје, Филозофски факултет, 1999

35 | P a g e
Apart from sensationalistic approach, which provokes strong feelings, emotions, anxiety,
attention, wonder, this research case requires systematic treatment. That is the work manner
according to certain plan and consistence in order to reach some effect. All this, of course,
leads to real peace-building with its essential role to renew friendships, restoring economic
and social relations and mediating the process of conflict resolution. This is most common
for post-conflict societies that suffered phase of destruction.

Journalists must know how to ask, and politicians how to answer questions that can deter the
people from any acts that might harm reconciliation. That means promotion of concept of
peaceful coexistence in multiethnic society, promotion of advantages of such society, using
positive examples and putting in shoes of most ordinary people who just want and deserve
to live in peace, relaxed interethnic surrounding and who would like to have clear
perspective form themselves, their families and the country they live in.

Journalist must know the ways of informing the people not to undertake any dangerous
steps in realizing their own ideas, commitments, desires and needs. By definition,
informing is a process of transmitting news, facts, thoughts or ideas in form of text, sound
and/or picture to the public using diverse genre’s forms and media as channel.

Politicians can use the interview to express opinion towards reconciliation. It can be
positive, negative or neutral attitude. Positive context towards reconciliation means
emphasizing positive things that follow this process, trying to explain motives and needs for
its success to the public, consequences of its possible abolishment. Negative attitude can be
determined as attempt to underline negative moments, weaknesses, fears and problems that
might appear during the process. In this regards, journalists use sensational- emotional title
constructions which could influence people’s emotions and by that support rising doubts.
Neutral attitude means just general transmission of information, without giving any tone
and expressing opinion about reconciliation. Complete avoiding of this issue means
neglecting one of the crucial projects in a post-conflict society, not having courage for
taking political responsibility and eventually frivolous attitude towards peaceful feature of
the country.

3.6 Objectives of the research

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The study intends to examine and understand the public behavior and attitudes of the
influential political leaders in the Republic of Macedonia in regards of reconciliation
process. In this function their interviews published in the newspapers throughout 2011 are
observed.

There is an opinion in the public that the leaders pay needed attention to this important issue
only if some interethnic incident occurs. Therefore the research will try to prove or deny
this. As Ismet Ramadani from Euro-Atlantic Council of Macedonia, says: “The absurd of
the war is that those who had been fighting against each other remain enemies while
politicians share the ruling power reconciled with all benefits. “

Sometimes some messages are hidden or not recognizable among other thesis presented in
the interviews. Sometimes media create different perception by selecting or using parts of
the interviewee answers. That’s why the paper will analyze several aspects of the
reconciliation and what of these are present, mentioned, reiterated, and emphasized and in
what way and timing. The study will answer the question who of the leaders does treat the
reconciliation the most and in what context. Changing the attitudes of a politician will be
analyzed comparing interviews (and statements if there is no interview) of each person
given to different media taking into account whether they’re assumed as pro-governmental
or critical towards Government.

The study will analyze the reactions of the relevant leaders on the interethnic tensions that
happened in 2011(10th anniversary of signing OFA) provoked by governmental project
“Skopje 2014” and building a church-museum on Skopje fortress. It will draw a conclusion
whether some of the politicians have inflamed or have helped calming down the situation.

Very often they point the finger in the political opponents and don’t talk about their personal
contribution.

For instance, Branko Crvenkovski in interview for Utrinski Vesnik said: “I hope 2001 won’t
happen again, not because nowadays we have more responsible government than 10 years
ago, but because regional context is totally different. And the people are wiser and more
immune on manipulation because of previous experience no matter what ethnic community
they belong to. “

37 | P a g e
Chapter 4

Analyses of the interviews

4.1 Number of published interviews

There are 7 interviews with the targeted leaders throughout 2011 published by the
newspapers observed. “Utrinski Vesnik” published interviews with three of politicians.
There are two interviews with Branko Crvenkovski, leader of SDSM, published on August
6th and November 11th 2011. Interview with Ali Ahmeti, leader of DUI, was published on
September 9th 2011 and with Nikola Gruevski, leader of VMRO DPMNE and prime
minister of Macedonia, published on November 4th 2011. Throughout 2011, the year that is
subject of analyses, daily “Dnevnik” has published two interviews. The one with Nikola
Gruevski was released on June 3rd 2011. Interview with Branko Crvenkovski appeared in
this newspaper on July 8th 2011.

Koha, the Albanian language daily, in 2011 published only one interview- with the leader of
DUI, Ali Ahmeti. It was in the edition from December 31st 2011.

“Nova Makedonija” has published interview with none of the leaders targeted in this
research and this newspaper will be exempt from further examination.

Also there was no interview with the leader of DPA Menduh Thachi in the targeted period
in the newspapers that are subject of this paper. Therefore he will not be part of the research.

Table 3: Number of published interviews

Leader Branko Nikola Ali Ahmeti Menduh Total

Newspaper Crvenkovski Gruevski Thachi
Dnevnik 1 1 / / 2
Utrinski Vesnik 2 1 1 / 4
Koha / / 1 / 1
Nova / / / / /
Makedonija
Total 3 2 2 / 7

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This analysis shows that Gruevski and Ahmeti have been interviewed twice each while
Crvenkovski three times. While Albanian leader Ahmeti was interviewed in Macedonian
language newspapers, none of the ethnic Macedonian political leaders were being
interviewed by the Albanian language daily “Koha”.

4.2 Motives for the interviews

Ali Ahmeti’s interview for “Utrinski vesnik” was related to the 10th anniversary of signing
OFA and that is the only from the targeted in this research that is directly connected to the
topic. It was released on September 10th 2011. His other interview for “Koha” daily was
published on December 31st 2011 as marking the year that was on the end. But compared to
other leaders answers have many elements related to the reconciliation process. The five out
of 7 interviews are related to the early elections which happened in June 2011. All three
interviews Crvenkovski has given were on this occasion- one prior and the other two after
the elections. Gruevski’s interviews are the same story. The difference is in the position of
Gruevski. He won the elections (third time in a row) and stayed in power, Crvenkovski was
defeated and stayed in opposition. Unfortunately none of the interview timings coincide
with the period of frequent interethnic incidents that occurred in first half of 2011.

4.3 Analyses of interviews’ titles

Table 4: Review of the titles

TITLE
NEWSPAPER
DNEVNIK “I will defeat “In order Branko
Gruevski while I’m not to fall,
party leader” Macedonia must
not fall”
UTRINSKI “The people and I on “I didn’t arrange “If needed, we’ll “Albanians
VESNIK the same side about Government with go from door to supposed to be
the name” Ali Ahmeti” door” part in the
referendum”
KOHA “Drama with the
name will not be
resolved without
international factor”

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The quantitative analysis of the interviews’ titles shows that only one out of seven has some
relation, but not direct to the topic of this research. That is the title of the Ali Ahmeti’s
interview with Utrinski Vesnik “Albanians supposed to be part in the referendum”.
From qualitative aspect it suggests that Albanians have made mistake with boycotting
process of getting independence of Macedonia. Although he wasn’t leader at that time,
expressing repent and admitting is contribution to healing wounds from 2001. It has even
bigger input taking into account that Ahmeti was political leader of the guerilla in that
conflict, so extracting his answer and putting in the title is a good journalistic sense about
the reconciliation in Macedonia. From the aspect of tone, the title is absolutely positivistic
towards the topic.

The other six titles can be observed only from journalistic standards as criteria. There are
examples of sensationalistic approach like “In order Branko not to fall, Macedonia must
not fall”, or “If needed, we’ll go from door to door”. The title construction is very
important in attracting readers’ attention, and that is the aim of those mentioned above.
Sensationalism does not give clear statement of the interviewee and rather live space readers
to wonder what all is about. Informative titles give direct message of the interviewee and do
not provoke different interpretations. Four out of 6 are informative titles.

