ETHNOBOTANY OF CHIA, SALVIA HISPANICA L.

(LAMIACEAE) 1

JOSEPH P. CAHILL

Cahiil, Joseph P. (University of California, Riverside; Department of Botany and Plant Sci-
ences; Riverside, CA 92521). ETHNOBOTANYOF CHIA,SALVIA HISPANICAL. (LAMIACEAE).Eco-
nomic Botany 57(4):604-618, 2003. Salvia hispanica L., was an important staple Mesoamer-
ican food and medicinal plant in pre-Columbian times. Unlike other Mesoamerican pseudo-
cereal crops such as Amaranthus and Chenopodium, it has received comparatively little re-
search attention. An ethnobotanical review of this Mesoamerican crop plant Salvia hispanica
has been undertaken to examine changes in use accompanying Spanish colonization. A com-
parative analysis of accounts of use from the 16th century codices of Mexico and subsequent
publications has revealed subtle changes in medicinal, culinary, artistic, and religious uses.
Several hypotheses surrounding changes in use through time and the original use(s) that led
to domestication are developed and tested through collection of ethnobotanical data in the
highlands of western Mexico and Guatemala. A general decline in ethnobotanical knowledge
associated with wild populations coupled with a loss of habitat in some locations has degraded
important germplasm and knowledge resources for a species with great economic potential.

En contraste con otras cultivos de pseudocereales de Mesoam~rica, como Amaranthus y Che-

nopodium, pocas investigaciones se han realizado sobre Salvia hispanica L., a pesar de la
importancia que tuvo esta especie como una planta comestible y medicinal en el periodo Pre-
Colombino. Se realizd una revision etnobotdnica de la especie mesoamericana Salvia hispanica
para analizar los cambios en uso que acompa~aron a la colonizacidn espa~ola. Se presentan
tablas con las descripciones de usos de c6dices del siglo XVI y publicaciones subsecuentes que
muestran cambios sutiles en los usos medicinales, culinarios, artfsticos, y religiosos. Se pro-
pusieron varias hipOtesis relativas a los cambios en su uso a travgs del tiempo y su uso original;
estas hip6tesis se probaron con una colecci6n de datos etnobotdnicos obtenidos en las mon-
ta~as del oeste de M~xico y Guatemala. La pgrdida progresiva del conocimiento etnobotdnico
de las poblaciones silvestres, asociada con la pgrdida del habitat en algunos sitios, ha pro-
vocado una degradacidn tanto de importantes recursos gendticos como del conocimiento de
una especie con un gran potencial econdmico.
Key Words: Chia; Salvia hispanica; food; medicine; oil; Mexico; pre-Hispanic cultures.

Salvia hispanica L. has a long history of
plant-human interaction. In pre-Columbian Me-
soamerica, the species known commonly as
" C h i a " was a major commodity and its seeds
were valued for food, medicine, and oil (Berdan
and Anawalt 1996; Bolanos 1974; Castello
1986; Duran 1994; Gonzalez 1986; Hard 1995;
Hernandez 1959; Hernandez 1994; de la Cruz
1940; Sahagun 1950; Sandoval 1989). Economic
historians have suggested Salvia hispanica as a
staple food was as important as maize, and in
some areas was even more important (Harvey
1991; Herbert 1995; Hunziker 1952; Perm 1974;
1Received 25 September 2000; accepted 3 April
2003.
Rojas 1988). The codices of 16th century Mex-
ico provide a wealth of ethnobotanical infor-
mation and indicate large areas of agricultural
land were devoted exclusively to Chia cultiva-
tion. The 16th century Codex Mendoza and Ma-
tricula de Los Tributos indicate 21 of the 38
Aztec provincial states gave Chia in annual trib-
ute and records from independent states such as
Matricula de Huexotzinco also list Chia as trib-
ute (Berdan and Anawalt 1996; Perm and Ca-
rrasco 1974). With Spanish contact and coloni-
zation, cultivation of the species plummeted,
leaving only a few surviving domesticated va-
rieties in addition to wild populations. The re-
cent ethnographic research of Hernandez indi-
cates the remaining domesticates have rapidly
been displaced by linseed (Linum usitatissimum
L. flax) in traditional agricultural systems, lim-

