Beating hybrid warfare with ideas!
Author: Ahmed Quraishi is a Senior Research
Fellow at Project for Pakistan in 21st Century, a
private research group based in Islamabad.
Published in: Pakistan Politico
Published on: January 15, 2019
Pakistan has faced two powerful wars where
traditional and nontraditional methods of warfare
were effectively deployed against the Pakistani state:
in 1971 and post 2001. Pakistan is a prime example
of a state grappling with hybrid forms of warfare.
And the debate has assumed urgency for two reasons.
One, the state effectively countered hostile kinetic
operations, but it is the subversive activities and
psychological warfare that remains a challenge.
The problem has been identified but an effective
solution is elusive.
Can you defeat hybrid warfare in the age of ideas
and internet? While the concept is evolving and there
are no hard and fast rules, one thing is clear:
nontraditional methods of warfare can only be
defeated with the same medicine: by using ideas and
the internet to shape a counternarrative. Technology
is not the problem. It all comes down to ideas.
Powerful, attractive and well-framed ideas are a
force to be reckoned with. Ideas can and have
destroyed empires, by softening them for a
conventional war. Ideas are the deciding factor.
An idea whose time has come: Hybrid warfare
thrives on potent, unstoppable ideas whose time has
come. These ideas are attractive, exploit existing
weaknesses and fault lines in a State, which means a
segment of the targeted population will always fall
for those ideas because they impact their lives. Give
me an idea whose time has come, and I can plan a
war around it. More likely than not, a state cannot
fully defeat a hybrid onslaught once it begins. Some
strands and parts of the deployed strategy will
penetrate the population. And since this activity is
covert and often untraceable, state actors enjoy
plausible deniability and may not be restrained
through diplomacy and international relations.
Which makes the ability to develop intelligent
counternarratives even more important.
The use of traditional and nontraditional methods of
waging war to soften and defeat an enemy is an old
concept of war that has taken a more lethal shape
with the emergence of new technologies. Internet
and the easy dissemination of ideas after the Cold
War, facilitated by the Internet and video broadcast
revolution, have made the work of strategists and
generals easier. And it is a DOUBLE-edged sword:
those who practice it are not immune to it. The
United States effectively deployed hybrid war
techniques against the Soviet Union and later against
Russia. Today, American politics and society are
subject to some form of a Russian hybrid onslaught,
going by the claims made by the US government.
Therefore, Pakistan is not alone in grappling with
hybrid strategies deployed by other states. And it is
important to understand that a foolproof protection
against hybrid warfare is not possible in front of a
faceless enemy determined to deploy resources
against you. Unless of course one follows the
isolationist example of North Korea. Hybrid warfare
is basically a military strategy to defeat an enemy
from within, and combines military action with
psychological operations, cyberwarfare, and proxy
warfare. It seeks to divide a target using state
weaknesses and social, ethnic, linguistic and
sectarian fault lines.
Pakistan’s case: Pakistan is likely one of the first
states to face modern techniques of hybrid war. It
started when the Pakistani state was three years old,
in 1950. New Delhi punished Pakistan for pursuing
Kashmir dispute resolution at the United Nations by
whipping up trouble in the two Pakistani provinces
of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. The
Afghan badlands were used as a springboard, and
later Moscow intervened indirectly by recruiting
dynamic young men from the region, under the guise
of scholarships and academia. This Indian-Soviet
partnership is a recurring theme in Pakistan’s brush
with hybrid warfare in subsequent years.
Trojan horses: Legitimate leftist activism in the
following years was distorted to provide much of the
ammunition in terms of organized and ideologically-
motivated human resource, ready and available to be
exploited by foreign players for sabotage inside
Pakistan. Islamabad was slow in understanding this
dynamic. Authorities resorted to hard tactics to deal
with this by arresting leftist activists who supported
foreign-backed insurgencies seeking independent
Balochistan and Pashtunistan. While police action
was necessary and understandable, other soft
responses were ignored, such as developing a
counternarrative, expanding the definition of
nationalism and national identity to include all
shades of Pakistani opinion, integrating leftist
activism in national fold and stopping it from
gravitating towards foreign governments. Pakistan
faced a similar problem after the 1980s in grappling
with right-wing religious activism. Extremist
elements became ready and available for foreign
exploitation. Extremist firebrands such as Latifullah
Mehsud and Mullah Fazlullah developed contacts
with foreign state actors through Afghan soil. As in
the case of violent leftist activism, Pakistan waged
successful kinetic operations to destroy right-wing
violence, but Psy-Ops, rehabilitation and
counter-narrative development remained insufficient,
mainly due to capacity issues and the perennial
political instability in Pakistan.
The 1971 war: From creating a proxy militia that
ignited language riots, to training fighters and
terrorists in camps in India and the Soviet Union, the
unilateral Indian invasion of East Pakistan has an
important component of hybrid warfare that has
received little attention in post-war studies in
Pakistan. The government of former Indian prime
minister Indira Gandhi took a leaf from the
Balochistan-Pakhtunistan playbook and launched a
military strategy focused on exploiting political
failures and ethno-linguistic divisions to exacerbate
tensions and precipitate state collapse. An Indian
proxy militia, called Mukti Bahini, was unleashed to
kill Pakistanis who spoke Urdu and Bengali
languages to push relations between the two
segments of Pakistani citizens beyond a point of no
return. Mukti terrorists were flown into special
training camps in the Soviet Union. These fighters
were the vanguards of the Indian invasion, which
finally took place in 1971. But the psychological
operations, irregular warfare, and political
interference was launched at least three years earlier,
in 1967, according to available public record of
events preceding the war. India took care of building
an international narrative, centered mainly on the
idea that a physical Indian intervention became
necessary because of fear of influx of Bengali
refugees, and to stop Pakistani state oppression
against innocent citizens (in the shape of state action
against Pakistani members of Indian proxy Mukti). It
was a winning narrative that New Delhi developed,
supported by a major international power. Other
powerful actors, like China and the United States,
were diplomatically neutralized or were convinced
by the Indian narrative that this was a messy
situation that did not merit an urgent policy
intervention.
Dams: Over a period of forty years, Islamabad has
gathered a dossier of proofs that foreign
governments deployed political and electoral
interference techniques to prevent political
consensus in Pakistan on building strategic water
reservoirs. Again, ethnic and linguistic fault lines
were deployed to make this decision difficult for any
government in Islamabad. Disinformation protocols
and political interference to shape a narrative (one
language group in Pakistan is working on stealing
the water of other linguistic groups) was successfully
deployed. Today, Islamabad continues to grapple
with this problem.
Polio vaccination: The recurrence of polio infections
has represented an international embarrassment for
Pakistan since many developing countries have
eradicated this hazard. The implications for Pakistan are
manifold because it impacts the country’s reputation as a
business and tourist destination, and, at the time, it fed a
larger narrative that sought to show Pakistan as a failed
state. It is interesting that the country has seen a degree
of outside interference by at least two to three states to
scuttle Pakistani efforts to eliminate polio. These
obstructions have mostly taken two shapes:
assassinations of polio teams by unknown terrorists and
promoting a narrative that polio vaccines were
compromised to spread reproductive disease to reduce
Pakistani population. Whatever the shape of foreign
meddling, the fault line was domestic and a Pakistani
problem: religious extremism and isolationist tendencies
that offered a fertile environment for the spread of
disinformation on vaccinations.
In December 2018, social scientist, Ramsha
Jahangir published a detailed report on the use of
social media to shape narratives in Pakistan. This is
an excerpt on the campaign against polio eradication
in Pakistan: “In March this year, for instance, daily
Dawn reported from Nawabshah, a city in central
Sindh, that a video was being circulated there which
showed someone claiming that polio vaccine was
killing children. When officials of the Pakistan
Telecommunication Authority (PTA), that regulates
internet in the country, investigated the origin of the
video, they found out that the footage and the
voiceover were done separately. The promoters of
the video had curated some random footage and then
dubbed it with their own message. These
anti-vaccination videos have resulted in a dramatic
increase in refusals by parents to let their children
receive anti-polio drops even in areas where there
was no history of such refusals — such as Dadu
district in Sindh. A report by the British daily
Telegraph claimed as many as 70,000 refusals were
reported from different parts of Pakistan in May this
year alone. The narratives being pushed online are
certainly influencing public perceptions offline.”
Kulbhashan Jhadav Network: The intelligence and
sabotage network established by Indian naval
commander Kulbhashan Sudhir Jhadav in the Iranian
port of Chabahar is a prime example of the nature of
the hybrid warfare Pakistan faced in recent years. He
was arrested inside Pakistani province of Balochistan
in 2016. India denies he was on a mission and says it
cannot explain how he ended up inside Pakistan.
What is more important is the vast network that
Pakistani authorities busted operating inside Pakistan,
and mostly run by Pakistanis. Up to 1,000
individuals were reportedly arrested after Cdr.
Jhadav’s arrest. This is a sensitive subject and not
much has been published about it, partially because
it involves the intelligence agencies of three
nations – Pakistan, India, and Iran – and some
aspects of the investigation allegedly involve some
parts of the Afghan law enforcement structure as
well. But whatever the other details, the combination
of tools deployed by this network for terrorism and
spying inside Pakistan is breathtaking. It involved
recruiting low-level individuals in Pakistani political
parties in Karachi, rest of Sindh, and in Balochistan.
It also involved ethno-linguistic hate attacks,
sectarian attacks, and terror activities designed to
disrupt the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Some
of the attacks were designed to force minorities to
flee Pakistan and be recruited in wars in Afghanistan
or the Middle East.
This article does not sufficiently discuss the steps
taken by various departments of Pakistan’s federal
government to meet the challenge of hybrid warfare.
One reason for this is that Pakistan’s strategies for
countering hybrid warfare models are in the
evolutionary stage. Another is that Pakistan is just
settling down into relative political stability after
years of unrest. But signs of a developing strategy
are evident in the number of conventional steps
Pakistan has taken to contain the effects of foreign
political interference. Actions on the content of
social media, cable TV networks, INGO operations,
and other forms of indirect foreign meddling are
underway. This trend will continue for the
foreseeable future, but these actions are limited.
What is missing is smart narrative building and a
sophisticated and subtle media management that
remains elusive.
The Crisis in Caracas
Author: Hamzah Rifaat Hussain is a Lecturer at Air
University, Islamabad.
Published in: Pakistan Politico
Published on: March 16, 2019.
What has unfolded in Venezuela over the past few
months is quite remarkable. Soaring inflation,
chronic unemployment and pervasive corruption
have emboldened the opposition to Nicolas Maduro’s
United Socialist Party. The results were mass
protests from Juan Guaido, the President of the
National Assembly which has paralyzed the country.
As per the Trump administration and numerous
European governments, the message is clear: Guaido
is to be recognized as the country’s president and
Maduro must step down.
The protests can be viewed through the prism of
government negligence, corruption and failure to
deliver basic services to the citizenry. For analysts
who hail from the Chomsky school of thought,
western meddling, interventionism and an
emboldened opposition have also contributed to the
status quo. Few would doubt that Maduro does have
friends and foes alike, with Beijing, Moscow and
Ankara throwing their weight behind the United
Socialist party. Adding to Maduro’s support base are
counter protests to Guaido as well as those
castigating Western governments, particularly the
Trump administration for not only backing the
opposition but aiming to militarily intervene. The
situation is complex.
Venezuela’s conflict needs to be viewed in a
historical context. The history of the South American
nation is replete with a series of coups, military
dictatorships and personality cults which have
governed the course of its future. It dates back before
Hugo Chavez’s ascension to power. One can think of
Simon Bolivar, the charismatic nobleman who
gained widespread accolades for fighting the Spanish
crown and helped the country gain independence in
1821. As a military officer, he did not tolerate dissent
or criticism and established a stronghold in each of
the state’s institutions while rising to power.
Personalized power then, became a trend with the
likes of Jose Antonio Paez and Juan Vicente Gomez
resulting in elitism and increased authoritarianism
permeating the system and having a trickle down
effect on the population. Democratically elected
governments were toppled with coups despite the
opposition parties signing the Punto Fijo Pact, an
arrangement arrived in 1958 for the preservation
of democracy.
Then came Hugo Chavez and his successor Nicolas
Maduro who are a continuation of the legacy that
had beset Venezuela that had established increased
authoritarianism and personality cults. Chavez,
despite his popularity, his Anti-American rhetoric
and backing by many Western states as the talisman
who would preserve democratic traditions in the
country, only worsened the situation by destroying
all separation of powers, and curbing the influence of
state institutions leading to widespread corruption
and a breakdown of the rule of law. Accountability
was absent, corruption was rampant and socialist
reforms failed to bridge the structural inequalities
which existed in the country. Similarly, the 2019
Presidential crisis in the form of Juan Guaido’s
opposition and rallying cries for safeguarding human
rights, transparency, economic and social justice as
well as restoration of institutional powers, is the
result of a historical trend of authoritarianism and
misuse of power since the Spanish Wars.
Juan Guaido’s popularity however, particularly in the
West, is widely because of his background and the
fact that he is a trend setter who is breaking the long
held status quo that Maduro and his predecessors
deeply entrenched in Venezuelan society. The
Donald Trump administration was not ruling out the
decision to even militarily intervene to ‘save’
Venezuelans from the atrocities committed by the
Maduro administration. The latter decided to break
off diplomatic ties widening the rift between Caracas
and Washington D.C.
Guaido however, continues to promise a lot. He has
revived Venezuelans to the point of defiance and has
galvanized the disgruntled population to the point of
revival and hope. That notwithstanding, Guaido has
significant challenges that he has to overcome in
order to ensure that Venezuela’s economic, social
and justice footing is secured. He needs to avoid
developing that cult of personality which had
permeated into the vagaries of the country’s system.
His priority should be to ensure that institutions
function for public welfare – an aspect that has
eluded Venezuelan citizens since Simon Bolivar. He
must also tolerate dissent, curb back the draconian
machinery of the state and promote the rule of law
and transparency. A country which has had a legacy
of military dictatorships and erosion of democratic
institutions also requires time to be receptive towards
change and Guaido would do well to allow that
instead of being at the helm of affairs and carrying
the country forward with a majoritarian and
totalitarian mindset.
