Parades, Public Space, and Propaganda - The Nazi Culture Parades in Munich

Parades, Public Space, and Propaganda: The Nazi Culture Parades in Munich
Author(s): Joshua Hagen

Source: Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography, Vol. 90, No. 4 (2008), pp. 349-367
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Swedish Society for Anthropology
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PARADES, PUBLIC SPACE, AND PROPAGANDA:
THE NAZI CULTURE PARADES IN MUNICH
by
Joshua Hagen
HAGEN, J. (2008): 'Parades, public space, and propaganda: the Yet the Day of German Art celebrations encom-
Nazi culture parades in Munich', Geografiska Annaler: Series B,
passed numerous events that are often overlooked,
Human Geography 90 (4): 349-367.
most notably the Two Thousand Years of German
ABSTRACT. As the birthplace of the Nazi Party and the official Culture parades (Zweitausend Jahre Deutsche Kul-
Capital of the Movement, Munich assumed a high profile within tun e.g. Schmeer 1956; Preis 1980; Bartetzkko
the party's propaganda apparatus. While Berlin became the polit-
1985; Angermair and Haerendel 1993; Evans
ical and foreign policy centre of Hitler's Reich and Nuremberg the
site of massive displays of national power during the annual party 2005). These parades attempted to construct a
rallies, national and local party leaders launched a series of cul- chronological narrative of German achievement
tural initiatives to showcase Munich as the Capital of German Art. from a Nazi perspective. Compared to the art exhi-
Munich hosted numerous festivals proclaiming a rebirth of Ger-
bitions, the parades were actually more expansive
man art and culture, as well as the regime's supposedly peaceful
intentions for domestic and international audiences. To help expressions of Nazi ideology. While many would
achieve these goals, Nazi leaders staged a series of extravagant pa- agree with David Clay Large's (1997, p. 261) as-
rades in Munich celebrating German cultural achievements. The sertion that the parades 'broke new ground in the
parades provided an opportunity for the regime to monopolize
field of Nazi kitsch', they should not be dismissed
Munich's public spaces through performances of its particular vi-
sion of German history, culture and national belonging. While as mere frivolity. While the exhibitions focused
such mass public spectacles had obvious propaganda potential, more narrowly on culture as expressed through
several constraints, most prominently Munich's existing spatial painting and sculpture, the parades embedded these
layout, limited the parades' effectiveness. arts in a broader narrative of cultural achievements,
Key words: cultural policy, Munich, Nazi Germany, parades, political triumphs and militant nationalism. In ad-
propaganda, public space dition, while the art exhibitions occupied fixed
points and seemed more of an elite affair, the pa-
rades offered a more participatory, populist format
Introduction that projected the regime's message on to Munich's
As the birthplace of the National Socialist (Nazi)public spaces.
Party and the scene of its earliest defeats and tri- Geographers have long argued that the design
umphs, Munich occupied a special place within and layout of urban areas constitutes a type of 'text'
Hitler's Germany. Indeed, Hitler bestowed upon which may be read to discern broader political and
Munich the dual roles of Capital of the Movement cultural relationships of power, belonging and con-
and Capital of German Art. While the title of Cap- testation (see Daniels and Cosgrove 1988; Duncan
ital of the Movement was largely symbolic since 1990; Lees 2001; Leib 2002). Building upon this
most important party functionaries relocated to growing appreciation of the symbolic and ideolog-
ical power of the built environment, the metaphor
Berlin, efforts to communicate Nazi conceptions of
of the urban landscape as a type of stage for human
art, culture and history through Munich were more
substantive. This campaign culminated in the Dayaction became increasingly common, as was an
of German Art celebrations (Tag der Deutschen emphasis on the role of public performance and
Kunst), which included the Great German Art Ex- mass spectacle in the process of negotiating, repre-
hibitions (Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellung), assenting and contesting identity. Indeed, geo-
well as the infamous Degenerate Art Exhibit (En-graphers were soon noting the ways in which the
tartete Kunst Ausstellung). As the regime's mosturban landscape served not as mere passive scenery
visible and comprehensive attempts to articulate itsbut played a more dynamic role in the everyday me-
diation of political and cultural discourse (see Dan-
vision for a new style of German art, the exhibitions
iels and Cosgrove 1993; Kearns 1993; Atkinson
justifiably received considerable scholarly atten-
tion. and Cosgrove 1998; Driver and Gilbert 1998).
©The author 2008 349

Journal compilation © 2008 Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography
JOSHUA HAGEN
Building on this approach, scholars have with

