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The Way She Moves
This paper examines the everyday practice of gendered public space through an
analysis of three "mapping" studies conducted in Mumbai. The first study attempted to
document and represent public spaces onto drawings through observation. The second study
was based on a participatory research methodology and came about through two simple
exercises developed for pedagogic activities. These studies, conducted under the Gender and
Space project at Pukar, focused on how male and female bodies locate themselves in and
move through public space in their everyday negotiation of space, in the process
SHILPA RANADE
Mumbai.
production and reproduction of social relations. The interpretation
found wanting.
Space project at Pukar. My argument is based on the premise
reification" (1989).
studies and their findings will be described in detail, followed
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Figure 1 Figure 2
A. __ i,~~~ . .. . .
i ? \ AdlFYj(
_,. . ' . . . . . i,7 f>.r9ia '0 '03tr0nr,0300 girts
.t.,,,'^,..... .... ... .i.... 1 C ...t. ..... .... . _ .e. .r20-2.5 Ves) waitr .g
. ..... ,
'. i ; ''^.- '-^" i i girls s (10 12 y's3 l~r!pftr"f3l
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WHSoja 19] have argued, noE t ony ares FIatNil and socialT DO Yn- Imagine that you are an outsider to this area and need to traverse from point A
visible" tons the enquiring human mind. Society inos this case ise
will take along your walk (...... ) and note the reasons for your decisions.
imagined between space ands soci-culturally d- a relationshiped by that is
structions of space
"visiblfferen" in a dale
to ndther the ctic relationships
effetenquiring with eachng
humanthese other but
"illusions" then, this case ipre-
a reatiealy styles of alchcyren plai ass e t cent women are relationally located'in the space. Thus while the
theructi of space in a ditalei retionhip with eacha n onhabitant counts "transparently" tell us that space was gendered the
oidenticallyes experience space differentltiay depending on, figurationgst than obviousness of this transparency hides the actual practice of
gendering space.
unsurprisingly this neutralmoeer is usually an upper-class, able-
beause access to space is socino-ulturally dechallterngined by these In negotiating these limitations of existing methodologies, over
tatdifferences. Under that can record "soft" data an impresllusions" of the dynamirepre- that allows us to better map gendering practices onto visual
seatioal poractioc of space b dehiure an planing assue tpatten diagrams without losing the inherent complexities. Fundamental
the inuer ition s e is adneutirn thity, i e atal h aninhabitatse to this strategy has been the suspension of the desire for omni-
material build environment. science - the acceptance that the knowledge produced by the
Whbodied, heter of th-sexual male. Tharises fringle-most challenginary aspectimi- maps cannot be representational or comprehensive knowledge.
While part of tghe problem arises from these disciplinary limi-
of the tapping has been to tributify a methe odologyimita of documen- It is, however, vital illustrative knowledge that helps construct
tations, the other part is contributed by the limitations of human
perception that can recordthus the "soft" data-ies avan impress to usof te dynamin a deep multi-layered understanding of the gendered practices of
social represeoduction of time-space county dinuum.erent people o itnhs "patterns public spaces. In spite of its inherent limitations, the visual
arofe ifocunhabitatied on" - in addition toflux which ard" data consisto mapping of thein representation of the everyday practie of genderingin the simul-
principle. Instead of accepting the limitations and inevitable gaps taneous space of a drawing allows us to visualise the dynamics
in knowledge, traditional models of representation usually solve of gender-space in ways not possible through other mediums.