Democracies across the world often consider
horizontal decision making with the supremacy of
the parliament as the key for transparency and
accountability. The chief executive is considered to
be subservient to the parliament and the best
example is the recent pressure exerted on Theresa
May over the Brexit issue. Even in countries with a
history of military dictatorships such as Pakistan,
constitutional provisions such as the
18th Amendment and the transition to democracy
ensures that the President can be voted out based on
a 2/3rd vote of ‘no-confidence’. It is crucial that
Venezuela takes a lead from such examples.
For now, the country is enmeshed in political,
economic and social turmoil. Nicolas Maduro as his
predecessors had done, has decided to stay defiant,
muzzle out the opposition, sour diplomatic relations
with the United States and consider this upheaval to
be a product of Western meddling. While few can
dispute that that may be the case, the truth is that
Venezuela has a legacy of totalitarianism that must
not be carried forward as it looks for sustainable and
long term change. The burden on Guaido is
considerable, and he would need more than just
support from European governments or the Donald
Trump administration, if Venezuela is to recover and
recover quickly.
CPEC has entered its second phase!
Author: Wasif Malik is special correspondent for 24
News HD, editor and anchor for M92 News, and
host of the program Bila-Takaluf with Wasif Malik.
Published in: Asia Times
Published on: March 21, 2019.
The Pakistan-China Economic Corridor (CPEC) has
entered its second phase. The first phase, which
involved an expenditure of nearly US$20 billion,
targeted energy and infrastructure. The second phase
will focus more on socio-economic development.
Some see Pakistan-China relations only in the
context of CPEC, a collection of infrastructure
projects that are currently under construction
throughout the South Asian country, but it is only
one part of a broader bilateral relationship. This was
the opinion expressed by Dr Talat Shabbir,
director of the China Pakistan Study Centre, in an
interview with Asia times. In addition to his role at
the China Pakistan Study Centre, which is run by the
Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad (ISSI), he
works for various think-tanks related to CPEC and
other Pakistan-China projects.
Dr Talat told Asia Times that CPEC has to be
completed in two phases. The objectives of the first
phase were to address issues pertaining to the energy
crisis, infrastructure and terrorism, which has been
accomplished. Electric load shedding is no longer an
issue, terrorism is under control, and the necessary
infrastructure is in place for the second phase.
As per the vision and will of the government of
Pakistan, priority in this phase will be given to
socio-economic development to help the Pakistani
public to the maximum extent. Dr Talat said the
government’s vision is better than those of previous
governments, which overlooked the welfare of the
common man. Prime Minister Imran Khan, however,
primarily focuses on the well-being of the general
public, he said. He added that Khan thinks that
projects, including CPEC, have no value if the
benefits cannot be enjoyed by the general public.
Dr Talat said CPEC will cost US$45 billion, but that
people should keep in mind that it is still just one
project and cannot change the whole game. It may
not offer solutions for every problem and may not in
itself eradicate poverty. But it can contribute to the
overall betterment of the country. Dr Talat
emphasized that achieving real prosperity will
involve taking several other measures that are being
planned. Talat said there is a scheme operating
alongside CPEC known as the Social Economic
Zone (SEZ) project. He said Pakistani and Chinese
business leaders are being contacted about this
project and, in his opinion, it will help to create job
opportunities for people in both countries.
He said when you dream about success, those
dreams should be followed by hard work, otherwise
those dreams will never come true. Besides hard
work, choosing the correct direction is another
important requirement for being successful. To
deliver results, he said, you have to have the right
people in the right place.
He spoke about the importance of having a complete
business plan for CPEC and said the current
government has achieved that objective. He noted
that if CPEC works well it would help to initiate a
number of other projects that will ultimately improve
the economy.
Responding to a question about Pakistan-India
tensions, Dr Talat explained that India literally
considers Pakistan its enemy and does not want its
neighbor to prosper. He said Pakistan has documents
showing that Research and Analysis Wing (RAW),
India’s foreign intelligence agency, has invested
heavily in efforts to destroy CPEC. He said the
stance of the Pakistani government is very clear in
this respect. Pakistan is striving for peace and
regional development. He said that peace can help to
improve the living standards of people across the
whole region. He said he believed that war is not in
the interest of India or Pakistan. Pakistan wants
better relationships with its neighbors because
mutual support will facilitate development.
To conclude, I would say that the Pakistani
government and establishment are undoubtedly taking
every measure needed to establish peace in the region.
Setting captured Indian pilot Abhinandan
Varthaman free without conditions was one of the
significant steps taken in this regard.
Peace is a precondition for regional prosperity. The
Indian government, which has been decidedly
jingoistic recently, must also understand the
significance of peace. I am very sure that if India
takes a step towards peace, the Pakistani government
will be willing to take two steps.
Education issues
Author: Foqia Sadiq is an Islamabad-based social
scientist.
Published in: Daily Times.
Published on: March 26, 2019
It is time to visit the status of education, particularly
since the 18th amendment has made it the state’s
responsibility to provide free and compulsory
education to all children of the age of 5-16 years. We
review some literature (National Education Policy
Framework 2018, ASER 2019, World Bank 2013, IGC
Pakistan 2010, I-SAPS, Naviwala 2016) in this article.
Service delivery in the education sector is primarily
the responsibility of provincial governments post the
18th amendment. After doing away with the
concurrent legislative list in the constitution;
planning, policy, and curriculum, and standards are
now in the purview of provincial governments,
amongst others. Interprovincial coordination,
standards in higher education, and all regulatory
authorities under a federal law are still with the
centre, amongst others. The federal government is
also entrusted with a role to promote national
cohesion in education.
Teachers are considered to be most critical factor in
imparting quality education to students and there is
weak teacher accountability. According to the latest
ASER survey, 13% teachers in the surveyed public
schools and 11% teachers in the surveyed private
schools were found to be absent. The public
educational system has internal governance issues.
One of the reasons behind teachers’ absenteeism
could be the politics of patronage. There is need to
institute effective planning, management and
monitoring to deal with weak governance structures.
In terms of public education reforms, some
provincial governments have undertaken credible
interventions. In Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,
monitors visit schools every month and publish their
results and the teacher absenteeism has gone down as
the result of these efforts.
Despite efforts, there are still challenges. The net
enrollment rates (NER) in primary education have
remained static and there has been even a decrease in
enrollment in some provinces. There is also
geographical deprivation reflected in the
disagregated enrollment statistics. Less developed
areas lag behind in NER than the national average.
The highest percentage of OOSC belong to
Balochistan and FATA. As per ASER statement
based on secondary sources, there are still 22.8
million out of school children (OOSC); 12.2 million
girls and 10.6 million boys. Though, the percentage
of OOSC has slightly gone down (17% in 2018)
compared to earlier (19% in the previous year). In
other words, 83% of children (6-16 years) are
enrolled in schools (77% in government schools,
20% in private schools, and 3% in Madrassahs).
Boys’ enrollment is higher than girls’ enrollment.
According to the results of ASER’s survey of
learning outcomes, it has slightly improved in 2018,
compared to 2016. Children in class 5 were tested to
read a class 2 level story in Urdu or regional
languages. Slightly less children (44%) could not
read the story than before (48%), leading to the
assumption that slightly more could read. Children
were also tested for English and arithmetic learning.
Private schools’ students performed better than
public schools, boys outperformed girls in literacy
and numeracy, and children belonging to richest
quartile have highest percentage of enrolment and
the poorest quartile has the lowest. Gender intersects
with poverty as girls even in the poorest households
are more likely to have lower enrolment (46%)
compared to the boys (67%).A sizeable number of
government primary schools lack essential facilities
such as the toilets, drinking water, boundary walls
and playgrounds.
According to some recent literature, it might be better to
teach children in the languages they understand, rather
than teaching them badly in English. A study of
historical data reveals that two extra years of schooling
in mother-tongue raised the literacy and returns to it.
Some provincial governments in the past announced to
opt for English- medium route. However, PTI
government in Punjab wants to reverse it and wants to
introduce a new Urdu- medium curriculum. Private
schooling option is not limited to elite only.
Private schools cater to low-income group as well. For
example, in Punjab, there are both public and private
schools as multiple options. Tahir Andrabi, Asim
Khwaja and co-authors’ research on education has
pro-market orientation to it. According to them,
availability of low-fee private schools is the “most
significant development.” Parents actively demand
education for their children. This rise in private
schooling is often possible due to low salaries that
female teachers are willing to accept in their local
areas due to lack of opportunities outside (in other
words, they are being exploited but leading to better
options for students). Boom in the private education
can be further improved by alleviating the constraints
and providing better access to resources, information,
and improving the regulatory framework.
In terms of the way forward, the education framework
has identified four priority areas: decrease OOSC,
bring about uniformity in education, improve the
quality, and enhance skills trainings. Just to illustrate
one priority area – to decrease OOSC; the Framework
emphasizes to focus on disadvantaged districts by
maximizing the use of existing school infrastructure,
introducing afternoon shifts, improving missing
facilities, providing better access to secondary
education especially for girls, better targeting of
BISP’s Waseela-e-Taleem, better utilisation of stipend
for girls, supporting the provincial governments,
launching educational internship programs, mobilizing
the community, and tracking results, amongst others.
It sets agenda in a similar way for other declared
priority areas.
For any policy to work, it has to make an explicit policy
goal of improving learning outcomes. All else will fall
in place. It might also be useful to research how some
provincial governments in Pakistan are achieving better
outcomes in education than others. It could help the
provincial governments to learn from each other’s
education governance and management.
The Afghan end-game and India
Author: Muhammad Ziauddin.
Published in: Pakistan Observer
Published on: March 26, 2019.
Pakistan needs to be very careful while the
international Taliban talk process progresses. It needs
to cover its back more diligently as India which is
acting like a wounded snake for not having been
included in the process is looking for pretexts to
derail the process failing which at least create some
kind of international doubts about Pakistan’s role in
post settlement Afghanistan. It is already talking
about the mess that was created following the
withdrawal of the US in the wake of Geneva
Agreement in 1989.
One would not like to put it past India of
masterminding the Pulwama incident in part to
provoke Pakistan into committing a military blunder
that would once again bring Pakistan’s ability to
deliver in the Taliban talks process in doubt and
make President Trump change his mind in seeking
help from Islamabad in his efforts to bring the
18-year war to a peaceful end. Though Indian Prime
Minister Narendra Modi’s immediate election
compulsions looked more likely the urgent reason as
he played the macho by violating Pakistan’s
international borders. Clearly, India wants a seat at
the international talks with the Taliban leadership.
India has already angrily protested against being
ignored by the US in the Taliban talk process that
includes the U.S., Russia, U.A.E., Qatar and Saudi
Arabia with Pakistan being assigned the task of
bringing senior Taliban leaders to the table. When all
its pleading failed to get it a seat in the talk process it
began creating serious doubts about the outcome of
the talks that did not include his friend President
Ashraf Ghani and his government in Kabul.
What is more worrying for India is that the talks are
being held on the Taliban’s terms and at the venue of
its choice. This is confirmed by the outcome of the
last round of talks between U.S. Special Envoy
Zalmay Khalilzad and Taliban leaders in Doha
(February 25-March 12). While clear agreements
have been forged on the withdrawal of foreign forces
and on not allowing Afghan soil for use by foreign
terror groups, agreements on a comprehensive
ceasefire and an intra-Afghan dialogue, once
considered the minimum “redlines” or starting point
of engaging with the Taliban, have now been made
the last priority. This part of the talks does not suit
India because over the last several years New Delhi
had succeeded in turning the Ashraf Ghani
government beholden to India for its economic and
other assistance, like training its intelligence officers
as well as military personnel.
According to an Indian journalist Suhasini Haidar
(Afghanistan and the Taliban: next stage in the Great
Game—published in the Hindu on March 23, 2019)
another reason for New Delhi’s disquiet is that these
talks continue without acknowledging a role for
India, despite this being an expressedly stated goal of
Mr. Trump’s South Asia policy. Indeed, this week,
Mr. Khalilzad’s conference at the U.S. State
Department to discuss “international support for the
Afghan peace process, the role each party can play in
bringing an end to the war, and progress to date in
peace talks” included only special envoys from
Russia, China and the European Union and none
from India. Finally, Suhasini Haidar continues, there
is the uncertainty for Afghanistan’s future that these
talks have wrought that worries India. “When talks
with the Taliban began, the objective was to try to
mainstream the insurgents into the political process,
and at least have a working ceasefire by the time
presidential elections, scheduled for April 2019, were
held. The reality is far from that. The Taliban
continue to carry out terror attacks in Afghanistan
even as its leadership talks with the U.S. Despite the
Ministry of External Affairs issuing a statement on
the importance of holding the presidential elections,
the Afghan vote has been further postponed to
September 28. This makes Mr. Ghani’s continuance
more tenuous under the constitution, which could
mean an interim government will be installed,
something India has been opposed to as well.”
New Delhi seems trying to persuade the US that if
you leave Afghanistan without first letting New
Delhi take over its charge chaos and civil war, akin
to the scene after the previous U.S. pullout in the
early 1990s that cut India out and brought the
Taliban to power in Kabul with Pakistan’s support
would follow. Continuing to try making its relevance
more categorical to the Taliban talks India has been
claiming rather desperately that in the absence of
India from the talks the Afghan end game would
bring nothing other than more instability to the
region. India has always been against entering into
any talks with the Taliban. It did, however, support
talks between Taliban and the Ashraf Ghani
government. Despite its aversion to talking to
Taliban by outside powers, India now wants a seat at
the international negotiations with the Afghan
Taliban rather desperately. It was perhaps in this
frame of mind that the Modi Government sent a
“non-official” representative to the Moscow talks
with the Taliban. In fact, after a visit to New Delhi in
January by Mr. Khalilzad, Army Chief General Bipin
Rawat even suggested that India should “jump on the
bandwagon” of engaging the Taliban. While it wants
a seat at the talks desperately, equally desperately
India does not want to give up the policy which it
had followed for the past two decades which is to
deal with only the government in Kabul. India fears
that an Afghan settlement without New Delhi
participating in the process could endanger Indian
interests in the country, given the special place India
enjoys currently, “amongst thousands of Afghans
who have studied in India, youth and women
supported by Indian development projects, and
hundreds of military officers trained in the country.”