inves-the ideological outlook of parade organizers
whileand
tigated the ways in which the design, control simultaneously attempting to exclude alter-
surveillance of public spaces provided powerful
native interpretations.
mechanisms for cultural and political inclusionWhile
and these public festivities can certainly serve
exclusion (see Sibley 1995; Creswell 1996; to reinforce the status, views and cohesion of dom-
inant groups,
Goheen 1 998) . It is not surprising then that parades , scholars have also explored how mi-
as some of the most visually striking uses ofnority
publicgroups or viewpoints utilize parades in their
spaces, have served as powerful vehicles for nego-
efforts to gain greater visibility, recognition and le-
tiating, reinforcing and contesting social gitimacy.
hierar- In this context, parades and their dramat-
chies. Indeed, parading through public spacesic use
mayof public space provide an important avenue
be interpreted as part of a 'powerful geographic
for groups to challenge their marginalized status
(see Jackson 1988; Busteed 2005; Veronis 2006;
strategy to control people and things by controlling
area' (Sack 1986, p. 5). As Dolores Hayden Johnston
(1995, 2007). Parading through public space cre-
p. 38) noted: 'Festivals and parades also helpates, as Don Mitchell (1995, p. 115) argued, 'a
to de-
place out
fine cultural identity in spatial terms by staking within which a political movement can stake
out the space that allows it to be seen. In public
routes in the urban cultural landscape. Although
their presence is temporary they can be highly space,ef-
political organizations can represent them-
fective in claiming the symbolic importance selves of
to a larger population. By claiming space in
places.' Although organizers often portray public,
theseby creating public spaces, social groups
events as inclusive and apolitical, numerousthemselves
schol- become public' Parades and other pub-
ars have highlighted how parades and the accom-lic festivals commonly manifest this ambiguity be-
panying public spectacles convey and perform, tweenat inclusion and exclusion, regardless of their
least implicitly, statements of identity, powerorganizers'
and stated intentions. This tension between
authority (see Kong and Yeoh 1997; £inarthe confirmation versus contestation of cultural and
2001;
Johnson 2003; Harvey et al. 2007). political identities was even evident in the seem-
Perhaps the most studied parades are those inglyas-
non-judgemental, permissive parading envi-
sociated with the religious strife in Northern ronment
Ire- in New Orleans (Gotham 2005; Waitt
land. Against this charged backdrop, Protestant2005; O'Reilly and Crutcher 2006).
and
Catholic groups have organized parades as part While
of exploring the role of public spaces and
spectacles in a variety of places and times, schol-
their respective campaigns to support or challenge
the political status quo. These marches, their arly attention has tended to focus on the new cere-
routes
and symbolism have helped fuel passionate monies,de-rituals and festivals that accompanied the
bates, resentment and unfortunately violence rise be-
of modern nationalism. Given their power to
tween the two groups (see Bryan 2000; Fraser physically and symbolically dominate public spac-
2000; Kirkland 2002; Wilson and Stapletones, 2005).
it is not surprising that nationalists looked to
While the example of Northern Ireland harness clearlyparades and other public spectacles to sup-
demonstrates the power of parades as vehiclesport for
their agendas , especially in North America and
Europe during the late nineteenth and early twen-
cultural and political contestation, even apparently
tieth centuries (Davis 1986; Newman 1997; Nelles
apolitical uses of public space, such as the festivi-
ties associated with St Patrick's Day parades,1999;areRyan 1999; Rudin 2003). Often featuring
often fraught with specific ideological agendas.
large numbers of participants and the possibility of
While many of these events were packaged reaching
as wel- an even greater number of spectators, pa-
coming festivities where 'everybody can berades
Irish',
emerged as a popular means to perform na-
scholars have demonstrated the degree totional
which identity and affix this identity in public
event organizers and participants viewed these space. In this sense, nationalist groups sponsored
cel-
ebrations as a means to reify their specific paradesvisionsas part of their efforts to appropriate public
of an appropriate Irish identity for broaderspaces public
for the imagining of a national community.
consumption (Marston 1989, 2002; NagleAs 2005).
Sallie Marston (2002, p. 383) noted, parades are
Implicit here is that certain groups deemed 'very much about monopolizing the space across
at var-
iance with establishment views should be excluded which a particular imagining of the community can
from participation. Parades then may be under- be enacted and projected to a wider audience' (see
stood as attempts to appropriate particular public also Anderson 1983).
spaces and more permanently imbue these spaces While the often contentious relationship be-
35Q ©The author 2008

Journal compilation
PARADES, PUBLIC SPACE, AND PROPAGANDA
press contextualizes and problematizes the overall

tween parades, authority and identity has been well
purpose, effectiveness and power of these propa-
documented in multiple democratic contexts, the
ganda events.
role of parades in dictatorial states has received less
attention. In comparison to democratic societies,The first section of the article outlines the pa-
rade's content, route and intended message during
one might presume that public spaces and parades
its 1933 debut. The article then examines how the
would have diminished significance in dictator-
parade, after a three-year hiatus, was expanded and
ships given the relatively closed political culture.
Yet as David Atkinson (1998, p. 25) demonstrated, reorganized. Initially somewhat disjointed and in-
public spaces and spectacles played central roles articulate,
in the staging and spectacle of the parades
grew in sophistication. Yet the propaganda poten-
Mussolini's Italy as 'a stage set for the performance
tial was limited, in part because Munich's urban
of Fascist rituals and the performances of idealised,
landscape featured relatively modest squares and
Fascist figures.' Indeed, Hans Maier (2006, p. 274)
boulevards not easily linked through a parade
has noted how parades and festivals were harnessed
route. Nazi planners also envisioned the parades as
for the 'enlargement, intensification, and dynami-
more active expressions of Nazi views of culture
cisation of political power' in Fascist Italy, Nazi
Germany and the Soviet Union. Given the restrict- and history that would engage observers, not just
ed nature of public dialogue and the very real threatparade marchers, in a massed public performance
of violent repression, it is not surprising that pa- of Nazi belief, authority and loyalty. Yet the parades
rades and other public spectacles in these societies appeared to have limited effect in this regard as
lack the overt and open contestation common well. in Beyond a detailed analysis of the Nazi culture
democratic societies. Yet even within totalitarian parades, this article also suggests the inherent pow-
contexts like Maoist China, Fascist Italy or Stalin'ser of the urban landscape, gained through its estab-
Soviet Union, event organizers faced a variety oflished spatial layout and symbolism, to complicate
hurdles while attempting to appropriate and manip- its potential usage and interpretation, even in total-
ulate public spaces to realize their particular agen- itarian contexts.
das (Ghirardo 1996; Agnew 1998; Petrone 2000;
Hung 2007). While some obstacles involved rela-
tively mundane organizational or bureaucratic mat- Glory ages of German culture, 1933
ters, more fundamental complications have arisen Wishing to transform his capital to rival Paris,
during efforts to refashion existing urban land- Vienna and Berlin, King Ludwig I of Bavaria
scapes to serve totalitarian ideologies. (1786-1868, King 1825-1848) sponsored an im-
Building on the above scholarship, this article pressive building programme that adorned Mu-
examines the parades staged as part of the Day of nich's northern suburbs with the LudwigstraBe
German Art celebrations in Munich in 1933, 1937, boulevard, the Konigsplatz square and several art
1938 and 1939, and their role in 'the making of to- galleries. Reflecting international architectural
talitarian urban space' in Nazi Germany (Atkinson tastes of the time, Ludwig 's projects generally drew
1998, p. 14). Relying primarily on contemporary their inspiration from classical Greece and renais-
German press accounts, it is possible to piece to- sance Italy, both seen as universal expressions of
gether an overview of these parades and their ide- beauty and enlightenment (Hagen forthcoming).
ological underpinning. Given the nature of the Nazi As a result of Ludwig 's efforts, Munich became an
regime, public criticism of the parades, much less international artistic centre, although Berlin's
any type of counter-demonstration, was obviously avant-garde scene had gradually gained ascendan-
lacking. While published accounts reproduced the cy by the early twentieth century. The 1 93 1 fire that
biases of the government's propaganda apparatus, consumed Munich's primary art exhibition hall and
one should be critical of declarations, as John Ag-the city's inability to arrange a replacement marked
new (1998, p. 239) argued, 'in which bombastic in- a low point. As a Munich resident and a self-ap-
tentions are presumed to have given rise to out- pointed art aficionado, Hitler was undoubtedly fa-
comes that were both aesthetically and politically miliar with the situation. Once appointed Chancel-
successful in conveying the intended messages.' lor in 1933, Hitler moved to rejuvenate Munich's
Indeed, while a cursory assessment could lead one standing by declaring Munich to be the Capital of
to accept the regime's assertions at face value, athe Movement and ordering the redesign of the
careful examination of the evolution of the parades' Konigsplatz as a party forum.
content, spatiality and prominence within the Nazi While Munich's role as an administrative centre