the problem of accurate representation of change by taking Essentially then the maps consist of two layers.2 The first is
multiple "counts" of bodies and averaging these out to produce an impression of the relatively stable features of the environment
seemingly comprehensive data. While counts are useful to a such as detailed landuse patterns, formal and informal structures,
certain extent to map the distributional aspects of entities they street furniture, amenities (public toilets, bus-stops, telephone
often end up flattening the unevenness of lived experience into booths, police stations), trees, light-posts, and transportation hubs
a bunch of numbers. The counts in our early studies revealed (taxi, rickshaw stands). The second layer involves a mapping of
the important fact that even in areas considered to be safe, non- the patterns of inhabitation where the focus is to map as accurately
threatening and generally gender-balanced in public perception as possible the location of people, rather than their numbers. Two
(as known through Focus Group Discussions and ethnographies), methods are used to for this purpose; one, titled "Putting People
the ratio of men to women is glaringly lopsided (Figure 3). But in Place", uses a freeze-frame metaphor to locate different entities
these numbers could not tell us much about where these 30 per in the space and the second, called "Tracing Peoples Paths"
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Figure 3 Figure 4
MEN MEN
OMEN OO
18% 19%
M% MEN
EE EE N ON NON O M N
literally traces the path followed by some people in the space neighboul iood usc I t iot ust to play but for hanging out, meeting
for a specified period - say, 5 minutes. friends and even sleeping at nights. Girls and women, on the
These observations are produced as separate maps for different other hand, use it rarely and often just as a short-cut to get to
times of the day over a typical weekday and weekend allowing the other side.
us to record minute changes in the first layer that can impact In coding the entities on the maps, one of the primary markers
the patterns in the second layer. For example, while a grocery of difference we use is moving/stationary persons; these are
shop may remain a grocery shop at all times of the day, whether colour coded differently in the original maps (see footnote 2).
this shop is open or closed at a particular time impacts the way As most maps over different times of the day show, it is always
the space outside it is experienced and used by men and women. men who are found occupying public space at rest - they are
While women might be found outside it at times when it is open, found sitting and hanging out on low wall adjoining the play-
it might become a hang-out for men or a dark unsafe corner when ground, standing near the paan shops, newspaper stands or just
closed. Documenting these dynamics has been a crucial aspect sitting around in the middle of the playground, alone and in
Drawings generated through these exercises are different from or waiting in public space - they move across space from one
the hard edged maps of the first layer and can seem extremely point to another in a purposeful movement. The coding of entities
messy at the first glance, particularly to the trained eye of a spatial in the original maps - moving men: light blue, stationary men:
technician. As we further nuance the gender focused observations blue, moving women: pink, stationary women: red - starkly
with age, the diagrams become even more complex. Yet, as reveals the paucity of red marks on the drawing. Women occupy
multiple maps of a space are juxtaposed against each other and public space essentially as a transit between one private space
patterns are studied both exclusively and comparatively, the and another.
insights they offer are extremely significant (Figure 4). This is further demonstrated clearly through the "Tracing
A fundamental hypothesis that mapping corroborates is that Peoples Path" maps. For example, a map of a street in corporate
the gendering of public space happens not just through sheer zone of Nariman Point reveals that during lunchtime, most
numbers but through ways in which women and men occupy women who come down from their offices to get lunch (very
public space. A case in point is the mapping of the neighbourhood few as compared to men) go straight to the vendor, pick up their
of Kalachowki, a largely working class neighbourhood in the food and head back inside. They do this usually in company.
former mill area of Central Mumbai. The residential apartments Men, on the other hand, will not only be often alone but also
here are basically chawls which were built for the mill-workers hang around on the street, hopping from vendor to vendor, before
in the immediate vicinity of the textile mills. With the closure and after eating (Figure 5).
of the mills in the 1980s, most people here have moved to alternate In effect then, women can access public space legitimately only
vocations. In the last five years, the area is undergoing rapid when they can manufacture a sense of purpose for being there.
transformation with a number of high rises and upmarket shop- Flanerie as an act of engaging with urban public space is not
ping centres coming up. The area of study - a large open available to women. This is evident in Kalachowki by a particu-
community institutions, including a coeducational primary school, from the road is generally occupied by men, often lounging
on the others - is still physically untouched by the new devel- around with friends or alone, at all times except one (Figure 6).
opments. The drawings for Kalachowki reveal that indeed there This happens around the time the school ends for the day and
is considerable difference in the way men and women use space. mothers, coming to pick up their children, take over the edge.
