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By S a r a h Scott. Edited by VValtei M. C i i l l r n i h i i iVie bàucation of a Qentleman
L o v e r s o l E n g l i s l i l i t e r a t u r e vvill n canin r d u eulh
a m o n g b o o k s — t h e r e p r i n t i n g l o i tlic In,si i n i n in in ni
200 y e a r s o i a w o r k w h i c h h e l p e d t o < .isi llu IIOM I 111 lin
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THEORIES OF GENTLEMANLY
W r i t t e n i n tlie e p i s t o l a r y style 1I1.11 was su p o p u l 11 in
those t i m e s , tliis b o o k r e v c a l s llie soi 1.il I I K H I > <111 • EDUCATION IN ENGLAND:
1660-177S
standards a n d strivings oi the rapidly g i o u i n n u n il,
n i i d d l e class oi i 8 t h - c e n t u r y i n g l a n d
" I t is a n a m u s i n g . . . relit: ol llie Litt- 1H1I1 i i n i i n • ,l
t h e l e i s u r e l y days ol W i l l i a m S l i e n s i o n ninl I I lh
a b o o k t h a t J a n e A u s t e n m a y b a v e look cil i n i o 111,1 pi 1
h a p s e v e n p a r o d i e d in s o n i e y o u t l i l n l s u . i p
—Literary Supjilrniniil l.nnilun /on,
THE NEW WOMAN > , ,,1
By J e a n E l i s a b e t h G a g e n .
I b i s b o o k d e s c r i b e s t h e lirsi appe.n.11111 m I n llsli
d r a m a o i t h e t y p e o i w o m a n w h o is p i o p r i l \ , 11L • I il,,
n e w w o m a n . " W l i a t we like to c o n s i d i 1 m,ni, in m by George C. Brauer, Jr.
o i i n d e p e n d e n c e i o r w o m e n w e r c alrcady < l i . n l ,111 n ni m >1
by t h e h e r o i n e s of m a n y 171I1 a n d e . n b 1 Hi h < • m ni pli
T h e f e m i n i s t m a n i f e s t o e s in llie d i . n n a o v t il m ni > , < p
t i o n a l l y e n t e r t a i n i n g i a s h i o n w h a l is old 111 u l n n • , 111 n,

POET, P A I N T E R AND PARSON t | un

By R a l p h M . W i l l i a m s .
I11 t h i s f u l l - l e n g t h h i o g r a p h y , | o l m • ,, ,
figure w h o e m b o d i e d (lie grcal v a l u e s i o i i i n i o n b In,l
to i 8 t h - c e n t u r y E n g l i s h c u l t u r e . Dyei s < a u i i a 1 |
p a i n t e r a n d finally a p a r s o n revcals il n o i n p n ,, 1,,
lieis i n t h e o r d e r l i n e s s o i lil'e a n d llie v a l u e ni n . n i l ni
dicates t h e n e w i n t e r e s t in m a n y ol lin i u i n p i . u i p u
a n d i l l u s t r â t e s t h e g r o w i n g r a i i o u a l i s i u <<l llu un
I n r e - c r e a t i n g t h e w o r l d ol jolin Dyei l'oih 1 Ail
liants lias w r i t t e n a v a l u a b l e a d d i t o n lo 1 Hlli < < ul 111 1 •

Twayne Publishers BnoUiuau \ IHIUI.

31 U n i o n S q u a r e W e s l n S il
 $5-oo M a n y of t h e issues of t h e i 8 t h cen-
GeorgeC.Brauer,Jr.-The Education of aGeGeorgeC.Brauer,Jr.-TheEducationofaGentlemanntleman t u r y a r e very m u c h alive today. T l i e
q u e s t i o n of p r i v a t e versus p u b l i c school
r/ieories of Gentlemanly Education
é d u c a t i o n is d e b a t e d by educators a n d
in England 1660-1775
p a r e n t s alike, a n d o u r p r e s e n t school
By system is itself a d i r e c t o u t g r o w t h of
the efforts at i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n w h i c h
I l i e antecedeiits of tlie E n g l i s h gentle- o c c u r r e d i n t h e i8tli c e n t u r y .
a a n ol today a n d iiis A m e r i c a n c o u n - T h i s is n o t o n l y a n i n t e r e s t i n g b o o k
e r p a r t a r e to b e f o u n d i n tlie Restor- in itself, b u t those wlio r e a d a n d love
t i o n a n d i 8 t h c e n t u r y . T h i s b o o k ex- the l i t e r a t u r e of a u t h o r s such as Rich-
m i n e s tlie late 17tli- a n d i 8 t h - c e n t u r y ardson, A d d i s o n , Steele, Fielding, Smol-
tleal of tlie g e n t l e m a n as reflectcpl • i n lett, a n d ( o h n s o n , will lind t h a t T H E
lie aims p r o p o s e d f o r his> é d u c a t i o n . EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
Virtue, public spirit, intellectual will p r o v i d e a n insight i n t o the cul-
c q u i r e m e n t s , vv^lclly; k n o w l e d g e a n d t u r a l m i l i e u i n w h i c h these writers lived
>ood b r e e d i n g , as vvell as p m ï t e *ac- and f r o m which tliey d r e w their
o m p l i s h m e n t s a n d usetul récréations, characters.
vere ail c o n s i d e r e d necessary f o r t h e T h e p e r c e p t i v e r e a d e r will d é r i v é
r u e g e n t l e m a n . H o w e v e r , t h e exact great p l e a s u r e i n c o n i p a r i n g the i 8 t h -
o m b i n a t i o n of these i n g r é d i e n t s was and the 20th-century concepts of
>pen to c o n s i d é r a b l e q u e s t i o n , a n d g e n t l e m a n l y b e h a v i o r — t h e similarities
>ften t h e c o n t r o v e r s y over tliem t o o k a n d d i f f é r e n c e s are o f t e n rallier sur-
in a most u n g e n t l e m a n l y air. prising.
T h e c o n d o n e r s of so-called " g e n t e e l G E O R G E C. B R A U E R , J R . lias received
gnorance," the supporters of the a n A.B., a n M . A . , a n d a P h . D . f r o m
g r a n d t o u r , " a n d the respective pro- P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y a n d is presently
x i n e n t s of a k n o w l e d g e of the w o r l d w i t h t h e E n g l i s h D e p a r t m e n t of t h e
mcl a c a d e m i c l e a r n i n g , ail vied w i t h U n i v e r s i t y of S o u t h C a r o l i n a . H e is t h e
ine a n o t h e r in championing their a u t h o r of several articles o n the i 8 t h -
a v o r i t e t h e o r i e s as central to a gentle- century period.
nan's éducation.
B O O K M A N ASSOCIATES
(Continued on back flap)
31 U n i o n S q u a r e W e s t New York 3
The Education
of a
Gentleman
Theories of Gentlemanly Education
In England, 1660-1775

by

G E O R G E C. B R A U E R , JR.

BOOKMAN ASSOCIATES
New York
 (C) 1959, by George C. Brauer, Jr. To

P R O F E S S O R L O U I S A. L A N D A O F PRINCETON

A teacher a n d scholar in t h e finest sense of die term

L i b r a r y of Congress Catalog C a r d N u m b e r : 59-8395

MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY

UNITED FRINTING SERVICES, INC.
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 Préfacé

The term " g e n t l e m a n " as used in this book dénotés anyone,

lioni a d u k e to a country squire, who could claim an h o n o r a b l e
lamily n a m e and w h o was identified mainly \vith the l a n d e d
i ii ici est r a t h e r than the t r a d i n g interest, even t h o u g h he pér-
il a ps augmented his f o r t u n e by marrying t h e d a u g h t e r of a
prosperous merchant. I n the Restoration a n d eighteenth century,
as in the T u d o r a n d early Stuart periods, the gentleman's
éducation in its broadest sense a n d in its every aspect was t h e
lllhjcct of considérable discussion by courtesy writers a n d o t h e r
(heorizers on gentility or on pedagogy. Since the purpose of
liis éducation was to fashion h i m into a m o d e l m a n of quality,
an cxamination of opinions regarding his u p b r i n g i n g m u s t i n
large degree be a study in a n idéal. Such an e x a m i n a t i o n m u s t
lake into account t h e a t t r i b u t e s which theorists believed t h e
gentleman should possess a n d their criticisms of h i m for n o t
living u p to the idéal, as well as their notions as to how his
iiaining should be conducted a n d what it should consist of i n
nrder that the idéal m i g h t be realized.
Those w h o wrote o n the g e n t l e m a n represented m a n y walks
ol life. Some of them, such as Ramesey, Sir M a t t h e w Haie, Sir
( ieorge Mackenzie, Ramsay, a n d Chesterfield, were g e n t l e m e n
iliemselves. A few, such as P a n t o n and Forrester, were military
ollicers. Many—for example, Penton, Grenville, B u r n e t , Brown,
.mil Hurd—were clergymen, w h o may or may not have occupied
elevated stations in the church. Others, notably G a i l h a r d a n d
I ,<>cke, were tutors, o r like L a w and Dalton, tutors a n d clergy-
men at the same time. T h e schoolmaster's profession con-
tributed Clarke, C h a p m a n , a n d several lesser theorists; Beattie,
Bentham, Fordyce, a n d others taught a t tlie universities. T h e
educators, like a n u m b e r of the divines, were n o t of genteel
origin. N e i t h e r were the m a j o r i t y of m e n of letters w h o h a d
significant comments to m a k e on the gentleman, a n d w h o
included Steele, Defoe, Swift, Coventry, Johnson, a n d Brooke.

7
8 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN

Despite the variety of classes and vocations to which the theorists

belonged, there was remarkable agreement a m o n g t h e m as to
what the g e n t l e m a n should be a n d h o w the idéal could best
be a t t a i n e d t h r o u g h éducation; c o m m e n t a t o r s repeated the senti- Acknowledgments
ments of their contemporaries and i m m e d i a t e predecessors, a n d
some limes the views of Renaissance authors. Shifts of o p i n i o n l'Iic Huthor wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to:
did occur f r o m âge to âge, however, a n d o n some points the
theorists of a single âge were in violent discord. T h e i m p o r t a n t <• licll & Sons, Ltd., for permission to q u o t e f r o m J o n a t h a n
différences are n o t e d in their a p p r o p r i a t e places, as are also Swift's Prose Works, ed. T e m p l e Scott
the disparities between the gentleman's o w n conception of the I lie Cambridge Univcrsity Press, for permission to q u o t e f r o m
gentleman a n d t h a t subscribed to by t h e theorists. T o a large |. W. Adamson's " E d u c a t i o n , " chap. xv in the Cambridge
extent I have let t h e commentators speak for themselves, q u o t i n g llistory of English Literature, IX, a n d J o h n Locke's Some
Thoughts Concerning Education, in The Educational Writ-
liberally f r o m t h e m a n d confining my own remarks to explica-
ings of John Locke, ed. J. W . Adamson
tion a n d i n t e r p r é t a t i o n .
I Ile Clarendon Press, for permission to q u o t e f r o m B e r n a r d
T h e choice of a date a quo, 1660, was n o t entirely arbitrary.
T h e concept of the gentleman in t h e Renaissance a n d early Mandeville's Fable of the Bees, ed. F. B. Kaye
seventeenth c e n t u r y has already been treated admirably by such P l\ Collier & Son Corp., for permission t o q u o t e f r o m W i l l i a m
scholars as Miss R u t h Kelso a n d Professor W . L. Ustick. An Penn's More Fruits of Solitude, ed. Charles W . Eliot, in
T h e H a r v a r d Classics, I.
investigation of t h e idéal of the g e n t l e m a n in the eighteenth
I P. D u t t o n & Co., for permission to q u o t e f r o m W i l l i a m
century, f u r t h e r m o r e , m u s t take i n t o account the Restoration
Law's Serions Call to a Devout and Holy Life, and Oliver
idéal, to which eighteenth-century theories were closely re-
Goldsmith's Citizen of the World, ed. Austin Dobson
lated. T h e choice of a terminal date was n o t entirely arbitrary
(ierald Duckworth & Co., Ltd., for permision to q u o t e f r o m
either; a f t e r the p u b l i c a t i o n of Chesterfield's letters to his son in
the Tatler, ed. George A. Aitken
1774 a n d Croft's General Observations in 1775, little of im-
Kowtledge a n d Kegan Paul, Ltd., for permission to q u o t e f r o m
portance appeared in the field of courtesy literature. W h e n the
the Spectator, ed. George A. Aitken
occasion w a r r a n t e d it, however, I have gone a few years beyond
I he University of Illinois Press, for permission to q u o t e f r o m
1775, just as I have for certain purposes considered works
R u t h Kelso's Doctrine of the English Gentleman in the
written p r i o r to 1660. Although the m a j o r i t y of my sources
Sixteenth Century
belong w i t h i n the realms of courtesy l i t e r a t u r e or treatises on
I lie Yale University Press, for permission to q u o t e f r o m H e n r y
éducation, I have at times attempted to show h o w the dramas,
Fielding's Covent-Garden Journal, ed. G é r a r d Edward Jensen
novels, a n d periodical essays of the eighteenth century re-
flected the age's ideas regarding the g e n t l e m a n .

y
 TABLE OF C O N T E N T S

PREFACE 7

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 9

I V I R T U E AS AN A I M IN T H E G E N T L E M A N ' S EDUCATION 13

II P U B L I C S P I R I T AS AN A I M IN T H E GENTLEMAN'S
EDUCATION 34

III INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN A I M IN THE

GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 52

IV W O R L D L Y E X P E R I E N C E AS AN ALM IN T H E GENTLE-
M A N ' S EDUCATION 114

V G O O D BREEDING AS AN AIM IN T H E GENTLEMAN'S

EDUCATION 134

VI T H E P L A C E O F T R A V E L IN T H E EDUCATION O F T H E

GENTLEMAN 156

VII P U B L I C VERSUS P R I V A T E EDUCATION 195

BIBLIOGRAPHY 231

INDEX 245
 C H A P T E R ONE

Virluc as an Aim in the Gentleman's Education

Courtesy writers in the late seventeenth a n d early e i g h t e e n t h

centuries frequently raised t h e question of w h e t h e r b i r t h o r
vil l ue constituted the greater claim to gentility. I t could n o t
lu* denied that a m a n was i n actual fact a g e n t l e m a n if h e
possessed an ancient a n d h o n o r a b l e name. Critics insisted, how-
rver, that oh an idéal p l a n e his ancestry was m u c h less i m p o r t a n t
Ili.m his virtue—that w i t h o u t virtue he was at best a m o s t
imperfect gentleman. O n e a u t h o r , for example, called a gentle-
man'* virtue as superior to his blood as the soul was to t h e
liody. 1 T h e ecclesiastic Denis Grenville, himself a g e n t l e m a n ,
declared: "So far is Christian Vertue f r o m b e i n g I n c o m p a t i b l e
witli true Gentility, t h a t to speak properly, a n d strictly, a M a n
cannot be a compleat G e n t l e m a n who is u t t e r l y void thereof." 2
According to Defoe, "if t h e v e r t u e descends n o t with t h e titles,
ilic m a n is b u t the shaddow of a gentleman, w i t h o u t the sub-
•iiiince."8 Indeed, n o serious commentator w o u l d have ques-
lloned the proposition that virtue was the m o s t essential quali-
lù.ition of true gentility. T h e present chapter will a t t e m p t to
Indicate its significance in the concept of t h e gentleman, its
place in the scheme of his éducation, and p r o m i n e n t theories
irgarding its inculcation.
During the Restoration, writers went so f a r as to term v i r t u e
llie very source of nobility a n d gentility. T h e y i n h e r i t e d this
view f r o m the M i d d l e Ages a n d Renaissance, ancl u l t i m a t e l y
liom antiquity. 4 Ail men were equal in t h e sight of G o d ,
icventeenth-century a u t h o r s m a i n t a i n e d , b u t some h a d b e e n
rlevated above their fellows because of their o u t s t a n d i n g m o r a l
qualifies a n d exemplary conduct. " ' T i s virtue and m e r i t , " t h e