Economic Botany 57(4) pp. 604-618. 2003

9 2003 by The New York Botanical Garden Press, Bronx, NY 10458-5126 U.S.A.
20031 CAHILL: ETHNOBOTANYOF CHIA
iting further ethnobotanical research efforts in
these systems (Hernandez 1994).
Morphologically, wild and domesticated va-
rieties of Salvia hispanica differ little from each
other, but significantly enough from other Sal-
vias that the species has been isolated in its own
taxonomic section, Potiles, within Salvia sub-
genus Calosphace (Epling 1940). No evidence
for interspecies hybridization has surfaced for
Salvia hispanica, and hybridization among Ca-
losphace species is reportedly rare (Rama-
moorthy and Elliott 1993). Reproductive isola-
tion, a unique chromosome number (2n = 12),
the lowest for the genus, and a higly-selfed
breeding system, combined with taxonomic iso-
lation suggest wild type Salvia hispanica exclu-
sively contributed to domesticated varieties.
Several authors have categorized Salvia hispa-
niea as domesticated, including it in checklists
of domesticated species from Mesoamerica (Tor-
res 1985; Hernandez 1993). Human selected
traits distinguishing domesticated from wild
types include apical dominance, increased
branching, increased seed size, decreased pubes-
cence, increased inflorescence length, determin-
ism, anthocyanin pigmentation, seed coat colors,
seed coat patterns, increased height, and closed
calyxes. The final trait is the keystone of do-
mestication for the species, preventing seed dis-
persal and effectively eliminating survival of do-
mesticated varieties outside of human cultiva-
tion. None of the herbarium specimens of wild
populations or wild material sampled for this
study exhibited any degree of closure of calyxes.
To date the trait has only been observed in the
domesticated varieties of Salvia hispanica and
has not been reported in other species in Salvia
subgenus Calosphace.
As a future crop plant, the species Salvia his-
panica has shown great potential for its seed oil
(Ayerza 1995, 1999; Bushway et al. 1981; Es-
tilai et al. 1996; Guibourt 1849; Silvia et al.
1984; Steger 1942), seed polysaccharide muci-
lage (Gentry et al. 1990; Gillet 1981; Hedge
1970; Lin et al. 1994; Whistler 1982), leaf es-
sential oil (Ahmed et al. 1994; Ting et al. 1996),
and nutritional composition (Bushway et al.
1984; Weber et al. 1991). Despite a recent in-
tensification in agronomic research for this plant,
ethnobotanical research has been limited. This
review attempts to rectify the current state of
knowledge by addressing three basic questions:
1) What are the uses of Salvia hispanica? 2)
605
How has the ethnobotanical knowledge associ-
ated with Salvia hispanica been altered since
Spanish contact with Mesoamerica? and 3) What
uses led to domestication of the species?
METHODS
An extensive literature review resulted in 105
accounts of ethnobotanical use from 41 sources
for the time period pre-1600 A.O. and 79 ac-
counts from 51 sources from the time period
post-1600. Sources included 16th century codi-
ces, writings of naturalists, ethnographic studies,
herbarium specimens containing ethnobotanical
information, and floras. Sources, excluding her-
barium specimens, have been included in the lit-
erature cited section. Only sources in which Sal-
via hispanica could be associated with the name
Chia were considered. Sandoval (1989) offered
an excellent review of application of the com-
mon name Chia to other species in colonial
times. Accounts of use were entered into sepa-
rate databases for the two time periods and cat-
egorized on two levels. General categories in-
cluded medicinal (Altschul 1973; Argueta 1983;
Berdan and Anawalt 1996; Bolanos 1974; Bu-
kasov 1963; Cahill (field data); Cervantes 1889;
de la Cruz 1940; Dragendorff 1967; Esteyneffer
1978; Farfan 1944; Flores 1982; Gillet 1981; Gi-
ron and Caceres 1994; Gutierrez 1954; Hartwell
1967; Haumann 1991; Hernandez 1989; Her-
shey 1995; Heyne 1950; Jansen et al. 1991; Lo-
pez A. 1971; Lopez Perez, 475, TEX 1988; Mar-
tinez 1969; Morton 1981; Orellana 1987; Perry
1980; Pittier 1978; Roys 1976; Sahagun 1950-
1982; Sandoval 1989; Soto and Sousa 1995;
Standely, 896687, MBG 1922; Urbina 1887;
Van Steenis-Kruseman 1953; Villacorta Calde-
ron 1926; Whistler 1982; Yanez 1966; Zagal
1997; Zolla 1994), culinary (Berdan and Ana-
walt 1996; Bukasov 1963; Cahill (field data);
Castello Yturbide 1986; Duran 1994; Flores
1982; Hernandez 1959; Lumholtz 1900; Pomar
1941; Torquemada 1975-1983; Sahagun 1950-
1982; Sandoval 1989; Seler 1960; Zagal 1997;
Yanez 1966), artistic (Armillas 1949; Bukasov
1963; Castello Yturbide 1986; Coe 1994; Flores
1982; Gillet 1981; Haumann 1991; Hernandez
Gomez 1994; Kelly 1944; Lumholtz 1900; Qui-
ros 1973; Rojas Rabiela and Sanders 1985; Sa-
hagun 1950-1982; Standely 1922; Standely et
al. 1973; Thomas 1867; Torres 1985; Zagal
1997), and religious/cultural (Castello Yturbide
1986; Clavijero 1787; Codice Magliabechi
606 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 57

TABLE 1. CHI-SQUAREDTESTS FOR CONTINGENCYTABLESCOMPARINGPRE-1600 ACCOUNTS,ROW 1, AND

POST-1600 ACCOUNTS, ROW 2. A) USE CATEGORIESB) PLANT CATEGORIES.

A)
Expected counts are printed below observed counts
Medicinal Culinary Artistic Religious Total

1 58 15 5 27 105
55.92 15,41 12.55 21.11
2 40 12 17 10 79
42.08 11.59 9.45 15.89
Total 98 27 22 37 184
Chi-Sq = 0.077 + 0.011 + 4.456 + 1.641 +
0.102 + 0.014 + 6.042 + 2.181 = 14.614
DF = 3, P-Value = 0.002
B)
Expected counts are printed below observed counts
Seed Veg Non-D Roots Total

1 69 1 28 7 105
70.19 4.57 25.68 4.57
2 54 7 17 1 79
52.81 3.43 19.32 3.43
Total 123 8 45 8 184
Chi-Sq = 0.020 + 2.784 + 0.210 + 1.299 +
0.027 + 3.701 + 0.279 + 1.726 = 10.045
DF = 3, F-Value = 0.018
4 cells with expected counts less than 5.0.

