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Energy subsidies, political negotiations provincial transfers and FGS revenue: the four big ifs
The first source of potential deviation from the consolidation’s targets is that we don’t expect the government to attain
significant savings in energy subsidies. In fact, we believe that the budget underestimates both the required subsidies to gas
producers and to generation companies under current legislation. In the electricity generation space, resources included in the
2019 Budget are enough to cover the capacity payments of new energy and nuclear, but not to subsidize consumption.
Likewise, the ARS28.7bn allocated for incentives to gas production appear insufficient to cover the agreements with
producers. Looking beyond energy subsidies, the 2019 Budget includes 0.4pp of GDP worth of revenue resulting from the
draw-down of FGS assets, something that we see as politically and legally unfeasible. Finally, political negotiations diluted the
impact of the transfer transportation subsidies and are likely to dilute in the coming days the impact of the wealth tax.
Moreover, Province of BA is negotiating with the Federal government to anticipate the indexation of the Fondo del Conurbano,
seeking to increase transfers to the Province by ARS19bn, covering one-third of Buenos Aires’ net borrowing needs in 2019. At
the end of the day, whatever the sovereign offloads, provinces find a way to be compensated off the Federal Government’s
dime.
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ARGENTINA STRATEGY WATCH November 9th, 2018
2019 Fiscal base scenario: is “almost” zero revised SBA, that would be enough to correct 2018’s
primary deficit good enough? primary deficit plus 1.1pp of GDP worth of
measures previous to the SBA that will widen 2019’s
Under our base scenario, we expect the
deficit. The problem is that, in our view, the truly
government to bring the primary deficit down feasible discretionary measures total 2.7% of GDP.
to 0.3-0.5% of GDP in 2019, getting close The rest are divided between measures with mild
execution risks (0.5% of GDP) which we expect the
albeit not completely to the zero primary
government to achieve albeit at a political cost and
deficit target. 0.6pp in high execution risks measures which, at this
Under our base scenario, we expect a small point, we don’t expect the government to
deviation in the fiscal consolidation plan in 2019. accomplish. That would leave an 0.6pp of GDP
When we look at the Budget, we believe that the primary deficit. We come to our expected 0.3%-0.5%
discretionary measures passed will be enough to range because 2018’s primary deficit is likely going
bring the primary deficit down to 0.3-0.5% of GDP to be in the 2.5-2.6% of GDP range, lowering the
rather than all the way to a zero primary balance. initial deficit and because under our base scenario
Considering the magnitude of the correction, we we expect a cyclical push to revenue by the
don’t expect this to create problems with the IMF as combination of economic recover starting in 2Q19
the deviation is small enough to be solved via a and higher inflation than assumed by the Budget.
waiver. In fact, the IMF staff has acknowledged that
the planned fiscal consolidation ‚implies a structural Table 1: Consolidation with execution risks
fiscal adjustment of 3.1 percent of potential GDP, a
1.7 percent of potential GDP larger negative fiscal
impulse than was built into the original SBA‛. The
problem is that we will see close to no compression
in the hard currency curve if the market begins to
add an execution premium over the risk premium
associated to next year’s election. Especially if the
deviation increases borrowing needs. All in, we see
this execution risks tied to an aggresively pro-
cyclical target that’s underpinned by a number of
measures of doubtful success.
accomplish.
The 2019 Budget includes discretionary savings
measures totalling 3.8pp of GDP. According to the Source: Puente estimates based on IMF
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The problem with a deviation is not so much Figure 1: Short-term treasury bill roll-over
the SBA with the IMF, but rather the impact ratio is hovering around 70%
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impossible the reduction of energy subsidies next ameliorating consumers’ electricity bill hikes and
year. At this point, subsidies would continue to exist (iii) respecting the large capacity payments agreed in
even if consumers paid the full economic cost of PPAs. In our view, the government’s attempt to
energy (which we don’t expect them to do in 2019). reconcile this conflicting objectives will end with
We estimate that the subsidies included in the 2019 larger subisides.
Budget are barely enough to cover the production
incentives, leaving little resources to continue Table 3: CAMMESA’s subsidy credit in 2019 is
subsidizing consumers. barely enough to cover capacity payments and
nuclear
In the electricity generation space, resources
consumption.
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government is assuming payments for USD700mn in Draw-down of FGS assets: politically and
2019. As a reminder, the incentive payment for 2019 legally unfeasible
will be the difference between USD7/MMBtu and an
The 2019 Budget includes 0.4pp of GDP worth
effective price which will be a volume-weighted
of revenue resulting from the draw down of
average price that will be informed every month by
the Secretariat of Hydrocarbon Resources. FGS assets, something that we see as
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Measures with mild execution risk: outcome Provinces secured an SPV funded by the
of the political negotiations around the
collection of the new wealth tax to cover a
wealth tax and transportation subsidies
large part of the transfer of transportation
A recent report by the Congression al Budget
subsidies while the Senate is expected to
Office shows that political negotiations in the
introduce exemptions to the wealth tax.