13
14 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
tutor J e a n Gailhard affirmed, "which first of ail did put a
différence between m e n : by this m e a n s his [i.e., a gentleman's]
Ancestors were raised to honor." 5 I n discussing the aspects of
virtue responsible for advancement in rank, some commentators
placed considérable stress on heroic qualities: " T a m b e r l a i n e ,
by most is reported to be the sonne of a Shepherd . . . admit
t h a t his Virtues were n o t Christian, yet they were at least Moral,
a n d Heroick, raising h i m to a glorious T h r o n e . " 6 A m o n g the
heroic virtues, signal patriotism was o f t e n mentioned; thus
P h i l i p Ayres named as the f o u n t s of nobility a n d gentility
" n o b l e and generous Enterprises a n d Designs" n o t only "for
the h o n o u r of God, defence of his true Religion," b u t also for
"the support and h o n o u r of the Prince, Gods Vicegerent, and
the publick Weal, for the général good." 7 T h e tracing of gen-
tility to virtuous actions, particularly those performed in the
service of the nation, grew much less f r e q u e n t in the eighteenth
century, b u t it still occurred occasionally. Defoe, for example,
said of the Venetian nobility: " T r u e merit, fidellity to, and
services done for, their country, exalted the first patriots of the
State, and establish'd themselves as the r u l e for those noble
persons to act by in taking subséquent nobillity afterwards as
the reward of virtue." 8
T h e gentleman's virtue, however, was to consist of m u c h more
t h a n heroic qualities and public service. I t is sometimes said
t h a t in the Renaissance the particular virtues required of the
gentleman were in large degree classical, influeneed by Aristo-
telian ethics a n d embodying such attributes as valor and mag-
nanimity, b u t that in the seventeenth century the classical idéal
was replaced by an eminently Christian o n e emphasizing piety,
godliness, a n d an almost Puritanical morality. 9 T h i s view should
be modified slightly. T h e distinction between classical a n d
Christian virtues is not always clear, Renaissance courtesy
literature was by n o means devoid of Christian principles, and,
as has just been remarked, an a d m i r a t i o n f o r the heroic virtues
was not dead in the Restoration, t h o u g h it was certainly mori-
b u n d . Furthermore, many seventeenth-century works on the
gentleman, especially in the early Stuart period, were not pious
in any sense of the word; books of worldly aclvice, some of them
VI K l (JE AS AN AIM IN THE GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 15
p u n i r a i treatises on policy a n d expediency, f o r m e d a tradition
puNNibly as i m p o r t a n t as t h e tradition of pietistic books. 1 0 Never-
thclcss, a change in the tone of muoh courtesy literature after
1(11)0 is undeniable. It may be noted in such treatises as Nicholas
llrrlon'g Mothers Blessing (1602), James Cleland's Institution
<>l a Young Noble Man (1607), and the Basilikon Doron of
| .unes I (published in an édition of seven copies i n 1599, b u t
aiiually brought before the public in 1603). T h e pietistic idéal
M icivcd full expression in R i c h a r d Brathwait's i m p o r t a n t book
l'he English Gentleman (1630), which made godliness a n indis-
pensable qualification of gentility. A P u r i t a n influence on
srveral such works is détectable, although m a n y of them were
nui written by Dissenters; Brathwait himself was a n o p p o n e n t
ni Puritanism. In m a n y respects, the altération in the idéal
must be attributed to the increasing articulateness of bourgeois
society, which adopted a moralistic mood indeed w h e n it
viewed its superiors in r a n k .
This early seventeenth-century approach to gentility was
liansmitted to the Restoration and carried t h r o u g h into the
eighteenth century, when scant attention was p a i d to the clas-
sicil idéal a n d when the tracing of gentility to the heroic
virtues almost vanished f r o m courtesy literature. T h e Restora-
lion attitude is represented by the publication in 1660 of The
Gentleman's Calling, a t t r i b u t e d to R i c h a r d Allestree, and Clém-
ent Ellis's Gentile [i.e., " G e n t e e l " ] Sinner, b o t h embodying an
cxlremely religious viewpoint. A m o n g n u m e r o u s early eight-
ccnth-century works in the same vein, The Gentleman In-
structed (1704), a t t r i b u t e d to William Darrell, and T h o m a s
l'oxton's Serino (1721) may b e singled ont as egregiously pious.
While such treatments of t h e gentleman were characterized by
I very moralistic a n d at times even Puritanical tone, most of
them were not written by Puritans; Darrell, in fact, was a
(esuit, and Allestree was a staunch royalist divine.
In insistent language a n d with many m o r a l examples a n d
lliblical references, these books exhorted the gentleman to régu-
la te his life according to conventional Christian principles. H o n .
«sty was stressed and lying condemned, not so m u c h because
the gentleman's code of h o n o r forbade lying as because Christian
14 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
teaching forbade it. Avarice a n d covetousness were n a m e d as
vices which the aristocrat s h o u l d flee. T h e gentleman was
strongly warned against the sin of p r i d e and, especially d u r i n g
the Restoration, urged not to boast of his forbears, as "his
Ancestors were raised to h o n o r ; n o t that he s h o u l d b r a g of,
b u t imitate t h e m . " 1 1 H e was told to "hate a n d despise ail
h u m a n glory, for it is n o t h i n g else b u t h u m a n folly," a n d to
"love h u m i l i t y in ail its instances; practise it in ail its parts,
for it is the noblest state of the soul of m a n . " 1 2 Gritics of the
g e n t l e m a n d e m a n d e d that h e r e f r a i n f r o m sexual misconduct,
drunkenness, a n d gaming, a n d their lengthy remarks o n these
vices n o d o u b t contributed to the Puritanical tone of their
works. O n Ghristian grounds, the genteel tradition of d u e l i n g
was denounced. 1 3
Moral a n d religious counsel went h a n d in h a n d ; the gentle-
m a n was required to have a p r o f o u n d awareness of a n d rever-
ence for God a n d Christian principles: "Your E n d e a v o u r a n d
H o p e is to know GOD and Goodness, in which alone there is
true E n j o y m e n t a n d good." 1 4 A n y a t t i t u d e disrespectful to-
ward religion or suggestive of w h a t t h e âge termed " a t h e i s m "
was, of course, reprehensible in the extreme. T h e g e n t l e m a n
w h o neglected his Christian duties was thought to be m o r e
censurable than less fortunately circumstanced m e n ; h e owed
a spécial debt of thankfulness a n d service to G o d in r e t u r n f o r
the wealth and station which G o d h a d given h i m : "Consider,
t h a t your Estate a n d H o n o u r are so f a r f r o m excusing you, t h a t
they lay the greatest obligations on you to serve God . . . in
p o i n t of Gratitude, that you, considering these mercies of God,
may present your soul and body as a living holy sacrifice, most
acceptable to h i m . " 1 5 T h e d e m a n d s that the gentleman be
t r a i n e d early a n d thoroughly in religion and that he lead a life
of exemplary dévotion to his Creator were probably the most
n o t e w o r t h y f e a t u r e of discussions of his virtue.
T o g e t h e r with the r e q u i r e m e n t t h a t the gentleman be virtuous
came a severe condemnation of h i m for his alleged viciousness.
T h e m a n of r a n k was almost never praised for moral qualities.
O n e a u t h o r a n n o u n c e d that the Great Rebellion was d u e punish-
m e n t for English gentlemen, w h o h a d b r o u g h t their calamities
VI K l (JE AS AN AIM IN T H E GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 17
16
upon their own heads by their wickedness. Criticism of the
gentleman for his lack of virtue had, of course, long b e e n a
literary tradition, b u t it received an addecl impetus i n the
Restoration, w h e n c o m m e n t a tors looked w i t h moral indigna-
lion at the court of Charles II a n d r e m e m b e r e d w i t h nearly
as much indignation the court of Charles I . Ellis's Gentile
Sinner, a savage attack u p o n the gentleman for his i m p i o u s
attitude a n d evil ways, set the tone of succeeding works. T h e
assault u p o n the genteel order for its godlessness was con-
ductecl by ail serious critics, those w h o r a n k e d as g e n t l e m e n as
well as those w h o d i d n o t . T h e well-born W i l l i a m Ramesey,
l'or example, exclaimed in h o r r o r that " h e that will n o t
Blasphémé his maker, nay, a n d deny there is any such t h i n g
as a Deity, a n d déclaré himself a down-right Atheist, is ac-
counted n o G e n t l e m a n . " 1 7 Clergymen were especially v e h e m e n t .
In his Counsel and Directions Denis Grenville accused fashion-
able youths of t h i n k i n g t h a t "the Practice of Religion, a n d
Dévotion is inconsistent w i t h a G e n t l e m a n " a n d of giving them-
selves "wliolly u p to their f u l l swinge of Vice, and Leudness."
T h e Heathens, he asserted, h a d believed " t h a t V i r t u e is the
truest Nobility" a n d that it was n o t right f o r even " t h e Ras-
cality to be sottishly vitious, when among us Ghristians, (to
our everlasting shame) it is many times become the distinguish-
ing Character of Gentility" (pages 58, 60).
T h e same k i n d of i n d i c t m e n t c o n t i n u e d i n t o the e i g h t e e n t h
century. O n e a u t h o r a f f i r m e d that not even the fear of G o d
could "awake o u r y o u n g Gallants, (like so m a n y bewitched
Sampsons) they sleep in t h e Bosom of fascinating Pleasures.
. . . T h e i r Study is to learn Sins; their E m p l o y a i e n t to c o m m i t
'em, a n d g r a n d Diversion to a p p l a u d their Impieties." 1 8 In-
stead of fulfilling their obligation to be especially v i r t u o u s i n
return for the favors bestowed on them by Providence, m a n y
of them, as a clergyman said, practiced "the vile Ingratitude of
living only to d i s h o n o u r their great Benefactor." 1 9
In the micl-eighteenth century, when attacks on persons of
quality seem to have b r o k e n out with r e n e w e d violence, some
critics m e n t i o n e d as a piece of common knowledge t h a t the
genteel order was m o r e p r o n e to vice t h a n the m i d d l e a n d
 14 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
lower classes, and expressed fear t h a t the examples of impiety
a n d immorality set by gentlemen w o u l d b e followed by their
social inferiors or t h a t the tendency t o w a r d sinfulness would
be inherited by f u t u r e générations till ail England suffered a
m o r a l décliné. 2 0 T h e moral fervor of t h e earlier period was
sometimes replaced in t h e mid-century periodicals by a m o r e
delicate satire, 2 1 b u t the basic a t t i t u d e r e m a i n e d unchanged.
• T h e r e were, besides, many commentators w h o voiced their out-
rage as bluntly and furiously as h a d those of the Restoration.
A m o n g these was the Reverend Dr. J o h n Brown, w h o said of
the m a n of rank: "Should you propose to him the Renewal
of that Family Dévotion, which c o n c l u d e d the guiltless Evening
E n t e r t a i n m e n t s of his Ancestry? You w o u l d become an O b j e c t
of his Pity, rather t h a n C o n t e m p t . T h e sublime T r u t h s , the
p u r e a n d simple Morals of the Gospel, are despised a n d trod
u n d e r foot." Englisli gentlemen were worse than atheists, Brown
added, as they did not even have sufficient interest in religious
questions to wonder whether they should be atheists or not. 2 2
Drunkenness, gaming, and sexual misconduct were so often
ascribed to men of quality t h a t they came to be termed t h e
genteel vices. A l t h o u g h an u n k n o w n a u t h o r wrote a reply to
Brown's Estimate in which he disagreed w i t h most of Brown's
opinions, h e apparently did not f i n d t h e churchman's judg-
m e n t of m e n of fashion u n w a r r a n t e d , exclaiming i n particular
against the prevalence of sexual misconduct: " T h e Commerce
of the Sexes never was so barefaced a m o n g the great. . . .
Modesty is trod u n d e r Foot; R a n k , a n d t h e Ties of M a t r i m o n y
are forgot; the Guilty Passion is become a Subject of Vanity." 2 3
T h o m a s Sheridan, father of the dramatist, threw u p his h a n d s
in dismay at what h e considcred the sinfulness of his well-born
contemporaries. T h e y were so tlioroughly indoctrinated in vice,
h e thought, that ail attempts to change tliem w o u l d be fruit-
less. T h e only h o p e lay in the y o u n g sons of gentlemen, w h o
m i g h t yet be led to virtue by r i g h t éducation. 2 4
Ail tliis censure of the British g e n t l e m a n for viciousness, n o
m a t t e r how exaggerated or u n r e a s o n a b l e it may have been o n
occasion, is indicative of the very grave concern t h r o u g h o u t
VI K l (JE AS AN AIM IN T H E GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 19
the Restoration a n d eighteenth century over t h e m o r a l charac-
ler a n d religious a t t i t u d e of the m a n of q u a l i t y . T h e consensus
<»l opinion was t h a t the British gentleman s h o u l d be a great
deal more virtuous t h a n h e actually was. A n d most commenta-
lors believed, w i t h T h o m a s Sheridan, that h e could b e m a d e
virtuous only t h r o u g h his éducation. According to m a n y of
tliem, the young gcntlcman's studies, or at any rate certain
ol his studies, could b e of h e l p in fashioning h i m i n t o a good
mail. " N o t h i n g avails m o r e that L e a r n i n g a n d I n s t i t u t i o n , "
nue a u t h o r declared, " t o t u r n o u r Hearts, excite o u r Wills,
and conform o u r Passions to Virtue." 2 5 Defoe called a lack of
learning "an enemy to temperance, to frugallity, to honesty,
and to the practise of ail morall vertues." 2 6 Readings in the
Bible, often a p a r t of early éducation, could b e of considérable
lirlp in giving the y o u n g gentleman a religious sense a n d i n
leaching h i m Christian conduct; a n d history, f r o m w h i c h in-
iiiunerable m o r a l cxamples could be drawn, f u r n i s h e d m a n y
incentives to lead a good life.
Studies, however, were only one aspect of t r a i n i n g in virtue.
Most writers, in calling éducation the source of virtue, were
ihinking not merely of instruction in the arts and sciences b u t
ol the whole u p b r i n g i n g of the well-born y o u t h . T h e y h a d
in m i n d the m o r a l discipline a n d religious direction which,
they said, should commence almost at the m o m e n t of his b i r t h
.nid be carried on w i t h o u t slackening, by parents, governors,
tutors, a n d schoolmasters, u n t i l he reached m a t u r i t y .
T h e inculcation of virtue was regarded as t h e most i m p o r t a n t
.lim of the gentleman's éducation thus broadly conceivcd, m u c h
more necessary t h a n lessons in the branches of learning. " T h e
lirst end in view," as Sheridan remarked in his Plan of Educa-
tion, "is to m a k e good m e n , a n d good Christians" (page 53).
l'.xcept in so f a r as a gentleman's studies were used to this end,
iliey were a very secondary considération; knowledge f o r the
n.ike of knowledge was generally deprecated. " N o Knowledge
. . . no Accomplishments of any k i n d , " an a n o n y m o u s eight-
centh-century a u t h o r declared, "can compensate for the w a n t
of Virtue," 2 7 a n d n o o n e would have challenged this pro-
nouncement. I n C h a p t e r X V I I I of his Serious Call, L a w intro-
14 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
duced a character n a m e d Paternus as a spokesman for his views
on the gentleman's éducation. P a t e r n u s informed his son t h a t
he was teaching h i m L a t i n a n d Greek n o t for their own sake,
b u t for the goodness a n d piety t h a t resulted f r o m a study of
ancient literature. T h e classics, w h e n they were studied as ends
in themselves or as a means of m a k i n g oneself a great critic,
poet, or orator, were to be despised, " f o r the desire of these
accomplishments is a vanity of the m i n d " (page 243).
T h o s e writers w h o e n u m e r a t e d the objects of gentlemanly
éducation consistently placed virtue at the head of the list; a n d
sometimes, especially in the Restoration, they p u t the arts a n d
sciences at the very bottom, occasionally even questioning their
m o r a l value. Bishop Gilbert B u r n e t spoke of "the o r d e r i n g their
[i.e., children's] morals, which I a c c o u n t the chieffe p a r t of
é d u c a t i o n , " and said of learning: " I j u d g e learning the meanest
piece of éducation, a n d were it n o t t h a t study preserves youths
f r o m idleness a n d worse exercises, I sould [sic] n o t very
earnestly r e c o m m e n d it to the b r e e d i n g of ail youth: for i n d e e d
the right f r a m i n g of their minds, a n d f o r m i n g their manners,
is most to be t h o u g h t u p o n . " 2 8 Locke ranked learning last
a m o n g the aims of éducation, whereas h e ranked "Virtue as
the first a n d most necessary of those endowments that belong
to a m a n o r a gentleman." "Reading, a n d writing, a n d learning,"
he observed, "I allow to be necessary, b u t yet n o t the chief
business."
I say this [he added, addressing a genteel p a r e n t ] , that,
w h e n you consicler of the breeding of your son, you w o u l d
not have . . . Latin a n d logic only in your thoughts. . . .
Seek o u t somebody that may k n o w h o w discreetly to f r a m e
his manners; place h i m in h a n d s w h e r e you may, as m u c h
as possible, secure his innocence, cherish and nurse u p the
good, a n d gently correct a n d weecl o u t any bacl inclinations,
a n d scttle in h i m good habits. T h i s is the main point; a n d
this being provided for, l e a r n i n g m a y be hacl into the
bargain.
U n l i k e those theorists who h a d considérable faith in the m o r a l
efficacy of studies, Locke believed t h a t although learning was
VI K l (JE AS AN AIM IN THE GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 20
"a great h e l p " toward p r o d u c i n g b o t h v i r t u e a n d wisdom "in
well-disposed minds," nevertheless, "in others not so disposed,
n helps t h e m only to be the m o r e foolish or worse m e n . " 2 9
T h i s distrust of l e a r n i n g as an aid to virtue d i d n o t disappear
rntirely in the eighteenth century. Peter Shaw, for example,
devoted m u c h considération to the question " W h y l e a r n i n g
lias not f a r t h e r advanced Morality." T h e i n s t r u c t i o n of youths,
according to him, " s h o u l d have two Views; the first t o f o r m
ilicm M e n [i.e., m e n w h o act morally], a n d t h e second to f o r m
them Christians." T h u s t h e only necessary branches of learning,
in his opinion, were ones which t a u g h t m o r a l i t y a n d religion,
•nid he did n o t include a m o n g these sucli studies as mathematics
and the n a t u r a l sciences. As for the abstract philosophical
spéculations of the universities, they were definitely h a r m f u l ,
not serving at ail to f u r t h e r piety or morality. 3 0
T h e m a j o r i t y of eighteenth-century theorists, as m e n t i o n e d
before, lield t h a t most studies at any rate d i d h e l p to p r o m o t e
virtue. Like m o r e severe cri tics of learning, however, they
olten suspected t h a t abstract spéculations a n d the m i n u t e érudi-
tion of the scholar were of little or no aid in the inculcation
of virtue, a n d they deplored this type of l e a r n i n g o n those
grounds. "Ail that we call I m p r o v e m e n t of o u r Minds, in dry
.nid empty Spéculation," one theorist observed; "ail L e a r n i n g
or whatever else, either in Theology or o t h e r Science, which
lias not a direct T e n d e n c y to r e n d e r us honester, milder, juster,
and better, is far f r o m being justly so call'd." 3 1 O t h e r com-
nientators criticized the p u b l i c schools for emphasizing studies
which did little to inspire the boys with w o r t h y sentiments and
lor neglecting studies m o r e valuable f r o m t h e s t a n d p o i n t of
virtue. Eustace Budgell, in the Speclator N o . 337 (March 27,
1712), animadvertecl against the schools' practice of h a v i n g boys
compose L a t i n themes a n d verses on prescribed subjects; he
felt that the children's time could more p r o f i t a b l y be employed
in f i n d i n g m o r a l lessons a n d examples i n t h e i r L a t i n reading
and in w r i t i n g o u t their thoughts o n these. T h o m a s Sheridan
rcproached t h e schools because, i n his o p i n i o n , their purpose
was "to m a k e good L a t i n a n d Greek scholars" r a t h e r t h a n to
turn the students i n t o m o r a l Christian gentlemen. 3 2 A numbef
14 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
of a u t h o r s advocated the careful selection of reading material,
so that only works which instilled v i r t u o u s principles w o u l d
be p u t i n t o the h a n d s of y o u n g gentlemen. "Ail the [ L a t i n ]
passages selected f o r translating, a n d declaiming," Sheridan
a n n o u n c e d , "should be such as are most likely to inculcate
principles of Religion a n d morality." 3 3
T h e precedence of virtue over l e a r n i n g as an aim of the
gentleman's éducation was thus firmly established t h r o u g h o u t
the p e r i o d u n d e r considération, and it was generally recognized
that even if studies a f f o r d e d strong persuasions to goodness,
o t h e r aspects of his u p b r i n g i n g were p e r h a p s of m o r e i n f l u e n c e
in m o l d i n g a well-born youth into a virtuous gentleman. If
he was indoctrinated early and t h o r o u g h l y in moral ideas a n d
pious beliefs t h r o u g h careful r e a r i n g as well as t h r o u g h studies,
h e w o u l d become the idéal g e n t l e m a n which his critics so
ardently wished h i m to be. Various pedagogical techniques for
the inculcation of virtue were therefore discussed at great length,
as in Locke's Some Thoughts Concerning Education (1693).
A boy was to be t a u g h t virtue by p r e c e p t a n d example, rewards
bestowed with caution, severe p u n i s h m e n t s administered only
as a last resort, the cultivation of a sense of h o n o r t h r o u g h
manifestations of approval, a n d the cultivation of a sense of
shame through manifestations of disapproval. If a young gentle-
m a n showed u n d u e possessiveness or selfish tendencies in games
with o t h e r children, these faults m u s t b e checked; if he practiced
cruel ty towards animais a n d birds, h e must be given lessons
in kindness; if he lied or cheated, even in the smallest matters,
his elders must évincé great dismay a n d enlarge on the ad-
vantages of veracity. His playmates m u s t be carefully chosen,
as wickedly inelined children w o u l d h a v e a bad influence o n
his character. H e was n o t to consort familiarly with the servants,