It even takes pride in the fact that every one of the
17 presidential tickets announced also has an
‘India-friendly’ face on it, and believes that India
must leverage its influence across the spectrum.
India is also host to a sizeable population of Afghans
who live, work and study in the country, and an
outreach is important. Clearly, India is not very
happy with the ongoing international talks with
Afghan Taliban. New Delhi in its exaggerated sense
of self-importance as it considers itself to be the
undisputed leader of the region cannot bring itself to
accept the fact that it is being ignored from an
important regional development. Therefore, one
cannot rule out the possibility that it could in its
desperation try to sabotage the talks. We should all
be wary of such an eventuality and take steps to
pre-empt any Indian shenanigans in this regard.
Pakistan and India aren’t going to
escalate: A lesson from history
Author: Sumit Ganguly
Published in: Foreign Affairs
Published on: March 5, 2019.
In May 1999, an Indian military patrol stumbled on
several groups of Pakistani soldiers who had set up
posts in Kargil, in the Indian-controlled section of
the disputed state of Jammu and Kashmir. Within
weeks, India and Pakistan plunged into in their
fourth war since 1947.
The region’s mountainous terrain made land
operations difficult, but throughout the fighting the
Indian military exercised a surprising degree of
restraint. Indian pilots scrupulously refrained from
crossing or firing over the line of control, the de facto
border in Jammu and Kashmir, despite coming under
punishing fire from the Pakistani side. The Kargil War,
as the conflict became known, ended two months after
fighting broke out, when the Indian military
recaptured the territory it had originally controlled.
Analysts generally point to Pakistan’s acquisition of
nuclear weapons the previous year as the cause of
India’s restraint. Indian policymakers likely feared
that crossing the line of control would trigger a wider
conflagration, one that could turn nuclear.
That history made it all the more surprising when
last week, on February 26, Indian jets crossed not
merely the line of control but the international border
with Pakistan to strike an apparent terrorist camp in
Balakot. Not since the war of 1971 had the Indian
Air Force carried out a sortie within undisputed
Pakistani territory. The strikes came in response to a
terrorist attack on an Indian paramilitary convoy in
Jammu and Kashmir earlier in February claimed by
Jaish-e-Mohammed, a Pakistan-based terrorist group.
The next day, the Pakistani Air Force hit back. The
particulars remain murky, but it’s clear that Pakistani
jets crossed the line of control. India scrambled
aircraft in response, and each side lost at least one
plane during the ensuing skirmish. Pakistan then
announced that it had captured a downed Indian pilot.
Worried analysts now fear that, since India and
Pakistan have breached the informal norm against
using air power across the border, they will be unable
to prevent further escalation. Hawkish publics in
both countries are calling for retaliation. Can the
politicians exercise restraint?
The lessons of history: No one can say for sure, but
history suggests that there is cause for optimism.
During the Kargil War, India worked to contain the
fighting to the regions around Pakistan’s original
incursions and the war concluded with no real threat
of nuclear escalation.
Less than two years later, the two countries plunged
into crisis once again. In December 2001, five
terrorists from the Pakistan-based groups
Lashkar-e-Tabia and Jaish-e-Mohammed attacked
the parliament building in New Delhi with AK-47s,
grenades, and homemade bombs, killing eight
security guards and a gardener. In response, India
launched a mass military mobilization designed to
induce Pakistan to crack down on terrorist groups.
As Indian troops deployed to the border, terrorists
from Pakistan struck again. In May 2002, three men
killed 34 people in the residential area of an Indian
army camp in Kaluchak, in Jammu and Kashmir.
Tensions spiked. India seemed poised to unleash a
military assault on Pakistan. Several embassies in
New Delhi and Islamabad withdrew their
nonessential personnel and issued travel advisories.
The standoff lasted for several months, but dissipated
when it became apparent that India lacked viable
military options and that the long mobilization was
taking a toll on the Indian military’s men and
materiel. The United States also helped ease tensions
by urging both sides to start talking. India claimed
victory, but it was a Pyrrhic one, as Pakistan failed to
sever its ties with a range of terrorist organizations.
Now that both sides have gone through the motions,
neither is likely to escalate any further.
Other nuclear states have also clashed without
resorting to nuclear weapons. In 1969, China, then
an incipient nuclear weapons state, and the Soviet
Union, a full-fledged nuclear power, came to blows
over islands in the Ussuri River, which runs along
the border between the two countries. Several
hundred Chinese and Soviet soldiers died in the
confrontation. Making matters worse, Chinese leader
Mao Zedong had a tendency to run risks and
dismissed the significance of nuclear weapons,
reportedly telling Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal
Nehru that even if half of mankind died in a nuclear
war, the other half would survive and imperialism
would have been razed to the ground. Yet despite
Mao’s views, the crisis ended without going nuclear,
thanks in part to the efforts of Soviet Prime Minister
Alexei Kosygin, who took the first step by travelling
to Beijing for talks.
There’s reason to believe that the current situation is
similar. Pakistan’s overweening military establishment
undoubtedly harbors an extreme view of India and
determines Pakistan’s policy toward its neighbor. The
military, however, is not irrational. In India, although
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has a jingoistic
disposition, he, too, understands the risks of escalation, that Pakistan will collapse under the weight of
and he has a firm grip on the Indian military.
Another source of optimism comes from what
political scientists call the “nuclear revolution,” the
idea that the invention of nuclear weapons
fundamentally changed the nature of war. Many
strategists argue that nuclear weapons’ destructive
power is so great that states understand the awful
consequences that would result from using
them—and avoid doing so at all costs. Indian and
Pakistani strategists are no different from their
counterparts elsewhere. Even Pakistani Prime
Minister Imran Khan, a political neophyte,
underscored the dangers of nuclear weapons in his
speech addressing the crisis last week. And Modi, for
all his chauvinism, has scrupulously avoided
referring to India’s nuclear capabilities.
The decision by India and Pakistan to allow their jets
to cross the border represents a major break with the
past. Yet so far both countries have taken only
limited action. Their principal aim, it appears, is
what the political scientist Murray Edelman once
referred to as “dramaturgy”—theatrical gestures
designed to please domestic audiences. Now that
both sides have gone through the motions, neither is
likely to escalate any further. Peering into the nuclear
abyss concentrates the mind remarkably.
Political Evolution from 1947
to General Zia!
Published in: Global Village Space
Muhammad Ali Jinnah achieved the miracle of the
20th century by creating Pakistan on August 14,
1947, against gravest odds but breathed his last on
September 11, 1948, and orphaned people of
Pakistan. Survival of Pakistan became doubtful since
Hindu leaders in league with the British had not
given up and hatched conspiracies to undo Pakistan.
Hindu and British economic wizards had predicted
economic problems within six months. Pakistan
which had to start from a scratch was loaded with a
plethora of compound problems by India. In October
1947, a war was imposed upon Pakistan after Indian
military landed its forces at Srinagar and annexed
two-thirds Kashmir.
Had he lived a bit longer, Kashmir could have
become part of Pakistan, Khalistan turned into a
reality and Afghanistan aligned with Pakistan could
have become stable.
After the early demise of Quaid e Azam, Liaquat Ali
Khan ably handled the state affairs and managed to
pass Objectives Resolution which became the basis
for the future constitution. He was murdered in
October 1951 when he was addressing a public
meeting at Liaquat Bagh Rawalpindi. It has now
been revealed after the declassification of US
archives that his murder was planned by CIA. His
departure created leadership crisis and from then
onward this vacuum of leadership couldn’t be filled.
All those who ruled the roost during the formative
years had feet of clay. Six PMs changed hands in
next 7 years.
During this doleful democratic era, Pakistan veered
towards the US to seek security from overweening
India and hostile Afghanistan and never got out of its
influence. Another thing which happened was the
political-bureaucracy divide. The military entered the
political brawl in complicity with the bureaucracy.
Once Gen Ayub Khan was taken on board by making
him the defense minister in addition to his post of
C-in-C, the bureaucracy-military oligarchy aligned
with the judiciary called all the shots.
The crash was engineered by CIA since he had
become too dangerous for the US on account of his
strong influence over Afghanistan, his weapon-grade
nuclear program and his decision to introduce Sharia.
The seat of Governor General/President was made
more powerful than the PM. Palace intrigues
obstructed the growth of democracy. It took nine
years to frame a constitution, which was abrogated
by President Iskandar Mirza after declaring martial
law on October 8, 1958, and sacking Feroz Khan
Noon’s government. External threats and alignment
with the US, when seen in context with weak
political leadership and civil institutions, helped the
military to attain salience in national politics. The
military under General Ayub Khan seized power on
October 28, 1958, to put the derailed nation back on
the rails and make it affluent.
He kept the bureaucracy on board but sidelined
corrupt and inept politicians through EBDO which
brought strains in civil-military relations. Ayub
Khan made good use of the US lavish military and
economic assistance to strengthen Pakistan’s economy
and military and in his first 5-year development plan
he upturned the economy and transformed Pakistan
into a role model, envied by the developing world.
He also took full advantage of the Pakistan’s strategic
alignment with the USA and completed the
manufacture of the nuclear bomb in the basement
secretly. His ten-year golden rule undoubtedly made
Pakistan strong and prosperous. In his second 5-year
development plan (1965-1970), when the economy
was at the take-off stage and set to make Pakistan an
Asian Tiger, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman inspired agitation created political chaos.
Agitations continued even after the surfacing of
Agartala conspiracy. When the combined opposition
demanded Ayub’s resignation in spite of the fact that
he had agreed to all their demands, he resigned in
March 1969 and handed over the baton to Gen Yahya.
In his farewell speech, he said that he could not
preside over the disintegration of Pakistan. To say
that he sowed the seeds of disintegration of Pakistan
is a travesty of truth. The release of Mujib at the
behest of politicians and making him a hero sowed
the seeds of fragmentation.
The Supreme Court under chief justice Anwar ul Haq
confirmed the sentence although it was a split
decision. During PPP 4th rule, it was declared as a
judicial murder and Gen Zia was blamed for it.
Gen Yahya Khan during his 2 ½ years calamitous
rule committed several political blunders in his bid to
appease the Bengalis, and one of them was the
abrogation of 1962 Constitution and not reverting to
1956 Constitution. The country was run by Legal
Framework Order. The absence of a constitution,
dissolution of One-Unit, one-man-one-vote and joint
electorates facilitated the agenda of secessionists led
by Mujib and backed by India. Pakistan had to pay a
very heavy price of Bhutto-Mujib intrigue and lost
half of the country in December 1971.
FM Ayub Khan’s successful economic policy which
was adopted by South Korea, Japan and Malaysia
was sidelined by ZA Bhutto after he took over power
on December 20, 1971, and wore the hats of CMLA
and President. Impressed by Karl Marx-Leninist
ideology and China’s socialism, he opted for Islamic
socialism. His nationalization policy aimed at
providing bread, clothes, and shelter to the poor
ruined the budding industry, education, and banking
system and impoverished the economy.
The absence of a constitution, dissolution of
One-Unit, one-man-one-vote and joint electorates
facilitated the agenda of secessionists led by
Mujib and backed by India.
He authored the 1973 Constitution but soon after
its unanimous passage, he carried out several
amendments to become all powerful. The insurgency
in Baluchistan triggered in 1974 as a result of the
sacking of Baluchistan and KP Ministries. His
autocracy and rigging in March 1977 elections led
to Dhandli (rigging) chanting PNA movement (a
conglomeration of nine parties), demanding
Nizam-e-Mustafa. Despite the imposition of martial
law in Karachi, Hyderabad, and Lahore, the tempo
didn’t die down and resulted into a complete political
logjam. It is wrong to assume that an agreement
was agreed to.
Under the circumstances and egged on by the
politicians, General Zia Ul Haq seized power on
July 5, 1975, and placed ZA Bhutto under house
arrest at Murree. A FIR registered in 1974 in which
Bhutto was implicated by Kasuris for the murder of
their father was unfrozen and reactivated. Miffed by
Bhutto’s arrogance, Lahore High Court led by Judge
Maulvi Mushtaq awarded death sentence to Bhutto.
The Supreme Court under chief justice Anwar ul Haq
confirmed the sentence although it was a split
decision. During PPP 4th rule, it was declared as a
judicial murder and General Zia was blamed for it.
Agitations continued even after the surfacing of
Agartala conspiracy. When the combined opposition
demanded Ayub’s resignation in spite of the fact that
he had agreed to all their demands.
During his 11 years rule, General Zia faced the USSR
challenge and handled the Afghan war most skillfully
which ended in a classical victory for the Mujahideen.
He also took full advantage of the Pakistan’s strategic
alignment with the USA and completed the
manufacture of the nuclear bomb in the basement
secretly. He uplifted the GDP to over 7% as well as
the image of the country. He died in C-130 plane crash
on August 17, 1988, along with several generals,
US ambassador and defense attaché.
The crash was engineered by CIA since he had
become too dangerous for the US on account of his
strong influence over Afghanistan, his weapon-grade
nuclear program and his decision to introduce Sharia.
Had he lived a bit longer, Kashmir could have
become part of Pakistan, Khalistan turned into a
reality and Afghanistan aligned with Pakistan could
have become stable.
The Future of Democracy
in South Asia
Author: Paul Staniland
Published in: Foreign Affairs.
Published on: January 4, 2019.
On November 14, a fight broke out in the Sri Lankan
Parliament. When the Speaker tried to call a vote, a
group of MPs heckled him and rushed the podium. A
rival faction tried to push the hecklers back. Men
traded punches. One brandished a knife. A lawmaker
cut himself trying to steal the Speaker’s microphone
and ended up in the hospital.
