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Puente Argentina Report - November 9th, 2018

Argentina Strategy Watch

Is the 2019 fiscal target feasible?


 Is “almost” zero primary deficit good enough?
Under our base scenario, we expect a small deviation in the fiscal consolidation plan in
2019. In numbers, we expect the government to bring the primary deficit down to 0.3- STRATEGY TEAM
0.5% of GDP in 2019. Considering the magnitude of the correction, we don’t expect this 
to create problems with the IMF as the deviation is small enough to be solved via a
JUAN MANUEL PAZOS
waiver. The problem is that we will see close to no compression in the hard currency
curve if the market begins to add an execution premium over the risk premium Head Strategist
associated to next year’s election. Especially if the deviation increases borrowing needs. jpazos@puentenet.com
The revised SBA with the IMF provides a breakdown of the discretionary measures
included in the 2019 Budget to attain a zero primary balance, some of them look hard to
accomplish. We estimate that to reach a zero primary deficit, the government needs BRUNO GENNARI
3.8pp of GDP worth of discretional measures. The problem is that, in our view, the truly
Analyst
feasible discretionary measures total 2.7% of GDP. The rest are divided between
measures with mild execution risks which we expect the government to achieve albeit at bgennari@puentenet.com
a political cost and high execution risks measures which, at this point, we don’t expect
the government to accomplish. Because we don’t expect the IMF to extend the SBA line a
second time, the additional funding requirements could stress 2019’s financial program.
In fact, Argentina’s net borrowing needs look manageable in 2019 provided that the
government achieves to bring down the primary deficit down to zero. Covering a 0.5pp of GDP deviation, however, would
increase the required roll-over ratio of short term debt instruments from high 50s to mid-70s, requiring an additional effort in a
-year in which retail savers will have electoral uncertainty.

 Energy subsidies, political negotiations provincial transfers and FGS revenue: the four big ifs
The first source of potential deviation from the consolidation’s targets is that we don’t expect the government to attain
significant savings in energy subsidies. In fact, we believe that the budget underestimates both the required subsidies to gas
producers and to generation companies under current legislation. In the electricity generation space, resources included in the
2019 Budget are enough to cover the capacity payments of new energy and nuclear, but not to subsidize consumption.
Likewise, the ARS28.7bn allocated for incentives to gas production appear insufficient to cover the agreements with
producers. Looking beyond energy subsidies, the 2019 Budget includes 0.4pp of GDP worth of revenue resulting from the
draw-down of FGS assets, something that we see as politically and legally unfeasible. Finally, political negotiations diluted the
impact of the transfer transportation subsidies and are likely to dilute in the coming days the impact of the wealth tax.
Moreover, Province of BA is negotiating with the Federal government to anticipate the indexation of the Fondo del Conurbano,
seeking to increase transfers to the Province by ARS19bn, covering one-third of Buenos Aires’ net borrowing needs in 2019. At
the end of the day, whatever the sovereign offloads, provinces find a way to be compensated off the Federal Government’s
dime.

 Strategy: Expect little compression in the HC curve until the elections


Given the execution risks in the consolidation plan in 2019, the need to raise USD26bn in the markets in 2020 and the electoral
uncertainty, we remain positioned in the front-end of the sovereign’s hard currency curve. We expect Argentina’s spread over
UST to hover around 600bp until the scenario for next year’s presidential election becomes clearer. In our view, the
improvement in Argentina’s fundamentals is consistent with a tighter risk premium but better fundamentals will not have an
impact on the hard currency curve until 2Q19, when polls will begin to paint a clearer picture of the presidential race. At this
point, we expect the scenario to become binary. If the government’s chances of reelection improve, then we expect the risk
premium to compress to the 350bp range. If not, spreads could widen further depending on who leads the race. In our view,
the most attractive play on the sovereign hard currency curve is to bet on a compression of the spread between the local law
and the global law bonds. All in, the local law curve, which was trading close to the international law curve by end of 2017, is
currently trading well outside and steeper. In our view, this correction in the local law curve is explained by retail investors
reducing their exposure to the sovereign rather than to a change in fundamentals or an increase in the default premium.