1996; Duran 1994; Ftores 1982; Gonzalez Quin-
tero 1986; Hernandez 1959; Hernandez Gomez
1989; Lumholtz 1900; Macazaga 1985; Molina
1970; Sahagun 1993; Sahagun 1950-1982; San-
doval 1989; Santamaria 1974; Seler 1960; Vai-
llant 1940; Torquemada 1975-1983; Zagal
1997) each with sub-categories. Plant part cate-
gories included seeds, vegetative, roots, and
nondescript parts. Comparisons between the two
data sets employed two methods to compensate
for the disparate number of accounts between
time periods. General categories of use con-
tained the greatest number of accounts in each
category allowing for a more rigorous statistical
analysis. In these cases, contingency tables were
generated using Minitab statistical package pro-
gram. Though not commonly employed in eth-
nobotanical methodology, contingency tables
have been successful in analysis of ethnobotan-
ical data sets with multiple variables (Phillips
and Gentry 1993). Many o f the more detailed
sub-categories contained no accounts for one of
the periods. This limitation of sample size elim-
inated the possibility of repeating analysis via
contingency tables. Calculations of percent com-
pensated for the difference in number of ac-
counts between the two time periods, resulting
in graphs of percent use vs. sub-categories. This
method provided a more traditional basis of
comparison and has been outlined in numerous
ethnohotanical methodology manuals (Phillips
1996; Martin 1995). Unfortunately, the third
variable of time period is not engaged in the
calculations with this traditional methodology.
Differences in the third variable of time were
ascertained by graphing the two data sets for
time periods side by side.
RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS
OF REVIEW
GENERAL CATEGORIES
Since the number of pre-1600 accounts dif-
fered from post-1600, the data sets of numbers
of accounts were used to generate contingency
tables. The significant P-value stands as an in-
dication that the variables of time period and use
categories are not independent of each other.
More specifically, the Chi-squared tests resulted
in greater X2 values for the artistic and religious/
cultural categories, indicating significant differ-
ences between the two time periods for those
categories (Table la). Medicinal uses exhibited
no significant difference between time periods,
2003] CAHILL: ETHNOBOTANY OF CHIA
but dominated both past and present accounts,
despite widespread use as a food commodity at
the time of contact. Not surprisingly religious/
cultural uses varied significantly between the
time periods, most likely due to the decline of
Aztec culture.
Accounts of artistic use exhibited an increase
in accounts of lacquering and painting with Chia
seed oil. Accounts of culinary use remained
comparatively constant as well, but did not
amount to as great a proportion of accounts as
did medicinal uses. Culinary, artistic, and reli-
gious use categories each contained less than
half the number of accounts recorded for medic-
inal use. Generation of a contingency table pro-
ceeded with data sets of use categorized by plant
part (Table lb). Again, the significant P-value
stands as an indication that the variables of time
period and plant part categories are not indepen-
dent of each other. The results show larger •
values for root and vegetative categories, indi-
cating significant differences between the two
time periods for those categories. Root use ap-
peared more in 16th century accounts, while
vegetative use surfaced in post-1600 writings.
The seed category remained consistent for both
time periods and the dominant category. Anal-
ysis of the general data sets leads to the conclu-
sion that the primary use for Salvia hispanica
remained overwhelmingly as medicinal use of
seeds and did not significantly change with col-
onization. Sources of error include a greater
number of authors and a wider geographic and
cultural area for post-1600, as well as a possible
bias towards recording medicinal uses during all
time periods. Most of the surviving 16th century
documents are restricted in origin to central
Mexico, while the review of the post-1600 time
period included reports from western and south-
ern Mexico, as well as Central America. Despite
these error sources, a general picture of the eth-
nobotanical history of Salvia hispanica has
emerged.
MEDICINAL USE
Medicinal uses have been divided into the cat-
egories based on plant parts, including seeds,
roots, vegetative, and nondescript parts. A cat-
egorization based on a disease or disorder per-
spective seems impractical, since most accounts
of medicinal uses include Salvia hispanica as a
portion or ingredient in a medicinal recipe. The
most prevalent 16th century medicinal citations
607
Fig. 1. Illustration from the Florentine Codex orig-
inally written 1575-1577 or 1578-1580. The image
depicts a plant of Salvia hispanica as well as an atole
of Chia seeds ground raw, with toasted maize, and a
tail of opossum, recommended for the woman who
wanted to induce labor (Sahagun 1950-1982).
for the species appear in the Badianus Manu-
script, The History of the Indies of New Spain,
and Florentine Codex (de la Cruz 1940; Duran
1994; Sahagun 1950-1982). The conditions
treated with these recipes are often described
vaguely and lack modern medical diagnoses. For
these reasons, ethnobotanical information per-
taining to Salvia hispanica is not likely to be
used in examining effectiveness against specific
diseases. There is however a longstanding belief
that infusions composed of whole Chia seeds
help to overcome resistance to uptake of medi-
cation. In the Florentine Codex, Sahagun de-
scribed and illustrated such an infusion (Fig. 1).
Today, in markets throughout southern Mexico
and Central America the seeds are still sold as
medicinal ingredients for infusions. This attri-
bute may explain the inclusion of Chia in so
many past and present medicinal recipes and
could have potential for future scientific inves-
tigation and development.
To compensate for disparity in number of ac-
counts between time periods, percent use values
were calculated once accounts had been entered
into spreadsheets. Figure 2 represents percent
uses graphed against sub-categories of use and
plant part. The graphs showed several differenc-
es in accounts of medicinal uses between the
16th century and subsequent times. Ophthal-
mologic use in the treatment of eye obstructions
and infections exhibited the most outstanding
608 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 57

