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Culture Documents
Ben Carver
English 487
12/3/2018
When one thinks of the American automotive industry, the ubiquitous car advertising
campaigns present on billboards, television, and at malls inevitably come to mind. The industry
devotes huge amounts of money and research every year to marketing and advertising;
according the Nielsen company, automotive companies spent more money on marketing than
any other sector in the United States: roughly 3.5 billion dollars combined in 2017 (Nielsen).
This massive investment in advertising techniques and talent has led to an extreme diversity of
rhetorical techniques being used in automotive marketing, but the rhetorical technique of
identification remains as a consistently strong and effective tool for automotive marketing
managers. The purpose of this paper will be to examine the different methods by which
modern automotive manufacturers use the rhetoric of identification to establish ethos and co-
substantiality with their target audiences, and ultimately persuade them to buy a car. This
paper will specifically examine three ways by which the Automotive industry use identification
First, it is necessary to discuss in exactly what forms this identification takes place. While
and wordplay, identification in automotive advertisements can often take many forms: visual,
“Identification ranges from the politician who, addressing an audience of farmers, says, ‘I was a
farm boy myself,’ through the mysteries of social status, to the mystic’s devout identification
with the sources of all being” (A Rhetoric of Motives 1324). The rhetoric of automotive
often range from outright appeals to a common nationality shared between owners of a certain
vehicle, to more subtle visual displays of material wealth and social class implicitly shared
The first form of identification we will examine, and one of the most prevalent among
American car manufacturers, is the identification of a national identity in common between the
company, its product, and its target audience. While this is common among several automotive
firms, Detroit-based Chrysler has leaned particularly heavily into this method of identifying with
its consumer base. The company has a long, established history in the United States, and it
regularly takes advantage of this history in the rhetoric of its marketing campaigns. Nowhere is
this more evident perhaps than in its oft-repeated tagline, “Imported From Detroit”. This tag
line originated in 2011 and has been a robust part of the company’s advertising strategy ever
since. The basic goal of this short tagline is to inspire a sense of co-substantiality between the
company and Chrysler’s target audience in the American middle class. It does this on two levels,
the first of which being the deliberate choice of the word “Imported” from Detroit. The clear
contradiction of the cars being “imported” from an American city serves to draw attention to
the fact that Chryslers are in fact not imported at all. They heavily identify themselves with their
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American customer base, and are a clear alternative to actual imports from international
manufacturers. Secondly, the choice of the word “Detroit,” rather than a less noticeable
alternative such as simply “America,” draws on the history of the city within the United States.
Not only are these cars not imported from outside the country, they are from the “motor city.”
The central purpose of this tag line is to identify Chrysler as co-substantial with American
culture in a fundamental way. More interesting still is that while Chrysler is one of the oldest
car companies in the United States, the tagline itself was coined by the Chief Marketing Officer
of Fiat. The large Italian car company has owned a majority share in Chrysler since 2011, and
The language of this advertisement also calls to mind Burkes Writing on the nature of
“Terministic Screen” and its reflection, deflection, and selection of a particular reality.
Characterizing cars from Detroit as “imported” draws particular attention to the fact that
Chrysler cars are domestically produced, subtly drawing attention to different characteristics of
the vehicles. This brings to mind a particular passage of Burkes on terministic screens:
“When I speak of ‘terministic screens,’ I have particularly in mind some photographs I once saw.
They were different photographs of the same objects, the difference being that they were
made with different color filters. Here something so “factual” as a photograph revealed notable
distinctions in texture, and even in form, depending upon which color filter was used for the
documentary description of the event being recorded (Language as Symbolic Action 1341).”