since they might teach h i m meanness. T u t o r s , governors, a n d
schoolmasters were required to be v i r t u o u s beyond ail else a n d
to have t h e ability of transmitting their virtue to their pupils.
T h e actions a n d attitudes of a youth's f a t h e r were of
especial importance. " W h e n G o d h a t h given a M a n C h i l d r e n , "
G a i l h a r d affirmed, "he ought to see t h e m b r o u g h t u p a n d in-
VI K l (JE AS AN AIM IN THE GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 23
Niiucted i n the fear of G o d . " Fathers, h e c o n t i n u e d , "must
wi l'hall take care to . . . teach t h e m t r u e m o r a l i t y . " 8 4 Ideally,
a parent was to be a p a r a g o n of piety a n d m o r a l excellence
and was to devote his efforts unstintingly t o w a r d leading his
«on in the p a t h of goodness, overseeing t h e boy's religious
training, c u r b i n g his sinful proclivities, p a t i e n t l y e x p l a i n i n g
the différence between r i g h t a n d wrong conduct, restraining his
wilful passions, a n d inspiring h i m with a love of v i r t u e by
his own example. T h e fashionable father, however, was sub-
jrcted to considérable criticism for doing exactly the opposite
of ail this. "Most G e n t l e m e n , " Ellis wrote sarcastically, "seem
lo make it a speciall piece of their fatherly care to stave off
Iheir Children as long as they can f r o m Vertue a n d Religion;
lest therein resembling better men than t h e i r Fathers, some
might take occasion to think t h e m Spurious."
It is indeed most l a m e n t a b l e [he went o n ] t o consider how
very few of those we call Gentlemen e n d e a v o u r to m a k e
their Children either Honest m e n or Good Christians: as
if it were their onely businesse to beget them, a n d w h e n they
are corne i n t o the world, to teach t h e m by their own ex-
ample, h o w they m a y most unprofitably spend the short
leavings of their own Luxury.35
The same type of criticism was rather f r e q u e n t in the eight-
centh century. I n the Connoisseur No. 22 ( J u n e 27, 1754), the
Karl of Cork a f f o r d e d an illustration of a fashionable father,
a "Colonel, w h o h a d served only in the p e a c e f u l campaigns of
Covent-Gardcn," who by his own example i n f l u e n c e d his son
to lead an i m m o r a l life. " H e e n u m e r a t e d . . . his m i d n i g h t
skirmishes w i t h constables, his storming of bagnios, his im-
prisonment in round-houses, a n d his h o n o u r a b l e wounds i n
I lie service of prostitutes." T h e son "could n o t fail of i m p r o v i n g
under so excellent a tutor, ancl soon b e c a m e as e m i n e n t as
his father."
W h e n Chesterfield's letters to his son were p r i n t e d in 1774,
they must have impressed contemporaries as a f u r t h e r instance
of a gentleman's inculcation of vice in his son. Despite the
moral i n j u n c t i o n s in some of the early letters, it was obvious
24 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
to readers that on the whole they did not express extremely
virtuous ideas. Chesterfield, perhaps assuming that young Philip's
morally irreproachable governor Mr. H a r t e would give h i m
sufficient instruction in virtue, paid comparatively little at-
tention to this aspect of éducation himself; h e strongly urged
the youth to have liaisons w i t h women of quality on the Con-
tinent; w h e n he did advocate virtuous conduct, he usually did
so n o t f r o m an appréciation of its intrinsic value b u t f r o m
the fear that vicious conduct would h u r t the boy's r é p u t a t i o n ,
thereby rendering it difficult for h i m to shine in the world;
a n d h e seemed to feel that the a p p e a r a n c e of religion a n d
morality was more i m p o r t a n t a n d desirable than the actuality.
A l t h o u g h Chesterfield's letters to his son, which, of course,
were n o t intended for publication, r a n contrary to the m a n y
pious letters of advice to young g e n t l e m e n which were p u b -
lished t h r o u g h o u t the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries, they
were in the tradition of the books of worldly advice a n d pru-
dential counsel which constituted a significant part of courtesy
l i t e r a t u r e in the seventeenth century b u t which disappeared
d u r i n g the eighteenth. In their t r e a t m e n t of virtue, therefore,
they were perhaps somewhat anachronistic. At any rate, they
alarmed Chesterfield's contemporaries, who, as is well k n o w n ,
p o i n t e d to them as attempts on the p a r t of a cynical a n d
vicious aristocrat to r u i n the moral character of a young English
g e n t l e m a n . T h u s the a u t h o r of a satirical skit m a d e a well-
b o r n y o u t h recite, as a preliminary to baptism into w h a t h e
termed L o r d Chesterfield's Creed: " I believe that . . . forni-
cation, a n d adultery, are w i t h i n the lines of morality; t h a t a
w o m a n m a y be h o n o u r a b l e w h e n she has lost her h o n o u r , a n d
virtuous w h e n she has lost h e r virtue, etc." 3 0 A n d thus Cowper,
in The Progress of Error, called Chesterfield the "Grey-beard
c o r r u p t e r of our list'ning y o u t h " (1. 342).
M a n y of the particular directions for m a k i n g a young gentle-
m a n virtuous have already been m e n t i o n e d and need not detain
us f u r t h e r . T h e r e were two, however, which, because of the
urgency with which they were uttered, deserve m o r e cletailed
considération. Both were applicable to the moral éducation
/
VIRTUE AS AN AIM IN THE GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 25
of children in général, b u t their f r e q u e n t occurrence in dis-
cussions of the u p b r i n g i n g of gentlemen's sons makes them
especially i m p o r t a n t in that regard.
T h e first of these directions was that t h e passions should be
kept u n d e r rigid control. Restoration c o m m e n t a t o r s subscribed
to the notion, traceable ultimately to Plato, t h a t " t h e inferiour
and more b r u t i s h p a r t of the m a n " m u s t b e guided by his
rational faculty, that "a bridle" must be p u t "in the m o u t h s
of these head-strong passions," until they w e r e r e n d e r e d " n o t
only captivated slaves, b u t good Subjects, o b e d i e n t to the laws
of Reason." 3 7 " W h e n in m a n passions are exalted above reason,"
one seventeenth-century courtesy writer explained, " n o t h i n g
follows b u t disorders, mischiefs, and u n a v o i d a b l e r u i n e b o t h
within a n d w i t h o u t . " 3 8 Locke was thoroughly convinced of this.
"It seems p l a i n to m e , " h e averrcd, " t h a t t h e principle of ail
virtue a n d excellency lies in a power of d e n y i n g ourselves the
satisfaction of o u r own desires, where reason does n o t authorize
them." T e a c h i n g a y o u n g gentleman to govern his passions
was therefore one of the most i m p o r t a n t points in Locke's
educational scheme. T h e most infantile desires of the small
child, h e said, should be opposed, for "if t h e child must have
grapes, or sugar-plums, when h e has a m i n d to them, rather
than make t h e poor baby cry, or be out of h u m o u r , why, when
he is grown up, m u s t h e not be satisfied too, if his desires
carry h i m to wine or women?" Coddling children a n d gratify-
ing their whims a n d wishes was the greatest mistake t h a t could
be made in early éducation, according to Locke; they "should
be used to s u b m i t their desires, a n d go w i t h o u t their longings,
even f r o m their very cradles." Only in this way, h e thought,
could the passions be m a d e "subject to t h e rules a n d restraints
of reason." 3 9
A belief in the necessity for training a y o u n g g e n t l e m a n to
c u r b his passions by means of his reason was as characteristic
of the eighteenth century as of the seventeenth. T h e R e v e r e n d
John Dalton's Epistle to a Young Nobleman, a set of instruc-
tions in v i r t u e written in 1736 by a g e n t l e m a n ' s preceptor,
included the following exhortations:
14 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
' T i s now the time y o u n g passion to command,
W h i l e yet the p l i a n t stem obeys the h a n d ;
G u i d e now the courser with a steddy rein,
E're yet he bounds o'er pleasure's flow'ry plain:
I n passion's strife, n o m é d i u m you can have;
You rule a master, or s u b m i t a slave. 40
A l t h o u g h Burgh did not, like Locke, r e q u i r e that t r a i n i n g in
control of the passions begin in the cradle, he did stipulate t h a t
" r e g u l a t i n g the passions a n d appetites" should be taught " f r o m
the time a child can speak, t h r o u g h o u t the whole course of
é d u c a t i o n . " 4 1 J o h n Brown a n n o u n c e d t h a t the first three of
his Sermons on Various Subjects "will be altogether c o n f i n e d
to the primary a n d effectuai R é g u l a t i o n of the Passions." W i t h
Locke, h e believed t h a t "if this général E n d be thoroughly
o b t a i n e d in Infancy, the secondary a n d succeeding Principles
of E d u c a t i o n . . . will naturally flow f r o m these first Principles,
as f r o m their c o m m o n F o u n t a i n . " I n t h e second sermon, where
h e treated this essential aspect of éducation most fully, he
listed various evil qualifies, such as envy, vindictiveness, a n d
pride, which must be suppressed early in order to make r o o m
for good qualities, such as benevolence a n d humility. T h e
average parent, he thought, paid too little regard to this early
suppression in rearing his child, a n d the conséquences were
disastrous: "For . . . the saine W a n t of Power to c u r b his
Passions, which led h i m in his Infancy to gratify every childish
H u m o u r , will gain Strength in Y o u t h a n d Manhood, a n d tend
to lead h i m by Degrees to the highest Excess of every Sensual
Gratification." 4 2
T h e influence of Locke on passages such as those cited above
is p r o b a b l e b u t n o t ascertainable. I t can be conclusively as-
signed, however, to other eighteenth-century remarks on sub-
j u g a t i o n of the passions. Bishop R i c h a r d H u r d ' s Dialogues on
the Uses of Foreign Travel was cast in the form of discussions
between Locke a n d Shaftesbury, in the course of which H u r d
a p p r o p r i a t e l y gave to Locke the following statement concerning
the gentleman's u p b r i n g i n g : " I r e q u i r e . . . T h a t he be trained,
by a strict discipline, to the c o m m a n d of his temper and passions;
in one word, that he be inurecl to h a b i t s of self-government." 4 3
VI K l (JE AS AN AIM IN THE GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 26
T h e schoolmaster C h a p m a n , w h o admired L o c k e for his "many
ingenious observations . . . a n d many useful directions," also
stipulated t h a t the child "should not allow his lower appetites,
or selfish passions, to usurp that place in his breast which is
due to t h e nobler a n d more refined. . . . A r e reason a n d
conscience placed w i t h i n us to check t h e impetuosity of o u r
passions, a n d shall w e despise their heavenly admonitions?" 4 4
T h e second idea f r e q u e n t l y p r o p o u n d e d in Restoration a n d
eighteenth-century discussions of training in virtue was t h a t
such t r a i n i n g must begin extremely early. W e h a v e already
noted in Locke a n d Brown the belief t h a t t h e control of the
passions was n o t t a u g h t soon enough. T h e y felt t h a t the same
was true of o t h e r aspects of the inculcation of virtue; thus
Locke gave m a n y directions for curing children of their in-
fantile vices a n d laid clown a p l a n for i n s t r u c t i n g t h e m in the
principles of religion f r o m the time w h e n they were first able
lo c o m p r e h e n d any principles at ail. 4 5 Some authors, deeply
aware of the n a t u r a l depravity of man, f e a r e d t h a t unless a
child's s i n f u l proclivities were n i p p e d in t h e b u d , h e was for-
cver lost to virtue. " T h e i n w a r d principle being naturally
corrupt," G a i l h a r d said in his Compleat Gentleman, and " t h e
will and affections deprav'd a n d p r o n e to evil, if these n a t u r a l
dispositions be strengthened with evil practise, a n d become
habituai, ail that will not only be setled a n d confirmed, b u t
also it will become inveterate a n d past remedy, w i t h o u t God's
spécial grâce" (First Treatise, pages 9-10). O t h e r theorists, al-
though they perhaps did not take quite so pessimistic a view
of h u m a n n a t u r e , argucd that attcmpts to inculcate virtue were
most successful when a child was still y o u n g e n o u g h to be ré-
ceptive of m o r a l teaching a n d when evil tendencies h a d n o t
yet become firmly rooted in h i m . " C h i l d r e n , " it was thought,
"should be m o u l d e d while their T e m p e r s are yet pliant a n d
ductile; f o r it is infinitely easier to p r e v e n t ill Habits, t h a n
to Master t h e m . . . I t should b e consider'd t o o t h a t we have
the Seeds of Virtue in us, as well as of Vice; a n d whenever we
take a w r o n g Bias, 'tis not o u t of a m o r a l Incapacity to d o
better, b u t for want of careful Manage a n d Discipline to set us
right at first." 4 6
14 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
R e l a t e d to this theory was, of course, the conception of a
child's m i n d as a tabula rasa. It is hardly necessary to p o i n t
o u t t h a t this conception was at the basis of Locke's d e m a n d
that éducation to virtue should start i n the cradle itsclf. Boyer
showed himself to be u n d e r the i n f l u e n c e of this n o t i o n w h e n
h e included in his English Theophrastus the following passage:
" T o speak ail in a few words, Children are b u t Blank Paper,
ready indifferently for any Impression, good or bad . . . a n d
it is m u c h in the power of the first corner to write Saint o r
Devil u p o n ' t , which of the two he pleases" (page 164). Oswald
Dykes used another familiar image t o express the same idea:
" ' T i s certain, that as Seals a n d Signets can easily m a k e any
Impression u p o n soft W a x , so wise Instructors may soon cast
u p o n the pliant Minds of Youth, as in a Mould, the fairest
Images a n d Ideas of Virtue, Piety, a n d Prudence." Dykes there-
fore asserted that "the surest F o u n d a t i o n s of Virtue . . . may
be said to be laid in o u r Cradles, a n d rais'd u p in the A r m s
of o u r very Nurses." 4 7 Still a n o t h e r image to the same p u r p o s e
was employed by Burgh: " T h e h u m a n m i n d resembles a piece
of g r o u n d , which will by n o means lie wholly bare; b u t will
either b r i n g fortli weeds or fruits, according as it is cultivated
or neglected. A n d according as the h a b i t s of vice and irreligion,
or the contrary, get the first possession of the mind, such is
the f u t u r e man like to be." 4 8 Brown drew a parallel between
l e a r n i n g virtue a n d learning speech. As an i n f a n t a c q u i r e d the
English language, h e said, the organs of speech developecl
certain conformations w h i c h r e m a i n e d with h i m t h r o u g h o u t his
life. Similarly, as an i n f a n t acquired habits of virtue his m i n d
developed certain conformations just as hostile to change. 4 9
T h e exact âge at which t r a i n i n g in virtue should begin
varied somewhat with various writers; not ail of them, like
Locke a n d Dykes, pushed it back q u i t e so f a r as the cradle.
T h e u n k n o w n a u t h o r of the treatise Of Education thought
that it "ought to exert itself, as soon as a Child shews any
Power of Reason" (page 24) b u t d i d n o t specify when reason
first manilested itself. B r o w n assumed t h a t " t h e very first Dawn
of Reason" occurred " b e f o r e a C h i l d is o n e Year o l d " 5 0 a n d
advised commencing éducation to v i r t u e at that date. Burgh,
VI K l (JE AS AN AIM IN THE GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 29
on the o t h e r h a n d , offered a list of m o r a l a n d religious lessons
which, in his o p i n i o n , were suitable for t h e child of three or
four. 5 1 A l t h o u g h theorists m a y have cîiffered slightly as to the
précisé âge, however, they were in complété agreement that the
inculcation of virtue should begin as early as was practicable.
According to Brown, the enemy of this i m p o r t a n t principle
was Rousseau. T w o translations of Emile (1762) were p r i n t e d
at L o n d o n in 1763. T h e next year Brown, in his Sermons on
Various Subjects, summarized Rousseau's position, justly or un-
justly, in the following m a n n e r :
It were to be wished, that he h a d been m o r e précisé a n d
determinate in delivering his O p i n i o n s : b u t so far as I
understancl him, his Principles are these.—1. " T h a t no K i n d
of H a b i t s o u g h t to be impressed on C h i l d r e n ; because they
will inevitably check the n a t u r a l Liberty of the Mind.—2.
T h a t you o u g h t never to teach them Obeclience as a Duty,
because it will r e n d e r their Mincis tyrannical a n d capri-
cious.—3. T h a t if you leave them to t h e n a t u r a l Consé-
quences of their own Actions, these will sufficiently rectify
the Mistakes they commit in Infancy.—4. T h a t w h e n Reason
cornes to exert itself in a m a t u r e r State, t h e Passions will
naturally rectify themselves according to this Standard, if
they a r e n o t corrupted b e f o r e h a n d by a n i m p r o p e r Edu-
cation." (Pages 14-15)
It may easily be seen how antithetical these ideas were t o a
belief in the necessity for careful early t r a i n i n g in virtue, a n d ,
incidentally, t r a i n i n g in the control of the passions. Brown
set himself firmly against them. I n opposition to Rousseau's
first principle, h e m a i n t a i n e d that in a civilized life the free-
dom of t h e m i n d h a d to be checked for the good of society a n d
that a small child m u s t be taught to place his duties toward
society above his personal freedom. I n reply to t h e second, he
affirmed t h a t unless a parent imposed his a u t h o r i t y on a child
and exacted duties f r o m him, the child's v i r t u e could n o t be
hoped for. H e attacked the third p r i n c i p l e by p o i n t i n g o u t
that since even an adult often did n o t l e a r n by the consé-
quences of his mistakes, surely a child never would, a n d t h a t
14 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
therefore the parents m u s t exert their influence over i n f a n t s
a n d show them the error of their ways. H e disposcd of the
f o u r t h principle by r e p e a t i n g the traditional a r g u m e n t t h a t
if a h u m a n being was n o t b r o u g h t u p to virtue d u r i n g his
infancy and early childliood he w o u l d never acquire it, a n d
ail subséquent efforts to inculcate it would come too late to
be effectuai. 5 2
Notes to C h a p t e r I
1. See Capt. E d w a r d P a n t o n , Spéculum Juventutis (Lon-
don, 1671), pp. 3-4.
2. Counsel and Directions Divine and Moral (London, 1685),
pp. 112-113.
3. The Compleat English Gentleman, ed. Karl D. B u l b r i n g
( L o n d o n , 1890), p. 24. T h i s is the lst ed. of the work, ap-
p a r e n t l y written 1728-29, a n d retains Defoe's somewhat eccen-
tric orthography.
4. See Lewis Einstein, The Italian Renaissance in England
(New York a n d L o n d o n , 1902), p p . 66-68, a n d Tudor Ideals
(New York, 1921), p. 157; J o h n E. Mason, Gentlefolk in the
Making: Studies in the History of English Courtesy Literature
and Related Topics from 1531 to 1774 (Philadelphia, 1935),
pp. 6-8; and George McGill Vogt, "Gleanings for the History
of a Sentiment: Generositas Virtus, N o n Sanguis," JEGP, X X I V
(1925), 102-124.
5. The Compleat Gentleman (London, 1678), 2nd Treatise,
p. 109.
6. Panton, op. cit., p . 26.
7. Vox Clamantis (London, 1684), p. 65.
8. Compleat English Gentleman, p. 24.
9. See R u t h Kelso, The Doctrine of the English Gentleman
in the Sixteentli Century, Univ, of 111. Stud. in Lang. a n d Lit.,
X I V ( F e b . - M a y , 1929), 71-106, a n d W . L. Ustick, " C h a n g i n g
Ideals of Aristocratie Character a n d C o n d u c t in Seventeenth-
C e n t u r y England," MP, X X X (1932), 147-166. Miss Kelso af-
firms that the Renaissance concept of the gentleman was charac-
terized by an "over-emphasis on p a g a n virtues to the neglect of
Christian," whereas " d u r i n g the seventeenth century the bal-
VI K l (JE AS AN AIM IN THE GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 31
ance was completely shifted; a distinctly religious p o i n t of view
colored the h a n d b o o k for the gentleman, a n d finally usurped
the whole field, t u r n i n g the complété g e n t l e m a n i n t o a Christ-
ian gentleman, a n d hardly a gentleman a t ail f r o m the p o i n t
of view of the sixteenth century" (pp. 72, 107).
10. See Mason, Gentlefolk in the Making, ch. vii, "Seven-
teenth-Century Treatises o n Policy," a n d W . L. Ustick, "Ad-
vice to a Son: A T y p e of Seventeenth-Century C o n d u c t Book,"
SP, X X I X (1932), 409-441.
11. G a i l h a r d , Compleat Gentleman, 2 n d T r e a t i s e , p. 109.
12. W i l l i a m Law, A Serions Call to a Devout and Holy Life
(London a n d New York, 1906), p. 244. T h e s e exhortations were
directed toward y o u n g gentlemen.
13. See R i c h a r d Allestree, attrib., The Gentleman's Calling
(London, 1677), p p . 132-145; Panton, Spéculum Juventutis,
p. 335, r e m a i n d e r of Book VI, a n d Book V I I ; W i l l i a m Ramesey,
The Gentlemans Companion (London, 1672), pp. 79-83; Gail-
hard, op. cit., 2nd Treatise, p. 130; a n d W i l l i a m Darrell, The
Gentleman Instructed, 6th ed. (London, 1716), pp. 23-24. Rich-
ardson's c o n d e m n a t i o n of dueling t h r o u g h t h e a t t i t u d e of t h e
liero in Sir Charles Grandison h a d a religious basis a n d was
typical of the position of eighteenth-century commentators;
typical also were the remarks of Addison in Spectator Nos. 9
and 99 a n d of Stecle in Spectator No. 97.
14. A n t h o n y Ashley Cooper, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury, attrib.,
Several Letters Written by a Noble Lord to a Young Man at
the University (London, 1716), p. 28.
15. Francis Brokesby, A Letter of Advice to a Young Gentle-
man at the University (London, 1751, r e p r . f r o m lst éd., 1701),
p. 2.
16. See Allestree, attrib., Gentleman's Calling, " T o the Book-
scller."
17. Gentlemans Companion, p. 17.
18. Darrell, attrib., Gentleman Instructed, p. 34.
19. Bishop T h o m a s Wilson, The True Christian Method of
Educating Children, 5th ed. (London, 1787), p. 23. T h i s was
a sermon preached o n May 28, 1724.
20. See, for example, Mrs. Elizabeth C a r t e r i n Rambler N o .
100 (March 2, 1751); the E a r l of Cork in Connoisseur No. 22
(June 27, 1754); H e n r y Brooke, The Pool of Quality, w i t h
liiog. Pref. by Charles Kingsley a n d Life by E. A. Baker (Lon-
14 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN VI K l (JE AS AN AIM IN THE GENTLEMAN'S EDUCATION 32