Fig, 2. Graphsof percent use vs. sub-categories for medicinal uses.

difference with the post-1600 period accounting
for the majority of accounts, Respiratory and ob-
stetrics treatments, and use as a stimulant, had
somewhat greater prevalence in the pre- 1600 pe-
riod, but did not approach the magnitude of dif-
ference for the ophthalmologic sub-category.
Surprisingly, the nondescript medicinal sub-cat-
egory accounted for around 44% of I01 total
accounts. Even modem ethnobotanical studies
ctfton f~i|e~rl t a r~,c'nrd the, r)~rt a f th~ n l a n t ll~,tt
medicinally. For both periods, seeds accounted
for the great majority of medicinal uses, ap-
proaching 41% of 101 total accounts with great-
er predominance in the post-1600 period. The
less commonly used roots showed a slightly
greater use among pre-1600 accounts, particu-
larly in the treatment of respiratory infections.
The association of roots and treatment of respi-
ratory infections is reflected in the greater prev-
a l o n c ~ cff ra~nlr~tcwv tra~trn~nt~ in th~ nre~-l~qOO
2003] CAHILL: ETHNOBOTANYOF CHIA
period in the graph of percent use vs. sub-cate-
gories. This case represents the only occurrence
of a specific treatment repeatedly correlated to a
specific plant part. Vegetative plant parts, in-
cluding stems and leaves were strongly associ-
ated with medicinal uses in general, however not
with specific treatments. The use of vegetative
parts with medicinal uses in the post-1600 pe-
riod represents nearly all accounts of vegetative
use uncovered during the review. In addition,
these are the only accounts directly associated
with wild Salvia hispanica rather than cultivat-
ed. The voucher herbarium specimen, Lopez Pe-
rez, 475, 1988 from the University of Texas Her-
barium (TEX), accompanied one of these ac-
counts from the Amatenango del Valle Chiapas,
Mexico. While the differences described here
between recorded accounts of medicinal use
may not reflect actual changes in use over time,
a picture has begun to emerge for the evolution
of medicinal uses of Salvia hispanica. While the
smaller shifts in use of plant parts and treatments
hold less validity due to the lower number of
accounts, a valid conclusion would be that since
1600 medicinal uses have decreased in com-
plexity, with an evident shift towards ophthal-
mologic treatments as the primary uses.
CULINARY USE
Culinary uses of Chia seed have been cate-
gorized as whole seeds, seed flour, seed muci-
lage, and seed oil. The importance of Chia in
pre-Columbian Mexican beverages and food is
a point made by most chroniclers. A common
practice of roasting and grinding of the seeds
into a flour known as Chianpinolli mimicked the
processing of maize grains and often the two
seeds were processed simultaneously (Fig. 3).
The Chianpinolli became incorporated into tor-
tillas, tamales, and various Aztec beverages
know as Chianatoles. One account of cooking
with Chia seed oil appeared for the pre-1600
period, through little supporting evidence for
pre-Columbian culinary oils exists (Torquemada
1975-1983). Since 1600, the refreshing drink
made with whole Chia seeds has attained great
popularity in Mexico, peaking in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries with comer vendors
and innkeepers selling the product throughout
Mexico. Unlike the medicinal seed beverages,
the ratio of seeds to water is decreased, resulting
in a less gelatinous consistency to which lemon
and sugar or fruit juice are added. Many Mexi-
609
Fig. 3. Illustration from the Florentine Codex orig-
inally written 1575-1577 or 1578-1580. The image
depicts women grinding seeds of Salvia hispanica to
form the flour chiapinolli (Sahagun 1950-1982).
can households still favor the beverage calling
it "agua de Chia" or "Chia fresca."
In response to the small number of accounts
of culinary use in comparison to medicinal use
data, percent use has been replaced with the raw
number of accounts and graphed against sub-cat-
egories of culinary use. The smaller data set
would be distorted by the presentation of per-
centages. Figure 4 represents the number of ac-
counts versus culinary sub-categories. Accounts
from the 16th century exclusively referenced use
of seeds, while post-1600 accounts contained
two accounts of culinary uses for vegetative por-
tions of the Chia plant. As with medicinal uses,
modem culinary uses in comparison to past uses
cover a larger geographic and cultural area and
are based on a greater number of authors. This
could account for the references to sprout eating
not found in sources from the past. Whether
sprout consumption recently developed or for
some reason was never recorded in the past re-
mains unknown. Beverages remain the major
culinary use, however those made with flour
have fallen out of favor as has use of Chia flour
in general. No accounts of beverages made from
Chia flour were encountered for the post-1600
period. Given the small data set, two moderately
supported conclusions emerge for culinary use
in the post-1600 period: exclusivity of vegeta-
tive plant part use and the apparent extinction of
consumption of Chia flour beverages.
ARTISTIC USE
The small number of accounts for artistic and
religious sub-categories did not necessitate
graph presentation. Pre-1600 artistic uses were
610 ECONOMIC BOTANY
Fig. 4. Graph of number of accounts vs. sub-categories for culinary uses of Salvia hispanica,