Although the area is a predominantly residential neighbourhood It would not be preposterous to suggest that many of the women
and the school is coed, the playground is used far more extensively sitting on the compound wall of the Kalachowki playground are
by men of all ages than by women. The boys and men of the mothers who have come far sooner than they need to in order
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Figure 5 Figure 6
WEEKDAY
a, / : / // r\,
AA -o
I_ 8 : x. / :l I ~ , ^, / *, :/ I
0?. 0 I0
/7
Men's path
Walking Women
F Eateries/Groceries
to spend some "official" time with their friends, other mothers. Besides young school girls the other age group amongst women
to be relatively free from her occupation in other household is young unmarried women on their way to and from vocational
mesticity remains critical to legitimise this claim to space. The maps of the four different areas that we studied do not
By visually locating various entities in relation to each other show any significant differences in the general manner women
in the synchronic space of the drawing, the maps sometimes in these areas negotiate public space that might indicate inflec-
produce information on synchronic events which is difficult to tions of other identity markers, particularly class. This however,
get through our other research methods. In Chembur, the space is possibly because the areas studied to date, while diverse in
under study, Central Avenue, was described as being comfortable nature of activity, are not starkly contrasting in socio-cultural
and safe by most of the neighbourhood women in the focus group composition. The greater differences are found in the sheer
discussions. Yet there is one stretch along the road which, our numbers of women in these areas particularly within any given
maps showed, women tend to consistently avoid. This is a stretch space at different times of the day. So for example, at Nariman
strung with row of lottery shops. Lottery play is primarily a male Point which is a business district, the percentage of women drops
activity, one reason for this being its association with high risk, drastically after office hours as against Kalachowki where the
something women are socialised with an aversion to. Lottery percentages remain relatively stable.
shops are hence hang-out places for men, which women (and
associated to actual, physical violence, discomfort falls in that Parallel to the study of mapping urban public space, the project
in-between space of implied threat - a sense of being made to undertook two studies which attempted to map perceptions of
feel that you are in the wrong place/time. This is done through gender-space through exercises in our pedagogic initiatives.3 In
being looked at, verbally assaulted (cat-calls), and very often the first exercise (Exercise A see Note 3), which is provocatively
through self-policing by women themselves. In their daily negoti- titled "Putting People in Place", participants are given a drawing
ation of the street we realised, women were making implicit and representing a typical residential neighbourhood street corner in
often unconscious decisions about where to walk in a way that Mumbai on a weekday evening. They are asked to imagine such
they could manufacture this comfort for themselves (Figure 7). a neighbourhood familiar to them and "put" women and men
Contemporary feminist scholarship attempts to overcome a of different ages, in different groupings (specified), in places they
simplified understanding of gender as dichotomous and replaces are most likely to be found at that time (Figure 1). In the second
it with a more nuanced construction formed through a complex exercise (Exercise B) titled 'Trace Your Path' participants are given
gender identity is seen as embedded in other social inequalities restaurant, park, industry) and asked to imagine and mark the
and identity markers such as race/ethnicity, class, religion, age, path they themselves would take in negotiating this street from
sexual preference and nationality. In our mapping of Kalachowki, one end to another (Figure 2). The exercises are done individually
one of the markers of gender we studied in detail was age. In and the participants are given just enough time- about 5-7 minutes
general it was observed that men between the ages of 18 and to complete their markings. This is then followed by a long session
55 had the maximum access to public space. Young boys had in which the responses to each section of the exercise are pre-
greater claim to the playground than young girls although their sented by the participants and a discussion is generated through
presence on the road leading to and fro the school was equal. these. We intervene to constantly ask "Why?" (Would you place
(It is possible to suggest that the girls did not hang out before her here not there? Would you cross the road here? ...).
and after school as the boys did.) Above the age of 55 both men Drawing on initial observations from the mapping study,
and women seemed to be equally ill-represented in the space. these exercises were designed to engage with the participants'
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Figure 7
In general, it is observed that in this exercise, while
. r * / .':...: CHEMBUR (E) APPROX. 6 PM specific positions is always a problem. Men, observe some par-
what they can and cannot do, men have free access to be almost
everywhere.