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ARGENTINA STRATEGY WATCH November 9th, 2018

Is the 2019 fiscal target feasible?


Juan Manuel Pazos - Head Strategist Juan Manuel Vazquez - Head of Equity & Credit Research

 2019 Fiscal base scenario: is “almost” zero revised SBA, that would be enough to correct 2018’s
primary deficit good enough? primary deficit plus 1.1pp of GDP worth of
measures previous to the SBA that will widen 2019’s
Under our base scenario, we expect the
deficit. The problem is that, in our view, the truly
government to bring the primary deficit down feasible discretionary measures total 2.7% of GDP.
to 0.3-0.5% of GDP in 2019, getting close The rest are divided between measures with mild
execution risks (0.5% of GDP) which we expect the
albeit not completely to the zero primary
government to achieve albeit at a political cost and
deficit target. 0.6pp in high execution risks measures which, at this
Under our base scenario, we expect a small point, we don’t expect the government to
deviation in the fiscal consolidation plan in 2019. accomplish. That would leave an 0.6pp of GDP
When we look at the Budget, we believe that the primary deficit. We come to our expected 0.3%-0.5%
discretionary measures passed will be enough to range because 2018’s primary deficit is likely going
bring the primary deficit down to 0.3-0.5% of GDP to be in the 2.5-2.6% of GDP range, lowering the
rather than all the way to a zero primary balance. initial deficit and because under our base scenario
Considering the magnitude of the correction, we we expect a cyclical push to revenue by the
don’t expect this to create problems with the IMF as combination of economic recover starting in 2Q19
the deviation is small enough to be solved via a and higher inflation than assumed by the Budget.
waiver. In fact, the IMF staff has acknowledged that
the planned fiscal consolidation ‚implies a structural Table 1: Consolidation with execution risks
fiscal adjustment of 3.1 percent of potential GDP, a
1.7 percent of potential GDP larger negative fiscal
impulse than was built into the original SBA‛. The
problem is that we will see close to no compression
in the hard currency curve if the market begins to
add an execution premium over the risk premium
associated to next year’s election. Especially if the
deviation increases borrowing needs. All in, we see
this execution risks tied to an aggresively pro-
cyclical target that’s underpinned by a number of
measures of doubtful success.

The revised SBA with the IMF provides a

breakdown of the discretionary measures

included in the 2019 Budget to attain a zero

primary balance, some of them look hard to

accomplish.
The 2019 Budget includes discretionary savings
measures totalling 3.8pp of GDP. According to the Source: Puente estimates based on IMF

2
The problem with a deviation is not so much Figure 1: Short-term treasury bill roll-over
the SBA with the IMF, but rather the impact ratio is hovering around 70%

on the net borrowing needs. 6000 1.2


0.9
4000
An 0.5pp of GDP deviation in the target would 0.6
2000
0.3
increase net borrowing needs by USD2.3bn, 0 0.0
requiring additional funding (using the 2019 -2000
-0.3
-0.6
Budget’s average FX for consistency). We don’t -4000
-0.9
expect a deviation of such small magnitude to have -6000 -1.2
Oct-16 Mar-17 Aug-17 Jan-18 Jun-18
an impact on the disbursements agreed in the SBA
Issuances
Monthly USD LETES
given the size of the consolidation, but we don’t dynamics (USDmn)
Maturities
3-month roll over ratio (right)
expect the IMF to extend the line a second time,
Source: Puente estimates based on the Treasury
providing additional funding either. In this context,
the additional funding requirements could stress  Sticky energy subsidies: a design problem
2019’s financial program. Argentina’s net borrowing
We don’t expect the government to attain
needs look manageable despite a context of reduced
market access, provided that the government significant savings in energy subsidies as the
achieves to bring down the primary deficit down to budget underestimates both the required
zero. In that context, Argentina would have
subsidies to gas producers and to generation
USD8.3bn in net borrowing needs, which would be
covered with a roll-over of 57% of the USD Letes companies under current legislation.
and ARS Lecaps maturing. The number looks
reasonable when considering that the roll-over rate In our view, the main challenge to the government’s
has improved from 60% to around 70%. Covering a objective of cutting energy subsidies by 0.2pp of
0.5pp of GDP deviation, however, would increase GDP next year is that the nature of the problem has
the required roll-over ratio to 73%, requiring an changed, but the government’s solution remains the
additional effort in a year in which retail savers will same. Back in 2015 the government faced two
have electoral uncertainty. problems in the energy front, a shortfall of energy
and an unsustainable subsidies bill. The subsidies
Table 2: Deviations from the zero primary
problem was the easier to be solved from a technical
deficit target in 2019 will require rolling over a point of view, albeit with the highest political cost.
larger share of short-term instrument Because energy subsidies were driven by the gap
maturities between the tariff and the generating cost (in
electricity) or the difference between the regulated
wellhead price and the economic cost of producing
gas, resolving the problem was about aligning what
the consumer paid with the economic cost. On the
other hand, the government’s solution to the energy
shortage was to offer significant incentives to
electricity generation via the emergency PPAs and to
key gas producers in Vaca Muerta. The government
now faces a general equilibrium problem, as the
solution to the energy shortage has made close to