The chaos was the result of a constitutional crisis
that erupted in October, when the country’s president,
Maithripala Sirisena, tried to oust the prime minister
and replace him with a former president, Mahinda
Rajapaksa. Lawmakers and citizens protested;
Sirisena dissolved Parliament, until the Supreme
Court ruled this unconstitutional; and Rajapaksa,
rejected by Parliament, refused to step aside. The
stalemate broke only in December, when Sirisena
reinstated the deposed PM, RanilWickremesinghe, in
the face of concerted opposition from the judiciary
and a majority of Parliament.
Until recently, Sri Lanka, one of Asia’s oldest
democracies, seemed safe from this kind of
instability. The country’s bloody civil war ended in
2009, and its 2015 election seemed to signal a new
phase of liberalization. But democracy’s gains were
less secure than they appeared.
Sri Lanka is far from unique in South Asia in this
respect. By some measures, the region is more stable
and democratic than it has been in decades. Violence
and unrest have subsided. Militaries have left the
streets and returned to their barracks. Major
insurgencies have been contained. As a region, South
Asia is experiencing economic growth at an average
rate of nearly seven percent each year. Today
Bangladesh, Myanmar, and Pakistan-countries
governed by hard-line military dictatorships in the
recent past-are all, at least formally, democracies.
But this apparent calm masks major sources of
disquiet. Ethnic and religious tensions are spiking.
Politicians are trying to win votes by attacking
independent institutions. And militaries still lurk in
the background. South Asia’s experience shows that
democracy does not seamlessly advance or uniformly
retreat. Empowerment in some areas can be
accompanied by repression in others. Reforms can
trigger new conflicts. Open political competition gives
the people a voice, but that voice may be deeply
illiberal. Orderly elections do not preclude political
crises. South Asia’s trajectory shows just how
important it is to seize opportunities to fortify liberal
democracy when they present themselves and to
confront potential dangers before they metastasize.
The sources of the crisis
Sri Lanka’s crisis has its roots in Rajapaksa’s
presidency, which turned particularly authoritarian in
its second term. In 2009, Rajapaksa ended Sri
Lanka’s 25-year civil war by inflicting a bloody
defeat on the secessionist Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam (also known as the Tamil Tigers). He was
reelected by a landslide in 2010, and together with
his family and his Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP),
he proceeded to centralize power, expand the reach
of the presidency, and draw close to China. Media
reports credibly linked Rajapaksa and his allies to
corruption and human rights violations.
Sirisena had been a member of the SLFP, but in the
2015 presidential election, he unexpectedly defected
from it in order to challenge Rajapaksa. With the
support of the United National Party (UNP) and
other opposition parties, Sirisena won a shock
victory. After parliamentary elections later that year,
UNP leader Wickremesinghe emerged as prime
minister. This set up Sirisena and Wickremesinghe to
pursue what they claimed would be an ambitious
reform agenda aimed at curbing executive power and
addressing the legacies of the civil war.
The government fulfilled some of this agenda, most
notably limiting the powers of the presidency that
Rajapaksa had expanded. But Sirisena and
Wickremesinghe did not prove a cohesive team,
reform stalled, and when local elections were held
earlier this year, Rajapaksa’s party, relaunched as the
Sri Lanka PodujanaPeramuna, dominated the results.
With Rajapaksa resurgent, the relationship between
Sirisena and Wickremesinghe deteriorated. On
October 26, Sirisena dismissed Wickremesinghe and
appointed Rajapaksa as the new prime minister.
Within three weeks, the Supreme Court suspended
Sirisena’s dissolution of Parliament. Undeterred,
Sirisena and Rajapaksa sought to cobble together a
parliamentary majority to endorse Rajapaksa as
prime minister. But despite concerted efforts to bribe
and entice members of Parliament to defect, a
majority stuck by Wickremesinghe, who refused to
leave the prime minister’s residence. Citizens
massed in the streets to support Wickremesinghe
against the power grab.
The standoff lasted for more than six weeks.
Rajapaksa was unable to form a majority in
Parliament, so Sirisena called for elections for 2019
to try to forge a new electoral majority. Finally, on
December 13, the Supreme Court ruled decisively
against Sirisena, who then grudgingly recognized
Wickremesinghe as prime minister. Although the
immediate crisis has ended, it has revealed deep
vulnerabilities in Sri Lanka’s democracy that are
unlikely to go away.
Democracy is unambiguously in retreat from some
countries, such as Hungary. That is not the situation
in South Asia. There the contradictory nature of
democracy’s advance shows, above all, the
importance of vigilance. Those who defend liberal
democracy must do so continually, pushing back
against rights-denying ideological projects,
politicians who undermine institutions, and
institutions that seek to escape accountability.
The dangers of ethno-nationalism
Submerged within Sri Lanka’s political crisis is the
ethnic unrest that has plagued the country since the
1950s. Rajapaksa represents a powerful strand of
Sinhalese Buddhist ethno-nationalism that has
played a central role in promoting ethnic violence.
He and his supporters played this card when
attacking critics in the most recent crisis. They
argued that Wickremesinghe represented foreign
(mainly Western) influences and alien cultural values.
This type of problem extends well beyond Sri Lanka:
ethnic and religious tensions threaten other South
Asian democracies, too.
Although elections are now routine across the
subcontinent, and are often broadly free and fair,
ethnic and religious majoritarianism persists.
Majoritarian politics are often driven by a
majority-minority complex: despite representing large
majorities in their countries, politicians and activists
argue that sinister transnational influences, long-term
demographic changes, and the corruption and impurity
of cosmopolitan elites undermine their groups’ power.
Like populists in the West, they claim that they alone
can protect majority groups from these threats-even
when those groups are objectively already dominant.
That strategy has proven an electoral winner. Indian
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist
Bharatiya Janata Party has constructed a political
machine that followed its decisive 2014 victory by
dramatically expanding the number of states under its
control. Although it fared poorly in the most recent
state elections, in December, the BJP remains the
favorite in the 2019 national elections. Hindu
majoritarianism has become a remarkably powerful
political project in India. Although there are still many
Indians who do not subscribe to it, the quest to give
Hindus favored status has advanced dramatically in
recent years. As the political scientist Kanchan
Chandra has noted, “The idea of India is being
redefined to mean a Hindu polity.”
Even before the recent crisis, Sri Lanka’s long war
with the Tamil Tigers had its roots in the rise of
Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism, a strain of politics
that remains deeply influential in the island nation.
The country’s two dominant Sinhalese parties have
tried to outbid each other in appealing to Buddhist
nationalism, limiting the Sri Lankan political system’s
ability to accommodate the country’s Tamil and
Muslim minorities. Sri Lanka’s 2015 election offered
a chance to address such ethnic tensions, but
Sinhalese nationalists doggedly opposed these
efforts, contributing to the gradual collapse of the
reformist agenda.
Perhaps the most dramatic South Asian case in
which ethno-nationalism has set back genuine
liberalization is in Myanmar. De facto President
Aung San Suu Kyi has proven a bitter
disappointment to many international observers
because of her failure to condemn the military’s
brutal crackdown on the Muslim Rohingya people.
But Aung San Suu Kyi’s stance reflects public
sentiment. Many in Myanmar, even those who
previously opposed the military, support hard-line
anti-Rohingya policies. Myanmar’s 2020 general
election will probably see both Aung San Suu Kyi’s
National League for Democracy and its main
opposition, the military-linked Union Solidarity and
Development Party, appealing to heartland Bamar
ethno-nationalism. The rise of electoral democracy
in Myanmar has allowed supporters of
majoritarianism, from politicians to monks to social
media users, to frame the Rohingya as subversive
outsiders who need to be eliminated.
Even when ethnic and religious majoritarian movements dramatic, highly public disputes and internal feuds.
lose elections, they continue to exert street power.
Pakistan’s religious parties have largely proven electoral history in India. But even elite state institutions now
failures. But religious organizations can still tap into
suspicion and bigotry against minority groups to
mobilize their supporters. Pakistani Prime Minister
Imran Khan has found this out the hard way. He took a
firm stand in defense of the Pakistani Supreme Court’s
acquittal of a Christian woman on blasphemy charges,
then quickly backed down, at least symbolically, after
days of protests by a religious movement called the
Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP). Khan’s government
has pushed back on the TLP in recent weeks, but the
dangers and temptations of mobilizing exclusionary
Sunni religious majoritarianism aimed at Shiites,
Christians, Hindus, and, especially, Ahmadis (a Muslim
group viewed by many in Pakistan as heretics and thus
discriminated against) remains.
Subverting democracy
Electoral democracy in South Asia coexists uneasily
with independent political institutions, especially
justice systems. Intense political competition can force
politicians to pay attention to their constituents,
ideally making them more responsive. But this
competition also pushes them to politicize courts,
bureaucracies, and law enforcement. Leading Sri
Lankan politicians showed a remarkably flagrant
disregard for the constitution during the crisis,
offering a shifting array of dubious justifications for
their actions. Sri Lanka’s judiciary has proven
surprisingly robust, but it endured a stress test that
never should have occurred in the first place.
In Bangladesh, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s
Awami League dispensed with procedural niceties in
its quest to break its rivals ahead of the recent general
election. The Awami League won overwhelmingly,
but the campaign and election day itself were marred
by lethal violence and allegations of serious electoral
irregularities. The government has passed laws
restricting free speech, arrested journalists and
dissidents, and used police to target political rivals.
Ironically, the Awami League points to the threat of
religious majoritarianism and intolerance as the reason
for its destruction of the political institutions meant to
protect rights and provide order: its actions are
necessary, the party claims, in order to hold at bay
majoritarian Islamist opposition parties such as the
Bangladesh National Party and Jamaat-e-Islami.
In India, too, the government has locked horns with,
and allegedly interfered in, important national
institutions, seeking to shape them to the benefit of
Modi’s party. The Central Bureau of Investigation
and Reserve Bank of India have experienced
Such manipulation predates the BJP and has a long
confront what the political analyst Milan Vaishnav
has called a “crisis of credibility” as the BJP seeks to Lankan democracy. Myanmar’s opening up has
hold the commanding heights of state power. unleashed a dangerous majoritarianism, but it has also
Several South Asian countries, however, suffer from contributed to a freer press, more open political
the opposite problem: rather than elected politicians competition, and new possibilities for civil society.
interfering with independent institutions, autonomous Myanmar may yet move-if only incrementally-toward
militaries can interfere in civilian politics. The fuller democracy. India’s elections remain highly
military has a stake in political affairs above all in competitive, and the BJP cannot rest easy in the face
Pakistan and Myanmar, which have experienced long of a reenergized opposition. Even in Pakistan, under
spells of military rule. Both militaries have formally the shadow of military influence and religious
withdrawn from direct control of national politics but radicalism, democratic competition still holds out
continue to wield power. the possibility of a government that is more
Myanmar’s military, the Tatmadaw, controls key responsive to its citizens.
security ministries and is guaranteed 25 percent of Democracy is unambiguously in retreat from some
the seats in parliament. Its brutal campaign against countries, such as Hungary. That is not the situation in
the Rohingya people has garnered it new support South Asia. There the contradictory nature of
from many in the Bamar ethnic majority, who see it democracy’s advance shows, above all, the
waging a war to protect the country from Bengali importance of vigilance. Those who defend liberal
intruders and meddling foreigners. The military has democracy must do so continually, pushing back
restricted press freedoms and continues to wage grim against rights-denying ideological projects, politicians
counterinsurgency campaigns on Myanmar’s who undermine institutions, and institutions that seek
periphery, especially in the northeast. After to escape accountability.
fuelingBamar nationalism, the army has proceeded The willingness to defend democracy proved essential
to take advantage of it by reframing itself as the to resolving Sri Lanka’s constitutional crisis.
protector of the nation, rather than a tyrannical Sirisena’s daring power play could very easily have
former dictatorship. succeeded. Two of the key dangers to democracy in
In Pakistan, the military does not even need formal South Asia were present: ethno-nationalism and
constitutional prerogatives to exert its influence. contempt for political institutions. Sirisena’s goal was
During the 2018 election, the military was widely to quickly establish facts on the ground that could not
believed to have thrown its weight behind Imran Khan. be rolled back. But the concerted mobilization of
After his victory, the military mediated Khan’s individuals, civil society, and politicians has (so far)
negotiations with the TLP in the wake of the preserved the constitutional order. That hard-fought
blasphemy verdict. The army continues to control a success stands as both an inspiration and a warning to
wide array of businesses that give it external influence democracy’s defenders elsewhere.
and serve as a source of internal cohesion by
providing retired military elites with comfortable Judicial Policy Reforms
positions. Most important, it is believed to hold a veto Author: Zia Ullah Ranjah
on significant foreign policy decisions, especially Published in: Daily Times
those concerning Afghanistan and India, that should Published on: March 29, 2019
be the prerogative of elected civilian leaders.
The National Judicial Policy Making Committee
Warning signs (NJPMC) – a body of all chief justices charged with
These problems-ethnic and religious majoritarianism, bringing judicial reforms in the country – has resolved
attacks on independent institutions, and continued that applications under section 22-A of the Criminal
military influence-do not outweigh the many Procedure Code (CrPC) may not be entertained by
advantages of liberal democracy. But South Asia’s courts unless accompanied by a pronouncement from
experience shows that progress and backsliding can the district SP Complaints. The bar councils oppose
be difficult to distinguish. such reforms. Some argue that the bar councils oppose
The conflict between Sirisena and Wickremesinghe in judicial reforms to protect their legal practice. Thesere
Sri Lanka might never have come about if the two forms refer to the National Judicial Policy 2009 for
men had not passed important, badly needed reforms early disposal of cases, formulated by former chief
to the powers of the presidency after the 2015 election. justice (CJ) Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry and the
Those reforms proved destructive in the short term, reforms of chief justice Asif Saeed Khan Khosa to
but in the long run they are likely to strengthen Sri reduce unnecessary burden on courts. It is argued that
lawyers oppose these reforms because they benefit
from numerous cases with extended delays.
My contention is that judicial reforms in Pakistan
cannot succeed without meaningful institutional
engagement from the bar. The Bar and Bench being
two wheels of a chariot need to work together to
reform our justice system.