Burke’s analogy of the color filter in this case applies directly to the use of the word “Imported”
rather than a more innocuous alternative phrase such as “Made in.” Rather, the word imported
simultaneously stresses the “American-made” nature of Chrysler cars in an ironic way, and
draws a comparison between Chrysler and foreign car brands that may actually import cars into
their overseas owners, the same identification with American culture is common among most
of the largest automotive brands based in the country. GM, the parent brand of Chevrolet,
Cadillac, and Buick among others, engages in rhetorical identification to reach their domestic
American target audiences as well. This is particularly evident among brands with a large
selection of utility vehicles and pick up trucks such as Chevrolet and GMC, often identifying the
brand or vehicles with American culture on a fundamental level, similar to Chrysler. While truck
and SUV Brands might target a more rural audience than the generally urban, sedan-focused
Chrysler brand, identification with American culture is none the less and extremely common
strategy. The advertisement located below is a class example of this strategy in the context of a
This advertisement clearly utilizes identification to connect the perceived interests of its target
audience of likely rural Americans to the product vehicle, as well as Chevrolet as a brand in
general. The language of the advertisement is one of the most immediate and distinct forms of
identification used within this page. Each line of text very intentionally uses possessive
pronouns when referring to both the “country” and the “truck.” The “country” being referred
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to is obviously America, and the “our” is meant to signify that the company is American at its
core, just as the target audience is American and also included in the “our.” This is analogous to
the “I was a farm boy myself” example that Burke gives of a politician speaking to his
constituents, granted it is written in more subtle, indirect language. Furthermore, the parallel
drawn between the “our truck” and “our country” identifies the product that Chevrolet is
selling, the Silverado, to be aligned directly with America itself. The goals of Chevrolet, and
thereby their product, are aligned directly with the goals of their rural American target
audience.
Also present in the above advertisement is identification through another avenue: the
visual background and surroundings of the product. Following the same theme of identifying
the product with America and American culture at a basic level, the Silverado in the picture is
placed against a backdrop of western plains and mountains. This image is perhaps even more
telling than the verbal rhetoric presented in the advertisement; Chevrolet wants their product
to be identified directly with the land of America itself. Continuing with the same analogy
presented by Burke, the backdrop of this advertisement is equivalent to the same rural “farm
boy” politician wearing work boots and jeans to appeal to his target audience of farmers, rather
While national identification techniques are extremely common among American car
companies, identification of social class is equally, if not more prevalent among car
manufacturers worldwide. For obvious reasons this is most common among luxury brands such
as BMW, Mercedes-Benz, or Lexus. These brands primarily target the middle to upper class
individuals and households who can afford the sticker price of their products. In fact, the
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average household income of the purchaser of a new BMW off the lot was roughly $148,992
according to Forbes, or nearly 3 times the national median household income (Forbes). This
demographic profile is inevitably reflected in the advertisement strategies of luxury car brands,
and in turn the identification strategies they undertake. The advertisement below is an example
The method of identification in this advertisement is primarily the text overlaid above the
background and the car itself. The phrase “Business Athlete” is evidently being used to refer to
the car itself and its capabilities. What is immediately noticeable about this phrasing is the fact
that text seeks to personify the car, or really to assign the desired personal characteristics of
the target audience to the vehicle. The car may be “athletic” because of its performance, but
presumably the marketers desire to portray it as business-like stems from the professions of
BMW drivers. The advertisement thereby uses identification to connect the product with their
target audience of affluent buyers. Additionally, while the background of this advertisement is
not as overtly identification based as the Chevrolet material, it does draw a stark contrast
between the two, and still goes some way toward identifying the product with its target
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audience. The non-descript city background is certainly not as evocative as a western American
mountain range, but it speaks to the presumably more urban based professional population
that BMW targets as opposed to the rural audience of the truck advertisement.