restricted to seed oil for cosmetics, varnishes,
and paints, which remained the predominant
uses. However seedlings served some decorative
functions in modem times. Many museum visi-
tors have marveled at the glossy coating of hand
crafted Mexican vessels some dating back hun-
dreds of years. This glossy finish is imparted by
Chia seed oil and the tradition of lacquering or
Fig. 5. Illustration from the Florentine Codex,
originally written 1575~I577 or 1578-1580 depicting
an Aztec artisan lacquering vessels with Chia oil (Sa-
bagun 1950-1982).
[VOL 57
painting clay or gourd vessels with Chia oil
dates to pre-Columbian times. In the Florentine
Codex, Sahagun described and illustrated extrac-
tion and application of Chia oil as a lacquer
(Fig. 5). Artistic use as a base for lacquers and
paints composed 13 of 17 accounts from the
post-1600 period and 4 of 5 from pre-1600.
Wider geographic distribution of sources for the
post-1600 period likely resulted in the increase
in accounts. Restriction of 16th century chroni-
clers to central Mexico leaves a void in ethno-
botanical information from the highlands of
Guerrero and Jalisco, areas with a strong tradi-
tion of Chia paints and lacquers in modem
times. Additionally, Chia oil formed the basic
component of body paint (Haumann 1991). The
Nahua word mixchiaviticac is defined as the cir-
cles of facial paint worn by Aztec deities on the
cheek. Traditions of artistic usage from the past
all have modem counterparts. Most contempo-
rary sources make the comparison to linseed oil,
as did 16th century European authors. Lacquer
and paint remain the predominant artistic uses
followed by the use of oil in cosmetics as an
emollient.
2003] CAHILL: ETHNOBOTANY OF CHIA
RELIGIOUS USE
Few if any purely religious uses exist for Chia
with most religious uses tightly intertwined with
other categories as exemplified by the mixchia-
viticac body paint of Aztec deities. Perhaps the
strongest correlation between a deity with mix-
chiaviticac and Chia use can be found in
Opochtli. The Primeros Memoriales depicts
Opochtli as the patron deity of the Atlaca peo-
ple, who survived on fishing and other aquatic
collecting activities. Several early sources dis-
cuss use of Chia by aquatic working people.
Torquemada provided a more practical descrip-
tion of how Chia oil could be " . . . used with
ones legs and feet because they will not damage
in water . . . " (Torquemada 1975-1983). Flores
elaborated on the use stating, "The weight of
their labors made them think to search of some-
thing to alleviate their works, given to sustain
them, agility and lightness to verify them, and
that diminished in some way their fatigues. So
they are seen to rub the oil of Chia on feet and
legs, the paddlers (rowers) to acquire strength
and that they are not hurt by the water" (Flores
1982:324).
Coe questioned if the use was pre-Columbian
(Coe 1994). Whether this use was purely reli-
gious in nature or provided some beneficial ef-
fect on skin exposed to water for long periods
of time, or possibly deterred aquatic pests or at-
tracted aquatic game deserves some practical
testing. Given the artistic and medicinal uses as-
sociated with skin described in previous review
sections, skin protection seems the most likely
explanation for this unique use.
Most religious and cultural associations of
Chia described in 16th century documents lack
recorded counterparts in the post-1600 time pe-
riod with only 10 total accounts from the post-
1600 period in comparison to 26 in pre-1600.
Cultural uses recorded after 1600 indicate Chia
was no longer so tightly woven through culture.
Cultural associations with warriors did not ap-
pear in post-1600 accounts, but similar associa-
tions with travelers carried over to the later time
period. Chia flour beverages, a mainstay of 16th
century festivals and ceremonies, dropped from
use in favor of whole seed beverages consumed
during holy week and at other Christian cere-
monies. Connections between 16th century Az-
tec religious uses and later Christian uses were
weak. The Aztec association with incarnations
611
of the Tloloc deity had no direct relations with
Christian Saints or other holy figures. The ap-
pearance of religious references to sprout use in
the post-1600 period had no counterparts in the
16th century documents reviewed. Descriptions
of religious use from the post-1600 period may
reflect the emphasis on fertility found in some
of the 16th century Aztec rituals, particularly
those associated with the goddess Chiomecoatl.
In the Florentine Codex, Sahagun stated, "They
made of tzoalli (dough) the image of this god-
dess in the courtyard of her pyramid; and before
her they offered all kinds of maize, all kinds of
beans, and all kinds of Chia. For they said she
was the maker and giver of all those things
which are necessaries of life, that people may
live." (Sahagun 1950-1982: Chapter II).
If dough was made of Chia flour, another
flour, or a mixture is unknown. Certainly, mix-
tures of maize and Chia flour have been de-
scribed. Post-16th century evidence in the form
of altar sprouts could symbolize fertility, since
sprouts are incorporated into Easter week festiv-
ities in the spring. Aztec associations of Chia
with animals and naming of those animals seem
lost as they did not surface among post-1600
accounts. Of course, the popular clay figures of