don a n d New York, 1860), p. 138; a n d even Chesterfield, w h o ing, in Essays (Edinburgh, 1778), pp. 542-545; a n d C h a p m a n ,
a d o p t e d the prevalent a t t i t u d e of t h e âge in World N o . 189 Treatise on Education, p. 171.
(August 12, 1756). 34. Two Discourses (London, 1682), p p . 11-12.
21. See, in addition to the essayists cited in n. 20, George 35. The Gentile Sinner, Or, England's Brave Gentleman
C o l m a n the Elder and Bonnel T h o r n t o n in Connoisseur Nos. (Oxford, 1660), p p . 24-25.
74 ( J u n e 26, 1755) a n d 122 (May 27, 1756). 36. Gentleman's Magazine, X L V (1775), 131.
22. An Estirnate of the Manners and Principles of the Times, 37. Allestree, attrib., Gentleman's Calling, p p . 32-33.
2nd ed. (London, 1757), pp. 54, 55-58. 38. G a i l h a r d , Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, p. 30.
23. "C. L. St.," The Real Character of the Age ( L o n d o n , 39. Some Thoughts Concerning Education, p p . 30-31.
1757), p. 21. 40. Two Epistles (London, 1745), p. 3.
24. See his Plan of Education for the Young Nobility and 41. Dignity of Human Nature, p. 114.
Gentry of Great Britain ( L o n d o n , 1769), pp. xiii, xv-xvii, 42. Sermons on Various Subjects ( L o n d o n , 1764), p p . 6-7,
10-11, 52. 44-45. See p p . 35-51 in général.
25. 'Oswald Dykes, The Royal Marriage (London, 1722), p. 16. 43. Dialogues on the Uses of Foreign Travel; Considered as
26. Compleat English Gentleman, p. 177. See also Gentle- a Part of An English Gentleman's Education (London, 1764),
man's Calling, p. 22; Panton, Spéculum Juventutis, p. 83; p. 77.
Ramesey, Gentlemans Companion, p. 14; Gailhard, Compleat 44. Treatise on Education, pp. 40, 31-34.
Gentleman, lst Treatise, pp. 23-24. 27-28; Edward M o o r e in 45. See Some Thoughts Concerning Education, passim., esp.
World No. 20 (May 17, 1753); J a m e s Burgh, The Dignity of pp. 105-109.
Human Nature ( H a r t f o r d , Conn., 1802), pp. 109-110; a n d 46. Abel Boyer, The English Theophrastus (London, 1702),
George Chapman, A Treatise on Education, with A Sketch of pp. 164-165. Boyer drew a n d adapted f r o m m a n y sources a n d
the Author's Method, 3rd éd., enl. (London, 1784), p p . 223-224. was more t h e compiler than the a u t h o r of this work.
T h e cited ed. of The Dignity of Human Nature is a r c p r i n t 47. Royal Marriage, pp. 17, 15.
of the lst éd., L o n d o n , 1754; C h a p m a n ' s Treatise first ap- 48. Dignity of Human Nature, p. 115.
p e a r e d in 1773. 49. See Sermons on Various Subjects, p p . 9-10.
27. Of Education (London, 1734), p. 24. 50. Ibid., pp. 28-29.
28. Thoughts on Education, ed. J o h n Clarke (Aberdeen, 1914), 51. See Dignity of Human Nature, p. 116.
pp. 22, 30-31. T h i s work, first p u b l i s h c d in 1761, was a p p a r e n t l y 52. See p p . 15-27.
w r i t t e n in 1668.
29. Some Thoughts Concerning Education, in The Educa-
tional Writings of John Locke, ed. John W i l l i a m A d a m s o n
(Cambridge, 1922), pp. 104-105, 115.
30. See The Reflector (London, 1750), p p . 35, 41-42, 52-57.
31. Shaftesbury, attrib., Several Letters, p. 21.
32. See his Plan of Education, p p . 41-42.
33. Ibid., p. 61; see also pp. 99-100. F o r other instances of
this tcndency to select a n d bowcllerize, see Gailhard, Compleat
Gentleman, lst Treatise, pp. 69-71; The Gentleman's Library,
Containing Rules for Conduct in AU Parts of Life (London,
1715), p. 35; Shaftesbury, attrib., Several Letters, p p . 27-28,
34-35; James Beattie, Remarks on the Utility of Classical Learn-
' J