“The people and I on the same side about the name” expresses clear message of Gruevski
about the longstanding dispute with Greece. Extracting this title catchy for readers since the
“name issue” is always attractive topic.

“I will defeat Gruevski while I’m party leader” is another direct message with no hidden
meaning. It is informative yet attractive sentence to be title of interview.

“I have not been negotiated government with Ahmeti” is, in fact, information denying
some rumors within the public.

“Drama with the name will not be resolved without international factor” is another
example of informative title which explains where interviewee sees resolution of the
problem. Although the interview covers wide spectrum of topics, editor decided to
emphasize “name issue” as more important to be stated in the title.

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 4.5 Diversity by the number of questions

Branko Crvenkovski’s interview with “Dnevnik” has 13 questions. It was conducted by

journalists Branko Gjogjevski and Tatjana Popovska. The interview with Nikola Gruevski
published in the same newspaper is made by journalist Antonio Spasev and has 10
questions.

“Utrinski Vesnik” asked more questions in the interviews made with the political leaders.
Journalist Aleksandra M.Mitevska has asked total of 25 questions to Crvenkovski in both
interviews she conducted, while Sonja Kramarska asked 13 questions to Gruevski. Ahmeti
answered 14 questions to journalist Zaklina Hadzi-Zafirova.

Ahmeti’s interview for “Koha” has 8 questions and it’s done by journalist Besim Iliazi.

Chart 1: Average number of questions per interview

14

12

10

0
Dnevnik Koha Utrinski Vesnik

Quantitative analysis shows that journalists from Utrinski Vesnik asked average of 13
questions per interview, Dnevnik 11,5 and Koha 8 questions.

Regarding the number of questions per political leader, Crvenkovski has been asked the
most- 12,6 questions per interview; Gruevski 12 questions and Ahmeti 11 questions.

41 | P a g e
Chart 2: Average number of questions per politician

Ahmeti

Gruevski

Crvenkovski

10 10.5 11 11.5 12 12.5 13

4.6 Diversity in the topics

Dnevnik

The interview with Nikola Gruevski was published two days prior the early parliamentary
elections in Macedonia. Nine out of ten questions were related to this event. He is asked
about the pre-election campaign, accusations about pressure on public administration to vote
for the VMRO DPMNE (at that time ruling party in Macedonia), comment on poll results,
projects stated in the election program of this party, forming the next government cabinet.
The only question out of this spectrum is the one related to the so called “name issue”,
longstanding dispute with Greece.

The interview with Crvenkovski was made two days after the early parliamentary elections
on which his party SDSM was defeated. This timing and the outcome of the elections dictate
the questions. 11 out of 13 questions are related to “what after the defeat?” There is a
question on personal responsibility of Crvenkovski, his possible resignation as a party
leader, the possible successor on this position, major mistakes of him as a leader. One
question is about expectations for the future of the country and another is about Vlado
Buchkovski’s (ex leader of SDSM) critics that bad results on elections is consequence of
mistakes made by Crvenkovski.

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Quantitative analyses of the titles that journalists asked more open-ended than closed-ended
questions. It’s indicative that there was no single direct question related to the process of
reconciliation. Dnevnik has 14 open-ended and 9 closed-ended questions.

Examples of open-ended question:

What do you expect to happen in the future in the country? (Interview with
Crvenkovski)The (election) campaign is at the end. What do you expect? Interview with
Gruevski)

Examples of closed-ended question:

Do you obstruct creation of your successor (on position party leader)? (Interview with
Crvenkovski) Why did you decide not to have TV-duel with your opponents? (Interview
with Gruevski)

Utrinski Vesnik

In the interview with Branko Crvenkovski published in August 2011 dominant are questions
about outcome of the elections conducted two months before. 4 out of 13 questions are
related to the elections’ results; two are about relations SDSM- DUI; two are about new
government’s program, three are related to SDSM itself.

In the second interview with Crvenkovski, released in November 2011, Two thirds of the
questions are about the new strategy of SDSM after the election defeat. The others are
related to the “name issue” and Euro-Atlantic integration of the country.

In the interview with the leader of DUI Ali Ahmeti published on September 10th 2011 are
dominant two sections of questions. One is related to the Ohrid Framework Agreement and
consequences of the 2001 armed conflict - 8 out of 14 questions. Second is about relations
among the coalition partners in the Government and political climate in the country- 6 out of
14.

The interview with Nikola Gruevski is published in the light of 100 days of the new
Cabinet. Therefore the questions are related to the results of this period of time- 3, 4

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questions are about euro-integration process of the country. 4 questions deal with the “name
issue” and relations Skopje- Athens.

The journalists preferred open-ended questions asking in total 34, while 23 closed-ended.

Examples of open-ended questions:

What is your preoccupation now? How to defeat Gruevski or, you prefer more time for
private life after the elections? (Interview with Crvenkovski) What direction you expect
Skopje’s relations with Bruxelles to develop after the messages you have sent to
commissioner Fule? (Interview with Gruevski) Macedonia marked two decades of its
independence. How important is this event for DUI, and for you personaly, because
Albanians boycotted referendum in 1991? (Interview with Ahmeti)

Examples of closed-ended questions:

The court stopped process for the case “Mavrovo workers”. Does this case have any
connection with NLA soldiers? (Interview with Ahmeti) Are you afraid that people will
stand against you if you reach agreement with Greece? (Interview with Gruevski) Do you
feel personal responsibility for the mistakes made in Macedonia in 20 years
independence? (Interview with Crvenkovski)

Although most of the interviews were related to topics that are not relevant for this research,
some of the questions could have different wording in order to treat reconciliation and
interethnic relations in Macedonia in more proper way. Those are the questions for Ahmeti
and Crvenkovski stated above. If journalists were more aware that Macedonia is still post-
conflict society and peace-building is still ongoing operation, they should have asked
whether conviction on “Mavrovo workers case” would improve reconciliation process,
or, whether Crvenkovski feel personal responsibility because don’t talk about
reconciliation at all. Acting in this way, journalists would support debate about
reconciliation, and on the other hand political leaders couldn’t avoid this issue and hide
themselves behind other irrelevant arguments.

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Koha

The only interview with one of the top four politicians in Albanian language daily ”Koha” is
published on the very last day of 2011, so it’s rather as a sum of the work done throughout
the year than particularly for certain event. Two questions are about relations within the
government coalition, two are about relations with other ethnic Albanian political parties. 3
questions are strictly about the rights of the Albanian community (economic aspect, status of
the ex NLA soldiers). The only question which is “supranational” about the dispute with
Greece is asked in a way to emphasize consequences on ethnic Albanians for not resolving
this problem.

Table 5: Types of questions

DNEVNIK UTRINSKI VESNIK KOHA

OPEN-
OPEN- ENDED OPEN-
ENDED QUESTI ENDED
QUESTI ONS QUESTI
ONS ONS
CLOSED CLOSE CLOSED
-ENDED D- -ENDED
QUESTI ENDED QUESTI
ONS QUESTI ONS
ONS

The questions that appear in all of the interviews could be divided in the following sections:
internal politics (government successes and failures, inter political parties relations,
elections), “name issue”, EU-integration, minority rights (implementation of OFA,
reconciliation).