same age. There are two distinct responses to this. In the first
case, the girls are marked as playing in the smaller, more defined
and enclosed corner of the open compound while the boys occupy
taken-for-granted notions of their everyday world and make participants say that at that age boys and girls will probably be
sentient the gendered stratifications that structure their experi- playing together - either in the compound or on the terrace. The
ences. While the purpose of these exercises was to initiate self- second group is asked if the case will be the same if the boys
reflection, the drawings made by the participants created valuable and girls are 12-15 years old. In most cases, the boys and girls
data of embedded gender maps that structure the spatial subcon- not only play separately now, but the girls are closer to the homes
scious. and the boys farther away than before. As children grow older,
The most prominent, and disquieting, insight that jumps from boys begin to explore more and more of their territories while
the data of Exercise A is the pervasiveness of a particular gender- for girls, adolescence brings a diminishing of spatial boundaries
space construct or code across a cross-section of respondants. [Weisman 1994]. It is precisely the age in which a woman is
These two exercises were initially designed by the author for use biologically reproductive and sexually active that her access to
and teachers at an all-women technical institute in Thanjavur, The act of "marking" women in public space is repeated every
a small-town in Tamil Nadu. The atmosphere at the residential time when the participants are asked to separately locate a woman
college campus was beautiful but stifling. The girls, mostly from and a man in their mid-20s (not from the same locality), waiting
smaller towns around, were not allowed to go out of the walled to meet a friend there. In most of the cases, the woman is located
campus at any time without advance written permission. While on the bus-stop; the man on the other hand "can be located
many of them expressed some degree of frustration at this, they anywhere" but most often he is either standing at the street corner
also said they "understood" the need for such control. The or in the tea-shop. Discussion brings out that most respondents
context, in other words was begging for a gender and space choose to place the woman on the bus-stop because then she
discussion, and the exercises were exceptionally successful. The appears to be doing something, i e, waiting for a bus. Further
participant responses (21 women and four men) reflected what probing (So what will happen if she stands at the street corner?)
were, in our eyes, very conservative gender paradigms. De- brings out that a woman "out of place", who is hanging around
stabilising these allowed us to clearly articulate our key arguments without an apparent purpose, would be construed as being
- the assumption of a neutral user of space, the contested nature "available" and "loose" at best, and soliciting at worst.4 Woman,
of public space, the centrality of gender in determining spatial through her location in public space sets into practice a whole
access, along with concerns of respectability. set of connotative chains in the socio-spatial nexus of determi-
A few months after this, the Gender and Space project con- nation. (The purpose limited access of women is also seen in
ducted a workshop at an architectural college and an extended the section on middle-aged women who are often placed at the
honours course for sociology students at a Liberal Arts college, grocery store even when participants note that it is not necessary
both in South Mumbai where the exercises were used tentatively. that the women are there to shop.)
Our initial intention was to contrast the responses we got from The reason behind women's purposeful movement as evident
the Mumbai students with those we got at Thanjavur and we in the mapping becomes clear here. To be seen as "good" women
had several backups planned in case our exercise failed to elicit then is to legitimise their conditional claim to public space as
previous responses or the discussion went another way. But the also claim a degree of protection. For women, the production
exercise did not fail. We have since conducted the "Putting of respectability is closely connected to manufacturing safety for
People in Place" exercise at more than 10 locations with al- themselves.5 In the context of material space, safety and risk
most 400 participants which include in addition to college can be related to the transgression of boundaries. In the socio-
students, the legal clients of Majlis a women's legal cell (women spatial schema of gender, boundaries of permissible behaviour
ranging in age from early 20s to 60s from all possible social are strictly delineated. Any transgression of boundaries spatially
backgrounds) and participants in an international women's is deemed as a challenge to the status-quo and liable to be
conference in Bangkok. And each time, apart from negligible punished. The production of safety through respectability is thus
differences of opinion, the response has been overwhelmingly practised by women in their everyday movement through public
similar. Nobody has spoken up to say that they will not do the spaces. Sometimes in the production of safety, their actions are
exercise because it doesn't make sense - anybody could be purposeful and conscious. At other times, they are the result of
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hegemonic notions of femininity which determine what is proper re-imagine women's place(s) in the city. Such emancipatory
This production of respectability, and thereby comfort and social spaces, are alluded to most evocatively by de Certeau. "The
safety through their everyday movements in public space, is also goal" he writes, "is not to make clear how the violence of order
demonstrated in Exercise B where participants are asked to mark is transmuted into a disciplinary technology, but rather to bring
their path in a drawing showing a mixed use urban street to light the clandestine forms taken by the dispersed, tactical and
(residences, shopping, restaurant, park, industry). Women cross makeshift creativity of groups or individuals already caught in
the road between one to four times to avoid situations in which the nets of "discipline"' (1984). de Certeau's proposition allows
they might find themselves uncomfortable/unsafe. This is some- us to imagine social structures "from below" so to say, opening
times done indirectly by producing respectability such as when up a critical methodology for de-materialising socio-spatial
a woman crosses the road to avoid a wine shop. At other times, structures and suggesting a subversive potential of human
it is direct such as when she crosses to the other side to avoid actions. However, he does not explain why, in spite of this
groups of men hanging out at the paan-shop, or when she chooses primacy in the construction of experience, everyday actions
not to walk between trucks and a dead wall. (The working class remain subordinate to the larger totalisations of social structure.