C H A P T E R TWO
Public Spirit as an Aim in the
Gentleman's Education
As a member of the leading class in his nation a n d as a m a n
of wealth and leisure, the g e n t l e m a n of the Renaissance h a d a
d u t y toward society; it was his obligation to act in the service
of k i n g and country. T h o s e virtues which resulted in t h e b e n e f i t
of the nation were, in t h e sixteenth century, the m a i n justifica-
tion for conferring titles of nobility. D u r i n g the M i d d l e Ages
the gentleman h a d been useful to the state principally in a
military capacity; b u t in the Renaissance, although his military
duties were still highly regarded, the emphasis shifted f r o m the
gentleman as warrior to the gentleman as statesman, f u l f i l l i n g
his function in the court a n d in Parliament, p a r t i c i p a t i n g in
affairs of government, giving counsel to the king, or representing
his nation on diplomatie missions. Books on policy, i n s t r u c t i n g
the aristocrat in conduct at court a n d in political expediency,
were frequent in the later sixteenth century and most of the
seventeenth. Preparing the g e n t l e m a n for the execution of his
n a t i o n a l duties was an i m p o r t a n t aim of his éducation. 1
D u r i n g the Restoration, we recall, patriotic virtues a n d public
service were sometimes n a m e d as the hypothetical origins of
r a n k . But many Restoration commentators went f u r t h e r t h a n
this, adopting from the Renaissance a n d the carlier seventeenth
century the view that the contemporary gentleman should repre-
sent those same qualifies for which his ancestors were pre-
sumably raised to eminence. O n e author, for example, a f f i r m e d
t h a t he " h a t h those Qualifications, which render h i m useful,
a n d h e must give himself those Exercises, whereby h e may be-
come the most eminently so. If by just authority he b e assigned
]
34
PUBLIC SPIRIT AS AN AIM 35
to any p u b l i c k charge," this a u t h o r w e n t on, h e should welcome
it as "a sphere wherein h c may move the m o s t vigorously in
the service of G o d a n d his Country." 2 T h e second of Gail-
hard's Two Discourses was entitled " C o n c e r n i n g the States-
man, O r H i m w h o is in Publick E m p l o y m e n t s , " and treatcd
the g e n t l e m a n in that capacity. By Sir George Mackenzie,
public spirit was reckoned the greatest v i r t u e of the gentle-
man. 3 O b a d i a h Walker, like many o t h e r Restoration com-
mentators, listed various ways in which m e n of quality m i g h t
fulfill their obligations to k i n g a n d c o u n t r y :
As the most considérable Members of a Common-Wealth,
they are ingaged in more peculiar Duties towards the Prince,
and his s u b o r d i n a t e Magistrates; to k n o w a n d obey the
Laws, a n d assist toward the observation of t h e m by others.
Besicles this, to fit themselves for such i m p l o y m e n t s as they
may p r o b a b l y b e call'd u n t o . W h e t h e r t o be
Courtiers, a n d domestick Servants to the Prince.
Magistrates in Peace. Cornmanders in W a r .
Counsellors of, or Officers under, the Prince.
E m p l o y e d in forregin [sic] Parts, as Agents, Ambassa-
dors, érc.
O r in the C h u r c h as Clergy-Men, Secular or Religious,
active or contemplative. 4
Despite such statements as these, however, national service
was p e r h a p s a somewhat less i m p o r t a n t c o m p o n e n t of the
gentlcmanly idéal in the Restoration t h a n it h a d been in the
Renaissance. Gailhard, recognizing w i t h o u t surprise or disap-
p r o b a t i o n that m a n y men of birth woulcl n o t e n t e r public life,
devoted the first of his Two Discourses to t h e gentleman who
intended simply to "live u p o n his own Estate, a n d according
to his quality, a n d to have n o share in t h e Government, nor
h a n d i n the m a n a g e m e n t of Public A f f a i r s " (page 5). Service
of one's country seems to have become even less p r o m i n e n t
in the gentlemanly idéal of the e i g h t e e n t h century. As was
noted in C h a p t e r I, the heroic virtues, especially virtues re-
sulting in the p u b l i c benefit, were n o w seldom m e n t i o n e d as
the sources of nobility or gentility. T h e fact that treatises on
36 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
policy, most characteristic of the earlier seventeenth century,
f a d e d out of courtesy literature i n the eighteenth, 5 suggests a
w a n i n g interest in the g e n t l e m a n as courtier and statesman.
Critics such as Defoe a n d Swift complained that i n contrast
to his ancestors the c o n t e m p o r a r y gentleman neglected his
n a t i o n a l duties, which his ignorance r e n d e r e d h i m i n c a p a b l e
of performing. 6 T o a degree, t h e prospcrous a n d i n f l u e n t i a l
m e r c h a n t class h a d taken over positions of national i m p o r t a n c e
formerly held by n o b l e m e n , a n d members of the gentry a n d
nobility were sometimes n o t rich enough to devote themselves
to diplomatie careers, which did n o t always promise fortunes.
Yet notwithstanding the decrease in emphasis, service of the
state still held a place in the gentlemanly idéal. Y o u n g e r sons,
w h o had to adopt professions in order to gain a livelihood, fre-
quently obtaincd h i g h c o m m a n d s in the A r m y or Navy. M a n y
gentlemen entered P a r l i a m e n t , even if, as Defoe believed, they
were too ignorant to b e of m u c h use there. Significant political
offices were, as before, open to gentlemen as m e m b e r s of a
privileged class and as the p r e s u m e d leaders of the n a t i o n , a n d
their rank qualified t h e m for d i p l o m a t i e missions abroad.
Some of them, like their ancestors, engaged actively i n politics
at court. It was therefore m a i n t a i n e d t h r o u g h o u t the eighteenth
cen tury, though not q u i te so vehemently as i n the Renaissance or
even in the Restoration, that n a t i o n a l service devolved u p o n the
gentleman in conséquence of his birth a n d that h e deserved
censure if he neglected this charge.
Government and législation were thus m e n t i o n e d by J o h n
Clarke as activities suitable for m e n of quality: " T h e p r o p e r
Business of Gentlemen as such, is, I présumé, to serve their
Country, in the M a k i n g or Execution of the Laws; as likewise
in preventing the Breach a n d Violation of them." 7 J o h n D a l t o n
was alluding mainly to service in the H o u s e of Lords w h e n h e
somewhat extravagantly described the British n o b l e m a n as
Born to redress an i n j u r ' d o r p h a n ' s cause,
T o smooth th' u n e q u a l f r o w n of rigid laws;
T o stand an isthmus of o u r well-mix'd state,
Where rival pow'rs with restless billows beat,
PUBLIC SPIRIT AS AN AIM 37
A n d f r o m each side alike the f u r y fling,
Of m a d d ' n i n g commons, or incroaching king.
H o w mean, w h o scorns his country's sacred voice!
By b i r t h a patriot, b u t a slave by choice.
H o w great, w h o answers this illustrious e n d ,
W h o m prince and people call their equal friend!
(Epistle to a Young Nobleman, i n Two Epistles, p. 6.)
Some writers were less explicit as to the k i n d of service they
expected of the gentleman; James Puckle simply remarked that a
gentleman's y o u t h was " t o be employed in qualifying for the
service of the commonwealth," 8 a n d B u r g h in his Dignity of Hu-
man Nature said only: " T h e p r o p e r a n d p e c u l i a r study of a per-
son of h i g h r a n k is the knowledge of the interest of his country"
(page 161). Chesterfield, o n the other h a n d , h a s lelt us a clear
idea of the sphere of activity he envisioned f o r his son. H a v i n g
been ambassador to the H a g u e , active m e m b e r of Parliament,
Lord L i e u t e n a n t of Ireland, a n d Secretary of State, he fondly
d r e a m e d of an equally distinguished political career for young
Philip. "Your business," h e told the boy, "is negotiation abroad,
a n d oratory in the House of C o m m o n s at h o m e . " T h e office
of Secretary of State was also one " f o r w h i c h , " as he observed,
" I have always intended you." 9 Y o u n g H a r r y Clinton, Henry
Brooke's p o r t r a i t of the idéal gentleman, was equally aware of
the p a t r i o t i c duties of a m a n of r a n k . H e was destined, in
partial f u l f i l m e n t of t h e idéal, to " b e a m e m b e r of the légis-
lature of Great Britain." H e was, f u r t h e r m o r e , invitcd by
William I I I to serve him at court, a distinction "to which I
aspire, answered Harry, as soon as I a m c a p a b l e of so high
a duty." 1 0
I n a d d i t i o n to tlic services which the g e n t l e m a n was to p e r f o r m
in a p u b l i c capacity, there were others, n o less a sign of his
public spirit, which could be p e r f o r m e d in a private capacity.
These i n c l u d e d f o u n d i n g or d o n a t i n g f u n d s to charitable insti-
tutions, exercising liberality toward the p o o r , caring for his
servants a n d tenants, and cxecuting any n u m b e r of other acts
of generosity n o t related to his career as a soldier or statesman.
Renaissance courtesy writers viewed liberality as an i m p o r t a n t
qualification of the idéal gentleman, 1 1 a n d this view, together
36 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
with the médiéval idea t h a t the rich m a n was the steward or
trustee of his wealth, obliged by Christian duty to use it for
the relief of the distressed, was still current in the Restoration
a n d eighteenth century. G a i l h a r d explained the concept of t h e
stewardship of wealth f o r the benefit of his well-born readers
w h o did not plan to p a r t i c i p a t e actively in p u b l i c affairs: " T h e r e
is n o m a n rich b u t by Gods Grâce, disposition, or at least per-
mission, which being supposed to be received f r o m Gods h a n d ,
let h i m who enjoys it consider himself as a T e n a n t a n d a
Steward, and therefore [to] make a good and right use of it,
he o u g h t to bestow it u p o n works of Piety, Charity a n d Neces-
sity" ( T w o Discourses, page 68).
T h e same idea was emphasized by Gailhard's Restoration
contemporaries. It was urged that God h a d given tlie p o o r
"Bills of Assignment u p o n the plenty of the Rich, a right to be
s u p p l i e d by them." 1 2 "Persons of quality," Walker a f f i r m e d ,
h a d a n obligation "to m a k e ail t h e advantage they can for
b e t t e r i n g . . . others by their riches. T h e y are Gods Stewards
. . . n o t for luxury, delicious fare, or fatter; nor for accurnu-
lating wealth, the rust whereof will corrode their consciences as
fire would their flesh." 1 3 " I n this also consists your Gentility,"
Ayres admonished gentlemen, " t h a t you a b o u n d in Charity to-
wards the Poor, they are eminently yours, your Lot a n d Por-
tion." 1 4 William P c n n too stressed m u n i f i c e n c e as a d e b t owed
by " o u r Great M e n " to God, w h o gave t h e m the advantages
of r a n k and f o r t u n e for the express purpose of "playing the
good Stewards, to the H o n o r of o u r great Benefactor, a n d the
Good of our Fellow-Creatures." 1 5 Stephen P e n t o n in 1688 was
sarcastic toward men of f o r t u n e for n o t playing the good steward.
"It is an ill-natur'd sort of Doctrine to preach, and will n o t
hold at Westminster," h e said, " t h a t the Poor have a good
Title to some of the rich man's Money: B u t it would b e an
unlucky Disappointment hereafter, if in stead of asking how
m a n y Lordships you left your H e i r . . . G o d should d e m a n d ,
H o w many poor Widows have you sav'd f r o m starving? . . .
how many decay'd Families you have reliev'cl; what did you
give to a Brief for a Fire, Church, or Hospital, ère."13
Oswald Dykes's portrayal of a b o u n t i f u l gentleman will il-
PUBLIC SPIRIT AS AN AIM 39
lustrate t h e c o n t i n u a n c e of the idea of the stewardship of
wealth i n t o the early eighteenth century: " T h i s libéral H e r o
looks u p o n it as a selfish Life, not to study t h e Benefit a n d
Advantage of his Neighbour, as well as his o w n G r a n d e u r .
H e believes G e n t l e m e n of the greatest Estâtes, either real or
personal, to be n o more by right Reason, t h a n G o d Almighty's
Trustées; f o r the Relief of needy People w i t h their superfluous
Substance." 1 7 T h e stewardship of wealth was m e n t i o n e d less
frequently in t h e later eighteenth century, b u t i t still occurred
occasionally in discussions of the gentleman's d u t y of liberality;
in The Fool of Quality, for example, the n o b l y born young
Harry C l i n t o n was i n f o n n e d by his u n c l e t h a t "we are b u t the
stewards of the b o u n t y of o u r G o d " (page 250).
Even if the concept of the gentleman as a divinely a p p o i n t e d
trustee received progressively less a t t e n t i o n in t h e course of the
eighteenth century, the d e m a n d t h a t h e b e generous with his
f o r t u n e r e m a i n e d constant t h r o u g h o u t the p e r i o d . T h e idéal of
charity was, of course, widespread in the eighteenth century a n d
was n o t c o n f i n e d to the gentleman, b u t it n o d o u b t influenced
the views of critics toward h i m . H e was, in fact, severely cen-
sured w h e n h e d i d not show generosity. I n the Spectator No. 372
(May 7, 1712), Steele blamed persons of r a n k for being less
disposée! to charity than Powell, the m a r i o n e t t e m a n p o p u l a r
in fashionable circles, w h o i n t e n d e d to give t h e proceeds f r o m
his n e x t p e r f o r m a n c e to the poor children of t h e parish. " ' O u r
people of quality, who are not to be i n t e r r u p t e d in their
pleasure to t h i n k of the practice of any m o r a l duty,' " should
learn f r o m Powell's example, Steele implied; they should " 'at
least fine for their sins, a n d give s o m e t h i n g to these poor
children; a litle out of their l u x u r y a n d superfluity would
atone, in some measure, for the w a n t o n use of the rest of their
fortunes.' " O n the other h a n d , portraits of the idéal gentleman
as the b o u n t i f u l m a n were f r e q u e n t . A m o n g these portraits were
the sketch of the m u n i f i c e n t Manilius in the Spectator No. 467
(August 26, 1712), probably by Hughes, a n d T h o m a s Foxton's
Serino. T h i s latter individual, whose beneficence, according to
Foxton, ail gentlemen should imitate, was " t h e real Friend and
powerful P a t r o n of the O r p h a n a n d Dcfcnceless at his Gates."
36 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
H e daily supplied " w i t h a free a n d promiscuous B o u n t y " the
indigent w h o came to h i m for aid, cven t h o u g h some of t h e m
m i g h t be cheats a n d impostors. H e had f o u n d e d a n d s u p p o r t e d
a large charity school, a n d h e c o n t r i b u t e d to the m a i n t e n a n c e
of several others. His stewards were employed in seeking o u t
the neediest families i n the neighborhood, to which h e then
gave money from his o w n purse, a n d his chaplain was r e q u i r e d
to look for those w h o h a d been reduced f r o m comfortable cir-
cumstances to poverty, so that they also might be relieved in
their distress. 18 Young H a r r y Clinton's uncle "Mr. F e n t o n " was
i n t e n d e d by Brooke as a similar illustration of the g e n t l e m a n l y
v i r t u e of charity. It was his practice to invite the p o o r of the
n e i g h b o r h o o d to his hall for d i n n e r every Sunday a n d have
moncy placed u n d e r their plates so that they could pay their
debts and establish themselves in lucrative employments. T h i s
public-spirited uncle soon h a d as many as fifty impoverished
guests per week. 1 9
Caring for servants a n d tenants with ail the solicitude of a
f a t h e r was closely rclated to the duty of charity. T h e s e people
were the gentleman's spécial responsibiîity. Ayres thus directed
the English gentry a n d nobility to "endeavour to p r o m o t e the
welfare of ail u n d e r you, a n d the welfare of your p o o r T e n a n t s ,
a n d that they may n o t only subsist b u t thrive u n d e r you; take
h e e d of oppressing t h e m . " 2 0 Sir Roger de Coverley was an idéal
gentleman in this respect. Steele remarked in the Spectator
N o . 107 (July 3, 1711): " I never saw, b u t in Sir Roger's family,
a n d one or two more, good servants treated as they o u g h t to be.
Sir Roger's kindness extends to their children's children, a n d
this very m o r n i n g he sent his coachman's grandson to 'prentice."
Perhaps Sir Roger h a d inherited his kindly disposition f r o m his
ancestor Sir H u m p h r e y , who, he said, h a d been " 'as generous
as a gentleman.' " 2 1 T h e opposite of the idéal was the selfish
a n d malevolent Squire Bluster depicted by J o h n s o n in the
Rambler No. 142 (July 27, 1751): " ' I t is his rule to s u f f e r his
tenants to owe him rent, because, by this indulgence, he secures
to himself the power of seizure whenever he has an i n c l i n a t i o n
to amuse himself w i t h calamity, and feast his ears w i t h en-
treaties a n d lamentations.' "
PUBLIC SPIRIT AS AN AIM 41
J u s t as éducation was believed to establish a moral a n d re-
ligious sense in the gentleman, so was it t h o u g h t to establish
p u b l i c spirit in h i m a n d to e q u i p h i m for serving society both
as a politician and as a private citizen. Some aspects of public
spirit, such as charity a n d an unselfish concern for one's fellow
creatures, were, after ail, a m o n g the Christian principles in
which a y o u t h was to be i n d o c t r i n a t e d early; others, such as
patriotism, loyalty to the king, a n d a desire to p r o m o t e the
national welfare, h a d been n a m e d since t h e Renaissance as
virtues to be brecl i n t o the y o u n g m a n of quality. W h e n a
young n o b l e m a n h a d been well trained he was, in the words of
one eighteenth-century theorist, "justly q u a l i f y ' d . . . a n d ca-
pable of ail imaginable Service to his K i n g and Country . . .
sensible of his Duty to . . . his Sovereign, h i s Equals a n d In-
feriors, t h r o u g h the vast Advantages of E d u c a t i o n . " 2 2 Joseph
Priestley even asserted that since the é d u c a t i o n of gentlemen of
lesser r a n k was generally superior to t h a t of nobles, these men
of less e m i n e n t family were better suited for statesmanship,
even t h o u g h the great nobles were by their birth the logical
occupants of i m p o r t a n t political offices. 2 3 Chesterfield's enor-
mous f a i t h i n éducation as p r é p a r a t i o n f o r public affairs is
well k n o w n ; perhaps the primary object of his scheme of train-
ing was to e q u i p his son for his i n t e n d e d political career.
Seventeenth-century treatises o n policy a n d prudential con-
duct were directed toward m a t u r e g e n t l e m e n and thus d o not
corne p r o p e r l y u n d e r the province of éducation; the second of
Gailhard's Two Discourses, for example, was designed to in-
struct i n c i p i e n t and practising statesmen whose éducation was
already completed. D u r i n g the Renaissance and seventeenth
century, a n d to a lesser extent in the eighteenth century, a
knowledge of the world was n a m e d as very useful for the m a n
engaged i n public life; in so far as a knowledge of the world
was a p a r t of éducation, it is treated in C h a p t e r IV. T w o ad-
ditional aspects of éducation related to a political career, namely
the g r a n d t o u r and the public schools, are also reserved for
t r e a t m e n t later. O u r immediate concern is with still other
factors i n the young gentleman's t r a i n i n g w h i c h were considered
as c o n t r i b u t i v e to m a k i n g h i m i n t o a m a n of public spirit.
36 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
O n e of these was the process of instilling into a well-born
y o u t h a vivid awareness of his responsibilities toward society.
W i t h o u t such an awareness, h e would not be eager either to
devote himself to the welfare of his n a t i o n in a political ca-
pacity or to perforai acts of charity in a private capacity. F o r
this reason Bisliop H u r d said of the young English g e n t l e m a n :
"I require . . . T h a t his a m b i t i o n be awakenecl, or r a t h e r
directed, to it's right object, the public good; and, to t h a t end,
t h a t his soul be fired with the love of excellence a n d t r u e
h o n o u r . " 2 4 Of similarly high-minded sentiments was D a v i d For-
dyce, for w h o m the inculcation of a fervent public spirit be-
came an essential principle in ail good instruction of y o u t h .
Fordyce appears to have h a d in m i n d mainly duties toward t h e
nation, b u t he probably i n c l u d e d u n d e r these the exercise of
charity. H e emphasizcd the fact that selfishness, t h e opposite
of p u b l i c spirit, must be destroyed t h r o u g h right é d u c a t i o n if
a young gentleman was to b e of benefit to society. " I n the
éducation of youth," h e declared, ". . . n o t h i n g seems to m e
to deserve more care a n d pains, than to possess them strongly
with a sense of the connection they have with the public, a n d
the meanness of ail selfish a n d narrow views." E u p h r a n o r , the
headmaster of the idéal academy which Fordyce envisioned,
endeavored to inspire the students "with the highest notions
a n d strongest feelings of a steacly regard f o r the public, a n d of
o u r connexion with society." O n entering the academy, a stu-
d e n t was required to participate in a formai initiation ceremony
d u r i n g which E u p h r a n o r i n f o r m e d h i m t h a t "ail its [i.e., the
academy's] orders a n d institutions" were calculated to m a k e
h i m a good citizen a n d patriot, t h a t "the whole circle of arts a n d
sciences, are only valuable a n d honourable, as they are sub-
servient to this grand purpose," that h e was h e n c e f o r t h to
consider himself "as a p a r t of the public, a n d macle for the
good of others," and t h a t he was to view his éducation "as a
course of instruction a n d discipline necessary to q u a l i f y h i m
for serving the public." 2 5
I n his éducation of his n e p h e w Harry, " M r . F e n t o n " tried,
by means of exhortation a n d cxample, to fill him with p u b l i c
spirit and generous impulses. H e gave t h e youth clothes for
PUBLIC SPIRIT AS AN AIM 43
distribution a m o n g the needy a n d i n f o r m e d h i m t h a t he must
f u r n i s h beggars with money for food—but n o t wearing ap-
parel, as beggars preferred their own rags, which were m o r e
likely to excite pity. H e a d j u r e d H a r r y t h a t w h e n h e spied any
poor travelers o n the road he should take t h e m in, clothe them,
a n d feed t h e m ; and " M r . F e n t o n ' s " m e t h o d s were so successful
that the y o u n g nobleman was soon " w a t c h i n g t o intercept
poor travellers, as eagerly as a fowler watches for the rising of
his game." By the time Harry a t t a i n e d m a n h o o d he had already
spent fifty thousand p o u n d s of his uncle's fortune. His less
b o u n t i f u l father, the Earl of M o r e l a n d , i n q u i r e d in astonish-
m e n t where h e could possibly have disposed of so large a sum.
" I n hospitals a n d in prisons, my father, answered Harry. In
streets a n d highways, a m o n g the wretched a n d indigent, supply-
ing eyes to t h e blind, a n d limbs to the lame, a n d cheerfulness
to the sorrowful and b r o k e n of heart; for such were my uncle's
orclers." 26 H a r r y h a d learned his lessons well.
A y o u n g gentleman's studies were t h o u g h t to be an i m p o r t a n t
prerequisite to the performance of his duties b o t h as a states-
m a n a n d as a private individual. " O u r Studies," Ramesey re-
m a r k e d in his Gentlemans Companion, " t e n d to . . . the wel-
fare of o u r Country, a n d the advantage of M a n , or N e i g h b o u r "
(pages 15-16). Francis Brokesby told the well-born y o u n g re-
cipient of his Letter of Advice t h a t " K n o w l e d g e of worthy and
excellent things will . . . fit you to do good b o t h in a private
a n d publick capacity" a n d therefore e n j o i n e d t h e youth to " p u r -
sue l e a r n i n g " (page 5). It was obvious to theorists that unless
a man h a d a n adequate degree of learning, he was ill con-
stituted f o r filling a public office intelligently and capably.
Book knowledge, according to G a i l h a r d ' s Complcat Gentleman,
q u a l i f i e d t h e m a n of r a n k for a seat in P a r l i a m e n t or the King's
council (First Treatise, page 33). Defoe a n d Swift, we recall,
a t t r i b u t e d t h e failure of contemporary g e n t l e m e n to distinguish
themselves in statesmanship largely to t h e i r lack of intellectual
acquirements; indeed, Defoe d e m a n d e d , w i t h regard to the un-
taught g e n t l e m a n : " C a n he go t h r o ' the office of a Secretary
of State or a Secretary of W a r , a paymaster of the Navy or
Army, a Commissioner of T r a d e a n d Plantacions, or the like;
36 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
or to corne lower, to a Comrnissioner of the Navy, the Excise,
or the Customes? Ail these m u s t be men of letters a n d m e n of
figures. T h e y must be m e n of learning a n d languages; or w h a t
are they fit for?" 2 7
Among particular studies, his tory and law, as will be demon-
strated in Chapter I I I , were highly esteemecl as p r é p a r a t i o n for
service of the state, sincc they furnished the young g e n t l e m a n
with m u c h i n f o r m a t i o n useful in a political career. R h e t o r i c
a n d oratory were especially necessary for the m e m b e r of Parlia-
m e n t ; an élégant written style, for anyone called u p o n to com-
pose letters and officiai documents. A familiarity with geogra-
phy a n d chronology, the so-called h a n d m a i d s of history, also
helped the gentleman execute his political fonctions com-
petently. As a branch of history, the study of poli tics was con-
sidérée! especially valuable. I n order to e q u i p his n e p h e w for
the p u b l i c duties to which h e woulcl soon be called, " M r .
F e n t o n " educated h i m at great length in the necessity a n d
n a t u r e of government, the idea of British liberty, a n d the
origin a n d principles of the British constitution. 2 8 Chester-
fielcl's insistence t h a t his son be well aequainted with the
political historiés of the E u r o p e a n nations was to the same
purpose.
Like Ramesey a n d Brokesby, many commentators did n o t
explain their view t h a t studies could also aid a g e n t l e m a n in
the performance of his duties in a private capacity. Certain of
his studies, however—especially history a n d readings in t h e
Bible or in moral works suitable for children—provided ex-
amples illustrating the v i r t u e of charity. A compréhension of
law, furthermore, e n a b l e d the gentleman in retirement on his
estate to serve as a justice of the peace (one of his c h a r i t a b l e
r a t h e r t h a n political obligations) and to promote the welfare
of his tenants a n d neighbors by extricating t h e m f r o m légal
difficulties.
Since an ardent a n d unswerving patriotism was a corollary of
service of the nation, m a n y theorists r c c o m m c n d e d that t h e
gentleman's training be given a patriotic turn—that it p r o d u c e
in him a strong dévotion to his native l a n d and an a t t a c h a i e n t
to its government, laws, a n d political principles. T h u s B u r n e t
PUBLIC SPIRIT AS AN AIM 44
a f f i r m e d i n 1668 that the gentleman's governor "must . . . in-
fuse in h i m a love to his countrey, a n d d u t y to his prince." 2 9
F o u r decades later B u r n e t c o m p l a i n e d t h a t éducation, most
notoriously at the universities, seldom f u l f i l l e d this f u n c t i o n
a n d that " o u r gentry are not betimes possessed . . . with a love
to their country, a h a t r e d of tyranny, a n d a zeal for liberty." 3 0
H u r d d e m a n d e d that éducation f u r n i s h the young gentleman
with "a reverence for the légal constitution of his country, a n d
a fervent affection for the great c o m m u n i t y , t o which he be-
longs." 3 1 A t the idéal academy described by Fordyce, the stimu-
lation of a "love of one's c o u n t r y " was assured by showing
the youths p u b l i c buildings a n d o t h e r symbols of t h e n a t i o n a l
c o m m u n i t y calculated to excite dévotion toward it. 3 2 Joseph
Priestley laid great stress on history, politics, commerce, a n d
law, in the belief t h a t these studies w o u l d inspire well-born
youths with an ardent patriotism. H e e x p a t i a t e d on the value
of this patriotic training for f u t u r e n a t i o n a l service:
It is a circumstance of p a r t i c u l a r conséquence, that this
enthusiastic love f o r our country w o u l d . . . be imbibed
by persons of fortune, rank, a n d influence in w h o m it m i g h t
be effectuai to the most i m p o r t a n t purposes, who might have
it in their power, n o t only to wish well to their country,
b u t to r e n d e r it the greatest real services. Such men w o u l d
not only . . . be able to employ the force of a single a r m
only in its defence, b u t m i g h t a n i m a t e t h e hearts, a n d en-
gage t h e h a n d s of thousands in its cause. Of what unspeak-
able aclvantage m i g h t be one minister of state, one military
c o m m a n d e r , or even a single m e m b e r of parliament, w h o
throughly [M'C] understood the interests of his country, w h o
p o s t p o n e d every other interest a n d considération to it. 3 3
T h e inculcation of British patriotism a f t e r 1715 was compli-
cated by Jacobitism. W h e n the eleventh Earl of Mar, leader
of the Scottish rebcls in 1715, counseled his son to be of service
" t o your country . . . and consequently t o your king," 3 4 he
was advocating loyalty to Scotland r a t h e r t h a n to Great Britain
a n d to the Pretender rather t h a n to George I I . Advire such as
this was, of course, very d i s t u r b i n g to Hanoverians. Objections
against instilling seditious principles into t h e minds of y o u n g
36 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
gentlemen were directed less toward J a c o b i t e n o b l e m e n , how-
ever, than toward O x f o r d , which, d u r i n g the years following
each of the rebellions, m a d e itself especially liable to such
criticism.
T h e r e is no d o u b t that the charges of Jacobitism leveled against
Oxford were, in some degree, f o u n d e d o n fact. At the accession
of George 1, the Chancellor of the University was t h a t S t u a r t
champion the Duke of O r m o n d ; and w h e n h e was impeached,
Oxford promptly selected his equally disaffectecl b r o t h e r L o r d
Arran to fill his place. I n 1715 Jacobite riots occurred at t h e
university, and the authorities, with questionable justice, sol-
emnly held the Whiggish Constitution C l u b responsible f o r
them. More disturbances followed, till in O c t o b e r the govern-
ment was obliged to sencl a regiment of dragoons to O x f o r d
and to place both university and town u n d e r martial law.
In 1716 a studcnt n a m e d Meadowcourt, H a n o v e r i a n a n d mem-
ber of the Constitution Club, invited (or p e r h a p s forced) a
Proctor to drink a toast to King George, and, apparently f o r
no greater crime t h a n this, his name was entered in the Black
Book (which listed f l a g r a n t offenders against academic law)
and he was sentcnced to be kept f r o m his Master's degree for
two years; when the two years h a d elapsed h e e n c o u n t e r e d
more opposition f r o m the university authorities before h e finally
succeedecl in obtaining his degree. Evidently this case, which
attained some notoricty, was not the only instance in w h i c h
the authorities rendered it difficult for H a n o v e r i a n sympathizers
to be granted degrees. Stuart sentiment at O x f o r d w a n e d d u r i n g
the 1720's and 173()'s, b u t with the rebellion of 1745 it ex-
perienced something of a resurgence. I n February, 1748, the
loyal-principled Reverencl R i c h a r d Blacow, C a n o n of W i n d s o r ,
f o u n d a group of O x o n i a n s holding an enthusiastic J a c o b i t e
démonstration a n d b r o u g h t the three ringleaders before t h e
Vice-Chancellor for p u n i s h m c n t ; feeling that the sentences im-
posed on them were too light, h e eventually h a d the three y o u t h s
tried at the King's Bench. 3 5 T h e next year, the staunch Jacobite
Dr. William King, Principal of St. Mary Hall, deliverecl at t h e
dedication of the R a d c l i f f e Library an oration of a strongly
Jacobite flavor; the implication of its closing paragraphs, ail
PUBLIC SPIRIT AS AN AIM 47
beginning with the word " R e d e a t " ("Restore"), was unmis-
takable. T h i s address naturally provoked rebukes from loyal
pamphleteers. 3 6 King defended himself w i t h an acid pen, 3 T a n d
again O x f o r d was b r o u g h t before the p u b l i c as a center of
Jacobitism. Disaffection gradually died o u t at Oxford, b u t the
events w h i c h had occurred t h e r e as a resuit of the two rebellions
did considérable damage to the university's réputation for
loyalty. 3 8
It is, of course, n o t always easy to distinguish between Ja-
cobitism a n d Toryism, and O x f o r d ' s W h i g critics, in the excess
of party spirit, may sometimes have leveled charges at the
university which were exaggerated or u n f o u n d e d . Deserved or
not, however, the opinion t h a t O x f o r d possessed m a r k e d sedi-
tious tendencies was apparently q u i t e widespread between 1715
a n d 1755, h e l p e d along, no d o u b t , by the n u m b e r of political
p a m p h l e t s arising o u t of J a c o b i t e incidents at the university.
Nicholas A m h u r s t , one of the m o s t violent of t h e pamphleteers,
a f t e r describing the early incidents, exclaimed sarcastically:
"Are not ail these very plain ancl u n d e n i a b l e marks of the
stedfast loyalty and affection which o u r learned old mother
preserves to crown'd heads, a n d the anointed of the Lord}"39
T h o m a s G o r d o n , another W h i g journalist, portrayed a squire
w h o r e f u s e d to drink to King George, a p p a r e n t l y as a consé-
q u e n c e of h a v i n g received his éducation at Oxford. 4 0 E d w a r d
B e n t h a m , a fellow of Oriel College, was gravely concerned in
the late 1740's over "how libcrally the Charge of général Dis-
affection to his Majesty's Person a n d G o v e r n m e n t h a t h of late
been t h r o w n u p o n the University of O x f o r d . " " T h e N a t i o n , "
h e said, " h a t h taken the A l a r m . " 4 1
T h e suspicion u n d e r which O x f o r d lay induced some W h i g
parents n o t to send their sons to the university, lest the youths'
t h o u g h t s b e tainted with seditious principles by rebellious fellow
students a n d a disloyal faculty. If parents felt this way, A m h u r s t
implied, they had good reason to do so. H e described the
situation in the following tcrms:
Either w e must keep our y o u t h at home, by our chimney-
corners, a n d p u t t h e m i n t o possession of o u r estâtes, in-
36 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
structed no better t h a n o u r grooms, w i t h o u t one qualifica-
tion, f r o m the knowledge of m a n k i n d , to make a figure in
the world worthy their b i r t h and fortune; or, by s e n d i n g
them to the p r e t e n d e d seminaries of virtue a n d l e a r n i n g
[i.e., O x f o r d specifically], prostitute them to t h e base de-
signs of those [faculty members] whose business we see it
has been, and is, to ensnare them into ail the traps t h a t
giddy boys can be caught in; and make them, at any rate,
the tools of their a m b i t i o n a n d craft. 4 2
After the second rebellion Bentham, in his Letter to a Fellow
of a College, expressed the f e a r that as long as O x f o r d r e m a i n e d
under the stigma of Jacobitism, parents would send their sons
abroad to be educated. N o r were they to be b l a m e d for this
course, if, as they bclieved, t h e university, instead of q u a l i f y i n g
a young gentleman for serving his nation, engrained i n t o h i m
the most u n p a t r i o t i c a n d disloyal sentiments:
W h a t Parent, t h a t h a t h a true Concern for the p u b l i c k
Welfare, or for the Success of his Child, will care to h a z a r d
the first F o r m a t i o n of his M i n d a m o n g such C o m p a n i o n s ,
or u n d e r such Governors? Will the Fears be at ail u n -
natural, that H e may possibly be led into immediate D a n g e r
of his Life and F o r t u n e s by Rébellion;—that H i s A t t e n t i o n ,
and Study will be diverted f r o m p r o c u r i n g such Qualifica-
tions as may be useful to himself a n d his Country;—that
His T e m p e r will be sour'd against his Superiors;—that H e
will be influenced to a W a y of t h i n k i n g a n d behaving,
contrary to the p u b l i c k G o o d . . .? (Pages 50-51.)
But B e n t h a m tried to convince parents that they did n o t n e e d
to be so afraid of an O x f o r d éducation. M u c h f o n d e r of the
university than A m h u r s t was, he wished to exonerate it f r o m
the charge of teaching Jacobitism. I n an a d m o n i t i o n addressed
to a Jacobite student, h e reproved the youth for j o i n i n g w i t h
other rebels in "the several Stages of their treasonable Frol-
icks," 43 when his t r a i n i n g at the university should have shown
him how wrong such c o n d u c t was. H e a n n o u n c e d t h a t his
Letter to a Fellow of a College was written "in o r d e r to show
that, agreeably to O u r p u b l i c Professions, W e [i.e., the O x f o r d
PUBLIC SPIRIT AS AN AIM 49
faculty] d o regard the training u p of Persons to be good Sub-
jects as a principal Object in the Business of E d u c a t i o n . "
Oxford's r é p u t a t i o n for Jacobitism, h e m a i n t a i n e d in this
p a m p h l e t , was exaggerated a n d was based o n the treasonable
activities of a small minority. H e a d m i t t e d that the university
authorities were doing n o t h i n g to prevent students f r o m h a n g i n g
portraits of the Pretender a n d his sons in their chambers o r
f r o m d r i n k i n g the health of the Chevalier of St. George, b u t ,
he said in extenuation, this was p e r h a p s only because the faculty
h a d " h i g h e r Notions of the A u t h o r i t y of Academical Discipline,
than the Licentiousness of the Age will well permit to b e
exercised." Such leniency, he a f f i r m e d , m u s t cease; whenever
the faculty d i d évincé Jacobite sentiments, they should be strong-
ly discouraged; the covert teaching of J a c o b i t e principles s h o u l d
be stifled, f o r "the secret Efforts of Disloyalty are the m o r e
dangerous, a n d make cleeper Impressions on the Minds of
young People." 4 4 Genteel parents w o u l d t h e n résumé s e n d i n g
their sons to O x f o r d , a n d the inculcation of patriotism a n d
p r é p a r a t i o n for service of the n a t i o n w o u l d again be, as they
should, i m p o r t a n t aims of é d u c a t i o n at the university.
Notes to C h a p t e r I I
1. F o r t h e views in this p a r a g r a p h , see Einstein, Italian
Renaissance in England, pp. 89-91, a n d Tudor Ideals, pp. 53-55,
164-167; Kelso, Doctrine, p p . 14-15, 27, 39-40, a n d "Sixteenth
Century Définitions of the G e n t l e m a n i n England," JEGP,
X X I V (1925), 378, 380-381; Mason, Gentlefolk in the Making,
p p . 48, 51-52, 124, 130, 143, a n d chap. viii, "Seventeenth-Century
Treatises o n Policy"; a n d W i l l i a m H . W o o d w a r d , Studies in
Education During the Age of the Renaissance 1400-1600 (Cam-
bridge U n i v . Press, 1906), pp. 295-296.
2. Allestree, attrib., Gentleman's Calling, p. 26.
3. See his Moral Gallantry ( E d i n b u r g h , repr. at L o n d o n ,
1669), p p . 97-103.
4. Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen, p. 33.
5. See Mason, pp. 220, 252.
6. See Compleat English Gentleman, p p . 175-181, 239-240,
a n d Swift's Essay on Modem Education, i n Prose Works, ed.
T e m p l e Scott (London, 1897-1908), XT, 47-57.
36 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN PUBLIC SPIRIT AS AN AIM 50