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Table 6: Topics treated in the interviews

Issues Internal “name issue” EU- Minority rights total

politics integration (OFA, 2001
Politicians consequences)
Branko Crvenkovski 22 / 1 / 23
Nikola Greuvski 12 5 4 / 21
Ali Ahmeti 10 1 / 11 22

Total/ percentage 44/ 66,6% 6/ 9,09% 5/ 7,57% 11/ 16,6% 66/ 100%

It is notable that there is no direct question about the process of reconciliation. Journalists
showed no sense for such an important issue despite asking questions related to the
expectations for Macedonia’s future. They are all focused on so called “high politics” in
relations among the parties, within the ruling coalition and relations between the authorities
and the opposition. There are few logical explanations why. Journalists avoid this topic and
with that proved it is as a high sensitive and any further discussion could provoke new
interethnic crisis. Second- most of the interviews were strictly connected to a certain
occasion (elections, 100 days of the new government cabinet) so the priority is given to this
events, but not necessarily. The Ali Ahmeti interview with “Koha” was actually wrap-up of
the year 2011, but still there was no question on reconciliation process. Third- journalists
assess this process is over and therefore there is no need to ask. And fourth- talking most
about “high politics” is reflection of general public’s mood highly interested in the politics.
Nevertheless, in these cases journalists forget to play very important role in peace building-
to promote reconciliation. It is even bigger failure if we have in mind that several interethnic
incidents occur in 2011.

4.6 Answer analyses

Although there was no single direct question about reconciliation process in Macedonia,
some questions open space politicians to send message or to deliver their attitude as
contribution for “healing wounds” from the 2001 armed conflict.

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 4.6.1 Crvenkovski focused on the political opponents

As it is stated above, most of the question to Branko Crvenkovski in all three interviews are
related to inter-parties relations. However in some parts of the answers he refers to
interethnic issues but never directly point to the reconciliation process.

Interview for DNEVNIK daily, published on 8th July 2011 contains 1464 words.

It is dominantly about internal issues in SDSM, critics on Government and general opinion
about political situation. However there is a question that might be related with the
reconciliation process. Asked whether he has made some mistakes during his career,
Crvenkovski shortly says “there were things that could be done better and in a different
way.” He was Prime Minister 2002-2004 (right after the conflict in 2001) and President of
the state 2004-2009. That is 7 years on high political positions out of 10 years of
reconciliation process under OFA. Instead of sharing responsibility for lack of progress in
interethnic relations (as stated in the EC progress reports), Crvenkovski, again, points the
finger in “undemocratic regime of Gruevski”. Asked what he expects to happen in the
country in the near future, Crvenkovski says “continouity of the politics conducted in the
previous years, which appares to be fatal for state interests”.

Most used word is “party” (referring to a political party) - 16 times. The next on the scale is
“elections” – 15 times and “SDSM”- 15 times, as well. Gruevski and VMRO-DPMNE are
mentioned 13 times in total. DUI is mentioned only once.

Table 7: Text analyzer of interview, Crvenkovski, Dnevnik, July 8th 2011

Relevant words Frequency

Party 16 times
Elections 15 times
SDSM 15 times
VMRO DPMNE or Gruevski 13 times
Authorities 7 times
DUI Once

11 out of 13 questions related to the situation in SDSM after the parliamentary elections,
possible new leader, losing several elections in a raw, his responsibility for bad outcome of

47 | P a g e
the elections, does he block promoting a new party leader, is there such person, mistakes he
has made and strategy of the party after the elections.

“What do you expect to happen in the country in the upcoming period? “ This is the only
question that open space for answer related to reconciliation or for comment the current
official state politics towards this process. Crvenkovski gives very negative prospects
answering “ NATO and EU integrations will remain blocked, the perspective and future of
the country will be put under question, economic and social problems will be deepening, the
poverty and unemployment will rise up, democracy will go backward, human rights and
freedoms will be violated, we are going to face media darkness.” Backing up his theory,
Crvenkovski reminds on “political motivated imprisonment of Ljube Boshkoski, morbid
murder of Martin Neshkovski and the insult to hide it, persecution against media and
journalists” which, for him “shows neither Nikola Gruevski, nor VMRO-DPMNE have will
and capacity to change themselves and their politics. The choice Macedonia is faced with is
either to change them or to accept to live under their dictate. Unfortunately the chance was
missed on June 5th. Fortunately time will bring a new one. Let’s prepare for that.”

Mentioning Nikola Gruevski 13 times (in a negative context), and Ali Ahmeti only once (in
positive one), Crvenkovski shows who is his direct political opponent, but also recognizes
that Ahmeti is not the one to blame for “wrong Government policies”. On the other hand
ever since this process got institutional frame, the responsibility is delivered to vice prime
minister for implementation of OFA nominated by DUI. Therefore avoiding pointing the
finger on Ahmeti and DUI, Crvenkovski avoids talking about implementation of OFA.

Answers in Interview for “Utrinski Vesnik” published on August 6th 2011 are consisted of
1687 words. The most used is Nikola Gruevski and his political party- 20 times. Next most
used words are authorities, government, and elections. Crvenkovski mentions amnesty and
Hague cases directly connected to the reconciliation process.

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Table 8: Text analyzer of interview, Crvenkovski, Utrinski Vesnik, August 6th 2011

Relevant words Frequency

Gruevski or VMRO-DPMNE 20 times

Authorities 11 times
Government 9 times
SDSM 5 times
DUI 4 times
Amnesty 3 times
“Hague cases” 2 times
Ali Ahmeti 2 times

He evaluates amnesty for the ‘Hague cases’ as a negative step of the government and assess
it as a “rude derogation of the judiciary and the legal state.” With this attitude Crvenkovski
promotes negative approach towards reconciliation since limited justice and amnesty are
part of the long “to do” list for post-conflict societies. Furthermore criticizing ruling
coalition he comments: “it is revealed in front of the public’s eyes that so-called great
patriots are ready to revise OFA, and even worse, to accept amnesty for committed crime
against humanity- which is against the international law and principles, in order to stay in
power.” Crvenkovski opens space for doubts stating “Gruevski didn’t have courage to
appear in the Parliament and to explain the deals with DUI.” He mentions the “Hague cases”
again in the negative context, asked about tensed relations between SDSM and DUI. “DUI
leadership has to be aware that shares the responsibility with VMRO DPMNE for the
general government politics, no matter it agrees with some acts or not. As long as Gruevski
is responsible for amnesty of “The Hague cases”, Ahmeti becomes responsible for blockade
of EU integration, for suppression of media freedom, administration under party influence
and trampling on independence of judiciary.” Answering on possible overcoming of
political crisis he says “regarding the democracy we have administration under party
influence like never before, rude misuse of judiciary as political instrument, suppression of
media freedom, misusing of the institutions for elimination of political opponents. Speaking
about EU-integration we have complete blockade and no prospects which directly destroy
the future of the country and its citizens.” Asked about any negotiations with DUI on
forming a government, Crvenkovski denies. Asked about possible expansion of the
oppositional front, Crvenkovski says “the front remains open for all those who want to join

49 | P a g e
the battle against this regime.” Although he had a chance in this respect to mention
ethnicities and to address to more than one ethnic group, he did not use the opportunity.
With that he misses a chance to point out how important is the reconciliation instead of
ethnic division within the Macedonian society and especially in the political spectrum.

He stated the same failures of the Government as he does in interview with Dnevnik, but
compared to that interview he doesn’t mention ‘Hague cases’.

The October 2011 interview with Utrinski Vesnik is very similar to previous one. Most of
the answers are about SDSM plan to organize front against ruling government. The answers
contain 1438 words and there are not many relevant to this research. The most frequent are
SDSM, Gruevski, and VMRO-DPMNE.

Table 9: Text analyzer of interview, Crvenkovski, Utrinski Vesnik, October 11th 2011

Relevant words Frequency

Gruevski or VMRO-DPMNE 14 times

People, citizens, citizen 12 times
Macedonia, country 11 times
SDSM 8 times
EU 4 times
Peace once

In this interview, Crvenkovski for the first time uses term peace, but not in context relevant
for the research. He talks about peace among members of SDSM claiming that it hasn’t been
in risk since the latest election defeat.