Journal compilation © 2008 Swed
JOSHUA HAGEN
was largely symbolic, Hitler envisioned a more displays . Indeed, Nazi leaders could emulate the in-
functional role for Munich as the Capital of cessant
Ger- marches and exhibitions sponsored by
man Art (Poetzelberger 1934; Keiner 1937; Mussolini's
Ner- Fascist Party in its campaign to 'exer-
dinger 1979; Schuster 1988; Wistrich 1995).cise Theits authority and to discipline and order Italian
effort centred on the new House of German Art life in such public spaces' (Atkinson 1998, p. 19).
(Haus der Deutschen Kunsi). Designed by Paul Although existing accounts are cursory and at
Ludwig Troost, the House was a massive doric tem- times differ on some details, it is possible to piece
ple-like structure. Its exterior was meant to project together the parade's basic content from the official
a sense of permanence and power, while the interior programme (Wenzl 1933), a government-commis-
exhibited art glorifying the regime's ideology. As a sioned film (Arndt 1997), and reports in the Ger-
symbol of his self-proclaimed reawakening of Ger- man press ('Nachklang' 1933; Schoen 1933; Stein-
man culture, Hitler followed the planning and con- lein 1933a; Weigel 1933;Lepsius 1934). Led by re-
struction of the House closely (Arndt 1988; Barn- gional Nazi leader Adolf Wagner and his propagan-
reuther 1993; Hecker 1993; Mayer 2007). da chief Karl Wenzl, local officials, artists and
The Day of German Art celebration on 14 Octo- supporters had a few months to design and prepare
ber 1933, marking the setting of the cornerstone, the parade's content, aesthetic and symbolism.
opened modestly with a press reception followedJosef Wackerle, a professor at Munich's Academy
by several concerts. The more impressive events of Visual Arts (Akademie der Bildenden Ktinste),
began the following day with formations of Nazi was responsible for the artistic direction of the pa-
SA (Storm Division) and SS (Protection Squadron) rade. Professor Conrad Hommel handled organiza-
paramilitary units marching past the House loca- tional matters, while two other professors, Leo Pa-
tion. After greeting attending dignitaries, Hitler de- setti and Julius HeB, arranged costumes. To frame
livered a speech positioning himself as the redeem- the parade, Professor Georg Buchner ensured that
er of German culture. He also aimed to solidify Mu- the route was lined with banners and flags. This
nich's artistic standing by declaring the city as the leadership cadre commanded a small army of art-
Capital of German Art. Yet the carefully choreo- ists and labourers, likely drawn from party organi-
graphed ceremony took an embarrassing turn when zations such as the SA. The actual number of pa-
Hitler's ceremonial hammer broke as he struck the rade participants is unclear. The official pro-
cornerstone (Hecker 1993, p. 310; Large 1997, pp. gramme specifically mentioned about 300 cos-
259-260). If Hitler hoped the celebration's climatic tumed participants, but this did not include groups
parade a few hours later would end the festival on with indeterminate numbers, such as musicians or
a high note, he was probably disappointed. 'pages'. The total number was likely around 500.
The parade, titled Glory Ages of German Cul- The parade consisted of fifteen main groupings,
ture (Glanzzeiten Deutscher Kultur), consisted of each representing a different theme or epoch. Each
nineteen historicized floats suggesting a sense ofgroup focused on a float accompanied by various
historical and cultural continuity between previous costumed riders, pages and maidens complement-
'golden ages' and the new era of cultural rejuvena- ing that grouping's theme ('Nachklang' 1933;
tion heralded by the Nazi Party. 'It was - and for Weigel 1933, p. 752; Wenzl 1933; Arndt 1997).
that we forever thank our Ftihrer Adolf Hitler - no Yet a critical analysis of the parade suggests a
longer foreign art that we saw; it is authentic folk degree of ambiguity regarding its content, route
traditions and therefore the "Day of German Art" and intended political message. Despite a rhetoric
has great symbolic meaning', observed one com- of historical continuity and cultural renewal, suc-
mentator. The parade marked a 'turning point' her- cessive floats did not present a chronology culmi-
alding the 'dawn of a new, better time' (Steinlein nating in a Nazi artistic 'revival', while the intend-
1933a, p. 373). The staging of historicized parades ed symbolism of some floats seemed obscure. The
had been common since the nineteenth century initial group was pretty straightforward: a large ea-
when they and other mass public spectacles gle, an established icon of Germany, accompanied
emerged as popular activities often associated with by a group of twenty-six men carrying Nazi regalia.
nationalist movements (Hartmann 1976; Mosse The next four groupings celebrated classical
1976). Since much of the Nazi rise to power oc- Greece. A float featuring an ionic column paid
curred through marches, intimidation and violence homage to classical architecture; an 'ancient' mu-
in the streets, it likely seemed fitting that the party ral for painting; and a reproduction of a Hercules
marked its political ascendancy with massed public torso for sculpture. A statue of Athena rounded out
o c 9 © The author 2008

JO^ Journal compilation © 2008 Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography
Fig. 1 . The 1933 parade route was rather circuitous, including a peculiar u-turn on the LudwigstraBe.
Source: Map modified by author from Leitung (1937).
this classical tribute. The next two groupings cele- groupings. Next to appear was a statue of Fortuna,
brated the gothic and Bavarian rococo periods. the Roman goddess of luck. The next three floats
While maintaining a chronological order, it was honoured
cu- literature with successive groupings
rious that the float symbolizing the rococo period symbolizing German fairy-tales (a maiden with a
presented as a more narrow tribute to Bavarian, unicorn), German sagas (a dragon slayer), and po-
rather than German, achievements. The eighth etry (a tragedy mask and a Pegasus). This was fol-
float, roughly the parade's midpoint, centred on a by a grouping entitled the 'Mastersinger' , an
lowed
scale model of the House of German Art surround- homage to Hans Sachs, a renowned sixteenth-cen-
ed by representatives of the craft guilds ('Nach-tury poet and vocalist. The last group consisted of
klang' 1933; Weigel 1933, p. 752; Wenzl 1933;youths bearing the flags and emblems of the vari-
Arndt 1997). The overall effect up until this pointous guild crafts and a formation of Hitler Youth
was to suggest a historical trajectory with the Nazimarchers ('Nachklang' 1933; Weigel 1933, p. 752;
art gallery symbolizing a revival of past culturalWenzl 1933; Arndt 1997).
greatness. In contrast to the first half of the parade, the in-
Yet the arrangement of the second half of the pa- tended narrative and symbolism of the second half
rade was less coherent. A grouping for German art was confusing. The craft guilds, for example, were
represented by the Bamberg Rider, a thirteenth- honoured twice, while the groupings on literature
century sculptural masterpiece, appeared next. Six- and music seemed out of place in a parade focusing
teen boys holding shields bearing the names of fa- on the visual arts. Floats representing fairy-tales
mous German artists and a group of art students fol- and sagas appeared towards the end of the parade,
lowed alongside. These groupings honoured past although they were generally medieval in origin.
and to some extent current artists, although this par- While representing German achievements, the
tially repeated the previous gothic and rococo mask, Pegasus and 'men and women out of Greek
© The author 2008 353