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impossible the reduction of energy subsidies next ameliorating consumers’ electricity bill hikes and
year. At this point, subsidies would continue to exist (iii) respecting the large capacity payments agreed in
even if consumers paid the full economic cost of PPAs. In our view, the government’s attempt to
energy (which we don’t expect them to do in 2019). reconcile this conflicting objectives will end with
We estimate that the subsidies included in the 2019 larger subisides.
Budget are barely enough to cover the production
incentives, leaving little resources to continue Table 3: CAMMESA’s subsidy credit in 2019 is
subsidizing consumers. barely enough to cover capacity payments and
nuclear
In the electricity generation space, resources

included in the 2019 Budget are enough to

cover the capacity payments of new energy

and nuclear, but not to subsidize

consumption.

The 2019 Budget assigns ARS99.5bn to CAMMESA


for economic subsidies, or about USD2.4bn
assuming the Budget’s FX rate. That figure is
Source: Puente estimates based on the Treasury
basically just enough to cover the USD1.2bn
required by PPAs capacity payments and the Figure 2: Gap between the generation cost and
USD800mn payments for nuclear. The rest is used to the regulated price to demand
subsidize the gap between the generation cost
3500 100%
(currently at ARS/MWh2960) and the regulated price
2019 Budget w/ 90%
3000 FX @ 45
to the demand (ARS/MWh1347), which were 80%
2500 70%
historically the main driver of electricity subsidies. 2019 Budget w/
FX @ 40 60%
2000
In 2018, the Budget allocated around USD481mn to 50%
1500
these concepts. According to the IMF’s SBA, the 40%
30%
government intends to bring tariff coverage of the 1000
20%
economic cost from around 50% this year to 70% in 500
10%

2019, which is roughly consistent with the 2019 0 0%


Dec-15 Dec-16 Dec-17 Dec-18 Dec-19
Budget cutting the rest of CAMMESA’s funds to
Generation cost Regulated price to demand Coverage %
around USD400mn, assuming an FX at
USDARS40.1. The problem is that if the FX is closer Source: Puente estimates based on CAMMESA
to our USDARS45 view, meeting the 2019 Budget’s
subsidy bill would require slashing subidies to Likewise, the ARS28.7bn allocated for
consumers significantly, as CAMMESA allocation incentives to gas production appear
would just be enough to cover the capacity
insufficient to cover the agreements with
payments of PPAs and nuclear. In other words, it
would require doubling electricity prices to producers.
consumers, something which doesn’t look feasible in
an electoral year. At the end of the day, the The 2019 Argentine budget includes ARS28.7bn in
government is trapped between three conflicting payments to the current gas incentive program (Res.
objectives: (i) cutting energy subsidies: (ii) 46 and additional ones). Based on the Budget FX, the

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government is assuming payments for USD700mn in  Draw-down of FGS assets: politically and
2019. As a reminder, the incentive payment for 2019 legally unfeasible
will be the difference between USD7/MMBtu and an
The 2019 Budget includes 0.4pp of GDP worth
effective price which will be a volume-weighted
of revenue resulting from the draw down of
average price that will be informed every month by
the Secretariat of Hydrocarbon Resources. FGS assets, something that we see as

politically and legally unfeasible.