In an answer he tries to motivate as many people as possible saying “ SDSM has position
that is necessary forming wide opposition front of all parties, associations and individuals
aware of danger we are facing with and ready to give their own contribution in that battle in
this crucial period for the future of the country. Input is very important so all partisan,
ideological, ethnic differences should be put aside in order Macedonia to return to
right way and its future to be secured.” Crvenkovski express very general thought without
getting deeper in the essence of the problem of Macedonian society- ethnic division. He

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rather promotes that the main problem is policies of his main opponent Gruevski so all
efforts puts on how to defeat him.

4.6.2 Gruevski proud of the realized projects

In the interview with Utrinski Vesnik, Nikola Gruevski mostly speaks about the dispute
with Greece over the name of Macedonia. It contains 2786 words. Most used is Macedonia.

Table 10: Text analyzer of interview, Gruevski, Utrinski Vesnik, November 11th 2011

Relevant words Frequency

Macedonia 14 times
We 13 times
Greece 10 times
Citizens 10 times
EU 4 times
Values 4 times
Identity 4 times
Priorities 5 times

Gruevski uses “Macedonia” mostly when he talks about economic success of his
Government and when he blames Greece about the longstanding dispute over the name. It is
interesting that he uses “we” many times, but never in context of multiethnic society. Most
of the time this word is used related to “protection of national interests” in the “name issue”
case. It is the same using the word “identity”. Gruevski invokes the “citizens” again in
context of dispute with Greece and also when he talks about confidence gained on the last
elections. “Values” is his favorite word to explain European Union. Hi didn’t mention
multiculturalism as domestic value. Speaking about “priorities” Gruevski is focused only
on economy and protection the right of Macedonians for self-identification. Since he didn’t
mention, inter-ethnic coexistence and peace building are not among priorities. The only
question that opens space to send message about reconciliation or inter-ethnic relations is
the one on the success of the new cabinet’s 100 days. Numbering all that is done, he doesn’t
mention anything else but economic results. “We tried to realize all we have promised in the
agenda. And I think we made good results. But there are is a lot of work to be done. When I
say a lot, I mean all problems that multiplied in the past, but also those new which come up

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for many reasons.” Gruevski is asked for comment on the statement made by his coalition
party leader Ali Ahmeti that there will inter ethnic riots occur if membership in NATO and
EU is not being accelerated. Gruevski answers diplomatically “I don’t want to comment as
long as I meet Mr.Ahmeti and hear details and motives in person. Many times in the past
happened misinterpretation of his and someone else’s statements. I would say we do
everything in our power to resolve the problems and we’ll continue to do that in the future.”

Asked whether some mistakes are being made in the last 5 years, Gruevski answers “only
God is sinless. It is important mistakes not to be huge and strategic.” He doesn’t mention
inter-ethnic relations.

In the interview with Dnevnik, Gruevski talks mostly about expectation from the upcoming
early parliamentary elections. Interview contains 1569 words. He does not use wording
related to the reconciliation process. The most used relevant words are: SDSM, Crvenkovski,
Macedonia, people, citizens, and problems. (See the table below) Asked which one political
party from the Albanian block he would choose if he wins the elections, Gruevski gives
direct answer. The most important for him is “to respect will of the voters as democratic
rule. Second aspect is partner to accept our strategic determinations, basic principles and
continuation of the reforms. The current coalition functions based on principles,
conversation and dialog for the issues, with honest approach and we are satisfied from the
way it has functioned.” All these words seem like everything within the ruling coalition
works fine. Like political partners share common interest to promote interethnic co-
existence. In fact, his party started many mono-ethnic projects without consultation with
coalition partners from other ethnic groups. That situation escalated in February 2011 with
“Kale Church” case when officials from DUI took part in demolition action. Probably that
was the most unique case worldwide- ruling political party to organize riots against project
adopted and financed by the Government in which this party is second biggest partner.
Gruevski, of course, avoided mentioning this case in the answer, but the failure is on the
side of journalist who didn’t ask direct question about this. Talking about the “problems”
Gruevski uses empty rhetoric. “We listen to the people; we are aware of their problems and
give maximum to resolve them. There are problems, but we do not promise resolution as our

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political opponent does. “There is no single word about recent interethnic incidents and how
to prevent further new to occur.

Table 11: Text analyzer of interview, Gruevski, Dnevnik, June 3rd 2011

Frequency

SDSM, Crvenkovski, 15 times

opposition
People, citizens 15 times
Macedonia 8 times
Problems 3 times

4.6.3 Implementation of OFA- Ahmeti’s top political priority

Ali Ahmeti interview with Utrinski Vesnik contains 1782 words.

The most frequent word is “agreement”. Ahmeti always uses it in context of Ohrid Framework
Agreement. He has positive approach towards it explaining “OFA is the most important document
for Albanians since the beginning of 21st century. Albanians in Macedonia have changed their
political-constitutional status in Macedonia with this document. I cannot say that there are not
Albanians who are against OFA, that they are against DUI or against Ahmeti. There are such people,
but vast majority of Albanians think that OFA has changed political status of Albanians in
Macedonia and improved their life.”

Next most frequent word is “Macedonia”. The leader of DUI most of the times in his answers put
Macedonia in context of OFA claiming that the country is not the same before and after 2001
because “with rights that Albanians have gained, they begun to feel Macedonia as own state.
Before 2001 Albanians were deprived of basic rights like using Albanian language or the
national symbols. OFA made Albanians to feel Macedonia as their own country and this
jubilee (20 years of independence) to celebrate in that way. “

Ahmeti also very often uses “law” in context of Amnesty law аs an expression of political
will to give partial or full exemption of verdict for committed crime in 2001. “For us the law
is very clear, but because we faced different interpretation we taught authentic interpretation
by the Parliament is the best solution for this issue to be closed forever. There wasn’t any

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political bargaining. We never asked for something more except respecting the Amnesty
Law. “

Table 12: Text analyzer of interview, Ahmeti, Utrinski Vesnik, September 10th 2011

Frequency

Agreement/OFA 14 times
Macedonia 13 times
Country 8 times
Common 4 times
Law 3 times
Respect 2 times
Solution 4 times

Less frequent are “solution”, “law”, “national”, “respect”, “common”, “our “and
“dialog” all mentioned as explanation why Albanians demand full implementation of OFA.
Ahmeti directly doesn’t use “reconciliation”, neither the latest interethnic incidents but does
try to convince ethnic Macedonian majority that Albanians don’t have hidden agenda as
many think. He is very analytical in that regards and is interesting that he doesn’t blame
anybody for any failures in Macedonian pluralistic history. His positivistic approach goes in
line with building Macedonia as common country for two major ethnic groups-
Macedonians and Albanians. He doesn’t mention other ethnic minorities which creates
impression that Ahmeti assumes Macedonia as bi-national.

In the interview with Koha daily, Ahmeti answers the questions in 2979 words. The
most used relevant word is “Albanians” and its variations. It is often used to describe how
much status of Albanians in Macedonia is improved after 2001 conflict. “Participation of
DUI in this coalition is in favor of Albanians, not only for efforts we have made in the past
and current improving of Albanians’ issues in Macedonia, but also during this mandate are
made important acts in getting communities together.” From this statement seems that he
cares of all ethnicities in Macedonia, but in the following quote Ahmeti gives clear
explanation how he assumes OFA. “I think days of empty words without actions are over.
Nowadays Albanians from Macedonia have a very serious agenda called Ohrid Framework
Agreement which completely regulates relations among Macedonians and Albanians.”

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Ahmeti marks OFA as document exclusively related only to two major ethnic groups in the
country. Although it is in line of reconciliation process missing other ethnic groups put them
in lower position which is against concept of equal opportunities to all citizens no matter
ethnicity or religion they belong to.