Journal compilation © 2008 Swedis
JOSHUA HAGEN
Fig. 2. Photo from 1937 showing

part of the parade turning around
at the northern end of the Ludwig-
straBe just before reaching the
Victory Gate in the background.
Note: Because the parade was
moving in both directions, floats
and marchers had to make do with
only half of the boulevard. This
photo was published (Eichinger
1937, p. 562), but the horse ma-
nure was edited out (Stadtarchiv
Munchen).
tragedy' in the poetry group, as well as Fortuna, re- together the chronological narrative built into the
called classical antiquity, already honoured by the first half of the parade. This u-turn also meant that
opening floats. In short, much of the parade's actual King Ludwig's Victory Gate (Siegestor) monument
content appeared chronologically jumbled, the- was pushed back from the actual route since the pa-
matically redundant, and tenuously linked to the re- rade double backed before actually reaching the
gime and its ideology. arch (Fig. 2). Hitler reviewed the parade near the
In addition to its content, a parade's route also southern end of the LudwigstraBe. The parade con-
plays a key role in conveying the ideological aspi- tinued to Munich's main square but then quickly
rations of its organizers and participants. 'Parades looped back to the LudwigstraBe, basically tracing
do not simply occupy central space', as Kong and a figure eight through Munich's streets. The final
Yeoh (1997, p. 220) noted, 'but also move through stretch was a short march to the Konigsplatz (Sch-
space as a means of diffusing the effects of the spec- oen 1933; Steinlein 1933b; Weigel 1933, pp. 752-
tacle' (see also Bryan 1996; Marston 2002). The 754; Hermann 1997, p. 368). Although the parade
Soviet leadership, for example, routed parades route incorporated many of Munich's most promi-
'across a carefully defined geographic space' to nent public spaces, their relative locations necessi-
mark 'the ceremonial centers of Soviet cities and tated a series of awkward twists and turns that com-
towns' (Petrone 2000, p. 25). The 1933 parade plicated efforts to present an unambiguous narra-
route passed the House's location almost immedi-tive leading to a Nazi-sponsored cultural renais-
ately before reaching the LudwigstraBe (Fig. 1). Assance.
Munich's grandest boulevard, parade organizers While some later scholars described the 1933
were understandably eager to co-opt this publicparade as 'being a truly popular success' (Michaud
space. Yet the street's orientation to the House was 2004, p. 103), a closer examination suggests the pa-
less than ideal. The parade, turning north on the rade missed the intended ideological mark some-
LudwigstraBe, headed towards Munich's outer what. Although this parade, like most others, was
suburbs. The procession had to make a u-turn andlikely intended as an 'ordered presentation in time
proceed back down the other side of the street.and space, conveying with unmistakable clarity the
Turning a parade around in such a fashion present-symbolic values to be attested' (Goheen 1993, p.
ed some obvious logistical hurdles and created con-131), the event appeared rather anticlimatic in or-
gestion along the street. It also meant that paradeganization, schizophrenic in route, and disjointed
groupings competed for the crowd's attention asin content. While generally giving a positive im-
they passed each other in opposite directions and pression, some observers seemed to have trouble
likely made it more difficult for spectators to piecepulling any broader ideological message from the
a za © The author 2008

J *^t Journal compilation © 2008 Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography
parade. While the House float attracted 'general at-

2005) . The redesigned parade , titled Two Thousand
tention' , one bystander seemed more impressed Years
by of German Culture, positioned Nazism as the
the Bavarian rococo and Bamberg Rider floats, de-culmination of German history and focused on a
scribed respectively as 'especially impressive' and
promised glorious future. As the programme to the
1939 festivities explained, the parade offered a
4 a highpoint ' (Lepsius 1 934 , p . 50 1 ) . Another spec-
chance to 'experience German history, experience
tator, writing in a prominent German art magazine,
its greatness and tremendous past, and see how
read more local significance into the event. The pa-
rade and its mixture of Greek and German symbols proudly the German future is being built' (Leitung
1939).
exemplified a revival of Munich's traditional role as
a cosmopolitan cultural centre stemming from theIn addition to the widely publicized opening of
'special nature of its geographical location andthe
in House of German Art, Hitler and other party
leaders declared its first exhibition, the Great Ger-
the fluidity of its almost southerly, free attitude to-
man Art Exhibition, a showpiece of artistic
ward life, which attracts, fulfills, and influences
many different elements' ('Nachklang' 1933,achievement
p. in Nazi Germany. These ideologically
appropriate paintings and sculptures tended to de-
83). While Hitler's speech at the cornerstone cere-
mony was publicized widely and praised lavishly pict
in nude figures, scenes of German landscapes and
peasant life, or images glorifying the party and
the German press, there was relatively little cover-
age of the parade. The scant coverage may suggest combat. A short distance away, another exhibit of
that party leaders were underwhelmed by the event,so-called degenerate art scorned modernist and ab-
perhaps explaining the lack of subsequent parades stract art as foreign and contrary to a healthy folk
culture (von Luttichau 1988; MeiBner 1988; Schus-
until 1937. While this apparent lack of sophistica-
tion and coherence may clash with our image of theter 1988; Wistrich 1995; Petropoulos 2000). After
a weekend of exhibitions, concerts and banquets,
Nazi regime as incredibly calculating and efficient,
the regime had been in power for a mere nine the official opening of the House on the morning of
Sunday, 18 July 1937 would be followed by an af-
months . The 1 933 parade reflected a party and lead-
ternoon parade concluding the weekend's festivi-
ership that remained unsure how to exercise power,
ties. Although scholars have paid scant attention to
how to articulate their cultural policies, and even
what those policies were. the parade, contemporary press coverage clearly
depicted the parade as an integral component of the
festival (Basil 1937; Muller 1938; Nannen 1937;
Two thousand years of German culture, 1937-
Tag 1937). Unlike the exhibitions which were nat-
1939
urally confined within smaller interior spaces, the
This article maintains that the 1933 parade was lim- parade offered an opportunity for mass participa-
tion and public spectacle comparable to the march-
ited in its ability to clearly articulate the party's cul-
es accompanying the Nuremberg Rallies.
tural platform, but this does not mean that the re-
gime's leaders lost interest in parades and publicAdolf Wagner again oversaw the planning, in-
spectacles. Indeed, the annual Nuremberg Party cluding the creation of a quasi-private association
Rallies demonstrated a lasting desire to stage mass to organize this and future events. Painter Hermann
Kaspar and sculptor Richard Knecht, both profes-
public spectacles. Perhaps it is more useful to think
sors at the Academy of Visual Arts , shared the over-
of the 1933 parade as a false start, prompting party
all artistic direction of the parade. Buchner again
leaders to pause to re-evaluate their cultural pro-
gramme and how to package it coherently for pub- arranged street decorations. Expressing the re-
lic consumption. The extravagant ceremoniesgime's ideological intentions, the Nazi mouthpiece
marking the dedication of the House of German Art Volkische Beobachter proclaimed that 'according
on 16-18 July 1937 provided an opportunity to re- to the will of the Fuhrer' the parade would be 'a
grand demonstration of German culture' symbol-
visit and refine the idea of a culture parade. During
izing 'that we are one of the oldest civilized na-
this three-year hiatus, officials and organizers had
time to reflect on the initial effort. Unlike the 1933
tions, that we are proud of our history, and that we
pull strength from it for the future now beginning'
event which appeared rather hastily organized, or-
(Hermann 1997, p. 369). Rather than simply trying
ganizers had time to prepare a more visually ex-
to 'repeat but amplify the parade of 1933'
travagant affair in 1937. The parade's ideological
(Michaud 2004, p. 105), organizers took several
content also reflected a more developed Nazi cul-
steps to make the later parades more coherent and
tural policy and propaganda apparatus (see Evans