If that number is, for example, USD3/MMBtu
(USD7/MMBtu less USD4/MMBtu, the latter being The 2016 pension reparation law included the option
the effective price) then only 18MMm3/d would be to draw-down FGS assets to finance the increased
included in 2019. benefits outlays. The problem is that the bill did not
release FGS managers from being personally liable
However, the government is targeting in the 2019
for the trades they decide to make. Given the large
Budget 33.6MMm3/d coming from the incentive. If
drop in valuations of the FGS book, drawing down
that is correct, the implied price to be paid would be
assets next year looks like a sure route for FGS
USD1.6/MMBtu.
managers to get sued by the opposition. During
Looking at current production levels of concessions 1H18, the value of the FGS book dropped -26%YTD
included in the incentive, we believe 33.6MMm3/d in USD terms to USD47.4bn. The drops are
could make sense, but it is still not clear what sort of especially concentrated in equities (-46.3%YTD),
remunerations companies included in the incentive which is the selected asset to do the draw-down.
are expected to receive. We are not discarding a There are also political implications. Left-wing
modification in the Budget line. parties led by Kirchnerism as well as some Peronists
like Mr. Massa and Mr. Bossio have made of the FGS
Additionally, the 2019 Budget does not a linchpin of their opposition to the Administration.
allocate resources to covering the arrears in All in, we believe that the draw-down of the FGS
would be like touching the third rail, repeating the
the 2018 Plan Gas.
saga around the pension indexation formula last
In the past few months, the government may have December.
been falling behind in the payments of the incentives
Table 5: The equity is the hardest hit in the
to gas producers. A clear sign of this could be the
gap between accrued basis energy subsidies (in FGS in 2018
particular gas payments) and cash basis subsidies.
Normally, when the government has arrears, the
following year’s budget allocates funding to cover
them. This is not the case in the 2019 Budget.
Meeting the 2018 primary deficit target leaves little
space to increase cash spending to correct the arrears
and the 2019 Budget already sub-allocates the
required resources to cover next year’s accrued
spending. In this context, there is the risk that the
government might opt to cover the arrears by giving
producers some sort of debt instrument, like it did
Source: Puente estimates based on Anses
with the original Plan Gas arrears.

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 Measures with mild execution risk: outcome Provinces secured an SPV funded by the
of the political negotiations around the
collection of the new wealth tax to cover a
wealth tax and transportation subsidies
large part of the transfer of transportation
A recent report by the Congression al Budget
subsidies while the Senate is expected to
Office shows that political negotiations in the
introduce exemptions to the wealth tax.
Lower House increased spending almost six
The initial calculation behind Peronist provinces
times as much as revenue.
approving the transfer of transportation subsidies
According to the recently established CBO, an was that Province of BA, City of BA, City of
independent watchdog, the political negotiations in Cordoba and City of Mendoza would be the four
the Lower House increased spending in the 2019 hardest hit districts, all under Cambiemos
Budget by ARS24.2bn relative to the original bill, but administrations. Even then, the impact on provincial
it only included ARS2.7bn in additional revenue. finances was further diluted by creating an
The gap was left unfunded by the House. Political ARS6.5bn SPV funded with the additional revenue
negotiations diluted the impact of the transfer from the wealth tax for Provinces to draw and pay
transportation subsidies and are likely to dilute in for the transportation subisides. All in, from the hike
the coming days the impact of the wealth tax. in the wealth tax provinces will not only get their
Looking ahead, Province of BA is negotiating with share via coparticipation but also the revenue of the
the Federal government an anticipation in the SPV. This shaves the IMF deal on two different
indexation of the Fondo del Conurbano, seeking to sides: on the one deal, it takes a chunk off the
increase tranfsers to the Province by ARS19bn, sovereign’s wealth tax intake. Additionally, the
covering one-third of Buenos Aires’ net borrowing Senate is likely to introduce modifications into the
needs in 2019. At the end of the day, whatever the wealth tax, ammending it to introduce an exemption
sovereign offloads, provinces find a way to be to family homes with value up to ARS12mn. The
compensated off the Federal Government’s dime. government puts the cost of the loophole at
This puts a question mark on the huge chunk of ARS1.5bn. All this reduces the impact of the
discretionary measures dependent on provinces measure, increasing the risk of deviations from the
accepting to get encumbered by the sovereign. fiscal target.
Though we expect the Treasury to secure this
measures, they will have a significant cost. The main  Strategy: Expect little compression in the HC
examples are the transportation subsidies and the curve until the elections
wealth tax. In this context, we don’t expect a significant

