Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
SHARON FEIMAN-NEMSER
Brandeis University
CYNTHIA L. CARVER
Oakland University
National Society for the Study of Education, Volume 111, Issue 2, pp. 342–364
Copyright © by Teachers College, Columbia University
0077-5762
Serious Mentoring 343
will get the assistance they need, nor can mentoring compensate for dif-
ficult working conditions or a school culture that discourages teacher col-
laboration (Johnson & The Project on the Next Generation of Teachers,
2004; Williams, Prestage, & Bedward, 2001).
Mentor selection, training, and ongoing development further influ-
ence mentors’ role orientation and practice (e.g., Evertson & Smithey,
2000; Hobson, Ashby, Malderez, & Tomlinson, 2009; Wang, Odell, &
Schwille, 2008). Without an opportunity to examine their assumptions
about learning to teach and develop their practice as mentors, experi-
enced teachers may not know whether to act as “local guides” or “educa-
tional companions” or realize how much they are bound by norms of
autonomy, noninterference, and congeniality that shape the culture of
teaching (Feiman-Nemser & Parker, 1993). Serious mentoring both sup-
ports and stretches new teachers, helping them with immediate problems
and moving their practice forward. It challenges the prevailing culture of
teaching (Little, 1990) and depends on skills of observation, analysis, and
communication that go beyond those mastered by most classroom teach-
ers (Feiman-Nemser, 1998). Unfortunately, many mentoring programs
seem to rest on the assumption that those who know how to teach auto-
matically know how to assist a novice in learning to teach.
In this chapter, we offer lessons learned from studying mentor policy
and practice in three well-regarded induction programs. In the tradition
of research on the intersection of education policy and classroom prac-
tice (e.g., Coburn, 2001; Cohen & Ball, 1990; Cohen & Hill, 2001;
Spillane & Thompson, 1997), we examine how state and district policies
surrounding new teacher induction shape the practice of mentors and
the learning of beginning teachers. As our analysis demonstrates, weak
systems of mentor support contribute to uneven mentoring practices,
which ultimately result in missed learning opportunities for novice teach-
ers and their students. What role can induction policies play in shaping
these systems?
BEST in Connecticut
work with new teachers during their second year of teaching, novices
often turned to their mentors for guidance in assembling these portfo-
lios.
At the time of our study, BEST mentors in New Haven were full-time
teachers selected on the basis of personal interest, as expressed in a for-
mal application and confirmed by the recommendation of administra-
tors and colleagues. Prior to being assigned a new teacher, each mentor
was expected to complete three days of state-sponsored training in which
they were introduced to the BEST program and guided in the use of state
standards. Once trained, mentors were assigned to novice teachers in
their buildings based on grade level and subject-area expertise. State
guidelines stipulated that BEST-trained mentors be assigned to new
teachers within 10 days of hire or placement in a school. Although the
intent was to have a BEST-trained mentor in each building (and by sub-
ject area in secondary schools), the district was unable to meet this goal
during the time frame of our research.
BTSA in California
PAEP in Cincinnati
structured portfolio review process, the lack of state policy guidance sur-
rounding mentors’ work with first-year teachers contributed to much
local variation.
The opposite was true in Cincinnati, where new teacher support and
evaluation were fundamentally connected. Under PAEP, consulting
teachers were responsible for conducting a series of formal observations
and, based on those observations, recommending new teachers for con-
tract renewal at the end of their first year of teaching. Prior to PAEP, this
was the principal’s responsibility. When beginning teachers failed to per-
form at reasonable levels of competence, CTs were expected to respond
with carefully targeted assistance. For beginning teachers in Cincinnati,
assistance and assessment were experienced as a tightly coupled activity.