JOSHUA HAGEN
Fig. 3. These participants from the Germanic Age escort a rounded swastika as a representation of the sun along the V
StraBe in 1937.
Source: Stadtarchiv Munchen; Horn (1938, p. 648).
comprehensive expressions of the Nazi Party's vi-ance between north and south' ('Nachklang' 1933,
p. 83), the entire 1937 production portrayed, as one
sion of past, present and future national communi-
ty. Reflecting this propaganda goal, the official pa- writer argued, 'German achievement for the culture
rade programme explained: 'Our walk today is aof humanity from Germanic prehistory to the
glowing tribute to the historical achievements ofpresent' (Kalkschmidt 1938, p. 253). Stretching
our Volk, a military journey of the national com-nearly four kilometres and lasting for over two
munity, a parade into the great future of the eternalhours, the revised parade began with riders bearing
Germany' (Leitung 1937). the standards and flags of the Nazi Party and the arts
followed by seven main sections, each devoted to a
specific historical period with its own music: Ger-
The parade manic, Romanesque, Gothic, Renaissance, Ba-
Based on official programmes (Leitung 1937, roque, Classical and Romantic, and the New Age
1938, 1939) and German press accounts (Eichinger (MeiBner 1988, p. 53; Hermann 1997, p. 368).
1937; Gnuva 1937; Biihler 1938; Horn 1938; Kalk- As the parade's second largest grouping with
schmidt 1 938), it is clear that, although sharing cer- about 480 participants (Hermann 1997, pp. 374-
tain similarities with its predecessor, every facet of 375), the Germanic Age introduced the revised nar-
the later parades was grander and presented a more rative with 'tall, weathered blondes' proudly bat-
rigid and expansive chronology showcasing Ger- tling against nature and other peoples to 'create the
man history as a prelude to the proclaimed gran- destiny and the culture of the Nordic-Germanic
deur of the thousand-year Nazi Reich. While the world' (Leitung 1937). The Germanic group con-
amalgam of Greek and German elements in the tained eight floats which positioned 'Nordic-Ger-
1933 parade was interpreted as representing a 'bal- manic' tribes as the earliest ancestors of modern
356 © The author 2008

Journal compilation
Fig. 4. These drawings of elements

from the Romanesque and Gothic
Ages provide an indication of the
parade's strong martial overtones.
Sowce: Leitung (1938).
Germans. After warriors escorting a Viking-like its ten floats and the Gothic Age with seven floats
ship, most of the successive floats symbolized spe- were largely devoid of Christian overtones. Apart
from three floats celebrating the architecture and
cific religious icons like the sun, the day, the night,
the creation of the first humans, the sea god, and sculpture of the period, the Romanesque section fo-
Walhalla where the gods welcomed heroes after cused on Charlemagne, Friedrich Barbarossa, and
other political leaders flanked by squadrons of Ger-
death. In an overt attempt to link Nazism to the ep-
man warriors and crusaders. Of the seven elements
och's perceived racial purity and martial valour, the
sun group presented a stylized swastika as an an- of the Gothic Age, three focused on the arts includ-
ing a model of a Gothic fountain reused from the
cient representation of the sun, while the Walhalla
allegory featured long banners and draperies with
1 933 parade, while the remaining four were forma-
swastika motifs (Fig. 3). The prominence of the tions of knights mounted for battle, jousting or
swastika was an obvious attempt by parade organ- hunting (Fig. 4; Leitung 1937). Although the Ger-
izers to position the Nazi movement as the modern mans adopted Christianity and were active in reli-
gious affairs during these periods, the parade's in-
incarnation of this prehistoric warrior race. As one
writer explained: 'As our ancestors honoured the terpretation largely focused on military exploits,
swastika as a rune for well-being and promise, itreflecting
is the Nazi Party's valorization of conflict
again holy for us today' (Buhler 1938, p. 627). but ambivalence towards Christianity.
Compared to the 1933 parade, the later parades,The next three groupings, celebrating the Ren-
aissance, Baroque, and Classical and Romantic
with their grounding of Nazi symbols in prehistory
and prominent rhetoric of blood ties between an- Ages, were relatively small. Three elements of the
cient Nordic tribes and modern Germans, began Renaissance Age depicted a flowering of painting,
sculpture and science, while two others featured a
with a much more direct ideological statement. Re-
flecting orthodox Nazi views of a national commu-grouping of peasants and riders. The four elements
of the Baroque Age symbolized music, theatre,
nity based on racial purity and martial valour, the
parade programme explained how the Germanic sculpture and the Bavarian rococo, a second lefto-
group and subsequent floats would demonstrate ver from the 1933 parade. The fifth Baroque ele-
ment featured military formations recalling Frie-
that 'throughout nearly three thousand years the ra-
drich the Great. The Classical and Romantic Age
cial strength remained unbroken and devoted itself
to life in work and battle' (Leitung 1937). had only two elements: one recognizing the neo-
Although the Germanic group was replete with classical arts, the other devoted to Richard Wagner.
pagan religious icons, the Romanesque Age with Although many of the major cultural trends sym-
© The author 2008 357