Lower House increased spending almost six
The initial calculation behind Peronist provinces
times as much as revenue.
approving the transfer of transportation subsidies
According to the recently established CBO, an was that Province of BA, City of BA, City of
independent watchdog, the political negotiations in Cordoba and City of Mendoza would be the four
the Lower House increased spending in the 2019 hardest hit districts, all under Cambiemos
Budget by ARS24.2bn relative to the original bill, but administrations. Even then, the impact on provincial
it only included ARS2.7bn in additional revenue. finances was further diluted by creating an
The gap was left unfunded by the House. Political ARS6.5bn SPV funded with the additional revenue
negotiations diluted the impact of the transfer from the wealth tax for Provinces to draw and pay
transportation subsidies and are likely to dilute in for the transportation subisides. All in, from the hike
the coming days the impact of the wealth tax. in the wealth tax provinces will not only get their
Looking ahead, Province of BA is negotiating with share via coparticipation but also the revenue of the
the Federal government an anticipation in the SPV. This shaves the IMF deal on two different
indexation of the Fondo del Conurbano, seeking to sides: on the one deal, it takes a chunk off the
increase tranfsers to the Province by ARS19bn, sovereign’s wealth tax intake. Additionally, the
covering one-third of Buenos Aires’ net borrowing Senate is likely to introduce modifications into the
needs in 2019. At the end of the day, whatever the wealth tax, ammending it to introduce an exemption
sovereign offloads, provinces find a way to be to family homes with value up to ARS12mn. The
compensated off the Federal Government’s dime. government puts the cost of the loophole at
This puts a question mark on the huge chunk of ARS1.5bn. All this reduces the impact of the
discretionary measures dependent on provinces measure, increasing the risk of deviations from the
accepting to get encumbered by the sovereign. fiscal target.
Though we expect the Treasury to secure this
measures, they will have a significant cost. The main Strategy: Expect little compression in the HC
examples are the transportation subsidies and the curve until the elections
wealth tax. In this context, we don’t expect a significant
Table 6: The amends introduced in the Lower compression in the Argy risk premium, which
House to the Budget increased ARS9 in we expect to remain close to 600bp until the
spending per every ARS1 in new revenue electoral scenario becomes more certai n.
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next year’s presidential election becomes more clear. stands at 63bp, up from 55bp a month ago and 10bp
So far this year, Argentina’s curve has suffered a at the end of 2017. Alternatively, the Argentina25 is
331bp bear flattening. Of those, 76bp are explained also an attractive play at the large spread between
by a higher risk free rate and 60bp by an increase in local and NY law hard currency bonds. YTD, its
the EM risk premium. In other words, the pure Argy spread to the NY law curve has widened 183bp to
risk premium is up 195bp YTD. In our view, the 183bp and is trading wider to the curve than the rest
improvement in Argentina’s fundamentals are of the local law bonds (the Argentina20 is trading
consistent with a tighter risk premium, more in line 154bp wider than the curve, the Argentina24 82bp,
with that of the average EM country. That said, and the Argentina37 112bp). All in, the local law
better fundamentals will not have an impact on the curve, which was trading close to the international
hard currency curve until 2Q19, when polls will law curve by end of 2017 is currently trading well
begin to paint a clearer picture of the presidential outside and steeper. In our view, this correction in
race. At this point, we expect the scenario to become the local law curve is explained by retail investors
binary. If the government’s chances of reelection reducing their exposure to the sovereign rather than
improve, then we expect the risk premium to to a change in fundamentals or an increase in the
compress to the 350bp range. If not, spreads could default premium.
widen further depending on who leads the race.
Figure 4: Evolution of the spread between the
Figure 3: The widening of the pure Argy risk local law and the NY law Discos in 2018
premium explains almost two thirds of the
correction in the hard currency curve
balance.
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Figure 6: The local law hard currency curve
has gone from trading inside the global law
curve to trading at a steep discount
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Annex 1: Statistics of Foreign and Local Law Hard Currency instruments
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Annex 3: Statistics for Provincial Hard Currency bonds
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Annex 5: Statistics for Sovereign ARS/ CER-Linked Fixed rate bonds
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Annex 8: Statistics for ARS Lecap
Annex 10: Floating rate ARS Curve given our view of the Badlar Rate
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