Next on the list is “Macedonia” and variations of it. (See table below) This term is mostly
used to defer Albanians in the country from those abroad. But also using word Macedonians
he describes the position of Albanians as equal to the largest ethnic group and reaching
lasting agreement between them. Ahmeti also deals with the “name issue” stating “we talk
all the time, because this is an emotional problem for our fellow Macedonian citizens and
for the Greek side. But, we insist differences to be overcame because as Albanians we didn’t
want to confront neither to be neutral and with that to show that we don’t care about the
name of the state. No, we are interested in the name, regardless of some Albanians who say
that we are not.” Ahmeti doesn’t give any particular solution to the problem but he acts as
partner in this common issue for all citizens in Macedonia.

He also uses “truth” but not in context of revealing what has happened in 2001. He talks
very open for using of Albanian national flag- a sensitive question that inflame tensions
from time to time. “Nor Ahmeti, neither DUI have moral, national and legal right to shrink
Albanian national flag. It dimensions are regulated by Constitution of Republic of Albania
by president’s decree, where flag is with size 1x1.40. That means no changes of the
dimensions and I would ask all those who manipulate and misinformed Albanians to be
careful because people are very concerned when their national flag is slighted. “This issue is
regulated by law, yet Macedonia is specific case, if not the only in the world, to treat flags
of foreign countries on its territory equally with the national one. Talking about this publicly
gives input in debate and does help for better understanding the national feelings of certain
ethnic group, something that is very important in reconciliation process. Ignoring that, only
feeds fears and prejudices and don’t help to post-conflict societies. However, avoiding open
public debate prior so-called “Law for using flags” passed in the Parliament rose up doubts
in start especially because this issue was previously resolved only with agreement between
Gruevski and Ahmeti in July 2011.

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Only once Ahmeti also mentions “justice”, but not in context of 2001 conflict. He rather
invokes historical facts and in general explains “let’s try to divert all our energies in positive
direction and not looking for faults in somebody else. Let’s see how much do we work for
our country and be aware and responsible for missions we have took. I’m not kind of person
who blames others, but always invoke history because as a nation we have made many
mistakes and that’s why we needed wars. Eventually justice was on our side and we won
those wars.”

Talking about “patriotism” leader of DUI explains “I think that patriotism is paying
attention on our history, with monuments, graves of those who sacrificed, memorials
honoring our national heroes. Patriotism is building the biggest square in Skopje-
Skanderbeg Square.”

Table 13: Text analyzer of interview, Ahmeti, Koha, December 31st 2011

Frequency

Albanians 33 times
Macedonia/Macedonian 22 times
DUI 13 times
Patriotism 6 times
Together 6 times
Truth 5 times
Justice 1 time

Analyzing the two interviews of Ahmeti it’s notable that he has a bit different wording in
Macedonian and Albanian language daily. Aware of the fact that he addresses different
ethnic groups, he is more patriotic in interview for Koha. He talks more open about national
symbols and tries to convince ethnic Albanians that he is the right person to realize the
agenda- ethnic Albanians to be equal with ethnic Macedonians. Addressing to Macedonian
speaking public, he is more focused on explanation how important is OFA for further
stabilizing the interethnic relations in the country.

Chapter 5

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 Analyses of the interviews with citizens of Skopje and Tetovo

5.1 Structure of the questions

There are 11 questions that were being asked to all respondents. The first one is related to
information about the gender, age, city of residence and education. Another ten are related
to the reconciliation process in Macedonia. They are structured in a way to gain personal
experience and attitudes of the respondents. Most of the questions deal with interethnic
relations, possible tensions and reason for that. The rest are about OFA and the role of
politicians in easing or inflaming the situation in Macedonia 10 years after the war conflict.

5.2 Categories of the respondents

25 people were being involved in the research- males, females, high educated and people
who have declared themselves as unemployed and retired people. Skopje and Tetovo were
selected because both cities are representing multiethnic societies. All interviewees are from
different ethnicity- Albanian, Macedonian, Turk, Roma, and Jew. 13 are from Skopje and 12
from Tetovo.

Table 14: Ethnicity by city

Ethnicity Macedonian Albanian Turk Roma Jew Total

City
Skopje 10 1 1 / 1 13
Tetovo 5 6 / 1 / 12
Total 15 7 1 1 1 25

Table 15: Gender structure

Gender Males / percent Females / percent

City
Skopje 4 / 30,8% 9 / 69,2%
Tetovo 7 / 58,3% 5 / 42,7%

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Regarding the education 21 out of 25 stated to have BA degree; two have MA, one PhD,
two answered that are “not employed”. Beside the academic status, two of the respondents
stated that are retired.

5.3 Need for reconciliation process in Macedonia after the 2001 conflict

On the question- Is there need for reconciliation process in Macedonia after the 2001
conflict and why? , big majority of the respondents answered positive. The rest think that it
is a finished process, some have negative attitude, and some suggest other steps instead of
reconciliation.

That big majority of the respondents have mentioned various reasons why there is a need for
reconciliation- emphasizing “stability, prosperity of the state, building the state based of the
civic principle, peace as precondition for entering EU, reconciliation because of the
division, mistrust, prejudices and animosity”. Some of them think that beside the OFA the
largest communities- Macedonians and Albanians “still live one by another, not together but
in parallel worlds, there is latent intolerance”. In post-conflict regions there is ghettoizing of
the communities and lack of mutual communication and interaction. Some of the
respondents note “negative reactions and arguing among the two sides on any topic related
to 2001 conflict” as a main reason. There is “pretending that everything is OK after the
conflict, but in reality it is opposite”. They suggest “better life and better collective mood
for better future and elimination of the ethnic prejudices”. Reconciliation is needed in order
public discourse to be cleaned of unnatural divisions based on ethnicity. The people want
“the state in which diversity is respected; society and the state itself are successful.”
Reconciliation aimed to improve economy and EU integration. Further, they suggest
reconciliation through certain activities for interethnic socializing among the youth. People
from Tetovo and Skopje expect honest political will because “still is not clear what’s
happened in 2001”. Some of the respondents are for “reconciliation but to take care not to
create a new conflict”. If there is not reconciliation, cantons are the consequence, says one
of the respondents.

Other smaller group or two of the people involved in the research who think that steps other
than reconciliation are needed, agree that formally reconciliation is achieved with the

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signing of OFA, but in fact is not implemented. Therefore “the country needs long term
process of integration (campaigns, school projects, learning Macedonian and languages of
the ethnic minorities) all of them to feel citizens of the country. Eventually this process will
result in fair competition on the labor market in the public administration, with allusion on
the opening jobs for minorities satisfying certain numbers only and not paying attention to
the quality.”

Instead of reconciliation Macedonia needs “putting everything on its place, in a frame in

which those who caused the conflict should adjust themselves”. There were no sides in the
conflict, only unduly worried “politicians”. The conflict was “only beginning of the wishes
of ethnic minorities”, stated one of the respondents.

5.4 Ongoing interethnic reconciliation process in Macedonia

On the second question- Do you think there is ongoing interethnic reconciliation process
in Macedonia, most of the people answered “yes” but with note attached. Some of them
have strong positive, and other strong negative answer.

Giving the explanation, first group of the respondents mentions that reconciliation is an
“ongoing process only on paper”. For other it happens “only partially” or it “goes very
slow”. One respondent said it is finished process. The attitude of the respondent who
declared herself as Jew, answered there is an interethnic coexistence ever since, but the
conflicts and misunderstandings come from “Albanian political marionettes”.

An Albanian from Tetovo also points out that what happens in interethnic relations is
politicians’ fault. He stated that “politicians play on nationalistic card”, without stating
ethnicity of those politicians.

The ethnic Roma respondent thinks there is nothing concrete in the reconciliation process
except “some actions of the civil society sector”.

It is natural, not political process, said one of the respondents. Other is on the position that
all what is done is ruined in the election campaigns and after that everything starts from the
beginning.