truck drivers in this case are regularly perceived as threatening.) How does one locate the actions of human agents in the context
In one of the responses we received for this exercise from a of discursive social structures? Why, the question remains, are
mixed group of men and women, a man said that he would choose social forms so immanent/powerful? It is here that Giddens
to walk a path which was most interesting, or in other words, (1984) and Bourdieu (1977) help us translate between social
where he could see the most - engage most with the street and structure and social action. Suggesting that, human agency and
the city. He was supported by the two other men in the group. social structure are in a relationship with each other, Giddens
Women on the other hand, were choosing to walk a route where claims: "Human social activities, like some self-reproducing
they could either become invisible (by pretending to be purpose- items in nature, are recursive. That is to say, they are not brought
ful) or a route where they could be seen by multiple "domestic" into being by social actors but continually recreated by them via
(and therefore female?) eyes on the street. As the Chembur lottery the very means whereby they express themselves as actors. In
shops example of our mapping had shown, many of the time and through their activities agents reproduce the conditions that
women are making these decisions subconsciously without being make these activities possible". It is via repetition of the acts
aware of the minute calculations and negotiations they involve. of individual agents that social structure is reproduced.
As against the first exercise of Putting People in Place where Bourdieu explains further why social structure needs to be
responses are almost unanimously in agreement, this exercise reproduced in the first place through everyday actions of human
revealed stark differences in the response from male and female agents. "The reason why submission to the collective rhythms
participants. Although once more we had far less men respon- is so rigorously demanded", he writes, "is that the temporal forms
dents than women (11 out of 86), all the men demonstrated a or the spatial structures structure not only the group's represen-
similarity of response amongst themselves. If from Exercise A, tation of the world but the group itself, which orders itself in
there emerges the picture of a definite gender-space schema or accordance with this representaion" (1977). Given that this
code that is mutually agreed upon, the gendered differences in "representation of the world" has no actual likelihood to any
Exercise B go on to strengthen the case for such a code. When reality-in-itself or out there, it is the everyday social actions
placed in the subject position of negotiating a public space themselves that produce the object that they represent. It is only
themselves, the participants are actually performing differential through the constant production, reproduction and representation
gender in/through space as suggested by their own responses to of an image of the structure through spatio-temporal practices,
To locate the significance of these studies of everyday public of meaning within the structure.
space, I would like to dwell briefly on the broader issue of the When the tenuous structures of power are reinscribed through
significance of everyday actions in the production of a hegemonic space by everyday practices of moving through and occupying
social order and the role of individual human agents in this space, it is the body that becomes the locus of action for it is
process. As has been the hypothesis of this study, post-moder through the body that the everyday is lived, executed and ex-
theorists of space suggest that social structure and space are not perienced. The experience of space is mediated by the bodies
mutually exclusive concepts and neither are they related to each we inhabit; male, female, old, young, white, black, blind, deaf
other causally. Rather, they are continuously interacting with each and so on. Bodies are not just physical in the sense of flesh and
other in a dialectical relationship. Space thus, is in a constant blood beings, but as a constellation of culturally constructed ideas
state of becoming, in a radical departure from earlier ideas of about what is appropriate mediated by discourse. It is through
a static, primordial entity, or one which passively reflected social the body that the spatio-temporal regulations of social structure
structures.