CJ Khosa apparently believes that our courts are
burdened with cases which may be resolved
elsewhere – for example, under the Police Complaint
Redressal Mechanism at the district level. This
mechanism addresses issues related to the
registration of cases by police, the transfer of
investigations from one police officer to another, and
forms of neglect, failure or excess committed by a
police authority in relation to its functions and duties
(Section 22-A (6) of CrPC). Justice Khosa wants to
avoid the involvement of the judiciary in the
functions of the executive; he emphasizes on the
constitutional doctrine of “separation of powers”.
Those who oppose these judicial reforms argue that
diverting these cases to the police may further
expand their power and open a new avenue of
corruption; the new mechanism will cause further
inconvenience to the complainants.
The long-term solution for delay-reduction, however,
lies in increasing the number and capacity of judges
at each level and cultivating a widespread public
appreciation for the degree to which judicial rulings,
in keeping with existing laws, will be enforced.
In any case, the current focus on judicial reforms is
appreciated given Pakistan’s ranking (117 out of
126 countries) in the World Justice Project ‘Rule of
Law Index’ 2019. Unfortunately, judicial reforms in
the past have largely failed due to none or limited
consultation with key stakeholders. Therefore, an
institutional mechanism for effective consultation
between the bench and the bar is required. Further, the
process of judicial reforms should be institutionalized
to sustain any change of chief justice. Section 3 of
the National Judicial (Policy Making) Committee
Ordinance, 2002 may be amended to provide
representation to the national and provincial bar
councils in judicial policy making. For comprehensive
judicial reforms, periodic national surveys can also be
conducted to project perceptions as to the functioning
of our justice system. NJPMC’s opinion that the
issuance of directions by Justices of the Peace under
Section 22A of CrPC, which are now proposed to be
issued by district level SP Complaints, are executive
in nature and cannot overrule earlier judgments of the
Supreme Court. A five-member SC bench has ruled
(PLD 2016 SC 581) that the functions of an ex-officio
Justice of the Peace are not executive, administrative
or ministerial inasmuch as he does not carry out,
manage or deal with things mechanically. The SC held
that “the functions of a Justice of the Peace are
quasi-judicial as he entertains applications, examines
the record, hears the parties, passes orders and issues
directions with due application of mind.”
It is the function of courts to direct the executive to act
in accordance with the law. If the issuance of
‘quasi-judicial’ directions is construed as an ‘executive
function’, then the mandate of courts to deliver justice
to citizens against the executive authority of the state
would fail. The concept of judicial review dictates that
courts must ensure that executive officials comply with
the letter and spirit of the law. The NJPMC’s argument,
therefore, challenges the constitutional doctrine of
separation of powers. However, Khosa’s argument
seems valid on the ground that if a complainant is
provided a remedy within the hierarchy of police then
recourse to the courts in the first instance may be
avoided to reduce the burden on the courts. It is not
clear whether the proposed reforms will increase
malpractice and inconvenience or enhance the powers
of the police. Conversely, they could make the SHO
more accountable within the police department.
Nonetheless, orders passed by the police will remain
subject to review by the courts.
In a nutshell, the proposed judicial reforms will reduce
some of the burden on our courts. The long-term
solution for delay-reduction, however, lies in increasing
the number and capacity of judges at each level and
cultivating a widespread public appreciation for the
degree to which judicial rulings, in keeping with
existing laws, will be enforced. Given the fragile
performance of our legal system, all the stakeholders
should work for earnest judicial reforms. As such, the
government and the bar should be encouraged to engage
with the process and support effective judicial reforms.
 Malnutrition — a quagmire
Author: Wajahat Abro has done master’s in
international relations from the University of Karachi
Published in: Daily Times, March 26th, 2019.
Since its inception, Pakistan has suffered from
multiple issues that impede its national growth.
Among all leading problems, malnutrition has
become a burning matter in the country. Pakistan has
seen a colossal challenge in the development process
due to dearth of nutrition. It has led the country
towards the end of all progressive agendas. The
sensitive problem has always hit the country’s image
in all angles. Malnutrition is one of the leading
matters that create only mayhem and chaos in the
world scenario. A big chunk of world population has
been reeling under the vicious cycle of malnutrition.
According to the WHO, poor nutrition is the single
most important threat to the world’s health.
According to the Food and Agriculture Organization
(FAO) of the UN, the number of undernourished
people in the world stood at 841 million in
developing countries in the early 2000s. It clearly
alarms and knocks the doors of the world community
to join hands together to fight against the
very menace.
Similarly, Pakistan is one of the countries that bear
the brunt of malnutrition— draught-like situation.
This is also supported by a report prepared by the
United Nations Children’s Fund and the World
Health Organisation, which highlights how the
prevalence of stunting – a reported consequence of
malnutrition – has dropped considerably in India,
China and Bangladesh, except Pakistan where the
issue has been exacerbated. Another leading report of
Human Development depicts that the 14.6 million
population of children suffer from the menace.
Besides, a great number, approximately, 43.7 per
cent children face chronic malnutrition. It is an open
secret that 3.3 million children have acute
malnutrition problem. Other 1.3 million people are
malnourished and need therapeutic care. Proper
investment on healthcare and working efficiently for
nutrition have been need of the order to ease
humanity from drought and famine.
However, the world states have also been bearing the
brunt of malnutrition. From the entire world
population, 6 per cent population is from Pakistan.
As out of entire Pakistan’s population, Balochistan
stands on first with 52 per cent population under the
radar of malnutrition. Another report shows that 45
per cent population has been suffering from anaemia.
Besides it, 29 per cent women are facing iodine
deficiency. Painfully, the above-mentioned statistics
explains the bleak picture of governance regulation.
Balochistan has always been a neglected area in
Pakistan in terms of several human rights. Owing to
such challenging problems, the province has lost
thousands of its citizens under venomous diseases.
Like Punjab and Sindh, Balochistan lags behind the
formulation of any legislation regarding the
long-lasting evils.
Like Balochistan, Sindh has also been sent into the
lurch of malnutrition. Under the lethal situation, the
province has seen an extensive quagmire in all walks
of life. Sindh is severely affected by intensifying
malnutrition and stunting indicators. As many as 48
percent children under the age of five are stunted
while 35 percent of them are severely stunted.
However, the incidence of global acute malnutrition
(GAM), a measurement of the nutritional status, in
Tharparkar is 22.7 per cent followed by Sanghar
(16pc) and Qamber-Shahdadkot (13.8pc). The
condition is worsening despite the Accelerated
Action Plan (AAP) on stunting and malnutrition that
the province has recently adopted. AAP aims to
reduce stunting from 48 per cent to 30 per cent by
2021 and to 15 per cent by 2026. It plans to expand
the coverage of multi-sector interventions to reduce
stunting. Sindh authorities have formed compulsory
iodisation of Salt Act in 2013, prohibiting the
manufacture, processing or import of edible salt with
an iodine content less than 30 parts per million
(ppm). This step is worth-mentioning and should be
implemented timely.
Furthermore, KPK is also grossly affected by this
daunting threat. As per the statistics, the ratio of
malnutrition exceeds 40% in the province. A
whooping number of 1.8 million children are down
with stunting in KPK. Back in 2018, round about 4
thousand children were reported to have died of
malnutrition and meagre healthcare facilities during 6
months’ period. Unfortunately, 2259 deaths of infants
were caused by this deadly disease, out of which 1720
children died when they were only a month old.
Simultaneously, 178 pregnant women also lost their
lives in KPK. Hence, the afore-mentioned figures
evidently manifest the magnitude of this severe issue.
Looking at the widespread lush green fields of
Punjab, it seems quite unlikely for it to have any
scarcity of nutritious food. As a matter of fact,
malnutrition is a complicated quagmire in Punjab
which extensively affects infant mortality.Food
insecurity in Punjab is considerably high. A survey in
2014 revealed that 34 per cent of children under 5,
suffer from underweight problems, 33 percent are
stunted and 18 percent are wasted. One of the
leading causes of malnutrition is maternal health
which directly affects foetus and child’s nutrition.
According to the National Nutrition Survey in 2011,
anaemia has risen amongst Punjabi women from 37
percent to 48 percent owing to inadequate diet.
Breast feeding practice is not only an ideal source of
nutrients but also it combats multiple diseases in
infants. It also determines the quality of a child’s
health later in life. But largely mothers in Punjab
do not properly practise breast feeding and mostly
stop it even before 6th month of the baby. Nutrient
deficiency is the most common factor causing
undernutrition. Research proves that Punjab is
severely stricken by micronutrient deficiencies
among children which includes deficiencies of
vitamin A, vitamin D, zinc, iron etc. These nutrient
deficiencies ultimately result in stunting and
malnourishment in children.
As a result, it is analysed by above-mentioned
facts that Pakistan has seen a colossal repercussion
of malnutrition for a long time. Rightly, nutrition is
always considered as the sine qua non of every
human being. However, it is time Pakistan
conducted the series of the already drafted
commissions, plans and agreements in favour
of the elimination of malnutrition.
US-Russia treaty
Published in: Dawn Newspaper
Published on: February 6, 2019.
One of the most dangerous aspects of the Cold
War was the ever-present threat of nuclear conflict
between the US and the Soviet Union.
Though both superpowers thankfully never actually had fundamental rights. However, during the tenure of
a nuclear exchange, there were a few close calls (eg the our most recent Supreme Court Chief Justices,
Cuban Missile Crisis) that highlighted the threat the
weapons posed to world peace. While the threat of
nuclear war subsided considerably after the fall of the to enforce an unusually broad understanding of
USSR, the current chaos in the international sphere has “fundamental rights” in areas ordinarily seen as the
sparked fears that a renewed arms race between the US purview of the legislature and, more specifically,
and Russia may be in the works. This is thanks in part to
the haphazard policies of the Trump administration.
Last week, the US announced it was ‘suspending’ the
Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, negotiated
with the Soviets in 1987, and would withdraw from it
entirely in six months if Moscow continued with its
‘violations’ of the agreement. Russia has replied in kind,
with the Kremlin saying it is also suspending the accord
and considering a withdrawal from the pact.
Brinksmanship may well be the new normal in
international politics. However, when this
brinksmanship entails the possible use of nuclear
weapons, the entire global community — as well as
saner elements in Washington and Moscow — must step
in to prevent sabre-rattling between these nuclear-armed
foes deteriorating into something more sinister. Instead
of jettisoning such treaties, they must be strengthened to
prevent the menace of nuclear weapons from spreading.
As some experts have noticed, the US move may
encourage China to ramp up its own weapons
programme. As it is, the world today is a very dangerous
place; the last thing needed is a fresh arms race
involving global nuclear powers.
While US-Russia relations are going through a low
phase, it would be a bad idea to return to the mutual
hostility seen during the Cold War. Mr Trump’s
presidency has been marked by the US withdrawing
from a number of bilateral or multilateral deals — the
Paris climate accord, the Iran nuclear deal, and now the
treaty with Russia.
Washington is sending the message to the international
community that it is fickle about honouring its global
commitments and can withdraw from them anytime on
the slightest pretext. In the interest of global stability,
sane voices within the American establishment must
provide better counsel to Trump and advise him to work
with the Russians towards saving the nuclear treaty,
instead of pursuing the path of confrontation with
Moscow.
Defining fundamental rights
Author: Zia Ullah Ranjah
Published in: Daily Times
Published on: February 9, 2019
Pakistan’s constitution contains provisions to
Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry and Mian Saqib Nisar,
the Supreme Court (SC) has used its judicial powers
government policy. This has produced significant
tension between the judiciary and the legislature
(government). The limits of judicial power to define
and enforce ‘fundamental rights’ are now a critical
topic of debate in Pakistan.
Iftikhar Chaudhry used his court room as a
‘Shakespearean theatre’ to censure different state
actors in the public eye. To do this, he interpreted the
phrase ‘fundamental rights’ very broadly in the realm
of public administration, reaching even as far as the
price of sugar. However, he conduced proceedings in
his courtroom only. Saqib Nisar went further. He
acted even outside of the courtroom, visiting
hospitals, filtration plants, and hearing people who
stopped his car. He clearly overreached judicial
powers while collecting Dam funds and abolishing
tax on phone cards. Instead, he maintained that the
superior judiciary did not transgress its constitutional
authority. Does this interpretation of ‘constitutional
authority’ not violate a constitutional separation or
balance-of-powers between the legislature, the
executive, and the judiciary?
Both judges apparently stepped into the shoes of the
government to address urgent policy issues
confronting the society. However, they failed to set
their own judicial house in order. The sincerity of
their interest in issues beyond the judiciary is not
doubted; however, one may question their
appreciation for our constitutional separation-of-
powers: Should a judge abolish a tax on phone cards
or fix the price of sugar as a matter of ‘fundamental
rights’? Should a judge collect funds for a public
cause? Should a judge inspect hospitals and regulate
salaries of doctors?
Due to the increasingly active SC, the balance of
power has seemingly tilted too far in the direction of
the judiciary. Critics argue that owing to the
apparently unlimited power of the SC to enforce
fundamental rights, the balance of powers between
state institutions has been disturbed. What some see
as a proudly “independent” judiciary, others see as an
increasingly “unaccountable” court.
Article 184(3) of the Constitution says that,
“without prejudice to the provisions of Article 199
[Jurisdiction of High Court for the enforcement of
fundamental rights], the Supreme Court shall, if it
considers that a question of public importance with
reference to the enforcement of any of the
Fundamental Rights … is involved, have the power to
make an order of the nature mentioned in the said
Article”. Even a brief reading of this article
establishes an SC mandate to enforce fundamental
rights. However, the question remains ‘to what extent’
should the SC go to enforce fundamental rights, and
how should we understand the legal meaning of
‘fundamental rights’ (including ‘a right to life’)?