7. An Essay upon Study, 2nd ed. (London, 1737), p. 215.
lst ed. was 1731.
8. The Club ( L o n d o n , 1817), p. 75. lst ed. was 1711.
9. Letters, ed. B o n a m y Dobrée (London, 1932), IV, 1443,
and III, 831.
10. Fool of Quality, p p . 258, 303.
11. See Kelso, Doctrine, p p . 88-89.
12. Allestree, attrib., Gentleman's Calling, p. 55.
13. Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen, p. 32.
14. Vox Clamantis, p. 33.
15. More Fruits of Solitude, in H a r v a r d Classics, ed. Charles
W . Eliot, I (1909), 412-413.
16. The Guardian's Instruction, Or, The Gentleman's
mance, with introd. by H e r b e r t H . Sturmer (London, 1897),
pp. 14-15.
17. Royal Marriage, p. 71. Louis A. L a n d a in " J o n a t h a n
Swift a n d Charity," JEGP, X L I V (1945), 337-350, discusses the
concept of the stewardship of wealth with regard to Swift a n d
his clérical contemporaries.
18. See Serino: Or, The Character of a Fine Gentleman,
ed. (London, 1723), p p . 39-41. lst ed. was 1721.
19. See Fool of Quality, p. 55.
20. Vox Clamantis, p p . 32-33.
21. Spectator No. 109 (July 5, 1711).
22. J o h n Littleton Costeker, The Fine Gentleman-. Or, The
Compleat Education of a Young Nobleman (London, 1732),
pp. 51-52.
23. See his Essay on the First Principles of Government,
éd., corr. and enl. ( L o n d o n , 1771), p p . 16-17. lst ed. was 1768.
24. Uses of Foreign Travel, p. 77.
25. Dialogues Concerning Education (Glasgow, 1768, repr.
f r o m L o n d o n , 1745), I, 32-34, 296-297.
26. See Fool of Quality, p p . 54-56, 346.
27. Compleat English Gentleman, p. 178.
28. See Fool of Quality, p p . 258-284.
29. Thoughts on Education, p. 67.
30. History of His Own Time (Oxford, C l a r e n d o n Press,
1823), VI, 197-198.
31. Uses of Foreign Travel, p. 77.
32. See his Dialogues Concerning Education, I, 298-299.
33. An Essay on a Course of Libéral Education for Civil and
Active Life (London, 1765), p p . 33-34.
34. My Legacie to My Dear Son Thomas, Lord Erskine, ed.
the H o n . Stuart Erskine, in Scottish History Soc., 1 Ser., X X V I
( E d i n b u r g h , 1896), 178-179. D a t e d March, 1726.
35. Blacow described this a f f a i r in A Letter to William King
. . . Concerning a Particular Account of a Treasonable Riot
at Oxford, February 1747 [i.e., 1748] ( L o n d o n , 1755).
36. See Remarks on Dr. King's Speech at the Dedication of
Dr. R 's Library (1749) by J o h n B u r t o n (pseud. Phile-
leutherus Londinensis); Oxford Honesty or A Case of Conscience
(1749); a n d A Satire upon Physicians (1755). T h e oration it-
self was p r i n t e d in 1749 a n d 1750 as Oratio in Theatro Shel-
Ro- doniano habita. Die Dedicationis Bibliothecae Radclivianae.
37. See h i s Elogium Famae Inservens Jacci Etonensis (1750),
a satire against his W h i g o p p o n e n t J o h n B u r t o n ; The Last
Blow (1755); and Dr. King's Apology (1755), an attack o n
Blacow's Letter. T h i s last p a m p h l e t was itself attacked anony-
mously in A Letter to Dr. King Occasioned by His Late Apology
(1755) a n d The Principles of the University of Oxford, as far as
2nd Relates to Affection to the Government, Stated (1755).
38. For f u r t h e r discussion of the m a t e r i a l in this paragraph,
see A. D. Godlcy, Oxford in the Eighteenth Century (New
York a n d L o n d o n , 1908), p p . 237-241, 244-259, a n d (Sir) Charles
E d w a r d Mallct, A History of the University of Oxford (Lon-
don, 1924-27), III, 38-43, 45, 50-54.
39. Terrae-Filius: Or, The Secret History of the University
of Oxford, 2nd ed. (London, 1726), I, 32. T h e Terrae-Filius
2nd essays were originally published periodically; the above citation
is f r o m N o . 6 (Feb. 1, 1721).
40. See The Humourist, I I (London, 1725), 73-74.
41. A Letter to a Fellow of a College (London, 1749), pp. 5,
51. T h i s work was ricliculed by W i l l i a m K i n g i n Some Remarks
on the Letter to a Fellow of a College (1749).
42. Terrae-Filius, I, 49-50. F r o m No. 9 (Feb. 15, 1721).
43. A Letter to a Young Gentleman of Oxford (Oxford, 1748),
p. 9. T h i s work was ricliculed by the indefatigable William King
in A Proposai for Publishing a Poetical Translation . . . of . . .
Bentham's Letter to a Young Gentleman of Oxford (1748) and
his Poetical Abridgement . . . of . . . Bentham's Letter to A
Young Gentleman of Oxford (1749).
44. See Letter to a Fellow of a College, pp. 51-55, 61, 71.