are produced, reproduced, represented and transformed. As Low
Looking at hegemonic gender-space as something that is notes, "Embodied space is the location where human experience
constantly being brought into being through the everyday actions and consciousness takes on material and spatial form" (2003).
of men and women in space, rather than something women are Gendered bodies produce and are produced by particular
subjected to by an external totalitarian ideology, allows us spatio-temporal configurations. The normalisation of a particular
possibilities of interrupting and opening up gaps in the (dis)course gender-space is a key axis around which the society structures
of socio-spatial gender formation - gaps within which we can itself and the maintenance of this order is critical to its
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self-preservation. The contested nature of this order however, access to public space via the medium of education and married
means that the performance of gender has to be constantly young women get access due to their role as mothers. While men
replicated and strictly regulated. As Rose notes, public space's in general have greater access to pubic space, older men have
"masculinisation through a certain policing of bodies means that lesser access than younger men.
every new body requires disciplining in order to guarantee (public Taken together, the similarity of responses to the mapping
space's) reconstitution" (1999). Hegemonic notions of mascu- exercises across age and class, and the "evidence" of such practice
and female bodies and any body that attempts to transgress the of a dominant code - a shared way of thinking - of gender-space
boundaries of appropriateness threatens the social order. that is culturally prevalent. While the geographical and historical
maintenance of a gender regime informed by patriarchy. So long of our research one can suggest that this code pervades the
as women reproduce the discourse of the hegemonic gender discourse of middle and lower-middle class neighbourhoods of
places this may be indirectly put into place through dress codes
by two critical observations. Firstly, in actual practice, as was
Whether legally or socially coded, women perform the restric- the project and our pedagogic discussions, many women subvert
tions set upon them in their daily movements through space. this code to be able to conduct themselves differently. Smoking
should be read. Taking the notion of "constructedness" further, and so on are various degrees of contradiction of the dominant
construction" and "performative fiction" [McDowell 1999]. variously available to different women, one of the primary markers
Gender in other words is one of the "practices that systematically of access being their class. This was brought home ironically
document the performative aspects of these discourses. In or Irani caf6. In most cases the former group admits that they
gender-space.
precedented access to public spaces. Yet, these acts are always
some of the key points the studies re-iterated were: Public space
read as acts in defiance of the normative, and women have to
route even though it may be many times extended than the shortest
dismissed as a kind of false consciousness where conditional
at that age. So in their late teens and early 20s women often get
delimited by a largely patriarchal gender regime, it is the male
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body that is normative; the female body becomes a marker of 4 In one session, the participants went on to discuss how the man would
stand at the street corner because then he could "look around and pass
difference with the result that the woman's location in space/
time", the woman wouldn't because then she would be "looked at".
5 Also refer Shilpa Phadke, this issue, for a more in-depth discussion on
respectability.
Email: shilparanade@gmail.com
athletic abilities; high heels and 'feminine' dress codes in fashion; sexual
to be physically frail, and the lack of public support for child care and
[This essay draws on insights and findings of the research conducted by for elder care, responsibilities that typically fall on women" (2001).
References
my colleagues on the project. I would also like to thank George Jose, Kalpana
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distinguisher between classical and modern physics. of California Press, Berkeley, pp 1-48.
2 The onsite mapping study was conducted between September 2003 and Domosh, Mona and Joni Seager (2001): Putting Women in Place: Feminist
March 2005. The maps used for illustration here are simplified versions Geographers Make Sense of the World, The Guildford Press, New York.
of the original maps which are in colour. Colour coding allows us to carry Foucault, Michel (1972): The Archeology of Knowledge, Tavistok, London.
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as we fine-tuned our methodology. In all the project has produced 45 of Structuration, University of California Press, Berkeley.
maps of the four areas studied of which 25 are of our final and most Grosz, Elizabeth (1995): Space, Time and Perversion, Routledge, New York.
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3 These Exercises were conducted in the following workshops (the numbers Lefebvre, Henri (1991): The Production of Space, Blackwell, London.
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March 2004. (25) McDowell, Linda(1999): Gender, Identity and Place: Understanding Feminist
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Honours course, Department of Sociology, St Xavier's College, Mills, Sara (1997): Discourse, Routledge, London.
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