animals covered with germinating Chia sprouts
could be considered a modern form of this as-
sociation. The only cohesive conclusion gleaned
from the data is that the rich diversity of Aztec
religious and cultural associations with Chia
have mostly slipped away. Unfortunately, op-
portunities to collect additional ethnobotanical
data today are low due to diminishing cultiva-
tion and associated knowledge among native and
non-native Americans.
EMERGENT HYPOTHESES
The most dramatic change observed was in
sub-categories of culinary use, with one modern
account of flour use (Lurnholtz 1900) and nine
16th century accounts. Despite the low number
of accounts, the hypothesis that use of Chia flour
as staple food is no longer prevalent seems plau-
sible. A similar hypothesis holds for medicinal
uses of roots, that have not been recorded in
post-1600 literature. The one account associated
with wild plants indicated that more vegetative
portions of the plant held greater medicinal val-
ue. Since the predominant use for cultivated
plants was medicinal seed use, it is hypothesized
that the ethnobotanical applications of wild
612 ECONOMIC BOTANY
types will also center around medicinal uses, but
incorporate more plant parts. One wild popula-
tion collected in the Sierra del Tigre, Jalisco (N
20~ ', W 103~ ' at 1679 m) by
Miguel Chazaro and me exhibited a clove-scent-
ed leaf essential oil chemotype. Greater chemi-
cal diversity among wild populations might be
reflected in a greater complexity of ethnomedi-
cinal uses.
The only ethnobotanical studies focusing spe-
cifically on Salvia hispanica examined domes-
ticated varieties under cultivation (Zagal 1997;
Hernandez 1994). Ethnobotanical data for wild
populations might provide information relevant
to original use(s) that led to domestication of the
species. The hypothesis that medicinal uses led
to domestication is strengthened by several sup-
porting facts. Apart from the high number of
medicinal uses in historical times, linguistics
provide additional supporting information. In the
Codex Mendoza, Berdan and Anawalt interpret-
ed the Nahuatl glyph for the Aztec settlement of
Teochiapan, as meaning "on the sacred water
Chia." The interpretation suggests the combi-
nation of seeds, water, and the symbol for sa-
credness attests to the properties of the medici-
nal beverage made with Chia seeds and water
(Berdan and Anawalt 1997). Another linguistic
interpretation from Rea suggested the word Chia
itself referred to the medicinal seed beverage,
stemming from the Mayan chihaan meaning
'strong' or 'strengthening' and Nahuat atl for
water shortened to -a (Rea 1998). These two lin-
guistic examples have a greater time depth in-
ference than written accounts from the 16th cen-
tury, providing additional supporting evidence
for an original medicinal use.
ETHNOBOTANY OF WILD POPULATIONS
METHODS
Methodology for collection of ethnobotanical
data differed considerably from that of the lit-
erature review. An examination of over 200 her-
barium specimens of Salvia hispanica revealed
18 documented wild populations. Germplasm
collections were made from twelve populations,
three of which were found to have associated
ethnobotanical information. In each community
visited, a preliminary assessment was undertak-
en by compiling a list of names of local individ-
uals who reportedly had considerable ethnobo-
tanical knowledge. Plants were then collected
[VOL. 57
from the wild and several days were then spent
locating and interviewing consultants and pre-
paring voucher herbarium specimens to be de-
posited in the University of California, Riverside
herbarium. In addition to identifying and naming
the plants collected, each consultant was asked
the same series of questions. Interviews typical-
ly began through consultants volunteering pri-
mary use information followed by any other
uses that came to mind. As consultants offered
new information, more questions were added,
and early consultants were re-interviewed in
some instances. The results were tabulated in ta-
bles ranking the most common uses as perceived
by the consultants.
RESULTS
Of the twelve wild populations safilpled, three
were found to have associated ethnobotanical in-
formation. In January 1999, Dept Huehuetenan-
go, Guatemala (N 15~ ', W 91o47.003 '
about 2400 m) an abundant wild population
thrived. Juan Jose Castillo and I sampled the
population; however no local residents could
name the plant on site or the seeds and it was
claimed no one collected the seeds. While mor-
phologically wild, the population is located 3 km
north of the town Chiantla (meaning "place of
much Chia") in Nahuat and certainly had sig-
nificant past association with local people that
seems to have disappeared. In the Chiantla mar-
ket, seeds of domesticated Salvia hispanica can
be purchased as a medicinal ingredient, but this
material is imported from one of the centers of
commercial production of the species in the de-
partment of Jutiapa, Guatemala. Local inhabi-
tants made no association between the product
sold and the nearby wild plants. Unfortunately,
similar situations existed for several populations
in Jalisco, Colima, and in Tancitaro, Michoacan
(N 19~ ', W 102~ ' at 1974 m) where
absence of knowledge coupled with loss of pine
woodland habitat to Persea (avocado) produc-
tion has left remnant populations of Salvia his-