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There cannot be drawn conclusion whether Albanians or Macedonians from Tetovo, or
Skopje are mono ethnically united in the attitude when it comes to this question. It would
rather be correct to say all of them have doubts whether politicians act in direction to ease
the occasional interethnic tensions among Macedonians and Albanians.

5.5 Elements of reconciliation in everyday life

The third question is: What elements of reconciliation have you noticed in everyday life?

Analyzing results of answers on these questions it is notable that interviewees either from
Tetovo or Skopje point three main elements of the reconciliation- continuing friendships
and communication among each other regardless the ethnicity, projects of the NGO sector,
employment of ethnic minorities in the state institutions, and some of them have no answer
or don’t see reconciliation.

NGO as driving force

Most of the respondents from various ages and ethnicity from Skopje and Tetovo mention
NGO sector as the one that supports reconciliation.

Here are some of the answers:”There is an attempt by NGO sector to discuss openly for the
problems; there are some regional initiatives for reconciliation.” ”NGO projects need bigger
support from local governments” as well as “interethnic cultural events.”

Friendships and neighbors as driving force

Speaking about relations among ordinary people, one of the interviewees points out “the
information published in the media is only upper, political layer of the society. The ordinary
people have lived and still live together”. Furthermore an ethnic Macedonian says: “Ethnic
Albanians have helped me in a difficult situation without being asked way more than
Macedonians who I have asked for giving a hand.” ”Apolitical citizens from different
religions celebrate holidays together, visit and respect each other.” “Ethnic mixed marriages
have existed ever since and will.” “Politicians are the problem.” ”Ordinary people, poor

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people, forget to speak language which divides.” “Everyday life functions without obstacles,
unless politics appears.”

Minor group of the interviewees answered that the employment of the minorities in the
state institutions is element of reconciliation. This is stated with irony in context of
criticizing this provision derived from OFA. One of the respondents stated “employment in
all state and public institutions based on ethnical percentage”, or “involvement of ethnic
minority groups, especially ethnic Albanians in the institutions”.

Only ethnic Macedonians give such answers. It’s interesting that respondents are from
Skopje where dominant ethnic group is Macedonian. There is not such a perception among
Macedonians in Tetovo, which is dominant ethnic Albanian city. Since all answers have
high nationalistic rhetoric, in some even anger towards ethnic Albanians and their higher
possibilities for employment according OFA, this is motivation for such an attitude.

Bigger group of interviewees refused to answer on this question or answered that “there are
no elements of reconciliation at all”.

5.6 Interethnic tensions in neighborhood

Question-Do you feel interethnic tensions in your neighborhood? What kind?

Majority of the interviewees stated that don’t feel interethnic tensions. Those who live
in Skopje stated that the reason for that is because they live in the mono-ethnic
neighborhood. Some of them “would not mind to have neighbor from other ethnic group”.
Other says “ethnicity is secondary; being good or bad person is primary criteria for having
tensions in the neighborhood”. Respondents from Tetovo didn’t give further an explanation
but it’s notable that all who stated there are no tensions are ethnic Albanians.

The other group of the interviewees feels interethnic tensions. There are people from
both Skopje and Tetovo. It is interesting that none of the ethnic Albanians gave such an
answer. But all other ethnic groups- Macedonians, Roma, Turk and Jew, stated they feel
tensions. Explaining the nature of the tensions, respondents mention: interethnic divisions,
riots in the public transport, conflicts in the schools, intolerance, mistrust among the people,

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discrimination of the pupils from smaller ethnic groups(answer of the Roma respondent),
even excessive building of sacral buildings creates tensions(answer of the Jew).

5.7 Reason for the occasional interethnic tensions in Macedonia

Question-What is the reason for the occasional interethnic tensions in Macedonia?

Majority of the interviewees mentioned politics and politicians as main reason for
interethnic tensions in Macedonia. Such answer gave all the interviewed ethnic Albanians
from Skopje and Tetovo. As an explanation they give following statements: “Very often
because of the political aims of certain political group.” “Parties from the Albanian block
manipulate with youngsters and lower class people (creating riots) in order to get stronger
positions in political life.” “Those who participate in the riots are only instruments in the
hands of politicians who want to achieve certain aims.” “Politicians are creators of the
divisions.” “Nationalism by ethnic Albanian parties creates nationalism by ethnic
Macedonian political parties.” “Tensions are created to defocus the public from the most
important social topics such as economy, unemployment, EU integration. “

The rest of the interviewees stated other various reasons for occasional interethnic tensions
in Macedonia such as inequality among the ethnic groups, demands of the ethnic
communities, or “no responses whenever problem occurs, or inadequate treated“, “low
standard of the people”. One of the respondents goes further stating that “the reconciliation
is imposed with regulation which partly produces inequality for some of the sides in this
process”. Other directly explains the causes of such a state with ”separate living, violent and
artificial implemented positive discrimination in the employment process.”

It is indicative that all of the respondents in this group are ethnic Macedonians.

The third minor group of interviewees points out that there is a low awareness for how
important is eliminating the interethnic tensions. Defending the attitudes one of them states:
“Unfortunately big majority of the people value their fellow inhabitants mainly by their
ethnicity, and then by their personal quality”. All of the respondents in this section are
females.

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 5.8 Political leaders’ contribution to interethnic reconciliation

Next question is do the political leaders contribute to interethnic reconciliation and in

what way?

Answering this question, big majority of the interviewees stated that politicians do not
contribute to interethnic reconciliation. It is indicative that all of the ethnic Albanians
involved in the research are united in the attitude that the politicians (or politics) do not
contribute in the reconciliation. On the contrary “it is obvious that they inflame the situation
from time to time”, “always the same people make troubles and citizens cannot handle with
that”. One of the respondents notices that “some of the troublemaking politicians have been
punished on the elections” avoiding mentioning them by name.

The other minor group of respondents answered positive but showing irony in their answers.
Some stated that politicians contribute with “fulfilling the demands of the minority groups”,
other points out that politicians “provoke and then try to ease the tensions”, “contribute very
rare if necessary”, “bargain in order to ease the tensions”, or “react on command by West”.
All of the respondents in this section are females from Skopje.

5.9 Public appearances, statements and interviews and the reconciliation

Seventh question in the structured interview is: Do the political leaders stimulate easing
of interethnic tensions in public appearances, statements and interviews and how?

Big majority of the interviewees who participated in the research stated that political leaders
in the public appearances do not stimulate easing the interethnic tensions. They are angry
because “on the contrary, politicians stimulate tensions and divisions.” One of the
respondents particularly has noticed “they do not stimulate especially in the pre-election
period”. For other “they do not stimulate or react very late” or even “their statements very
often have opposite effects.”

Very few respondents gave positive answer or answered “yes and no”, giving indefinite
statement “some react some don’t.” Others are very precise explaining “those from the
ruling coalition always stimulate behaving very cool in order not to disturb the citizens,

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while those from the opposition parties are critical towards authorities demanding answers
why tensions occur.” ”Politicians act in campaigning and in commercial way.”

There is no remarkable difference among ethnicity of the respondents. There is equal

division in all of the sections above.

5.10 Attitude of the political leaders while they are in power and opposition

Do the politicians change their attitudes regarding they are position or opposition and
state examples and in what way?

Big majority of the people involved in the research answered positive- the politicians
change their attitudes depending whether they in power or in opposition.

As examples they stated topics such as “the name issue”, or employment in the state
administration. Ethnic Albanians are very precise explaining the way politicians’ behavior
varies while in power and opposition and they are equally critical towards all regardless
ethnicity. “Macedonian politicians are more liberal while in opposition and have more
democratic approach, but not while in power”, says an ethnic Albanian. Other member of
this ethnic group stated: “Albanian politicians while in power are inclusive, modern and pro
European. While in opposition they talk about violation of human rights and about great and
ethnically clean states.” ”They have different interpretation of the things.” ”Their statements
are predictable.” ”Leaders while in power are more careful, while in opposition they are
more radical.” ”Nowadays nationalism became inherent for the ruling parties, while in the
past that role was reserved for the opposition.”