C H A P T E R T H R E E
Intellectual Acquirements as an Aim in the
Gentleman's Education
N o definite position can be assigned to l e a r n i n g a m o n g the
qualifications of the idéal gentleman in the Restoration a n d
eighteenth century. O p i n i o n s on the place of intellectual ac-
quirements a m o n g the gentlemanly attributes, u n l i k e o p i n i o n s
on the place of virtue, were inconsistent except for the fact
that nobody ranked these acquirements first. E d u c a t i o n a l the-
orists also differed as to t h e degree of l e a r n i n g necessary for
men of birth a n d as to the desirability of certain studies. Per-
haps the majority of gentlemen, f u r t h e r m o r e , h e l d views on
learning quite divergent f r o m those h e l d by the theorists, m a n y
of w h o m were tutors, schoolmasters, or clergymen. It is some-
times assumed that after t h e Elizabcthan period l e a r n i n g de-
clined in importance as a c o m p o n e n t of t h e gentlemanly idéal
in E n g l a n d , 1 b u t the e x t e n t of the décliné, if there was an
appréciable décliné at ail, is a debatable matter.
T h e complex question of the relationship of l e a r n i n g to
gentlemen might be first a p p r o a c h e d t h r o u g h a considération
of the state of learning a m o n g men of quality as seen by their
critics. If we are to crédit the complaints of these critics, the
average Englishman of r a n k , in b o t h the Restoration a n d the
eighteenth century, was abysmally ignorant, k n o w i n g very little
about history, mathematics, L a t i n g r a m m a r a n d literature, a n d
the other studies traditionally required of h i m . Certainly some
well-born youths a t t e n d e d private schools, a n d others a t t e n d e d
public schools despite the fact that many peoplc of fashion
evidently looked u p o n p u b l i c éducation with disfavor. Others,
again, received instruction at home f r o m tutors, who in m a n y
52
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 53
instances were very well q u a l i f i e d . A few s p e n t some time at
academies or universities abroad, a n d some went to O x f o r d
or Cambridge. N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g their opportunities for im-
proving their minds, however, English gentlemen were so fre-
quently accused of a lack of l e a r n i n g t h a t we m u s t assume some
basis in fact b e h i n d the complaints.
T h r e e types in particular were thus accused. These were the
country gentleman, who lived mainly o n his ancestral estate
in the provinces; the so-called f i n e gentleman, w h o passed most
of his life in the fashionable circles of L o n d o n ; and the well-
born s t u d e n t at O x f o r d or Cambridge.
T h e country gentleman was characterized as a thick-headed
i n d i v i d u a l who, rather than engage in any intellectual pursuits,
spent his existence in h u n t i n g foxes or partridges a n d in drink-
ing aie. Squire Western in Tom Jones, for w h o m h u n t i n g was
the m a i n concern of life, was a m o r e sympathetic picture of the
u n l e a r n e d country gentleman t h a n m a n y p r o d u c e d in the period.
Elsewhere Fielding satirized squires' sons who r e t u r n e d i g n o r a n t
f r o m schools to their fathers' country scats and stayed there for
the r e m a i n d e r of their lives, doing n o t h i n g towarcl the im-
p r o v e m e n t of their minds, e a r n i n g the appellation of clowns
by simply wasting their t i m e on the estâtes, "where Racing,
Cock fighting, a n d Party become their Pursuit, a n d form the
whole Business a n d A m u s e m e n t of their f u t u r e Lives." 2 T h e
conversation of such a man, o n e writer affirmée!, was "wholly
taken u p by his Horses, Dogs, a n d Hawks, a n d the more sense-
less A n i m a i s that tend 'em." 3 According to a n o t h e r author, h a d
a squire of his acquaintance " h u n t e d less, a n d read more . . .
he m i g h t have been C o m p a n y for M e n , " b u t instead, he was
"a C h i l d and a Coxcomb at Threescore." 4 Descriptions like
these are reminiscent of the lines of verse by Tickell which
Steele included in the Spectator No. 5.32 (November 10, 1712),
as a p o r t r a i t of country gentlemen:
At length despised, each to his fields retires,
First with the dogs, a n d k i n g amiclst the squires;
F r o m pert to stupid sinks supinely down,
In youth a coxcomb, a n d in âge a clown.
55
T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
Sometimes, it appears, the squire scarcely even knew h o w to
write English, 5 a n d we recall that in Act IV of She Stoops to
Conquer T o n y L u m p k i n was revealed as u n a b l e to read. Defoe,
perhaps the most o u t s p o k e n eritic of the i g n o r a n t country
gentleman, depicted h i m in The Compleat English Gentleman
as one w h o "enjoys his espous'd brutallity, hunts, hawkes,
shootes, a n d follows his g a m c . . . drinks w i t h his h u n t s m a n ,
and is excellent company f o r two or three d r u n k e n elder brothers
in his n e i g h b o u r h o o d ; a n d as here is his felicity, so here is the
uttmost of his acomplishments." If he should i n h e r i t the estate,
'"tis n o t the same onely b u t worse; for, his p r i d e encreasing
without his sence, he cornes at last to the perfeccion of a fool,
namely to be p r o u d of his ignorance" (pages 39-40). Culti-
vated a n d intelligent aristocrats, such as Chesterfield, deplored
the lack of learning displayed by squires o n their estâtes;
Chesterfield called them " o u r English b u m p k i n country gentle-
men" a n d counseled his godson n o t to follow their "rustic
illiberal sports." 6 A p p a r e n t l y , however, Chesterfield's a t t i t u d e
did not prevail a m o n g m e n of quality in the provinces.
According to his critics, the fine gentleman w h o spent most
of his life in L o n d o n was often as ignorant as his country
cousin. His waking h o u r s were taken u p w i t h the r i t u a l of
dressing in careful conformity to the current mode, a t t e n d i n g
balls a n d ridottos, carrying on amours, a n d g a m i n g at t h e clubs.
His préoccupation with these élégant b u t frivolous pastimes left
him little o p p o r t u n i t y to cultivate his intellect. T h i n k i n g that
"the chief end of M a n is to Dress well," h e h a d , as one writer
observed, "more L e a r n i n g in his Heels t h a n his H e a d . " 7 His
paucity of sound knowledge was frequently illustrated f r o m the
superficiality of his conversation, which, instead of i n c l u d i n g
intelligent ideas o n significant subjects, was said to consist of
"sweet Chit-chat, a n d t e n d e r Prittlc-Prattle, Shreds of Senti-
ments, a n d Cuttings of Sentences," revolving a r o u n d such topics
as "Furniture, Equipage, Dress, the T i r i n g R o o m , and t h e Toy-
shop." 8 T h e r e h a d been a time, some a u t h o r s thought, when
the m a n of fashion was qualified to discourse on d e e p a n d
weighty matters; b u t t h a t time was dead, and, as T h o m a s
Gordon remarked ironically, custom h a d n o w " h a p p i l y made
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
a n Excess of Knowledge unnecessary to rnodish Conversation;
for otherwise, the finest Assemblies in the N a t i o n would n o t
be m u c h différent f r o m silent Meetings." 9 Steele's p o r t r a i t of
Will H o n e y c o m b in the Spectator N o . 2 (March 2, 1711) was
in part i n t e n d e d as a satire o n the empty-headed L o n d o n e r of
fashion. Will's knowledge a n d conversation did not extend be-
yond modes, scandais, a n d intrigues.
T h e r e a d i n g habits of the f i n e gentleman were, according to
some authors, a n o t h e r indication of his lack of interest in
learning. If he read at ail, these a u t h o r s implied, he chose
books o n horse racing, treatises o n card playing, and F r e n c h
romances, which supplied h i m with as m u c h knowledge as h e
needed in order to eut a f i g u r e in his own circle of fashionable
fools. 1 0 T h e u n k n o w n a u t h o r of the World N o . 64 (March 21,
1754) satirically described a visit to the library of a " L o r d
Finical," whose collection of books, of which t h e nobleman was
inordinately proud, seemed m a g n i f i c e n t indeed, including works
of the best authors, with ail the volumes elegantly b o u n d . W h e n
the visitor took down several of t h e books, he discovered t h a t
their pages were uncut. L o r d Finical freely admitted t h a t he
never r e a d any of the volumes; his interest was in the splendor
of their bindings only. Mid-century commentators were ap-
palled at the apathetic a t t i t u d e of people of quality toward
senous literary works, and some of them, such as J o h n Brown
in his Estimate, averred t h a t this state of affairs, like the super-
ficiality of modish conversation, was peculiar t o their own âge:
"A Knowledge of Books, a T a s t e in Arts, a Proficiency in
Science, was formerly regarded as a p r o p e r Qualification, in
a M a n of Fashion. T h e Annals of o u r C o u n t r y have transmitted
to us t h e N a m e and Memory of M e n , as eminent in L e a r n i n g
a n d T a s t e , as in R a n k a n d F o r t u n e . I t will not, I présumé, be
regarded as any kind of Satire on the present Age, to say, t h a t
a m o n g the higher Ranks, this literary Spirit is generally van-
ished" (pages 41-42).
T h e country gentleman a n d the f i n e gentleman h a d b o t h
completed their formai éducation, a n d attacks leveled at t h e m
for their ignorance were attacks o n t h e finished product. B u t
the well-born university student, w h o was still in the process
57 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
of being educated, was also the object of f r e q u e n t satire. Young
men of rank entered O x f o r d or Cambridge as gentleman-com-
moners or fellow-commoners, and their status entitled t h e m to
certain privilèges with regard to observance of discipline, at-
tendance at lectures, a n d exercises. T h e i r a b u n d a n c e of free
time a n d spending m o n c y made t h e m liable to more tempta-
tions f r o m study than were youths of lower station, so t h a t they
often conducted themselves in such a m a n n e r "as to r e n d e r a
College Life q u i te ineffectuai, sometimes living, as if they were
sent there only for their Récréation, a n d Divertisement, or to
. . . swagger in a T a v c r n , or . . . T i p p l e in a C h a m b e r . " 1 1
In addition, they were likely to have entered college w i t h a
détermination n o t to p r o f i t by it intellectually.
O p i n i o n s varied as to whether their own anti-intellectual
attitude or their university was more at f a u l t for their lack of
learning. Being ill-disposed toward O x f o r d for m a n y reasons,
Nicholas Amhurst, as m i g h t be expected, p u t the b l â m e on
the n a t u r e of the university rather t h a n o n the well-born
student's distaste for intellectual pursuits, declaring: " T h e
éducation of a person of distinction at OXFORD, instead of being
. . . the most strictly taken care of, is of ail the most neglected;
a n o b l e m a n may b r i n g any thing f r o m college b u t learning. . . .
A gentleman-commoner, if he be a m a n of f o r t u n e , is soon told,
that it is not expected f r o m one of his f o r m to m i n d exercises." 1 2
Most writcrs, however, seem to have believed t h a t the genteel
undergraduate's ignorance was largely voluntary. One, for ex-
ample, described h i m as passing "his whole W i n t e r ' s M o r n i n g
in dividing a n d s u b d i v i d i n g his Cinders" or as lying idle until
d i n n e r time. 1 3 James Miller included in his comedy about
O x f o r d a certain Ape-all, the dramatic p o r t r a i t of the well-
b o r n u n d e r g r a d u a t e whose ignorance was entirely self-chosen.
Ape-all was described in the cast of characters as "a trifling
ridiculous Fop, affecting Dress and Lewdness, a n d a C o n t e m n e r
of Learning." H e avoided study so succcssfully t h a t w h e n some-
one m e n t i o n e d Plutarch's Morals, he said in an aside: " T h a t
must be some Bawdy Book that I have n o t seen." 1 4 I n the
Connoisseur N o . 41 (November 7, 1754), C o l m a n a n d T h o r n t o n
ironically suggested t h a t N e w m a r k e t be m a d e a s u p p l é m e n t to
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
Cambridge, so that fellow-commoners, whose "rank exempts
t h e m f r o m the common druclgery of lectures and exercises,"
might study the horse races a n d thus dérivé at least some p r o f i t
f r o m their years at the university; for "though they never will
be scholars," they might p e r h a p s " t u r n out excellent jockeys."
N o d o u b t the critics, as satirists, o f t e n indulged in exaggera-
tion; moreover, portraits of the u n l e a r n e d country squire a n d
the superficial L o n d o n e r of fashion had almost reached the
status of literary conventions, which m u s t be viewed with some
réservations as factual evidence. Such conventions, however,
would n o t have arisen w i t h o u t cause, a n d t h e frequency a n d
violence of complaints a b o u t the ignorance of gentlemen are
i r r é f u t a b l e indications of a very real condition. A considérable
n u m b e r of eightecnth-century g e n t l e m e n were u n d e n i a b l y q u i t e
u n i n f o r m e d . W i t h many of them, f u r t h e r m o r e , their ignorance
may in large p a r t be a t t r i b u t e d to the notion that learning was
incompatible with gentility. Defoe was perhaps not speaking in
u n d u l y extravagant terms w h e n he exclaimed i n his Compleat
English Gentleman:
T h a t o u r gentlemen are illiterate a n d u n t a u g h t is true;
b u t 'tis as true that w h e r e there is one gentleman w h o
complains of it and thinks himsclf the worse for it, there
are 20 that boast of it, value themselves u p o n it, think their
ignorance sits well u p o n their quality, a n d that contemn
the m e n of letters and books as below t h e m a n d not w o r t h
their regard; who think l e a r n i n g unfashionable, and, at
best, useless to them, a n d t h a t t o write their naines is
e n o u g h for m e n of fortunes, that they have nothing to do
b u t sit still a n d enjoy the world a n d roll in the a b u n d a n c e
of it, that the rest is ail bussiness a n d bustle, that 'tis below
t h e m a n d n o t worth their notice. (Page 237).
T h e same persuasion t h a t l e a r n i n g and gentility were incom-
patible was charactcristic of m u c h of the genteel order in t h e
Restoration. Clement Ellis rcferred to it in 1660, when he af-
f i r m e d that "care is taken f o r the good [university] Tutor, t h a t
if his Schollar chance to r e t u r n h o m e (as too seldome h e does)
with . . . Schollarship . . . h e shall then h a v e the Crédit or
59 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
Discrédit (call it w h a t you will) of making the Schollar, or
spoiling the Gentleman."15 A similar a t t i t u d e toward l e a r n i n g
obtained in the seventeenth-century Scottish aristocracy, p r o m p t -
ing Archibald Campbell, eighth Earl a n d first M a r q u i s of
Argyle, to tell his son t h a t history a n d m a t h e m a t i c s were the
only studies fit for gentlemen, the others b e i n g suitable for
scholars a n d those w h o h a d to live by their learning. 1 6
Such statements, however, do not constitute reliable evidence
that learning declined in importance as a c o m p o n e n t of the
gentlemanly idéal d u r i n g the seventeenth century. A c o n t e m p t
for learning was, in fact, an old genteel tradition, originating
in the Middle Ages, w h e n the proper province for a k n i g h t or
nobleman was believed to be the active life, particularly that
of a warrior, as opposed t o the contemplative life of a scholar. 1 7
It is true that d u r i n g the Renaissance l e a r n i n g came to b e
treated as indispensable to the idéal g e n t l e m a n by a u t h o r s of
courtesy books a n d o t h e r theorizers on gentility. Yet to a con-
sidérable extent the T u d o r aristocracy a n d gentry r e t a i n e d an
anti-intellectual outlook despite the opinions of their critics. 1 8
Some Renaissance gentlemen, such as Sir P h i l i p Sidney, Sir
Henry W o t t o n , and Sir W a l t e r Raleigh, c o m b i n e d t h e active
life of a soldier, statesman, or courtier with intellectual acquire-
ments, just as some gentlemen did in the seventeenth a n d eight-
eenth centuries; b u t an a n t i p a t h y toward l e a r n i n g on t h e part
of many m e n of r a n k t h r o u g h o u t the T u d o r period is not to
be denied. It was less strong than it h a d b e e n in the Middle
Ages, partly because the Elizabethan respect a n d enthusiasm
for learning h a d some effect on the aristocratie o r d e r a n d partly
because, with the T u d o r shift in emphasis f r o m the g e n t l e m a n
as warrior to the g e n t l e m a n as statesman, a degree of l e a r n i n g
became requisite to t h e performance of p u b l i c duties; b u t it
remained a powerful c u r r e n t in the gentleman's own conception
of the idéal. Elyot c o m p l a i n e d about an aristocratie scorn for
learning in 1531, a n d James Cleland u t t e r e d a similar com-
plaint in 1607: "False a n d fantastical o p i n i o n p r e u a i l e t h so
against reason now a daies, that ignorance is t h o u g h t an es-
sential marke of a N o b l e m a n by many." 1 9
107
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM
T h e fondness of seventeenth-century English aristocrats for
the French academies, which m a d e little pretense of cultivating
the intellect, is therefore n o t surprising, although it p e r h a p s
does n o t indicate, as one a u t h o r i t y believes, t h a t learning for
gentlemen fell into disesteem after the Renaissance. 2 0 I t illus-
trâtes a genteel attitude f a r older t h a n the seventeenth century.
F u r t h e r m o r e , the alleged ignorance of men of quality in eight-
eenth-century England does n o t o f f e r substantial g r o u n d for
supposing that their views toward learning were a great deal
less sympathetic than those of their Renaissance ancestors, even
if the critics did occasionally look back to a vague former period
when m e n of b i r t h and title h a d been learncd. T h e more prob-
able conclusion is that anti-intellectual gentlemen of the eight-
eenth century were simply following a long-establishecl a n d
deep-rootcd tradition of their class. T h e e x t e n t of their igno-
rance cannot, of course, be precisely d e t e r m i n c d , nor can their
antagonism toward learning be accurately compared with t h a t
of Elizabethan gentlemen, since m a n y of t h e most prejudiced
were, in b o t h âges, inarticulate. T h e most o n e can say w i t h
certitude, o n the basis of the evidence discussed so far, is t h a t
their distaste for intellectual acquirements was by no means new.
T h e r e were, however, two factors n o t yet touched u p o n which,
in the Restoration a n d eighteenth century, probably c o m b i n e d
with a n d bolstered the fashionable a n t i p a t h y toward learning.
T h e s e were the relationship between learning and pedantry,
a n d the relationship between l e a r n i n g and " t h e world."
T h e disgust with which t h e Restoration a n d eighteenth cen-
tury regarded pedantry, or the p u r s u i t a n d ostentatious display
of obscure érudition, needs little comment. Gentlemen a n d
critics alike agreed with Locke's p r o n o u n c e m e n t that p e d a n t r y
was a quality " t h a n which there is n o t h i n g less becoming a
g e n t l e m a n . " 2 1 Even aristocrats w h o h a d a high respect for
learning were wary of the acquisition of pedantry; thus Ches-
terfield, w h o h a d subjected his son to a m o r e rigorous course
of study t h a n that which m a n y well-born youths received,
w a r n e d the boy: "Great l e a r n i n g . . . if not accompanied w i t h
s o u n d j u d g m e n t , f r e q u e n t l y carries us into error, pride, a n d
61 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
pedantry." " W e a r your learning, like your watch, in a private
pocket: a n d d o n o t merely pull it out a n d strike it merely to
show you have one." 2 2
Youths w h o h a d a t t e n d e d a university were held t o be cs-
pecially liable to p e d a n t r y . O n e Restoration writer cautioned
a young g e n t l e m a n w h o hacl recently g r a d u a t e d f r o m a uni-
versity: " W h e n you corne into Company, b e n o t forward to
show your Proficiency, n o r impose your Academical Discourses,
nor glitter affectedly in Terms of Art."23 I n the Guardian No.
24 (April 8, 1713), Steele illustrated this university-inspired
parade of é r u d i t i o n by means of Jack Lizard, w h o h a d just re-
t u r n e d h o m e after a year and a half at O x f o r d , and i n whose
conversation a "vein of p e d a n t r y " h a d consequently become
p r o m i n e n t . " H e told us, u p o n the appearance of a dish of wild
fowl, that, according to the opinion of some n a t u r a l philoso-
phers, they m i g h t b e lately corne f r o m the m o o n . " H e o f f e n d e d
his sister " w i t h several questions, relating to the bigness a n d
distance of the m o o n a n d stars; and after every interrogatory,
would be w i n k i n g u p o n me, and smiling at his sister's ignorance."
D u r i n g the eigliteenth century the o p p r o b r i o u s t e r m "péd-
a n t " was used so indiscriminately a n d irresponsibly that it
came to be applied, by those who knew n o better, to almost
anyone who exhibited signs of learning. " W i t h m a n y People,"
the Gentleman's Library declared, "Learning and Pedantry
are Synonimous" (page 39). Johnson, in the Rambler N o . 173
(November 12, 1751), m a i n t a i n e d that every educated m a n was
in péril of b e i n g called a p é d a n t and that f r o m a fear of bring-
ing this stigma u p o n themselves, some well-informed persons
tried to hide their very knowledge. Loveyboncl macle a similar
assertion in t h e World N o . 13 (October 10, 1754).
T h i s extensive a n d gratuitous application of the term "pé-
d a n t , " combined with the inherited fashionable aversion toward
intellectual pursuits, i n d u c e d some gentlemen actively to avoid
learning. F r o m bias or conviction, they a p p e a r to have identi-
fied even a n o m i n a l a m o u n t of it with p e d a n t r y . As early as
1671, P a n t o n describecl genteel parents w h o were "of O p i n i o n ,
that to breed G e n t l e m e n at Schools, a n d i n L e a r n i n g , is the
way to m a k e them m e e r Scholists a n d P é d a n t s . " As a critic
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
of aristocratie ignorance, P a n t o n himself held t h a t while " G e n -
tlemen ought n o t to be so long ty'd to their Studies, as s h o u l d
render them p e d a n t i q u e , " 2 4 they should at least be given a n
a d e q u a t e training in the fields of spécifié knowledge. T h e exag-
gerated fear of pedantry which he m c n t i o n e d , however, grew
m o r e characteristic of people of fashion in the eigliteenth cen-
tury. O n e reason why t h e country gentleman rejected learning,
according to a satiric portrait, was t h a t "he has such a fear of
Pedantry always before his Eyes, t h a t h e accounts it a Scandai to
his Gentility to talk Sense, a n d write t r u e English."25 I n Nicholas
Amhurst's belief, the well-born university s t u d e n t neglected h i s
studies partly because "pedantry to h i m ail l e a r n i n g seems." 2 8
C o l m a n a n d T h o r n t o n , in the Connoisseur N o . 24 (July 11,
1754), explained the disinclination of fashionable people to
read informative works by suggesting that they did not wish
pedantry to be i m p u t e d to t h e m . An i g n o r a n t g e n t l e m a n
sketched by Defoe would have n o t h i n g to d o w i t h learning be-
cause "as to books a n d reading, 'tis a good, dull, poreing work
for the parsons and p é d a n t s " (page 65). A n u m b e r of gentle-
men, such as Chesterfield, could see t h a t the danger of p e d a n t r y
arose only when a man's i n f o r m a t i o n became extraordinarily
deep a n d was misused, b u t the unreasonable fear of i n c u r r i n g
the obnoxious title of p é d a n t certainly c o n t r i b u t e d to m a k e
many members of the nobility a n d gentry m e n of little learning.
F r o m the Middle Ages t h r o u g h t h e e i g h t e e n t h century, t h e
proper field of activity for a g e n t l e m a n was always "the w o r l d "
in one f o r m or another. For the médiéval k n i g h t or n o b l e m a n ,
as we have seen, the world usually m e a n t a military lifc, wliere-
as in the Renaissance it m o r e o f t e n m e a n t a political lii'e.
Although Renaissance theorists bclicved that learning h e l p e d
a gentleman to play a wise a n d successful p a r t in g o v e r n m e n t
a n d législation, even they declared t h a t an excessive é r u d i t i o n ,
specialized a n d remote a n d hardly practical, would not assist
a m a n in p e r f o r m i n g the duties of an active political or military
lii'e but, in fa et, would p r o b a b l y h i n d e r him. 2 7 W e have n o t e d
t h a t while the gentleman's rôle as politician was still i m p o r t a n t
in the eighteenth century, it received less attention t h a n it h a d
earlier. For the eighteenth-century gentleman, the world seemed
63 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
to imply mainly polite society, conversation, a n d social inter-
course in général. Since the old antithesis between the world
a n d the study persisted, however, people came to fear t h a t
learning w o u l d disable a gentleman f r o m t a k i n g p a r t in social
activities. T h i s fear contributecl materially to the theory that
the scholar was incompatible with the g e n t l e m a n , a n d it n o
d o u b t reinforced the traditional genteel dislike for learning.
If the e r u d i t e m a n was not indulging in p e d a n t i c ostentation
in company, h e was, people assumed, acting awkward and ill
at ease; he h a d n o grâce, poise, or polish, b u t only an unpleas-
antly bookish air. Such an individual was obviously the opposite
of what the g e n t l e m a n wanted to be, as the gentleman's own
idéal was the Chesterfieldian one of u n s t u d i e d elegance, charm,
a n d affability.
Ludicrous portraits of the scholar in society became as m u c h
a literary convention i n the eighteenth century as portraits of
the u n l e a r n e d country squire or empty-headed town g e n t l e m a n .
Steele, it may be recalled, wrote for the Spectator No. 362 (April
25, 1712) a letter supposedly contributed by a person who h a d
spent most of his life with books, so t h a t " 'by conversing
generally w i t h the dead,' " he " 'grew almost u n f i t for the
society of the living.' " Realizing that h e h a d " 'contracted a n
ungainly aversion to conversation' " a n d talked w i t h " 'little
e n t e r t a i n m e n t to others,' " he resolved to force himself into
company, in the h o p e that a change could still be effected.
But his efforts failed miserably until h e fell in love with a
socially c o m p e t e n t w o m a n ; by imitating her, he finally de-
veloped some ability to comport himself w i t h ease in the world.
A similar picture of the learned man in company was d r a w n
by Fordyce, w h o h a d a well-born student say that most scholars
seemed " t o be afraid of company," could n o t "bear to have the
eyes of others fixed u p o n them," a n d were "utterly at a loss
what to do with their hands, o r how to dispose of their limbs!"
T h e genteel youth observed in conclusion: " W h a t a reproach
does it cast on learning, to see its friends w e a r i n g so mean a n d
ridiculous a garb?" 2 8
A m o n g literary descriptions of the a w k w a r d figure which the
scholar eut in society, those which J o h n s o n included in the
/
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
Rambler deserve m e n t i o n . F o r N o . 157 (September 17, 1751)
h e wrote a letter supposedly p e n n e d by a certain Verecundulus
( " T h e Bashful One"), who, h a v i n g entered society f r o m the
seclusion of a university, f o u n d himself " 'blasted with a s u d d e n
imbecility.' " Since the subjects of conversation were not erudite,
h e was u n a b l e to u t t e r a n y t h i n g except " 'negative monosyl-
lables, or professions of ignorance.' " T o crown his embarrass-
m e n t , he d r o p p e d his teacup, scalding a l a p d o g a n d staining
a lady's petticoat. In N o . 159 J o h n s o n assured the desperate
Verecundulus that a l t h o u g h d e e p learning disabled a m a n
initially f r o m engaging in social intercourse, his "imbecility"
was curable. Yet in N o . 179 (December 3, 1751) he depicted
a n o t h e r learned man, a m a t h e m a t i c i a n n a m e d Gelasimus ( " T h e
Frozen One"), whose social i n e p t i t u d e was not curable. Gelasi-
m u s tried to charm others by facetiousness a n d hilarity; b u t
since his years of solitary study h a d not t a u g h t him how to be
amusing, h e succeeded only in acquiring a r é p u t a t i o n as a
buffoon.
J u s t as some gentlemen exaggerated the danger of becoming
p e d a n t i c t h r o u g h learning, some exaggerated the d a n g e r of be-
coming u n f i t for social intercourse t h r o u g h learning. T h e i r
inherited contempt for érudition probably predisposed t h e m to
m a k e this exaggeration. Swift suggested t h a t the genteel dis-
trust of learning originated d u r i n g the W a r of the Spanish
Succession, when officers r e t u r n e d f r o m the C o n t i n e n t to rcgale
their a d m i r i n g audiences with such sentiments as " D n me,
a scholar w h e n he cornes i n t o good company, what is he b u t
a n ass?" 29 I n answer to the well-born student's scornful des-
cription of scholars, Fordyce asserted in his Dialogues Con-
cerning Education: "People présumé, w i t h o u t examining, be-
cause some men, r e p u t e d learned, have been mere simpletons
in the common affairs of life, t h a t therefor [.sic] ail men of
learning m u s t be so." H e observed with disapproval that " o n e
k i n d of knowledge has been t h o u g h t necessary to f u r n i s h a
learned head, and q u i t e a n o t h e r [i.e., knowledge of the world]
to form a gentleman" (I, 90-91).
T h e fashionable tendency to emphasize the world at the
expense of book l e a r n i n g was satirized by J o h n s o n in the
65 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
Rambler. I n No. 109 (April 2, 1751), h e portrayed a y o u t h
whose genteel m o t h e r seriously considcred dismissing his t u t o r
so that the boy would not be in péril ol a c q u i r i n g this m a n ' s
awkward m a n n e r , a n d determined that h e r son should im-
mediately be i n t r o d u c e d to the world as a corrective to his
studies. N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g his awareness t h a t a Verecundulus or
Gelasimus was the possible product of an excess of learning,
Johnson t h o u g h t the mother's appréhensions unreasonable, as
h e showed in No. 132 (June 22, 1751), w h e r e h e expressed his
own opinions t h r o u g h a letter supposedly f r o m the tutor:
"I remonstrated against too early an a c q u a i n t a n c e with cards
and company; b u t . . . she said that h e h a d been already
confined too long to solitary study, a n d it was now time to
show h i m the world; n o t h i n g was m o r e a b r a n d of mean-
ness t h a n b a s h f u l timidity; gay f r e e d o m a n d élégant as-
surance were only to be gained by m i x e d conversation, a
f r e q u e n t intercourse with strangers, a n d a timely intro-
duction to splendid assemblies; and she h a d m o r e t h a n once
observed, that his forwardness and complaisance began to
desert h i m ; that h e was silent when h e h a d n o t something
of conséquence to say; blushed whenever h e h a p p e n e d to
find himself mistaken; a n d h u n g down his h e a d in the
presence of the ladies, w i t h o u t the readiness of reply a n d
activity of officiousness remarkable in y o u n g gentlemen
that are bred in L o n d o n . "
T h e mother, of course, erred in i n t e r p r e t i n g h e r son's actions
as signs t h a t h e was losing the social grâces; b u t she h a d h e r
way, a n d h e showed " 'a speedy acquisition or recovery of h e r
darling qualities.' " M o r e t h a n that, h e soon developed his
fashionable parent's scorn for learning. " ' H e begins already
to look down on m e with superiority,' " the t u t o r affirmed,
" 'and submits to o n e short lesson in a week, as an act of
condescension r a t h e r t h a n obediencc.' " l n time, this youth w o u l d
probably t u r n into o n e of those fine g e n t l e m e n of L o n d o n
conspicuous for their ignorance—and ail because his m o t h e r
h a d an u n w a r r a n t e d fear of learning as p r e j u d i c i a l to partici-
pation in the world.
/
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 105
O n e f u r t h e r cause of a lack of learning a m o n g eighteenth-
century English gentlemen o u g h t to be n o t e d briefly. T h i s was
the theory, endorsed, apparently, by many fashionable parents,
t h a t al t h o u g h learning was dcsirable for y o u n g e r sons because
they might have to m a k e their o w n way in the world by enter-
ing careers or professions, it was superfluous for the eldest son,
who, being assured of a h a n d s o m e fortune, did not need to b e
e q u i p p e d f o r acquiring one. Swift affirmed t h a t this a t t i t u d e
prevailed in "ail families, w h e r e there is wealth e n o u g h to
afford, that their sons (at least the eldest) m a y be good f o r
nothing. W h y should m y son be a scholar, w h e n it is n o t in-
tended that he should live by his learning?" 3 0 Mrs. Hardcastle,
in Act I of She Stoops to Conquer, remarked as an excuse for
h e r son's ignorance: " N o m a t t e r , T o n y L u m p k i n has a good
fortune. My son is n o t to live by his learning." If we are to
crédit Defoe, this k i n d of reasoning, perhaps more than any
other single factor, accounted f o r what h e considered the dé-
plorable stupidity of eldest sons:
T h e b r i g h t and the dull, the b l i n d and the clear, the m a n
of sence a n d learning a n d the blockhead, is as o f t e n to be
disscern'd as the heir a n d the cadet are seen together, where
one is u n t a u g h t and good for n o t h i n g because he is to have
the esta te, and the o t h e r is polish'd a n d educated because
h e is to make his f o r t u n e ; the last is to be p r e p a r ' d to liv
by his witts, and the other is t o have n o wits or, at best,
no learning, because he can liv w i t h o u t them.
I n Defoe's opinion, eldest sons usually agreed with their p a r e n t s
t h a t learning was not necessary f o r them. H e invented a con-
versation in which an elder b r o t h e r told a younger: " ' T h e heir
you kno' has no need of the wit, if he has b u t the estate.' " T h e
younger b r o t h e r observed: " ' Most eldest sons are of your m i n d ,
a n d that makes us see so m a n y heirs that can't write their o w n
names.' " B u t the elder repliecl: " ' N o matter, if they can b u t
read their own names in the deeds of their inheritance.' " 3 1
T h e foregoing discussion of genteel ignorance and the genteel
a t t i t u d e toward learning is n o t i n t e n d e d to imply t h a t there
were not many gentlemen in t h e Restoration and eighteenth
66 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
century w h o e n t e r t a i n e d a great respect for l e a r n i n g a n d ac-
quired considérable é r u d i t i o n , a n d many others w h o were cer-
tainly cultivated and well-informed. W e m u s t r e m e m b e r t h a t
a very significant minority of Restoration a n d eighteenth-cen-
tury men of quality—figures such as Evelyn, Sir W i l l i a m T e m p l e ,
the first a n d second Earls of Clarendon, the first M a r q u i s a n d
first Earl of Halifax, Shaftesbury, Chesterfield, a n d Horace
Walpole—were distinguished for intellectual pursuits a n d t h a t
some of t h e m engaged in scholarly activities, t h o u g h perhaps
with an assumed air of effortlessness, casualness, a n d aristo-
cratie nonchalance which differentiated t h e m f r o m pédants
a n d professional scholars. It is, however, t h e m a j o r i t y r a t h e r
than the m i n o r i t y t h a t we are concerned w i t h here—the thou-
sands of gentlemen w h o h a d little l e a r n i n g a n d preferred n o t
to have any more. T h e fear of becoming p é d a n t s a n d the
fear of a c q u i r i n g bookish m a n n e r s may possibly have macle t h e m
even less sympathetic toward learning t h a n their Renaissance
forbears; a n d if this is so, then learning had declined somewhat
as a r e q u i r e m e n t in t h e gentleman's own idéal of the gentleman.
T h e question is, however, a debatable one.
I n any case, the views held by gentlemen are n o t indicative
of the views held by theorists and commentators on gentility,
many of whom, as m e n t i o n e d bcfore, were n o t members of
fashionable society. If we t u r n to their o p i n i o n s a n d recom-
mendations, we may d e t e r m i n e how they felt on the m a t t e r of
learning as a qualification for gentlemen a n d to w h a t extent
their a t t i t u d e differed f r o m t h a t of anti-intellectual aristocrats.
It should already be obvious from the storm of complaints
about the ignorance of m e n of quality t h a t commentators re-
quired the gentleman to have more l e a r n i n g t h a n m a n y gentle-
men themselves t h o u g h t necessary. T h e o r i s t s deprecated a n d
satirized t h e illogical identification of m o d e r a t e learning w i t h
pedantry, the exaggerated f e a r that book knowledge w o u l d
clisqualify a m a n f r o m participation in polite society, and the
persuasion t h a t an eldest son should be intellectually impov-
erished because he was not to live by his learning.
O n the o t h e r hand, most theorists agreed with gentlemen t h a t
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
the m a n of birth should n o t have so m u c h learning as to
become p e d a n t i c or awkward. T h e i r idéal was n o t an anti-
q u a r i a n , such as Gray, b u t an enlightened, well-informed man—
a person whose store of knowledge was b r o a d a n d libéral b u t
d i d not embrace obscure, useless détails or resuit i n bookish,
ungraceful manners. Even Defoe, w h o in his Compleat English
Gentleman so strongly insisted t h a t the m a n of r a n k acquire
learning, did not wish h i m to b e what was commonly regarded
as a scholar. "I distinguish between a learned m a n a n d a m a n
of learning," he said, "as I distinguish between a schollar a n d a
gentleman." T h e f o r m e r was "a meer book-case . . . a creature
buryed aliv in heaps of antients a n d m o d e m s , full of tongues
b u t no language." T h e latter, " a m a n of polite learning," was
"a gentleman a n d w h a t a g e n t l e m a n should b e " (page 203).
I t is true that an occasional writer contested the fashionable
theory that the scholar a n d the gentleman were irreconcilable
opposites, " h e that is a Scholar h a v i n g one principal part, if n o t
t h e best p a r t of a G e n t l e m a n , " 3 2 as Ayres m a i n t a i n e d . A n
anonymous a u t h o r early in the eighteenth century regretted
t h a t learning was u n d e r the gentleman's "disgrâce a n d con-
t e m p t " a n d ascribed this condition to the fact that m a n y
scholars were poor a n d shabby. Elis own u n u s u a l a n d u n d e m o -
cratic solution was to prevent indigent youths from a t t e n d i n g
schools a n d universities; this course, in his opinion, would r i d
t h e term "scholar" of its u n g e n t e e l connotations a n d thereby
"Reconcile the G e n t l e m a n w i t h the Scholar." 3 3 Such a t t e m p t s
at reconciliation, however, were rare. W e m a y take as m o r e
représentative of the o p i n i o n of theorists, in the eighteenth
century as in the Restoration, Walker's statement t h a t the well-
b o r n y o u t h should attain only " a sufficient perfection" in his
studies, " n o t so m u c h as is r e q u i r e d for a Prof essor, b u t so m u c h ,
as is necessary or requisite f o r a G e n t l e m a n . " 3 4 I n o t h e r words,
the man of rank was generally required to b e well-informed
b u t not egregiously erudite.
T h e attitudes of theorists regarding the importance of learn-
ing for gentlemen clemand d o s e r investigation, however, as
there were shades of différence and sometimes m a r k e d dis-
crepancies. I n C h a p t e r I, m e n t i o n was m a d e of R e s t o r a t i o n