panica, sometimes with only a handful of indi-
viduals.
An expedition in early January 1999 to Buena
Vista in the department of Santa Rosa, Guate-
mala yielded some ethnobotanical data. A farm-
er by the name of Lazaro del Cid and his family
explained how the seeds of Salvia hispanica,
known as chan, were mixed with water for a
refreshing beverage. They did not know of any
2003] CAHILL: ETHNOBOTANY OF CHIA
medicinal use for the plant, however, they said
it is used medicinally in Mexico. In contrast, two
wild populations in proximity to Mexican com-
munities provided a wealth of information. Ap-
plying the described methodology, ethnobotani-
cal data was collected in November of 1999 in
the Coran village of Mesa de Nayar, Nayarit
(1823 m, N 22~ ', W 104041.432 ') and has
been compiled in Table 2. The overwhelming
primary use was a unique synthesis of culinary
and ceremonial uses. Combining the details
from all the consultants brought forth a more
complete picture of this unique primary use. All
consultants began by describing a process that
involved roasting seeds of maize and Salvia his-
panica (called Ican in Cora, pronounced ~wk~n)
together. Once roasted, grinding of the seeds
proceeded to make a flour or pinole that is then
mixed with water to make an atole beverage.
Consumption of the atole took place during a
festival known as the Mitote (pronounced mE-
t6tE), held annually for two days in late Novem-
ber or early December following seed matura-
tion in the wild population of Salvia hispanica.
Consultants stated that performance of the fes-
tival gave thanks for available food and a suc-
cessful harvest. Ceremonial aspects of the fes-
tival involved a particular dance and drinking of
the atole from gourd vessels or jicaras (Cres-
centia sp). Some consultants reported oil ex-
tracted from Salvia hispanica seeds mixed with
red earth found in the Sierra east of the village
formed the paint used on the jicara vessels.
Apart from use associated with the Mitote fes-
tival, Cora use of Salvia hispanica remained pri-
marily culinary. The pinole of maize and Salvia
hispanica seeds was also used for tamales.
Grinding of raw seeds of Salvia hispanica with-
out maize formed a product that was then mixed
with sugar and a little water and consumed as a
dessert. While two consultants attested to the de-
licious flavor, the dessert reportedly was more
commonplace in the nearby village of Santa Te-
resa. One consultant corroborated seed uses but
added that she often mixed roots and leaves of
Salvia hispanica in water for a refreshing drink
and maintained that the beverage was non-me-
dicinal. Another consultant reported ground in-
florescence fed to cows; however several others
specified that animals did not eat Salvia hispa-
nica.
The few medicinal uses recorded centered
around seeds of Salvia hispanica, with several
613
consultants insisting only the seeds could be
used medicinally and that no other plant parts
had medicinal uses. One consultant told how
whole seeds mixed in water formed a treatment
for stomach aliments, while another mentioned
the same mixture should be used to treat chest
pains. A recommended treatment for diarrhea
entailed adding ground seeds to a little water and
allowing the mixture to stand for two hours, then
drinking it three times a day for three days. One
treatment for stomach pains contrasted with typ-
ical accounts in calling for boiling of roots and
leaves of Salvia hispanica and consumption of
the remaining water.
After tactile examination and positive identi-
fication of the species, most consultants rapidly
offered lengthy commentaries on the plant and
its uses. Medicinal uses clearly held a peripheral
place in the minds of consultants often surfacing
at the end of such commentaries or subsequent
to the questions posed. Uses ranked as second-
ary and tertiary by consultants varied greatly,
including culinary and medicinal uses incorpo-
rating vegetative plant parts as well as two ac-
counts of root usage. Though limited to seeds,
the primary use for Salvia hispanica in Mesa de
Nayar had both culinary and cultural aspects as-
sociated with the Cora Mitote festival.
Data collected in December of 1999 in the
Tarascan village of Capacuaro, Michoacan
(2303 m, N 19~ ', W 102002.903 ') has
been compiled in Table 3. Tarascan consultants
identified wild Salvia hispanica as cueruni (pro-
nounced kw~troon~). Curiously, none of the con-
sultants was able to identify or give names for
Salvia uruapan Fern., Salvia tiliaefolia Vahl.,
and Salvia polystachya Ort., all species growing
in proximity to the village that are collected and
used in similar ways to cultivated Salvia hispa-
nica, in parts of Mexico. Medicinal uses restrict-
ed to seeds were the primary uses, mimicking
the results of the ethnobotanical review of post-
1600 accounts. Inserting seeds under the eyelids
to remove obstructions was the immediate re-
sponse to the plant, although methods varied. In-
dividual consultants were insistent on the exact
number of seeds to be inserted, ranging from
one to four. Many consultants repeatedly
stressed the number of seeds to be two while
others, one or three. Two other medicinal uses
came into view when consultants were ques-
tioned regarding secondary uses. These included
a handful of seeds in two liters of water as a
614 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 57