Very few interviewees answered with “don’t know” or have no answer. All of them are
ethnic Macedonians.

5.11 Understanding of Ohrid Framework Agreement

How do you understand Ohrid Framework Agreement?

Big majority of the respondents are positive in understanding this document. Many of them
have objections explaining “some formulations give possibility for different interpretation”.

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There are respondents who have completely negative attitude towards OFA stating that it is
“imposed document and shouldn’t exist”. But, there are also many who are supportive
because ”it is very important that document allows stability and democratization of the
country.”
Very few people answered they don’t understand or don’t understand some parts.
They give explanations as following: “the reason for not understanding is because
everybody gives own interpretation”. Some of the respondents point finger towards one
reason “all the time appear things which are not clear and Albanian politicians interpret
them according their own perspective”. But there is another one approach to the problem
because “the essence of the document has never been explained.” There is a strong division
among Albanians and other ethnic groups. While Albanians are supportive, others are not
satisfied with the provisions from the OFA. However, most of the people involved in the
research show interest in discussions and feel comfortable delivering own perspective to
OFA.

5.12 OFA and reconciliation process in Macedonia

The last question in the interview is in what way does OFA help reconciliation process in
Macedonia?
Analyzing the answers, one conclusion can be drawn- there are two groups of people strictly
divided- one that sees this problem from the positive and the other from negative
perspective.
Majority of the respondents belongs to the first group. In support of their attitude people
note that “the interpretation of this document is a problem for reconciliation”, “as long as it
is read in a different way, it is potential treat and reason for tensions.” Other respondents
points out “different interpretation ruins the reconciliation process and creates tensions” and
“of course it is useful but as a base for qualitative research that will end up with adequate
conclusions and recommendation.” There are some people who are convinced that “with
this document Macedonia is on a right way in realization of the civic concept as the only
successful model for multiethnic societies” and others who are more reserved because
success relay “on full implementation only”.

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It is notable that most of Albanian respondents stated the implementation as problem, while
Macedonians see different interpretation as an obstacle for OFA to help reconciliation
process in the country.
People who are not supportive answered very short that “OFA does not help reconciliation
process”. All of them belong to ethnic group other than Albanian.

Chapter 6

6.1 Conclusion

After the end of the conflict period there is a need for period of peace in which easing of the
tensions has to be reached using different mechanisms and activities. Politicians are for sure
main actors in that process regardless they are in power or in opposition. They have to
propose possible solution for curing wounds and culming the frustrations and fears as
consequences of 2001 conflict in Macedonia. Using media influence on the public,
politicians has to create climate of mutual understanding and literarily to train the citizens
on common future no matter what ethnicity or religious believes they belong to. But that is
by the book. In reality situation is different.

The political leaders who are objects of this research are more oriented to the ethnic group
they belong to. It is no surprise having in mind democratic practice of mono-ethnic political
parties. Since independence, VMRO DPMNE and SDSM are focused to get attention only
from ethnic Macedonians, while PDP and later formed DPA and DUI are focused only on
Albanians. Yet Ahmeti shows bigger sense for feelings of ethnic Macedonians as well when
he addresses using Macedonian language daily. Crvenkovski and Gruevski in the observed
interviews discuss more about their own successes and failures while sending accusations to
each other. Analyzing their answers dominant is the impression that they make division
among the people who are members of their parties or fans. It is notable that Gruevski uses
many words to describe himself and his cabinet as devoted in making good things even for
the next generations. But he never mentions reconciliation or admits there are interethnic
problems. On the contrary, he claims that there is an honest connection with the Albanian
partner based on dialog and principles, although reality says something else.

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Ahmeti is more focused on the minority rights gained with signing of OFA. Although he
does not use term reconciliation, there are many elements in his answers related to this
process. He speaks of common goals of all citizens, that Albanians after 2001 feel
Macedonia as their motherland. He express persuasion that by appointing Albanian for
minister of defense Macedonia sent message there is not prejudice anymore. Overall he is
the only from the leaders observed who talk about sensitive issues. He finds ways to state
positions of Albanian ethnic group yet not to provoke. He succeeds to acknowledge the hurt,
losses and suffering of the past but only from the point of view of Albanians. He put in the
shoes of major ethnic group only when he talks about the “name issue”. He didn’t send any
apology about what NLA has done to the other side in the conflict. As far as mechanisms for
justice concerns he is very insistent to promote amnesty for all who committed crime, but
also very protecting towards the right for using national flag of Albania and Albanian
language within the institutions. In general he has constructive role in all years after the
conflict.
Despite many interethnic incidents that occurred during 2011, there is no single attitude of
the leaders, including Ahmeti. But also none of these events are treated in interviews by the
media which are subject of this research. This is unusual in democratic practice, since the
interethnic relations is the core of multiethnic state in the modern world. Media didn’t fulfill
the obligation to be contributors, not only transmitters of others thoughts. They behave very
conservative, and don’t show courage to ask questions which ordinary people articulate in
the structured interviews.

None of the political leaders observed mentions interethnic problems. Seen from of a
distance of ordinary people image is different. Mistrust in the institutions is the biggest
problem in this post-conflict decade. That could be noticed in court judgments, anti-criminal
police actions, enforcing the law by inspectors. Whenever ethnic Albanians are affected,
there are negative reactions. All these are perceived as “violation of rights”. But also some
other minority groups show mistrust despite wide operation for employment of them in the
public administration. There are several reasons why.

The main reason is lack of transparency in making decisions that affect all these people.
Even there is a lack of transparency within the government coalition, or it seems like that.

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The core evidence is construction church- museum on Kale Fortress in Skopje. Although
that was a governmental project, Albanian partner DUI opposed in a way to send some of its
ministers to demolish the object with special equipment by night. This reaction followed the
construction of the building also made by night. Also, deserves to be mentioned the project
“Skopje 2014”, full of dominantly mono-ethnic (ethnic Macedonian) elements, which is
under critics since it started. That is not in the spirit of reconciliation and trust building at
all. Hopefully DUI found compromise in construction a square called Skanderbeg, mono-
ethnic (Albanian) project to balance Skopje 2014. Again, this is not in spirit of
multiculturalism of Macedonia and promotion of values reconciliation imposes.

The second reason is lack of participation of minorities in the decision making process.
VMRO DPMNE is dominant party on political stage and act in that way implementing its
own election program and showing no sense to accept suggestions from other political
factors.

The third reason for mistrust is criteria for getting state job. It is assumed only as satisfying
raw numbers and percentage derived by OFA for minority group representatives, and
political party membership card as criteria for ethnic Macedonians.

Once employed in the state institution there is strict division by ethnic line. Many civil
servants witnessed how it works. In а ministry there is minister who is ethnic Macedonian
and deputy minister who is ethnic Albanian. The first one is responsible for ethnic
Macedonian employees, the second for ethnic Albanians.

If we take a look on the answers given in the structured interview, in general, citizens have
positive approach towards process of reconciliation. There are some who thing that this
process is over or some who say that this is not appropriate term and “integration” is more
adequate to the situation. Big majority of the respondents underline the necessity of this
process because “only society which has tolerance, understanding and mutual respect of the
differences is successful”.

The respondents share opinion that there is ongoing process of reconciliation, but it is “very
slow”, or “it goes by nature, not stimulated by politicians”. Other noticed “some problems
are being ignored instead of further resolving, so interethnic division deepens”.

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Respondents show different experiences asked whether interethnic tensions occur in their
neighborhood. Some live in mono- ethnic suburb and “have fears for tensions somewhere
else”. Some see politically motivated tensions or point out “incidents in public transport
among students” as the only indication.