My contention is that while maintaining its
appreciation for the enforcement of fundamental
rights, the SC must also appreciate our constitutional
separation of powers. It would be helpful if the SC
could draw a much clearer legal line between the
domain of “fundamental rights” and “government
policy”. When, exactly, can an appeal to fundamental
rights be invoked in relation to flaws or gaps in
existing policies? Currently, there is a very strong
sense that the judiciary’s vast definition of
‘fundamental rights’ has traded short-term populism
for long-term constitutional imbalance.
With a new Chief Justice, the SC should ensure the
protection of fundamental rights without interfering in
the policy-making powers of the executive. There
should, for instance, be a clear link between the text of
Articles 8 – 28 and a SC order for the enforcement of
fundamental rights. If a constitutional article
prohibiting ‘deprivation of life without legal due
process’ allows judges to visit hospitals and examine
healthcare standards, what is the need of any
executive agency for this purpose? Which
fundamental rights provisions permit the SC to
regulate and decide the policy matters (e.g.
commodity prices, educational or health standards)?
Article 9 simply says, “no person shall be deprived of
life or liberty save in accordance with [the
Government’s] law”. Article 25-A states that “the
State shall provide …education to all children of the
age of five to sixteen years in such manner as may be
determined by law”. The text of these articles suggest
that, even if “deprivation of life following legal due
process” and “provision of education in accordance
with law” are fundamental rights, the delineation of
specific laws regarding hospital standards and school
fees remain in the domain of government policy.
If the SC fails to ‘regulate’ its powers with reference
to the enforcement of fundamental rights and ‘define’
boundaries for the application of ‘fundamental rights’
provisions, this will leave a grey area open–increasing
a possibility of conflict and, then, a crisis between
institutions. The constitution provides that the
Government is responsible for matters of public policy
and the SC is responsible for ensuring that our
constitutional provisions are met. Our learned Chief
Justice is expected to illuminate this balance within a
clarified definition of fundamental rights.
 Harnessing our tourism economy
Author: Murtaza Talpur (from Badin).
Published in: Daily Times
Published on: February 10, 2019
Tourism plays significant role in boosting the
economy globally. But Pakistan in this sector has
remained far behind. Even though, Pakistan has plenty
of potential in the tourism sector. UN’s general
secretary Mr. Antonio Guterres has said “Every day,
more than 3 million tourists cross international
borders. Every year, almost 1.2 billion people travel
abroad. Tourism has become a pillar of economies,
a passport to prosperity, and a transformative force
for improving millions of lives.”
There is no doubt that tourism is an economy-
enabling industry. Tourism industry contributes
$1340 billion (10.2pc global GDP) in the global
economy annually. Of this Europe’s share is 39
percent, Asia and Pacific 29 percent and America
24 percent. In 2017 the US, Spain and France earned
$211, 68 and 61 billion accordingly. The same year,
35 million tourists visited Thailand and earned about
$40 billion. Besides, China, Turkey and India
received 60, 37and 1 million tourists accordingly.
Pakistan is deemed to have enormous tourism
potential. Pakistan inspires tourists from all around
the world for eco-tourism, cultural, rural, adventure,
urban, mountain, and religious tourism. Forbes
magazine in December last year said ‘Pakistan is
amongst 10 coolest places to visit in 2019.’
The World Tourism and Travel Council say that
direct tourism’s contribution to Pakistan’s GDP is
only 2.7 percent. Based on this appalling state,
Pakistan Tourism Development Corporation also
reflects that only 1.7 million tourists visited Pakistan
in 2017. Of them 30 percent were domestic.
According to the Travel and Tourism
Competitiveness Index 2017 launched by World
Economic Forum ranks Pakistan 124 out of 136
countries. In visa requirement ranking Pakistan has
been put at 135 out of 136 countries, and government
giving priority to tourism and travel industry has
been ranked at 132 out of 136 countries. Tourism can
be a mainstay for Pakistan’s economy as it is doing
in the world’s other countries. It can contribute
unprecedentedly in economy. It is an avenue for
investment, business opportunity, and a great tool for
wealth and employment creation. It is estimated that
each year Pakistan can earn $20 to 40 billion from
tourism industry and more than one million people
can get employment.
The beauty lays in the beholder’s eyes. The piercing
natural beauty of Pakistan makes one enthralled and
captivated. On One side, snow-clad sky-touching
mountains, huge oglacier, vast green grasslands,
tree-attired hills and on the other, beautiful-looking
brown-capped mountains, thousands acres spread of
mesmerizing sand dunes, glittering mounds of sand
span thousands of acres. Apart from it, eye-catching
sea views, loving landscapes of rivers, heart-touching
sceneries of lakes and lagoons.
Besides, Pakistan is rich in cultural and religious
tourism including Moen-Jo-Daro, Taxila, Makli
necropolis, Takht-i-Bahi. Each city of Pakistan is the
manifestation of great cultural and religious history.
From Baltistan to Badin depicts rich and splendid
cultures. Shrines of Sufi saints in Punjab and Sindh
manifest religious-cum-cultural tourism including
Baba Bulleh Shah, Ghulam Farid, Lal Shahbaz
Qalandar, Shah Abdul Latif, and Shah Inayat, etc. In
KP historical remains and temples of Buddha are
good to see. Tourism exchanges economies, ideas,
cultures, values, traditions, innovations and learning.
It brings nations closer. It promotes social inclusion,
interaction and collaboration among people globally.
It improves inter and intra provincial relations and
networking. According to UN: “Tourism plants the
seeds of understanding between peoples, promotes
every nation’s heritage and natural wealth, and
contributes to strengthening peace in the world.”
Though, terrorism and extremism has been one of
the huge challenges in the last two decades in
Pakistan to promote tourism. But now overall
security situation has become better, and terrorism
has been wiped out from the country.
Despite all that, preceding governments have
overlooked the travel and tourism industry. The PTI
government seems too interested in promotion of
tourism, which is a worthy and laudable in the long
run for the country’s overall economy.
Minister for Finance, Asad Umar a few weeks ago
tweeted “Portugal drops all travel advisories for its
citizens coming to Pakistan. British Airways decides
to resume flights to Pakistan. Victory against the
terrorists bearing fruit of reducing isolation of
Pakistan. Inshallah next summer will see record
tourists coming to Pakistan.” Before elections, PM
Imran Khan said ‘Promotion of tourism to strengthen
the economy of the country will be among the top
priorities of his party.”
It is an affirmative indicator that the current ruling
party has devised a friendly tourism policy and has
also has eased visa requirements. Though dealing
with millions of tourists each year, government
should make standardised infrastructures and
facilitations for foreign tourists as well as domestic
tourists. Government must search, develop, and
renovate fresh tourism sites and venues. Promotions
– marketing and branding at global and national level
must be carried out to attract and incline more
tourists towards Pakistan.
Pluralism in Islam
Author: Muhammad Ali Musofer. He teaches at a
community institution in Karachi.
Published in: Dawn Newspaper
Published on: January 20, 2012
While Islam stresses on the unity of humanity, it also
recognises human diversity and gives valuable
principles to deal with ethnic, racial and religious
differences in society.
However, this pluralistic dimension of Islamic
teachings has received little attention in our time
despite its vital significance for society. In today’s
globalised and sometimes polarised world, there is a
dire need to understand the pluralistic perspectives of
Islamic teachings in order to develop an environment
of peaceful coexistence and harmony in society.
There are many examples in the sources of Islamic
teachings and history to understand the pluralistic
perspective of Islam.
There are several verses in the Quran that underline
human pluralities, such as social, biological and
religious differences. According to the Quran, all
human beings are from the same soul but they have
been created with differences. The following verse
beautifully depicts human plurality: “O humankind
We [God] have created you male and female, and
made you into communities and tribes, so that you
may know one another. Surely the noblest amongst
you in the sight of God is the most God-fearing of
you. God is All-Knowing and All-Aware” (49:13).
The verse reveals that diversity is a natural part of
human society and important for human identity. The
nobility of a human being depends on one’s actions
and Allah is the only one who can judge the piety
and nobility of a human being. The Quran highlights
the plurality of religious communities too. It says
that Allah has purposefully created different
communities, or else, he could have made all
humanity one community.
Allah says, “For each [community] We have
appointed from you a law [-giver]) and a way. Had
God willed, He could have made you one community.
But that He might try you by that which He has
given you [He has made you as you are]. So vie with
one another in good works” (5:48). By recognising
the plurality of faith and communities, the Quran
teaches us not to impose one’s faith on others; rather,
it urges to tolerate the differences: “Let there be no
compulsion in religion” (2:256); and “To you is your
path [religion]; to me mine” (109:6).
Hence the teachings of the Quran are very clear on
plurality in human society. The life and the teachings
of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), too, provide the best
examples of the pluralistic approach and practices in
Islam. Historically, there are many instances where
the Prophet showed exceeding tolerance and respect
for the people of other faiths and dealt respectfully
with his opponents.
For instance, when a prominent Christian delegation
came from Najran to engage the Prophet in a
theological debate in Madina, its members were not
only invited to live in the Prophet’s mosque but also
allowed to perform their religious practices inside
the mosque. Similarly, during the famous treaty of
Hudaibiya, the Prophet showed a highly pluralistic
approach while accepting the apparently bitter
demands of the Quraish without the latter’s
recognition of his prophethood.
The event of the conquest of Makkah was another
instance of the Prophet’s pluralistic and humanistic
approach. After the conquest he not only granted
amnesty to the people of Makkah but also declared
the house of his bitter opponent Abu Sufyan as a
place of asylum and peace, regardless of who
accepted Islam and who didn’t.
There are many other instances in the life and the
teachings of the Holy Prophet which can help us
understand Islam’s recognition and respect for
pluralism in society. These teachings and practices
are a source of inspiration for human civilisation for
all time to come. It is evident that in the 1,400-year
history of Islam, whenever Muslim societies
flourished and set up highly developed societies,
pluralism was a key characteristic of those societies.
The Abbasids’ Baghdad, the Fatimids’ Cairo, not to
forget the Umayyads’ Cordoba, became centres of
excellence by welcoming and nurturing the best
minds from different regions, backgrounds, faiths,
etc. Consequently, these dynasties through their
pluralistic mechanisms developed powerful and
vibrant civilisations.
Today, we live in a globalised world where modern
communication technology has brought different
nations closer; however, this process has also created
tensions amongst nations as well as within their
respective societies. This situation demands adhering
to Islamic teachings and ideals which helped set up
pluralistic societies in the past.
Pakistan is a country where diversity of its citizens
is a basic fabric of its society in terms of their varied
ethnicities, cultures, languages, faiths, interpretations
of the same faith and so on. Sometimes this diversity
may lead to polarisation and become a challenge to
manage. It is, therefore, important to recognise
this diversity as a living reality and respect it
rather than try to eliminate it under one or the other
forced ideology.
To manage the differences inherent in a society there
is a dire need to understand Islamic teachings
regarding the admissibility of pluralism. Doing so can
transform our society’s diversity into a strength and
help develop an environment in which differences
amongst communities are owned, respected and
celebrated rather than denied.
The teachings and the history of Islam give us the
best principles and practices. Keeping in view the
realities of today’s world and, particularly of our
own country, it is imperative that we understand the
pluralistic ideals and approaches that have the full
sanction of Islam. Sincere efforts are needed to
make the pluralistic teachings of Islam a part of the
individual as well as social life in order to shape
and sustain a peaceful society.
Pulwama Fallout:
BJP’s Electoral Standing
Author: Mushahid Hussain Naqvi
Published in: Regional Rapport
Published on: March 22, 2019
Infuriating Modi era draws to close with fewer
accomplishment through a bilateral agreement with
the US to cooperate in the civil nuclear energy sector,
however, since coming into power his deceitful
economic policy weighs downed India domestically
and upsurge ethnic animosities through its
conventional strategy of “chauvinist Hindutva politics.
In amidst of daunting domestic socio-economic
challenges and escalated regional hostility of Pulwama
fallout, general elections in India are scheduled to be
held from 11 April 2019. Close but no cigar-while
ameliorating domestic political mileage prior to
elections through Balakotintrusionin the aftermaths of
Pulwama incident witnessed befitting retaliation and
proficient diplomatic response by Pakistan left Modi
red-faced in front of the entire world.
The overt backfiring of wild and woollymaster stoke
sprig into diplomatic crisis and domestic political split
at a very crucial stage before Lok Sabah voting.
Earlier, after being dethroned by Congress in the
states of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan
in provincial elections 2018, Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) seemingly out on a limb as its political image
trashed drastically whilst providing opportunities to
contending political rivals to cash its embezzlement
pitfalls in election campaigns.
Noticeably Congress at the front lashed out against
Modi administration for misadventure embarrassments
and also held perpetrator by other political parties for
Pulwama bloodshed – designed to notch political
interests. China’s recent move of blocking bid of
banning Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) leader Masood
Azhar further triggered political anguish and ruling
party once again under fire for not playing with full
deck at diplomatic fronts to convince Beijing not to
exercise the veto power.
Pakistan going down to brass tacks-its strategic-policy
initiatives vis-à-visIndia to some extent undercut the
hardline political stature of BJP, primarily moored
with Hindutva nationalism. The swift retribution
queered the pitch of “Balakotdrop scene”followed by
rapprochement and reconciliation measures to
de-escalate bilateral hostility- releasing Indian pilot
for gesturing peace, offering evidence-based bends
over backward on Pulwama incident and vowing to
device inward dialectical ratification through banning
and mainstreaming the extremist right wings partially
undermined Indian accusations of sponsoring
terrorism and restored its image of peace-promoting
state in geopolitical arena.
Likewise, Islamabad’s earlier pronouncement of
opening Kartapur corridor and despite the recent
vitiated situation, the continuation of bilateral
dialogue appraisal for ensuring religious liberty hailed
by the entire Sikh community and proponents of
perpetual peace. Modi’s strategic belligerence and
political assertion may ensue colossal blow to the
political future of BJP in Kashmir. Citing Pulwama
incident as a pretext banned Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) for
five years and sporadically vowed to bring an
ordinance for removal of constitutional article 35A to
suppress the political rights of Kashmiri people. It is
pertinent to highlight that the clouds of embroiling
turmoil and intensifying violence kept hovering the
valley and it remained on boil during the entire Modi
rule despite having a collation with PDP for three
years. Amid of recent crisis, India attended the
Ministerial meeting of Organization of Islamic
Countries (OIC’s) as a guest of honour but Pakistan
boycotted the session to register its protest due to the
invitation extended to India.