Journal compilation © 2008 Swedi
JOSHUA HAGEN
Fig. 5. The theme of Sacrifice, represented here by several dozen robed women bearing torches (top), opened the New
They were followed by men escorting allegorical floats representing Belief and Loyalty which flanked a massive eagle
swastika (bottom).
Sources: Horn (1938, p. 664); Leitung (1938).
bolized here originated in non-German lands,After

the the parade's rather cursory treatment of
parade programme emphasized the unique German
German history and culture from the Gothic period
contribution by explaining that although 'foreign-
onward, it skipped ahead to a 'New Age' as the cul-
ers often gave us example and impetus; the mination
bor- of German national development. The
rowed form always obtained its own original lifeelements of the New Age section focused ex-
eight
from the spirit of our bloodline' (Leitungclusively
1937). on the achievements and ideology of the
Compared with the preceding groups, these three
Nazi regime with scant reference to the arts. Likely
ages are remarkable in their relative brevity and
accounting for over one-third of all costumed par-
ticipants,
lack of martial themes. This may stem from the fact the New Age section was by far the larg-
est such
that many of the major events of these periods, of the parade, although it covered only five
years.
as the Reformation, the Thirty Years War and theThe section began with riders in black ar-
mour bearing crests representing the Nuremberg
slow decline of the Holy Roman Empire, conjured
images of German disunity rather than theParty
NaziRallies and the arts. Young torch-bearing
ideal of national unity. women mourners, 'symbols of the eternal watch
35Q © The author 2008

Journal compilation
Fig. 6. Models of the so-called

Fuhrer Buildings represented a
significant portion of the New Age
section. Here models of Nazi
buildings are paraded through Mu-
nich's Konigsplatz in 1937.
Source: Stadtarchiv Miinchen.
Age section wore costumes reminiscent of m

over the graves of the heroes' heralded the next el-
ement, which actually consisted of separate alle- val monks or knights, while women appear
gorical floats representing Sacrifice, Belief and flowing robes in an attempt to portray th
Loyalty (Fig. 5; Horn 1938, p. 664; Leitung 1937). movement in 'timeless beautiful garments'
The next float, Mother Earth, emphasized the im- 1938, p. 670). The parade's finale was succe
portance of nature and fertility. These two sectionsformations of SA, SS, Labour Service, polic
displayed Nazi conceptions of appropriate gender military units as 'symbols of German stre
roles in this new national community (see Mosse (Fig. 7; Gnuva 1937, p. 43; Leitung 1937). A
1985; Koonz 1987). Female participants received writer explained, these were to be both symb
ly and literally 'guardians and keepers of a h
roles associated with fertility, while males were as-
sociated with action. In light of the coming war,icalit legacy, protectors of two thousand ye
was prophetic that women accompanying the Sac- German culture, guarantees for its preservat
rifice float appeared to be mourning, while Belief the near and distant future' (Horn 1938, p. 6
and Loyalty, seen as vital military attributes, wereAlthough little documentation of the par
represented by male statues escorted by young planning and administration survived, it is p
men. to piece together some general statistics from
The remaining elements of the Newlished accounts and photographs. While para
Age depict-
ed political achievements starting with ganizers and party officials may have exagge
the reincor-
poration of the Rhineland and Saarland. Next,
estimates a
from Wagner and Wenzel that bet
21 000 and 24000 people were involved in p
large eagle led a series of models of 'Monumental
Buildings of the Fuhrer ' in Munich and rations for the parade, totalling approxim
Nuremberg
143000 work hours, appear plausible (Hart
(Fig. 6). The high profile accorded to architecture
was especially striking considering that1976,thep. 55; MeiBner 1988, p. 53). The num
other
arts were basically absent from this Newcostumed
Age. Thisparticipants in 1937 likely to
was indicative of the importance Naziaround
leaders3200,
and mostly members of various par
propaganda placed on new construction projects as
ganizations. About 450 of these rode on horse
evidence of the regime's progress towards
includinga new
a few women. Dozens of additional
economy, culture and national community.
es pulledSur-
twenty-six floats, while about an
number
prisingly, there was no direct reference of smaller elements were transport
to the new
hand.by
age of German painting supposedly initiated The closing formations included app
the
Great German Art Exhibition. Although partici-
mately 3200 uniformed marchers, while app
pants in other sections wore costumes reflecting
mately 13500 additional men, mostly membe
the
that section's specific time period, men inSA
theand
NewSS, provided crowd control (Hart

JOSHUA HAGEN
Fig. 7. Mass formations of various

party and military organizations
marked the end of the culture pa-
rades, seen here in 1937.
Source: Stadtarchiv Munchen.
1976, p. 51; MeiBner 1988, p. 53; Hockerts 1993,100000 were estimated to have arrived by motor
p. 339; Hermann 1997, pp. 374-375). At least twovehicle (MeiBner 1 988 , p . 53) . It is clear that the pa-
contemporary accounts of the 1938 parade claimedrades of the late 1930s far surpassed their 1933
that it involved 5000 costumed participants, a sig-predecessor. The later parades were monumental
nificant increase since 1937 (Horn 1938, p. 638; spectacles offering a more coherent presentation of
Kalkschmidt 1 938 , p. 253) . In a departure from oth-Nazi views of politics, culture and national com-
er party spectacles, women were well representedmunity. Yet, given the parade's extravagance and
in the Munich parades, with about 2000 femalesthe Nazi Party's penchant for fiscal mismanage-
versus 3000 males (Kalkschmidt 1938, p. 253).Yet,ment, the parade association founded in 1937 soon
as suggested above, Nazi gender ideals were clear- ran into financial troubles and was dissolved in
ly on display. Female participants appeared pas-1940 (Hecker 1993, p. 314; Hermann 1997, pp.
sive, often simply walking alongside floats, while376-377).
males rode horses, were dressed for battle, or mus- Viewing the 1937 Day of German Art as a suc-
cled floats through the streets. cess, national and local leaders resolved to repeat
While claims that hundreds of thousands lined the exhibition and parade annually. The parades in
1938 and 1939 had the same basic content and ide-
Munich's streets for the parade are difficult to ver-
ify, the festivities drew large crowds (Gnuva 1937,ology as the 1937 performance with minor chang-
es. The Mother Earth float, for example, was re-
p. 42; Horn 1938, p. 639). On this festival weekend,
nearly 73000 more travellers than usual passed named Blood and Soil. The other changes involved
additional floats celebrating foreign policy tri-
through Munich's train station, while an additional