The last common type of identification used by automotive companies examined in this
paper will be identification by gender. While increased cultural awareness and sensitivity to
gender politics and divisive strategies has made this less common, it is still present in modern
advertisements, especially in cultures other than the United States. Below is an advertisement
for a new Toyota SUV that is set to be released in non-U.S. markets. This particular piece of
The targeted audience and tools of identification in this piece are fairly overt. The text of the
advertisement outright state that this car is being marketing with men in mind, very bluntly
stating that this car is meant for a specific target audience and gender. As in the other
advertisements however, the visual cues of the piece also tell a more nuanced story of the
advertiser’s rhetorical strategy. The car is backed up by a series of mountains an what appear to
be badlands, likely meant to signify the harsh, rugged terrain that the SUV is supposed to be
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capable of traversing. The man on the leftmost section of the picture also reinforces the male
focus of the advertisement as is so explicitly stated in the main text, but his appearance reveals
a further characterization of the target audience. He is a somewhat broadly built individual with
facial hair, and he appears to be in a forest of some kind. Broadly speaking then, we can infer
that target audience is men who are concerned with being outdoors, going off-road, and
possibly an appearance of “masculinity.” In this case, Toyota uses visual rhetoric to draw this
identification between their product, the Fortuner SUV, and the targeted male audience.
The automotive industry is one of the most marketing-centered business entities in the
modern world. Cars have a myriad of cultural, personal, and social connotations that inform
their use as well as the reasons consumers purchase them. Automotive Industry Marketers are
fully aware of these biases and employ a number of rhetorical techniques to boost sales among
their target demographics. Rhetorical Identification between a company, its product, and the
consumer base they serve is one of the most effective and widely used sales methods within
Works Cited
N.A. “Advertising Fact Sheet September 2017” The Nielson Company, Chicago
N.A. “Comparison of Luxury Car Brand Demographics” Forbes, New York City N.Y.,
2016. Web.
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Reflection
This project has been a really interesting exercise in research for me, especially
applying some of the more dense readings from Burke to real world examples in media and
marketing. I Chose automotive industry advertisements initially because I knew the sheer
amount of effort and resources that car companies poor into their marketing departments, and
the consequent massive amount of material that springs from the industry. There is a huge
variety in the kinds of rhetorical strategies employed within automotive marketing, but the
particularly divorced from the actual functional purpose of a car, as opposed to persuading an
audience that a higher performing car will be exciting, or a safer car is better for families with
children. In each of the three cases I outlined in my paper, I saw the identification strategies
being employed by these car companies as a kind of gatekeeper for the persuasion of buying
the car itself. For example, the ethos built by convincing a consumer that a certain car is more
“American” than another car opens the door to later persuasive techniques such as talking
about the performance or style of the car. Identifying a company or product with a nationality,
social class, or gender builds the ethos of the rhetorical artifact in the way that Burke describes
in “A Rhetoric of Motives.”
The three choices in visual car advertisements I made were based on their relatively
similar format which allowed for several common points of comparison. Each poster is laid out
in roughly the same manner, with the vehicle placed over a visual backdrop or landscape
alongside text. The often makes the more direct attempt at identification, as in the case of the
Chevrolet advertisement where the truck is directly compared to the land of America, but in all
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three pieces the visual elements play an important role as well. Each piece presented visual
information to back up the verbal association drawn within the text, increasing the overall
I think I possibly could have explored Burke’s discussion of terministic screens in the
context of automotive advertisements more than I did in this paper. Terministic screens inform
the language of marketing and advertising heavily, possibly even more so than most in
automotive industry, but the visual as well as verbal nature of each of the pieces I chose to
analysis drew more generally down identification. Burke’s quote regarding how terministic
screens shape the way an individual may view a certain reality did inform my particular choice
of material to analyze as well. As I said, each piece that I chose generally followed a very similar
format in terms of layout and style, although the content of each advertisement was different.
This similarity of style of each advertisement illustrates how seemingly minor shifts in language
may change the connotation of the entire piece as is the case with a terministic screen.
I chose the three forms of identification for my analysis based primarily on their
nationality, and class are common across seemingly most car companies, but even further each
of these types of identification is dictated by the audience it is trying to reach, and often the
companies because of their particular need to reach American consumers, but also because
some types of American consumers may be more likely to respond to national identification as