However, at this forum, India faced yet another
embarrassment when the OIC condemned India’s
violation of the Line of Control (LoC) between the
two countries. The statement issued by the OIC states
that “meeting reaffirms its support to the innocent
Kashmiris and also strongly condemned Indian action
against its founding member state and a recent wave
of repression, brutal killings of innocent civilians by
the by Armed Forces in occupied territory. Over the
years under BJP’s rule, credibility and rationality of
the Indian media industry considerably reduced due to
it’s overriding political and cooperate influence. Thus,
during the recent crisis, irrespective of real facts and
pretence of objectivity, propagation of ultra-nationalist
narrative push two states on the brink of war. Media
kept baying for blood through spreading
misinformation and war hysteria to draw favourable
environment ahead of polls for a ruling party.
Economically, in the financial year 2018-19, India hit
a soft patch and its GDP growth witnessed a drastic
decline from 8.2% to 6.6 % in the fourth quarter
recorded in the month of December. Notably, during
the Modi era, the surge in debt has been propelled by
51.7% growth in public debt from 48 lakh crore to 73
lakh crore. In addition, deceitful promises of resolving
massive agrarian distress and creation of 20 million
employment opportunities for fresh Indian youth
voters going to hunt BJP.
As a consequence of Modi’s domestic failures and
foreign policy embezzlements, BJP’s political
standings witnessed dwindling ahead of general polls.
The intervening factors- rising populism, secessionists
movements, ethnic and religious fragmentations,
revamping choices of voters by multifaceted
constraints and challenges posed by globalization
would contribute in the electoral process. However, it
is clearly evident that BJP has nothing much to offer
the general masses because it is weaker than ever
before and it would be an uphill task to regain the
prior electoral power.
India’s Foreign Policy Evolution
Author: Uzair Younus is a Director at Albright
Stonebridge Group.
Published in: The Diplomat
Published on: March 26, 2019
The recent India-Pakistan crisis, while once again
raising the specter of war in South Asia, also highlighted time be flexible and engage with the rest of a world
that the likes of France, Germany, Australia, and the
United States are willing to stand behind India in the
international arena. In Pakistan, most believe that this is
because of India’s economic heft and the size of its
market. This view lacks depth and ignores the fact that
the evolution of India’s strategic outlook has led the
country to go from being a protest voice on the
international stage to a nation-state that is actively
shaping the international order.
Nehru at the Conference of Non-Aligned Nations held in
Belgrade September 1961 with Nasser and Tito.
Following independence, India’s strategic outlook was
shaped by Jawaharlal Nehru, who viewed the West with
skepticism and had a rosy view of socialist ideals. This
led to foreign policy that was built on three key pillars:
nonalignment in the international arena; preservation of
autonomy in domestic affairs; and solidarity among
developing nations, particularly those that had recently
gained independence from colonial powers. This policy
continued throughout the Cold War, when India leaned
toward the Soviet Union while deftly maintaining
strategic autonomy and charting its own course in a
bipolar international order.
This worldview began to evolve following the
collapse of the Soviet Union and an economic crisis
at home. India slowly opened its economy through
careful economic liberalization that signaled the end
of the license raj, and at the same time began to
engage with the rest of a world on a different set of
norms. A newfound pragmatism began to emerge and
by the late 1990s India was willing to place its own
national interest – both economic and security –
ahead of broader ideas of global justice and equity.
The high rates of economic growth ushered through
domestic reforms attracted international investors
and India’s strategic thinkers quickly captured this
opportunity. Economic attractiveness gave the
country space to engage the rest of the world on its
own terms. This meant that India would not give in
easily on strategic issues, but it would at the same
to achieve win-win outcomes.
As India’s economy continued to grow and the
country engaged with the rest of the world on a more
equal footing, India underwent a third evolution in
the country’s strategic outlook. This shift, which is
ongoing today, seeks to position India among the
great powers by showcasing a willingness to take on
more international responsibilities. India is taking on
these responsibilities to achieve the holy grail in the
international order: a permanent seat at the United
Nations Security Council.
Modi’s rise to power accelerated this shift, as he
sought to not only push India to be a global leader,
but to also secure his legacy as a transformative
prime minister whose stature would rival some of
India’s greatest political leaders. In the last four
years under Modi, India has sought to play a greater
role in solving global challenges and shaping the
rules, norms, and processes that guide these efforts.
Three emerging shifts in the international order have
played a key role in catalyzing India’s rising stature
in the international order: terrorism, climate change,
and the rise of China. In the post-9/11 world,
terrorism became unacceptable, particularly when it
was used as a tool by nation-states to achieve
strategic goals. India, buoyed by its growing
economic engagement with the rest of the world,
captured this opportunity to target Pakistan at a time
when Islamabad was unable, and at times unwilling,
to rein in terror organizations operating on its soil.
At the same time India engaged with the rest of the
world, including China, and made bold commitments
to combat climate change. In 2016, India announced
that all countries should make legally binding
commitments to meet key climate change goals – a
major shift in policy – and then quickly ratified the
Paris Agreement, drawing worldwide accolades for
its goal of installing clean energy capacity that would
equal 40 percent of the country’s total energy
capacity by 2030.
The emerging geopolitical environment, where a
rising China is being viewed as a strategic competitor
by the United States and its allies, allowed India to
position itself as a nation-state that could play a
pivotal role in balancing against China. This enabled
growing U.S.-India strategic ties, as well as close ties
with countries like Japan, Australia, and France.
Throughout this period, Pakistan’s strategic outlook
and policy remained static: the country largely failed
to convince the rest of the world that it was putting
its house in order; talking points that Pakistan was
itself a victim of terrorism became stale; and
Pakistan was unable to credibly demonstrate to the
rest of the world, particularly Western powers, that
Pakistan had abandoned its policy of using proxies to
achieve strategic objectives.
Economically, Pakistan also remained a risk that needed
to be managed – no one wants an economic meltdown in
a nuclear-armed nation with over 200 million people.
The country’s reliance on bailouts from the IMF and
handouts from allies has been in stark contrast to India,
which has been viewed by the world, including
Pakistan’s closes allies, as an attractive market.
As the international order undergoes significant changes,
India’s policy continues to evolve while Pakistan’s
remains largely static. This explains why the rest of the
world stood behind India in the most recent crisis, and
odds are that it will continue to stand behind India in
future crises. Pakistan will continue to find itself
isolated in the international arena until it reconsiders its
strategic outlook and policies, and credibly demonstrates
that its policies are evolving to align with the interests of
the community of nations.
Golan Heights Profile
Published in: BBC News
Published on: March 25 , 2019
The Golan Heights, a rocky plateau in south-western
Syria, has a political and strategic significance which
belies its size. Israel seized the Golan Heights from
Syria in the closing stages of the 1967 Six-Day War.
Most of the Syrian Arab inhabitants fled the area
during the conflict. An armistice line was established
and the region came under Israeli military control.
Almost immediately Israel began to settle the Golan.
Syria tried to retake the Golan Heights during the
1973 Middle East war. Despite inflicting heavy
losses on Israeli forces, the surprise assault was
thwarted. Both countries signed an armistice in 1974
and a UN observer force has been in place on the
ceasefire line since 1974. Israel unilaterally annexed
the Golan Heights in 1981. The move was not
recognised internationally, although the US Trump
Administration did so unilaterally in March 2019.
There are more than 30 Jewish settlements on the
heights, with an estimated 20,000 settlers. There are
some 20,000 Syrians in the area, most of them
members of the Druze sect.
Strategic Importance: Southern Syria and the
capital Damascus, about 60 km (40 miles) north, are
clearly visible from the top of the Heights while
Syrian artillery regularly shelled the whole of
northern Israel from 1948 to 1967 when Syria
controlled the Heights.
The heights give Israel an excellent vantage point for
monitoring Syrian movements. The topography
provides a natural buffer against any military thrust
from Syria. The area is also a key source of water for
an arid region. Rainwater from the Golan's
catchment feeds into the Jordan River. The area
provides a third of Israel's water supply.
The land is fertile, and the volcanic soil is used to
cultivate vineyards and orchards and raise cattle. The
Golan is also home to Israel's only ski resort.
Stumbling blocks: Syria wants to secure the return
of the Golan Heights as part of any peace deal. In
late 2003, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad said he
was ready to revive peace talks with Israel. In Israel,
the principle of returning the territory in return for
peace is already established. During US-brokered
peace talks in 1999-2000, then Israeli prime minister
Ehud Barak had offered to return most of the Golan
to Syria. But the main sticking point during the 1999
talks is also likely to bedevil any future discussions.
Syria wants a full Israeli withdrawal to the pre-1967
border. This would give Damascus control of the
eastern shore of the Sea of Galilee - Israel's main
source of fresh water.
Israel wishes to retain control of Galilee and says the
border is located a few hundred metres to the east of
the shore. A deal with Syria would also involve the
dismantling of Jewish settlements in the territory.
Public opinion in Israel has generally not favoured
withdrawal, saying the Heights are too strategically
important to be returned.
On-off talks: Indirect talks between Israel and Syria
resumed in 2008, through Turkish government
intermediaries, but were suspended following the
resignation of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert
over a corruption inquiry. The Israeli government
under Binyamin Netanyahu elected in February 2009
indicated that it was determined to take a tougher
line over the Golan, and in June 2009 Syria said
there was no partner for talks on the Israeli side.
Syrian civil war: The US administration of
President Barack Obama declared the restarting of
talks between Israel and Syria to be one of its main
foreign policy goals, but the advent of civil war in
Syria in 2011 put paid to any progress. Syrian
fighting reached the Golan ceasefire lines in 2013,
but the resurgent Syrian government felt confident
enough to reopen its Golan border crossing to UN
observers in October 2018.
Golan and beyond
Published in: Dawn Newspaper
Published on: March 27, 2019
Reacting to Donald Trump’s recognition of the
Golan Heights as Israel’s territory, the Zionist state’s
overjoyed Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said
that his country “never had a better friend”. There is
good reason for the Israeli leader’s adulation for the
man in the White House; while US administrations
over the decades have always gone the extra mile to
protect Israel — particularly its blatant human rights
abuses and barbaric treatment of Palestinians —
perhaps no other American president has been so
unabashedly pro Tel Aviv. Whether it is the
‘recognition’ of the disputed holy city of Jerusalem
as the capital of Israel, granting carte blanche to
illegal Jewish settlements on Palestinian land, or now
recognising the unlawful Israeli occupation of Syrian
land, Mr Trump has pulled out all the stops to
accommodate Tel Aviv, particularly Mr Netanyahu.
And these convenient facts certainly won’t hurt the
incumbent Israeli leader, who will be fending off
several challenges to himself in the general elections
due early next month.
However, while Mr Trump’s actions may help
Benjamin Netanyahu electorally and nudge up his
own ratings with his evangelical supporters, the
American leader is playing with fire by trying to
redraw the map of the Middle East in an imperial
fashion. The Golan was lost in the disastrous
Arab-Israeli War of 1967, along with the Sinai
Peninsula, Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
While Egypt eventually won back the Sinai after a
peace treaty with Israel — denounced by the Arab
world — the rest of the aforementioned Arab land
remains under Tel Aviv’s control. Only Lebanon,
through Hezbollah, has managed to liberate Arab
land from Israel’s clutches. Donald Trump has
rewarded Israel’s illegal occupation and encouraged
its never-ending desire to devour Arab land.
However, the meekness and acquiescence of the
Arabs in front of both Israel and the US over these
moves is depressing. Perhaps if major Arab
powers — especially Egypt and Saudi Arabia — had
sent clear signals that illegal occupation of Arab land
was unacceptable, Washington would have thought
twice about going ahead with this audacious move.
The OIC has been similarly ineffectual in resisting
the encroachment of Arab and Muslim land.
The US ‘recognition’ of Israeli control over the
occupied Golan may be farcical — Mr Trump has in
effect endorsed Israel’s occupation of land that
belongs to neither of them. However, the move is
bound to have far-reaching implications. Currently,
the Middle East is in a state of flux with great
uncertainty. If Israel — under American patronage —
undertakes any further adventures in the region, the
reaction may result in a wider conflict. For example,
Jewish extremists have threatened to desecrate Al
Aqsa; Israel continues to brutalise the Palestinians;
and Tel Aviv has struck both Hezbollah and Iranian
targets inside Syria. Should any of these parties
choose to respond to Israeli provocations, a new
conflagration is bound to erupt in the Middle East.
Daunting challenges and solutions
Authors: Ikramul Haq and Huzaima Bukhari are
Adjunct Faculty at Lahore University of
Management Sciences (LUMS).
Published in: The News
Published on: March 24, 2019
While celebrating 79th Pakistan Day, we cannot ignore
that the country is still facing multiple challenges —
economic uncertainties, regional disparities, income
and wealth inequalities. abject poverty, political
antagonism, religious bigotry, intolerance, victimisation
in the name of accountability, disharmony between the
centre and provinces, terrorism, sectarianism, militancy,
extremism, corruption, absence of rule of law, nepotism,
cronyism, favouritism, just to mention a few.
What makes the situation more worrisome is a
meaningless debate about the real motives for creation
of Pakistan, witch-hunting in the name of ideology
and little care for providing socio-economic justice,
making Pakistan a welfare state.
Since its inception, Pakistan faced a daunting
challenge of establishing true democratic polity based
on constitutional supremacy, rule of law and equity.
Long military rules and in between experiments of
“controlled democracy” denied the people of Pakistan
their sovereign right of self-governance, for which
many lost their lives and many their honour, to secure
independence from the British raj. The dictatorial
rules muzzled all the state organs — especially
judiciary that became an approving arm for many
unconstitutional rules.