Journal compilation
umphs or planned building projects. The 1938 pa- instead of turning around in front of it. The proces-
sion could also expand to cover the entire width of
rade featured three new elements depicting the an-
nexation of Austria and a personification of the the LudwigstraBe. Although providing a more dra-
Danube. There were also new models of buildings matic entry on to the LudwigstraBe, it required the
planned in Nuremberg, Hamburg and Berlin. The parade to follow the KonigstraBe, an unremarkable
1939 parade was updated with three new floats cel-residential street. Munich's existing spatial layout
simply did not offer a clear and coherent route that
ebrating recent foreign policy victories: the annex-
ation of the Czech Sudetenland, the Czech Protec- could link the House of German Art and Munich's
torate and the Memel Land (Leitung 1938, 1939).other important public spaces.
Wartime conditions precluded further parades. While the dimensions of the LudwigstraBe were
conducive for the type of mass spectacle favoured
by Nazi leaders, the architecture lining the street
The route
posed a problem. Commissioned by King Ludwig
in an effort to transform Munich into an interna-
Organizers also revised the route but still faced
tional cultural centre, these fagades recalled classi-
complications from Munich's existing layout. The
new route followed the same initial course, butcal and renaissance styles in Italy and Greece. Al-
now, once reaching the southern end of the Lud-though not necessarily incompatible with Nazi
wigstraBe, the parade turned west towards the ideology, these buildings did not easily connect to
Konigsplatz then circled south through the citythe revised parades which celebrated a narrower vi-
centre. This route, approximately seven kilometres sion of Germanic cultural and military prowess. In-
long, was significantly longer than 1933 but re- deed, the neo-classical period, which encompassed
tained its u-turn on the LudwigstraBe. In addition most
to of the LudwigstraBe 's architecture, played a
negligible role in the parades. In response, the
repeating the awkward u-turn, this also meant that
the expanded number of floats and participants street
of was adorned with myriad banners, flags and
the 1937 parade had to confine themselves to onlyother decorations that almost completely screened
the boulevard's buildings from view ('Aus-
one half of the street. At least one writer claimed
schmtickung' 1937; 'Munchen' 1937; Behrenbeck
this route led to 'special groupings and images that
merged into each other, when for instance the 1990, pp. 226-233). Here, flags and other decora-
turned-around parade passed itself in opposing di- tions provided a means to obscure the street's orig-
rections', making the parade a 'parable of the rep-inal architectural symbolism and focus spectators'
attention on the more nationalistic message con-
etition of life' (Eichinger 1937, p. 569). Yet parade
organizers clearly intended to depict Nazism as theveyed by the parade (Fig. 9). While the effect along
climatic finale and culmination of German history. the LudwigstraBe was certainly impressive, the vis-
Rather than a mere repetition of previous ages, theual impact along other portions of the route was
parade aimed to present an unassailable chronolo- limited. Most of the rest of the parade route fol-
gy of German achievement culminating in Na- lowed narrow streets which lacked the monumen-
zism's New Age. The awkward orientation of the tality of the LudwigstraBe space and generally had
fewer decorations. Again, Munich's existing layout
LudwigstraBe space partially obscured this trajec-
and architecture served to limit its effectiveness as
tory as did the overall parade route which passed
the House of German Art near its start. Althoughaitvenue for Nazi spectacle and performance.
is easy to understand why some would uncriticallyIn addition to its awkward route and its ill-suited
assume that the parade 'wound through the streetsarchitectural backdrop, later parades demonstrated
toward the new museum' (Nicholas 1994, p. 18), several additional shortcomings and contradictions.
the route actually led away from the museum. First, interpretation of the parade required a signifi-
cant amount of historical knowledge, which many
In 1938, organizers diverted the parade right on
to KonigstraBe after passing the House location middle- and lower-class Germans may not have pos-
(Leitung 1939). From there it entered the Ludwig-sessed. Second, some of the figures celebrated were
straBe from the north and proceeded along its difficult to reconcile with Nazi policy. For example,
the medieval Hohenstaufen emperors focused much
length without having to double back (Fig. 8). Now
of their energy on gaining territory in Italy, whereas
floats advancing along the LudwigstraBe would not
have to compete with each other. The new routeNazi rhetoric and policy obsessed about eastern ex-
pansion. It was also noteworthy what events and fig-
also allowed the parade to enter the LudwigstraBe
by passing beneath the monumental Victory Gate,ures were omitted. References to classical Greece,

JOSHUA HAGEN
Fig. 8. Maps illustrating changes in the parade route between 1937 (above) and 1938 (next page), mostly notably along t
straBe.
World
so prominent in 1933, were removed in a shift War, a pivotal personal experience for many
away
Nazi
from a general narrative of Western culture to leaders and of profound importance for the
a nar-
rower celebration of Nordic-Germanic history development
and of the party, was excluded. It is per-
values. As noted above, religion was almosthaps understandable that the Weimar period was
totally
absent, aside from pagan allegories. It was notexcluded,
sur- although the period witnessed the birth
prising that the Reformation and the Thirty of Years
the Nazi Party. These sparse references to recent
War were missing since they allude to national history
dis-reflected the Nazi movement's prevailing
view ofathis as a time of cultural decay and racial
cord. Yet the parade celebrated the Gothic period,
degeneration. Although the parades' title suggested
time of national political fragmentation. Further-
more, achievements in Gothic art and architecture
a message of continuity between successive histor-
ical epochs
were closely tied to the Christian cathedral. This re- leading to National Socialism, these
omissions had the effect of presenting Nazism as
flects a degree of ambiguity if not hostility between
Christianity, which enjoyed significant supportthe expression of an eternal and ahistorical racial
among the general public, and many party ethos leaders,that, after a period of decline, simply
who cast Nazism as a new messianic religion. emerged beyond any context. In many respects, the
Even more striking was the omission of most ideologues drew greater inspiration from
party's
mythical images of prehistoric, pagan and medie-
modern history. Aside from Wagner, the nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries were largely val absent.
times representing national unity, military val-
There was no reference to Bismarck or German our, and racial purity, and sought to portray the
Nazi movement as the embodiment of these sup-
unification in 1871, although they could represent
posedly timeless Germanic national values.
national unity and military victory. Even the First
362 ©The author 2008