Table 6: The amends introduced in the Lower compression in the Argy risk premium, which

House to the Budget increased ARS9 in we expect to remain close to 600bp until the
spending per every ARS1 in new revenue electoral scenario becomes more certai n.

Given the execution risks in the consolidation plan


in 2019, the need to raise USD26bn in the markets in
2020 and the electoral uncertainty, we remain
positioned in the front-end of the sovereign’s hard
currency curve. We expect Argentina’s spread over
UST to hover around 600bp until the scenario for
Source: Puente estimates based on OPC

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next year’s presidential election becomes more clear. stands at 63bp, up from 55bp a month ago and 10bp
So far this year, Argentina’s curve has suffered a at the end of 2017. Alternatively, the Argentina25 is
331bp bear flattening. Of those, 76bp are explained also an attractive play at the large spread between
by a higher risk free rate and 60bp by an increase in local and NY law hard currency bonds. YTD, its
the EM risk premium. In other words, the pure Argy spread to the NY law curve has widened 183bp to
risk premium is up 195bp YTD. In our view, the 183bp and is trading wider to the curve than the rest
improvement in Argentina’s fundamentals are of the local law bonds (the Argentina20 is trading
consistent with a tighter risk premium, more in line 154bp wider than the curve, the Argentina24 82bp,
with that of the average EM country. That said, and the Argentina37 112bp). All in, the local law
better fundamentals will not have an impact on the curve, which was trading close to the international
hard currency curve until 2Q19, when polls will law curve by end of 2017 is currently trading well
begin to paint a clearer picture of the presidential outside and steeper. In our view, this correction in
race. At this point, we expect the scenario to become the local law curve is explained by retail investors
binary. If the government’s chances of reelection reducing their exposure to the sovereign rather than
improve, then we expect the risk premium to to a change in fundamentals or an increase in the
compress to the 350bp range. If not, spreads could default premium.
widen further depending on who leads the race.
Figure 4: Evolution of the spread between the
Figure 3: The widening of the pure Argy risk local law and the NY law Discos in 2018
premium explains almost two thirds of the
correction in the hard currency curve

Source: Puente estimates based on Bloomberg

Source: Puente estimates based on Bloomberg


Figure 5: The spread between the Argentina25
Under our base scenario, we would pay the and the global law curve is close to maximums

spread between local currency and global

bonds, as they offer the best risk-reward

balance.

In our view, the most attractive play on the


sovereign hard currency curve is to bet on a
compression of the spread between the local law and
the global law bonds. We see attractive a pure bet on
a compression of the spread via the Discos. The
spread between the Argy law and the NY law Discos Source: Puente estimates based on Bloomberg

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Figure 6: The local law hard currency curve
has gone from trading inside the global law
curve to trading at a steep discount

Source: Puente estimates based on Bloomberg

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 Annex 1: Statistics of Foreign and Local Law Hard Currency instruments

 Annex 2: Sovereign Hard Currency Curve

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 Annex 3: Statistics for Provincial Hard Currency bonds

 Annex 4: Provincial Hard Currency Curve

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 Annex 5: Statistics for Sovereign ARS/ CER-Linked Fixed rate bonds

 Annex 6: Fixed rate ARS curve

 Annex 7: Fixed Real Curve

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 Annex 8: Statistics for ARS Lecap

 Annex 9: Statistics for ARS Floaters rate bonds

 Annex 10: Floating rate ARS Curve given our view of the Badlar Rate

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