In these sites, induction policy set boundaries for the mentors’ role and
work. Depending on how the functions of assistance and assessment were
assigned, the mentors’ role was either expanded or limited. Policy deci-
sions regarding assistance and assessment also determined how many
individuals shared responsibility for new teacher development, their
respective roles, the stakes surrounding each of these roles, and the
degree to which they were expected to work together. As these cases high-
light, variations in policy contributed to significant differences in prac-
tice, even when programs adopted a similar stance toward mentoring.
their care. In Santa Cruz, mentors were encouraged to visit their begin-
ning teachers on a weekly basis. In Cincinnati, visits were at least 2 weeks
apart because of the demands surrounding the formal observation
process. Our field observations confirmed that mentors in both sites hon-
ored these expectations. We observed mentors taking time with their
novices, visiting in and outside of the classroom. We also witnessed men-
tors working together as colleagues, sharing ideas and talking through
problems.
In New Haven, where mentors were full-time teachers, visits with the
new teacher were squeezed into planning hours and before or after
school. When the mentor–novice match was in the same building (a dis-
trict goal), visits tended to be more frequent and, according to new teach-
ers, more productive. To ameliorate the challenges associated with a
mentor model that did not provide regular release time, the BEST pro-
gram stipulated that each mentor–novice pair should be encouraged to
take 8 half-days of release time each year. Our interviews with BEST men-
tors and new teachers in New Haven suggested that this provision was
unevenly practiced for a variety of reasons, including the difficulty of
being gone from the classroom for even a few hours.
Decisions about program length also impacted mentors’ work and the
learning opportunities offered to new teachers. Understandably, long-
term relationships are more amenable to long-term learning goals. Both
Connecticut and California mandated a 2-year induction process, reflect-
ing awareness that learning to teach takes time. This implies that new
teachers have things to learn that they could not have learned before-
hand and that regular, ongoing feedback (from mentors) around estab-
lished teaching and/or content standards can help guide this learning.
Still, only California guaranteed (and paid for) two full years of ongo-
ing mentored support for all new teachers. Connecticut’s BEST program
provided a blended model that combined one year of district-supported
mentoring, with a second year of state-sponsored workshops designed to
help novices complete their performance-based portfolio. In contrast
with the other two sites, Cincinnati’s PAEP contract limited new teacher
support to one year of assistance unless more time was needed to prove
professional competence. In this case, after recommendation by the con-
sulting teacher and approval by the 10-member oversight panel, a second
year of assistance could be, and occasionally was, offered.
As this discussion reveals, both Connecticut and California invested
tremendous sums in developing a coherent set of statewide policies and
tools that could be adapted for use at the local level. However, their
investment in supporting districts with local implementation differed. At
the time of data collection, California provided local districts with $3,200
354 National Society for the Study of Education
per new teacher, whereas Connecticut provided $200 per new teacher.
As a result, Connecticut districts (like New Haven) were left each year
with having to decide which induction-related practices they most
needed and could afford. Districts in California, on the other hand,
could concentrate on growing and developing their local induction-
related resources. In our two cases, the difference was most noticeable in
the time accorded to mentors’ work. In Santa Cruz, full-time mentors
had adequate time to meet with new teachers. In New Haven, with con-
siderably less financial support from the state, mentors were largely
expected to find time to mentor around the edges of full-time teaching,
which limited the opportunities for novices to learn with and from their
mentors.
As demonstrated in the California and Connecticut cases, when states
provide funds to support local efforts such as mentoring, they increase
the likelihood of fidelity to state goals. As an alternative model,
Cincinnati’s PAEP was both neatly woven into district programming and
protected by a joint district/union agreement. As a result, everyone was
equally invested in program success.
describe how each site approached the orientation, training, and devel-
opment of mentor teachers.
Notes
1. Smith and Ingersoll’s (2004) analysis of the 1999–2000 SASS data found that 26%
of beginning teachers received a “basic induction + collaboration” package of support,
which they defined as subject-area-matched mentors, collaborative planning time with col-
leagues, supportive communication with administrators, plus novice seminars.
2. Funding for this study came from the National Partnership for Excellence and
Accountability in Teaching and the Walter F. Johnson Foundation.
3. Although we use the term mentor in this chapter, the preferred term in the SCNTP
was advisor, and the term used in BTSA was support provider.
4. The analysis reported here is necessarily limited to data collected at the time of the
study and is not meant to reflect current policy or practice in these sites.
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