Journal compilatio
more sophisticated. Reflecting on the 1937 parade,

Conclusion
even operatives for Germany's exiled Social Dem-
After a curious inauguration, the Nazi culture ocratic pa- Party acknowledged that 'today we have to
rades gained in ideological clarity and sophistica- admit that we saw all of our expectations exceeded'
tion. The initial 1933 parade, for example, was {Deutschland-Berichte
not 1980, p. 1075).
organized chronologically and overt Nazi content The revised parades were to be, as one contem-
was minimal. The 1933 parade was also more porary fo- writer put it, 'completely in the service of the
cused on the arts and included nearly as manynational al- Volk community' (Kalkschmidt 1938, p.
lusions to ancient Greeks as Germans. Despite 252). the If, as Susan Davis ( 1986, p. 6) argued, parades
Nazi Party's fondness for choreographed mass may be understood as 'public dramas of social rela-
spectacles and desire to monopolize Germany's tions, and in them performers define who can be a
public spaces through authoritarian displays, social the actor and what subjects and ideas are availa-
1933 parade reflected a degree of amateureness ble andfor communication and consideration', then
ideological uncertainty. Although referring to a dif- Munich's culture parades represented an attempt to
display Nazi views regarding national identity, his-
ferent case , Peter Jackson 's ( 1 992 , p . 1 48) assertion
that scholarly interpretation of parades must be tory
in- and belonging. By adopting a chronological ar-
formed by the 'wider institutional context' has rel-
rangement, the parades constructed a narrative of an
evance here. The 1 933 parades occurred while Nazi
organic, eternal, national community bound togeth-
er by racial purity. Since marchers, who had to meet
cultural policy and administration remained in flux.
Yet as the party's leadership and bureaucracy coa-
certain height requirements, came from Nazi organ-
lesced and grew more adept at exercising power, izations excluding Jews and other non- Aryans (Her-
their skill at propagandizing public life became mann 1997, pp. 375-376), the parade showcased the
© The author 2008 T^o

Journal compilation ©
JOSHUA HAGEN
Fig. 9. In 1938, the parade entered the LudwigstraBe by passing beneath the Victory Gate, seen in the background. Part o
representation of Sacrifice, the robed women seen here are carrying staffs topped with rounded swastikas. They are escorting
goddess figure holding a laurel wreath connecting willingness to sacrifice with victory.
Source: Horn (1938, p. 665).
regime's ideal image of the men and women com-

as the inheritor, defender and culmination of this leg-
prising this community. acy. The allusions to Sacrifice, Belief and Loyalty,
which
The parades of 1 937 to 1 939 also celebrated a keyopened the New Age section, complemented
characteristic of this supposedly pure racial commu-
efforts to ready men and women for their respective
nity. Despite claims to be a 'tremendous parade ofthe regime prepared its own war of conquest.
roles as
peace' (Horn 1938, p. 643), the parades offered Despite
an the parades' sharpened ideological mes-
extended acclamation of martial achievements and sage, they did not emerge as iconic images of Nazi
heroic feats culminating in representations of Hit-Germany. In contrast to Munich's art exhibitions
ler's foreign policy successes. Although presentedwhich were celebrated in professional journals,
popular magazines and widely circulated pro-
as a parade of German culture, warriors and political
leaders rather than artists were the pivotal figures. Asgrammes, the parades garnered relatively little cov-
the exiled Social Democratic Party sarcastically re-erage. The apparent disinterest of the party propa-
ported: The parade was more of a military rather ganda machinery in pushing the parades as part of
than a cultural spectacle. Two thirds of all partici-
the broader Nazi iconography raises questions about
pants were warriors. From the fighters of the Ger-their effectiveness as propaganda events. Scholars
manic Age armed with spears to the military and par-examining parades and other public spectacles in
ty formations marching at the end of the parade, onedemocratic contexts have noted that organizers of-
could follow the exceptional development of the ten attempt to reinforce the ideological message by
German warrior' {Deutschland-Berichte 1980, pp. actively involving the public in the spectacle (Jack-
1076-1077). After the preceding floats recounted son 1988;Goheen 1993; Ryan 1999). This objective
has also been noted in dictatorial states, such as Fas-
the history of this idealized Volk community, the ex-
cist Italy, where David Atkinson (1998, p. 26) ar-
tensive New Age section positioned the Nazi regime

Journal compilation
gued that the regime sought to build control and con-

sensus by staging 'inclusive spectacles' in Rome'sAcknowledgements
public spaces. Nazi organizers stated a similar goal
I would like to thank the editors and the anonymous
in the 1937 parade programme: reviewers for their insightful comments. I would
also like to thank the Alexander von Humboldt
Foundation, which provided financial support for
Through forms drawn from the distant and re-
cent past of German culture, we ourselves this research.
stride, as an entire people, in the parade of
German achievement, of German history. Joshua
... Hagen
Department of Geography
Not spectators but rather we are today and al-
Marshall University
ways a deeply edifying and extremely resolute
community of blood and culture. One John Marshall Drive
(Leitung 1937) Huntington, WV 25755-2664
USA
E-mail: hagenj@marshall.edu
This desire to blur the distinction between partici-
pant and observer was an important element in the
power of the Nuremberg Rallies, the regime's most
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Parades, Public Space, and Propaganda - The Nazi Culture Parades in Munich

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Parades, Public Space, and Propaganda: The Nazi Culture Parades in Munich

Author(s): Joshua Hagen

©The author 2008 349

Building on this approach, scholars have with

35Q ©The author 2008

press contextualizes and problematizes the overall

©The author 2008 351

o c 9 © The author 2008

© The author 2008 353

Fig. 2. Photo from 1937 showing

a za © The author 2008

parade. While the House float attracted 'general at-

©The author 2008 355

356 © The author 2008

Fig. 4. These drawings of elements

© The author 2008 357

bolized here originated in non-German lands,After

35Q © The author 2008

Fig. 6. Models of the so-called

Age section wore costumes reminiscent of m

©The author 2008 359

Fig. 7. Mass formations of various

360 © The author 2008

©The author 2008 361

362 ©The author 2008

more sophisticated. Reflecting on the 1937 parade,

© The author 2008 T^o

regime's ideal image of the men and women com-

354 © The author 2008

gued that the regime sought to build control and con-

remberg Rallies was also purposely designed ATKINSON,

©The author 2008 365

366 © The author 2008

©The author 2008 367

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