d 9
x
9

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<
Z
d
<
<
Z

<

r~
~ _ ~ ~ ~ ~.~.~
0

0
<
i I i i i i ;.~

<
0

[..

s
<
<

M
<
o a o o o o o "~ "8 ~
Z
<
9 o .- o .~
9
=z
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m
2003] CAHILL: ETHNOBOTANY OF CHIA 615

TABLE 3. ETHNOBOTANICALDATA FOR THE TARASCANVILLAGEOF CAPACUARO, MICHOACAN, MEXICO.

Informant Primary use Secondary use Vegetative

Anonymous ? Seed, eye obstruction (medicine)

Roberto Paz ~
Francisco Salmeron c~
Ramon Eusebio Martinez 6
Yomayana Dominga ~
Laura Ventura $
Margarito Mallarino c~
Herminio Angelino 6
Domingo Jimenez ?
Gregorio Ramos 6
Eloisa Calderon $
Anonymous ~
Ana Rosales ?
Anonymous 9
Dominga Ramore Ramon 9
Lilia Aguilar ~
Alicia Quintana Morales 9
Seed eye obstruction (medicine) (-)
Seed eye obstruction (medicine) (-)
Seed eye obstruction (medicine) (-)
Seed eye obstruction (medicine) (-)
Seed eye obstruction (medicine) (-)
Seed agua fresca (food) (-)
Seed eye obstruction (medicine) Seed, agua fresca (medicine) (-)
Seed eye obstruction (medicine)
Seed eye obstruction (medicine) Leaves, beverage (medicine) (-)
Seed eye obstruction (medicine) (-)
Seed agua fresca (food) (-)
Seed eye obstruction (medicine)
Seed eye obstruction (medicine)
Seed, eye obstruction (medicine) (-)
Seed, agua fresca (medicine) (-)
Seed, eye obstruction (medicine) (-)

drinking solution for treatment of kidney prob-
lems and seeds eaten for sprains. Since the con-
sultant could not describe any particular effect
the treatment had on sprained appendages and
no other consultants or written sources describe
this medicinal use, it may represent a case of
consultant confusion.
The consensus among the Tarascan consul-
tants of Capacuaro was that Salvia hispanica
never served as a food plant. Only one consul-
tant mentioned a beverage called "agua fresca"
made with a handful of seeds in water with lem-
on and sugar. All of the Tarascan consultants
agreed Salvia hispanica was never used for its
roots or leaves in any way and that seeds could
be collected seasonally in the pine forests sur-
rounding Capacuaro. While Tarascan ethnobo-
tanical information conformed to the norm es-
tablished by the review of written accounts from
throughout Mesoamerica, the lack of both sec-
ondary uses and detailed complexities in con-
sultant responses stood in stark contrast with the
breadth of Cora ethnobotanical knowledge.
CONCLUSIONS
Contingency tables proved effective in ana-
lyzing small sized disparate data sets, and re-
vealed that general use of cultivated varieties
has not changed significantly over time and the
species remains predominantly a medicinal seed
plant. Use of roots in medicine as predicted is
not as prevalent today, with only two consultants
citing root use and one for a non-medicinal bev-
erage. Contrary to the proposed hypothesis, re-
ligious and culinary uses of Chia flour survive
in the Cora community of Mesa de Nayar, Na-
yarit, despite the lack of this use from the review
of post-1600 literature. Consumption of the Chia
flour atole during the Coran Mitote festival
could in turn, represent a direct link to 16th cen-
tury accounts of ceremonial consumption of
Chainatole that were likely extensions of pre-
Columbian practices. The glimpse of wild type
ethnobotanical information presented here indi-
cates wild populations have uses equivalent in
diversity to those of domesticated varieties, with
some uses more representative of the 16th cen-
tury ethnobotanical records rather than common
uses present throughout modern Mexico.
At least one documented wild population in
northern Jalisco, Mexico in proximity to a Hui-
chol community could provide an additional
data set for future comparative analyses. Since
primary ethnobotanical uses of wild types seems
to vary among populations and cultures, the hy-
pothesis of medicinal seed use leading to do-
mestication has no additional supporting evi-
dence from the field work presented here. Future
research will combine the ethnobotanical infor-
mation documented here for wild populations
with a systematics project to determine which
wild populations are genetically similar to do-
mesticated varieties in an attempt to determine
which type of use led to domestication. This in-
616 ECONOMIC BOTANY
vestigative plan has been hampered by the cur-
rent state of ethnobotany of wild populations of
Salvia hispanica which seem to be following the
decrease in ethnobotanical knowledge associated
with cultivated Salvia hispanica described by
Hernandez.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish foremost to thank Dr. Arturo Gomez-Pompa for five valuable
years of guidance and assistance during my graduate studies. This work
was supported in part by the Anne S. Chatham Fellowship in Ethnobot-
any from The Garden Club of America and the Department of Botany
and Plant Sciences, University of California, Riverside. l also wish to
thank Dr. Giles Waines for his editorial assistance, and Miguel Chazaro
(Universidad de Guatalajara, Mexico) and Juan Jose Castillo (Universidad
de San Carlos, Guatemala City) to whom I express my gratitude for their
collaboration and assistance with field collections. I am indebted to the
farmers and native people m the areas of study for their willingness and
excitement in relating information.
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