Respondents agree that politicians in Macedonia do not contribute to the reconciliation

process. On the contrary “some of them stimulate division and hate speech”. Asked how
much statements or public appearance of the politicians are in order to prevent interethnic
tensions- most of the respondents say “politicians calculate” or “act for the party not for the
state as a whole”.

The respondents share opinion that politicians change their opinion depending if they are in
power or in the opposition. “Cooperation among the ethnic political parties never happens
while in opposition”. People feel tricked because very often politicians don’t realize the
promises given in the pre-election campaigns regarding the reconciliation and mutual
understanding among the ethnic communities in Macedonia.

The final part of the structured interview deals with Ohrid Framework Agreement. The
majority of the respondents say that understand this document, but there is sharp division on
ethnic line. Albanians agree that full implementation of OFA helps reconciliation process.
Macedonians and others are not satisfied. According to them the main problem is
misinterpretation or different interpretation of the document. They express feeling that OFA
gave many provisions to ethnic Albanians only. However all ethnic communities agree that
OFA is good base and point out necessity of its existence in the period of the signing right
after the conflict back in 2001. It’s interesting that some of the respondents suggested
revision of the document, some propose to be put ad acta.

Analyzing the answers depending from which city is the respondent, there are some
indications. Ethnic Macedonians from Skopje express more skepticism for permanent inter
ethnic reconciliation, while Macedonians from Tetovo are more optimistic. Ethnic
Albanians regardless they are from Skopje or Tetovo believe in civic concept of
Macedonian society. The only representative of Roma expressed revolt for smaller
communities not being treated well, using word “discrimination”. This, for sure, is an

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indicator how these people feel bi-ethnic division of power between the two major
ethnicities. That could be, also, an indicator about failure of concept of multiculturalism
which political leaders try to promote.

Thanks to the Non-governmental organizations, not to politicians, each citizen is an active

participant in society and has a sense of belonging.

6.2 Result of the research

Prior the research author began with the hypothesis that political leaders who have influence
could foster reconciliation process in Macedonia. Further conclusions are based on few
indicators- reconciliation is unfinished story because political leaders don’t talk about that,
the process relies on certain actions, behavior of the leaders does affect attitudes of the
citizens and leaders are speechless when interethnic incidents occur. Going deeper, analysis
shows that being influential doesn’t mean anything if people don’t feel improvement.
Structured interviews give strong argument that political leaders haven’t done enough
citizens to believe they can change the current state. High percentage of respondents thinks
even opposite, that politicians inflame the interethnic intolerance instead of working on
relaxation, although the newspapers’ interviews don’t prove that. While leaders from
Macedonian political block are quiet on topics related to the 2001 conflict, Ali Ahmeti,
Albanian political leader is very much open to discus. In both interviews he delivered
positions of the ethnic group he belongs to, but without going deeper in the problem. He is
passionate to explain why national symbols, amnesty, Albanian language is so important to
this ethnic group, and what he has done about that. But this is not enough for the people. Big
majority of Albanians who participated in the questionnaire research said politicians are to
be blamed for interethnic tensions. This means that other type of projects is necessary and
everything starts with higher economic standard. Macedonians still have doubts and think
that Albanians have too many privileges. This is consequence of ethnic Macedonian
politicians’ practice that rise up doubts because they don’t talk openly about sensitive issues,
but rather make decisions in the cabinets, like the July 2011 agreement between Ahmeti and
Gruevski.

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If they were more publicly active in promotion of provisions from post-conflict peace
building, attitudes of the ordinary people, ethnic Macedonians wouldn’t be like those
presented in the questionnaires.

Furthermore, political leaders are absent from the public scene whenever incidents occur.
Despite several such events throughout 2011, there is no single word by them in the
interviews observed. This is another argument why ordinary people still believe that
politicians are those who provoke tensions. When they don’t deliver public messages,
whether positive or negative, for certain events they leave space for doubts,
misinterpretations, fears, distrust and eventually weak reconciliation process.

Analysis shows that Gruevski don’t have even neutral attitude towards reconciliation. It is
rather forbidden topic for him, as well as for Crvenkovski, because both calculate that is
more secure to play on “inter-party battle” card. In fact, reconciliation is a victim of that
pure political confrontation of eternal rivals from social-democratic and conservative
provenience. In the interviews they express obsession in blaming one another for all
negative that has happened and currently goes on. Gruevski very cautiously doesn’t mention
anything related to the conflict, while Crvenkovski in one occasion showed negative attitude
towards Amnesty Law. This is not in line with consistence because Crvenkovski once was
very constructive being in coalition with Ahmeti in the Governement elected in 2002, a year
after the conflict. This is the next part of the hypothesis that attitude varies whether being
leader in opposition or one of the ruling party. The case with Crvenkovski is one proof how
politician who once recognized legitimacy to former NLA leader in the name of peace
building, ten years later argues for a project that is core of reconciliation process. This
behavior cannot stay unnoted and one of the respondents in the structured interviews gives
description stating”leaders are more careful while in power, while in opposition they are
more radical.”

Part of the blame for failure in the reconciliation has the media. Media must be aware of its
huge role in the process of lasting peace-building. From the interviews that are subject of the
research it is notable lack of sense for this process. Except interviews with Ali Ahmeti, all
other don’t have single question related to the topic. There are two explanations why. First,
reconciliation is not attractive as a topic, and newspapers sell more copies if being attractive.

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Second, targeting only Ali Ahmeti for this issue, journalists locate the responsibility only in
one person, or within the Albanian political block. With that, media becomes co participant
in creation the opinion that only Albanians have to take care about the burden from 2001.
Since media does have influence in the public, that does affect attitudes of the readers and
public in general. As a final conclusion, journalists need education for the reconciliation in
order to became active partner in the process that still have long way to go.

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Acronyms:

OFA- Ohrid Framework Agreement

NLA- National Liberation Army

RECOM- Regional Truth Commission

VMRO-DPMNE (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization- Democratic Party for

Macedonian National Unity)

SDSM- Social-democratic Union of Macedonia

DUI- Democratic Union for Integration

DPA- Democratic Party of Albanians

PDP- Party for Democratic Prosperity

EC- European Commission

NATO- North-Atlantic Treaty Organization

OSCE- Oragnization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

UN- United Nations

NGO- Non-governmental Organization

BRIMA- BRIMA GALLUP International, rating agency

ISPPI- Institute for Sociological and Political-Legal Researches, Skopje

IDSCS- Institute for Democracy Societas Civilis

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Appendix

Model for content analysis for the interviews

1. Author

2. Title

2.1 Sensational

2.2 Informative

3. Motive for the interview

3.1 Elections

3.2 Interethnic incident

4. Questions

4.1 Open-ended

4.2 Closed-ended

4.3 Number of questions

5. Answers

5.1 Positive

5.2 Negative

5.3 Neutral

5.4 Number of answers

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Structured interview for target group, perception for the process of reconciliation in
Macedonia

Questions

1. State your age, occupation, gender and

ethnicity

2. Is there need for the reconciliation

process in Macedonia after the 2001
conflict and why?

3. Do you think that there is interethnic

reconciliation happening in Macedonia?

4. What elements of reconciliation have you

noticed in everyday life?

5. Do you feel inter-ethnic tensions in the

area where you live? What kind?
6. What is the reason for the occasional
interethnic tensions in Macedonia?
7. Do the politicians contribute in
interethnic reconciliation and in what
way?
8. Do the politicians stimulate easing of
tensions with their public appearance,
statements or interviews and how do they
do that?
9. Does the attitude of the politicians defer
when they are in power and opposition?
Please state some examples.
10. How do you understand Ohrid
Framework Agreement?
11. In what way does OFA help in the
reconciliation process in Macedonia?

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