However, the defiance demonstrated on March 9,
2007 was a starting point that culminated in liberating
this organ on March 16, 2009. The apex court has
since then passed many judgements, especially the
verdict in Asghar Khan’s case [Human Rights Case
No. 19 of 1996], atoning its past, but its decisions
have been openly defied by those who matter in the
land and their cronies in power who claim to be
championing the cause of democracy!
For judiciary, November 3, 2007 was the beginning of a
new era. A dictator imposed judiciary-specific martial
law — this time the victims were not politicians but the
judges. For the first time, it was an issue of survival for
those who always sided with men in uniform against
politicians. Restoring status quo ante existing on
November 2, 2007 — reversing unlawful acts of
General Pervez Musharraf — was done in the wake of
insurmountable public pressure. The post-March 16,
2009 scenario — judiciary versus government — was
created by forces that wanted to undermine democracy
but they failed. The effectiveness of people’s power that
reigned from March 9, 2007 to July 20, 2007, from
November 3, 2007 to March 16, 2009 — culminated in
the second restitution of the Chief Justice of Pakistan on
March 22, 2009 — paving the way for continuation of
democracy.
In the initial days after restitution of judiciary, there
was a great mood of jubilation in all circles, but all
changed when the Supreme Court not only declared
the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) ultra
vires and void ab initio in Dr Mobashir Hassan &
Others v Federation of Pakistan and Others, PLD
2010 SC 1 but also asked the government to revive
matters of alleged funds stashed in Switzerland. The
refusal to do so on solid grounds of Article 248(2) of
the Constitution of Pakistan resulted in the
indictment and punishment of Premier Yousaf Raza
Gilani for contempt. Between 2009 and 2018, the
Supreme Court took up many cases, using its suo
muto powers, causing hysteria in many circles. There
has been severe criticism from many quarters,
especially those in power, that judiciary is
“transgressing its constitutionally-defined limits”. In
Panama case, this was the main thrust of all the three
lawyers who represented the Sharifs.
Since its inception, Pakistan faced a daunting
challenge of establishing true democratic polity
based on constitutional supremacy, rule of law and
equity. Long military rules and in between
experiments of “controlled democracy” denied the
people of Pakistan their sovereign right of
self-governance. Unfortunately, political polarisation
has diluted the valiant common struggle waged by all
segments of society, most notably by lawyers, media,
social and political activists, for restoration of an
independent judiciary. People even after Decade of
Democracy [2008-18] are deprived of their
fundamental rights and the higher judiciary has
failed to enforce the same — the case in point is
non-implementation of Article 25A and 19A. There
is a need for implementing rule of law and good
governance.
Our history is marred by anti-people and autocratic
rules — both military and civilian alike. Asghar
Khan’s case revealed the sordid events how the
unholy alliance of military junta and bureaucrats
occupying the important posts tried to ignore and
distort people’s mandate. The revelations in the
Asghar Khan’s case clearly identify the faces
responsible for undermining the entire political
system. Supreme Court played its part to unveil them,
but then politicians and institutions failed to bring
them to justice till today! It was admitted that huge
money was released by a bank for political purposes.
Prior to 2007, the role of judiciary in validating coups
d’état was highly lamentable. Like all other
institutions, judiciary in the post-independence period,
suffered due to weak democratic traditions, fights
between economic vested interests, rivalry of
influential politicians and bitter power struggle
between the landowner cliques and civil-military
bureaucracy. In post 2007 era, the Supreme Court
unnecessarily invoked suo moto powers in many cases.
Tragically, when state enterprises like Railways, PIA
and Pakistan Steel etc were — and still are —
wrought with inefficiencies and corruption, judicial
intervention pushed these to the brink of collapse,
rather than helping their privatization, restructuring or
any other way for revival.
As “press and nation rise and fall together”, the same
is true for judiciary. It is a fact that no organ of the
state works in isolation from socio-economic- political
conditions, but it is also true that present-day Supreme
Court, after the exist of Justice (retired) Mian Saqib
Nisar, has bravely resisted external pressures as well
as street power to influence its decisions. It is now
delivering decisions within the boundaries of law.
This is a very heartening trend as once higher
judiciary is independent and fair, the mighty sections
become fearful to flout laws, and adventurists refrain
from taking supra-constitutional steps to disrupt the
democratic process.
As a nation, we must resolve for constitutional
supremacy and strict adherence to rule of law. If no
action is taken against the violators of laws of land
being powerful and possessing money power, then
what is the meaning of democracy and rule of people?
Kleptocracy in the garb of democracy is as bad as
naked military rule.
It is time we revive the resolution of founders of
Pakistan for a true democratic rule by punishing
violators of Article 6 of the Constitution, and all
persons, not politicians alone, who have soiled their
hands in any kind of financial scam. This process of
accountability should be strictly as per law fulfilling
all requirements of Article 10A.
Universality of Enlightenment?
Author: Tahir Kamran. The writer is Professor in
the faculty of Liberal Arts at the Beaconhouse
National University, Lahore
Published in: The News
Published on: February 10, 2019
Sometimes one comes across niggling questions,
simple yet multi-layered. An inquisitive youngster
recently asked what, in my opinion, was the most
influential event of history. I am usually irked when
quizzed like that, but this time I kept my cool and
started sifting my thoughts for a plausible answer.
Invention of fire, wheel, artillery, printing press seemed
equally important in the evolution of human civilization
towards material progress which obviously led it to
intellectual progress. Of course, it is hard to question the
validity of this answer, but it didn’t satiate the young
lad’s curiosity. His keenness was circumscribed only to
history of of ideas. To me, the Enlightenment was one
such phenomenon, though it cannot be designated as an
event. Enlightenment triggered a process, because of
which several revolutions including industrial revolution
broke out, and a number of social movements got
crystallised with far reaching impact.
In my estimation, the Enlightenment permeated to
every nook and corner of the world and had quite a
palpable rub on the lives of countless people.
Rationality, human agency, ideas like freedom,
equality and technological advancement could become
possible because of the Enlightenment. Enlightenment
philosophy was skeptical of religion — especially the
powerful Catholic Church — monarchies and
hereditary aristocracy. Its participants thought they
were illuminating human intellect and culture after the of these people that I had just mentioned. Well, that
“dark” Middle Ages. was a unique feature of the Enlightenment; it had not
been monolithic, quite unlike any
religious dogma. That probably is
the most important reason for the
sustenance of its ideals. Because of
that trait, the Enlightenment drew its
adversarial ideas, notions or
ideologies into its own fold and
forced them to reconcile with its
ideals. Interestingly, it has created
its own anti-thesis and then
gradually rendered it hollow
(Marxism may be advanced as a
case in point.)
Historians disagree on precisely when the Here he chipped again with another question about
Enlightenment began, though most of them agree that the Eurocentric nature of Enlightenment. Of course
its origins are tied to the Scientific Revolution in the the personalities that I had counted earlier were all
1600s.The Scientific Revolution commenced with the Western. I conceded that Enlightenment was
publication of ‘Nicolaus Copernicus’ heliocentric Eurocentric but simultaneously universal. While
(sun-centered) universe theory in 1543. ‘The many contesting the Enlightenment, one must invoke the
discoveries of the Scientific Revolution include rational argument(s) or critique that essentially is
‘Johann Kepler’s three laws of planetary motion, embedded in it. Even the likes of Gandhi who
Galileo Galilei’s theories of motion and inertia and derided modernity (the very outcome of
Tycho Brahe’s new view of the stars and how they Enlightenment), could not do without wearing
work.’ The Scientific Revolution prorogued with Isaac spectacles, travelling by train and using loud speaker
Newton’s discovery of the law of gravitation and in his parathana (prayer) meetings. I hope I am not
understanding of a mechanical universe in the late over-stretching my assertion here to say that
1600s. With all these developments, Judeo-Christian proponents of anti-western rhetoric are not, in most
cosmological view was substituted with Copernican- cases, anti-Enlightenment.
Newtonian paradigm, which held that ‘while the God
created the universe, science defined it, and it is
through science that humans can understand it’.
When it comes to the most plausible definition of the
Enlightenment, Immanuel Kant’s definition is one
which is accepted as the most credible. He furnished
that definition in one of his essays, “What Is
Enlightenment?”: Enlightenment is man’s emergence
from his self-imposed nonage [many interpret nonage
as “immaturity”]. Nonage is the inability to use one’s
own understanding without another’s guidance.
Dare (courage) to know! Have the courage to use your
own understanding,” is therefore the motto of
Enlightenment. That is the motto of GC University,
which I left just a few weeks ago. Among major
thinkers who strived for upholding the ideals of the
Enlightenment, I count Voltaire, John Locke, Thomas
Hobbes, David Hume, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Adam
Smith, Immanuel Kant, Isaac Newton and Thomas
Jefferson as representative figures.
The young man could not take my ‘monologue’
anymore and, in an agitating tone drew my attention
to the yawning difference in the ideas and standpoint
 Ironies of the Afghan war
Author: Zahid Hussain
Published in: Dawn Newspaper
Published on: March 29, 2019
He was captured on Feb 8, 2010, in a joint CIA-ISI
raid outside Karachi. The Obama administration
described the arrest of the Afghan Taliban’s
second-in-command as a “turning point” in its war
in Afghanistan. He remained in confinement as the
Taliban insurgency swept across the country.
In what could be termed as an irony of history,
nine years later, Mullah Baradar sat across the
negotiation table with American officials to
discuss the timeline for the withdrawal of the
occupation forces from his homeland. He had
been released by Pakistani security agencies last
year on America’s request.
A co-founder of the Afghan Taliban movement, his
role is seen as critical to the effort to end the 18-year
war. The long confinement seems to have increased
Baradar’s respect among the Taliban commanders.
After the death of Mullah Omar, he is the de facto
leader of the movement. His presence in the
negotiations has given greater authority to the Taliban
delegation. Though it is not going to be easy, progress
in talks had raised hopes of the two sides reaching
some kind of an agreement on ending the war.
Among others, there are five former inmates of
Guantanamo who are also part of the Taliban
delegation now engaged in peace talks in Doha with
those who were their tormentors. They were released
in 2014 in exchange for an American soldier held by
the Taliban. Since then, they have been living in
Doha. All of them had been close to Mullah Omar.
They came out of the shadows to join the negotiating
team when the Trump administration decided to
directly talk to the Taliban.
Mullah Baradar has been credited for rebuilding the
Afghan Taliban into an effective fighting force.
Their inclusion in the team was also meant to send a
message to Washington. Zalmay Khalilzad, the chief
American negotiator, has described their presence in
the talks as “more authoritative”, and tweeted that
this could be “a significant moment” in the talks.
Thirteen years of imprisonment and torture do not
seem to have diminished their resolve. And, there is
no sign of bitterness about what they had gone
through. “It’s been a long war, with lots of casualties
and destruction and loss. What gives me hope is that
both teams are taking the issue seriously,” Mullah
Khairkhwa, one of the Guantanamo returnees, told
the New York Times. “The two sides shared a
common interest, at least, in ending the war.”
The very fact that the Americans are now negotiating
their withdrawal plan with the group their forces had
ousted from power almost 18 years ago tells the
story of a war gone wrong. Even if the world’s
greatest military power believes that it has not lost
the war, it has not won it either. The Americans are
now sitting across the table with the same men who
they incarcerated and declared terrorists.
Surely, each one of those representing the Taliban in
the negotiations has a story of struggle, of being in
power and a life in detention. But Baradar has played
a much greater role in building the insurgency,
notwithstanding his long period in detention. His
elevation to the top rung of the Taliban leadership
indicates the influence he wields, particularly among
the fighters. Known as a brilliant and charismatic
military commander, Baradar has been credited for
rebuilding the Taliban into an effective fighting force
and running the group’s day-to-day affairs after the
fall of the so-called Islamic emirate. Besides heading
the Taliban’s military operations, he ran the group’s
leadership council, also known as the Quetta Shura.
As a young man, he participated in the Afghan ‘jihad’
against the Soviet forces. It was during the war that he
came to know of Mullah Omar. They fought side by
side against the communist forces. After the
withdrawal of the Soviet forces and the collapse of the
communist regime in Kabul in 1992, Baradar settled
down in the southern district of Maiwand where he
and Mullah Omar ran their own madressah. When
Mullah Omar started a campaign in 1994 against local
warlords with a force of some 30 men, Baradar was
among the first recruits. That was also the beginning
of the Taliban movement which in 1996 swept Kabul
and established the Islamic emirate. He first served as
the Taliban’s corps commander for western
Afghanistan and later as the garrison commander of
Kabul where he directed the fight against the rival
Mujahideen commanders in the north.
Described as the most skilled military leader who
spearheaded the fighting in southern Afghanistan, he
also conducted the Taliban’s financial operations,
allocated Taliban funds, appointed military
commanders, and designed military tactics.
His arrest had dealt a serious blow to the Taliban
insurgency. American officials were quick to declare
a “significant win”. But his detention did not change
the course of war. By the time he was released, the
Taliban had expanded their influence to more than 50
per cent of Afghanistan. Following his release,
Baradar had circulated an audiotape promising
Taliban fighters he would have a greater presence
within the movement.
Baradar’s release shows the Trump administration’s
desperation to find a political solution to the Afghan
crisis. Although he seldom participates in the larger
meetings between the two sides, his presence there
helps to clear a roadblock. Whenever there was an
indication of talks breaking down, Khalilzad would
call on him and the problem would be mostly sorted
out. But his health seems to have been sapped by
nearly a decade of detention. The US-Taliban talks
have made significant progress. But there is still a
long way to go before peace can return to the war-torn
country. Decades of conflict that have exacted a
severe toll on the lives of millions of Afghans and
wrought destruction cannot be ended easily even if the
two sides reach an agreement.
Certainly, the war has intensified while they have been
engaged in serious negotiations. It is going to be a
classic war-war, talk-talk situation. There are still
sticking points that could cause the negotiations to go on
for much longer. The differences over the definition of
‘terrorism’ and the time frame of the withdrawal of the
American forces have remained unresolved. Then there
is also the issue of the intra-Afghan dialogue. All those
needed to be resolved before one can hope for peace to
return to Afghanistan.