68 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
commentators who placed learning last a m o n g t h e aims of
gentlemanly éducation; and m a n y authors, we recall f r o m Chap-
ter I, asserted that studies were useless unless they were con-
ducive to virtue. T h e opinions of these writers are possibly
indicative of a decreased emphasis on l e a r n i n g by theorists
after the Renaissance. T h e distrust which some seventeenth-
century c o m m e n t a t o r s manifested toward spéculative or abstruse
learning as vain, profitless, a n d impractical, a n d which con-
tinued i n t o the eighteenth century, is p e r h a p s significant of
the same trend. But a large n u m b e r of a u t h o r s d i d not share
the distrust, a n d in any case it did not disqualify a great deal
of learning, being particularly irrelevant to such studies as
history, arithmetic, law, a n d the m o d e m languages. More il-
l u m i n a t i n g are views as to the relative r a n k of b o o k knowledge
and a knowledge of the world among the gentlemanly at-
tributes.
Quite a few critics seemed t o think t h a t a knowledge of t h e
world (or, in o t h e r words, of h u m a n n a t u r e ) was fully as
valuable f o r the gentleman as book knowledge, if n o t more so,
and that n o g e n t l e m a n could be complété if h e neglected the
study of m a n in favor of t h e arts and sciences. W r i t e r s in the
Restoration sometimes expressed the belief, already current in
the Renaissance, 3 5 t h a t a gentleman's l e a r n i n g should never be
so great as to lead h i m to forsake the active life f o r which h e
was clestined or interfere w i t h the p e r f o r m a n c e of his p u b l i c
functions. T h u s o n e Restoration theorist i n f o r m e d a y o u n g
gentleman t h a t well-born youths should n o t e m b r a c e a life of
study after g r a d u a t i n g f r o m a university, since " t h c r e is a H u s k
and Shell t h a t grows u p with the L e a r n i n g they acquired, which
they must throw away, caused, perchance, by the Childishness
of their State, or Formalities of the Place, or t h e Ruggeclness
of R e t i r e m e n t , the n o t considering of w h i c h h a t h m a d e m a n y
a great Scholar unserviceable to the W o r l d . " 3 0 I n his Humane
Prudence (1680), o n e of the books of aclvice on p r u d e n t i a l
conduct so p o p u l a r in the seventeenth century, W i l l i a m de
Britaine r a t e d worldly knowledge superior to book knowledge. 3 7
Locke in Some Thoughts Concerning Education was firmly
persuaded that "to juclge right of men, a n d m a n a g e his affairs
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
wisely with them," was of f a r greater benefit to the g e n t l e m a n
than " t o speak Greek a n d L a t i n " or even "to be well versed i n
t h e Greek a n d R o m a n writers." H e consequently called t h e
young gentleman's studies " b u t as it were, the exercises of his
faculties, a n d employment of his time, to keep h i m f r o m
sauntering a n d idleness, to teach h i m application, a n d accustom
h i m to take pains, a n d to give him some little taste of w h a t
his own industry must perfect," whereas "of . . . knowledge of
the world . . . he c a n n o t have too m u c h " (pages 74, 76).
A similar tendency to r a n k a knowledge of the world above
book knowledge was manifest i n subséquent years. T h u s Boyer's
English Theophrastus contained the following observation;
"Study makes a greater différence between a Scholar a n d a n
Ignorant M a n , than there is between an Ignorant M a n a n d a
Brute. B u t the Air of the W o r l d , yet makes a greater distinc-
tion between a Polite a n d a Learned Person. Knowledge begins
the Gentleman; a n d the Commerce of the W o r l d compleats
h i m " (page 255). Eighteenth-century educational theorists of
gentle blood were also inclined to consider an acquaintance w i t h
the world more desirable t h a n an acquaintance with books,
even t h o u g h they, u n l i k e their less enlightened compeers, h a d
n o particular bias against learning. Typical of their view was
Chesterfield's a t t i t u d e i n the éducation of his son. Fie stressed
book learning more t h a n d i d many fashionable fathers, es-
pecially d u r i n g young Philip's childhood, b u t he called a knowl-
edge of the world "still m o r e necessary t h a n that of books."
T h e r e f o r e , although h e dwelled heavily o n the i m p o r t a n c e of
learning i n the early letters, he looked forward to a time
when worldly experience w o u l d be substituted for it: "I n e i t h e r
require n o r expect f r o m you great application to books after you
are once thrown out i n t o the great world." W h e n Philip, as a
young traveler on the C o n t i n e n t in 1748, d i d begin to par-
ticipate in the world, his f a t h e r strongly r e c o m m e n d e d such
participation, urging him, for example, to enter fully into t h e
splendors a n d diversions of the court of Berlin a n d to devote
only the mornings to study. As Philip grew older, the w o r l d
was to u s u r p more a n d m o r e of his time, u n t i l the p e r i o d
arrived w h e n the perusal of books should yield to it almost
71 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
in toto. T h u s Chesterfield told Philip in 1751: " T h e world is
now the only book you want, a n d almost the only o n e you o u g h t
to read." " L e t every other book . . . give way," h e said, " t o
this great a n d necessary book, the W o r l d . " 3 8
It would be w r o n g to assume that even those writers w h o
placed a knowledge of the world so high deprecated book learn-
ing. T h e y simply feared that the gentleman m i g h t become in-
appropriately erudite for his calling. F u r t h e r m o r e , there was a
definite c o u n t e r trend to the emphasis o n worldly experience.
In the Restoration, for example, Panton, w h i l e n o t denying that
"experience is m u c h to be estecm'd in the affairs of the W o r l d , "
considered it inséparable f r o m learning (or "science," as h e
termed it) a n d flatly declared that "Science is to b e preferr'd
in our search before Experience." H e s u p p o r t e d his preference
by many arguments—that it was easier to gain a given a m o u n t
of knowledge f r o m books t h a n from worldly experience; t h a t
the teachings of books were m o r e général a n d at t h e same time
more certain t h a n the teachings of experience; t h a t books dis-
tinguished clearly between cause and effect, which often ap-
peared confused in the world; that books delved more deeply
into things t h a n experience did; that experience was often de-
ceptive a n d misleading; a n d that since ail the wisdom in books
presupposed experience, the latter was necessary only as a m e a n s
to an end. 3 9
By the m i d d l e of the eighteenth century the tendency to re-
gard book l e a r n i n g as more valuable t h a n a knowledge of the
world was perceptibly stronger than it h a d been d u r i n g the
Restoration, a n d was perhaps even the prevailing a t t i t u d e a m o n g
theorists. T h e u n k n o w n a u t h o r of An Essay on Modem Educa-
tion (1747) believed that the world w o u l d b e "a Means . . . of
getting U n d e r s t a n d i n g , more agreeable, a n d even more profit-
able by f a r t h a n Books, providcd a M a n could, w i t h equal Ease,
blend himself into the Society of living Companions, as in-
structive a n d learned as those in his Study." B u t since one's
companions rarely answered these qualifications, t h e "airy" (or
empty) gentlemen w h o rejected their studies f o r worldly ex-
perience were to be c o n d e m n e d (page 7). I n the Mirror No. 15
(March 16, 1779), J . A. H o m e stood diametrically opposed to
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
Locke's view that a knowledge of the world was m o r e necessary
than learning, especially a solid training in the classics. " T h e r e
can be little d o u b t , " h e a f f i r m e d , " t o which the p r e f e r e n c e
belongs"—it belonged to a classical éducation. H o m e tried t o
excuse Locke by saying that " f r o m a prejudice, to which e v e n
great m i n d s are liable," Locke mistakenly extended his justi-
fiable dislike for p e d a n t r y to ail learning.
T h e récognition t h a t a knowledge of the world sometimes
meant little more t h a n a knowledge of the world's vices, a
matter to be discussed i n C h a p t e r IV, c o n t r i b u t e d to i n f l u e n c e
many commentators against it. Perhaps the cumulative effect
of years of criticism directed against ignorant gentlemen was
also partly responsible for t h e stress o n l e a r n i n g i n the m i d -
eighteenth century. People felt that fashionable society e m p h a -
sized a knowledge of the world u n d u l y . " W e of this g é n é r a t i o n , "
Colman a n d T h o r t o n wrote ironically in the Connoisseur No.
24 (July 11, 1754), "are wiser than to suffer our y o u t h of
quality to lose their precious t i m e in studying t h e belles lettres,
while o u r only care is t o i n t r o d u c e them into t h e beau monde."
Pope's dictum, " M e n m a y be read, as well as books, too m u c h , "
was q u o t e d by t h e m in the Connoisseur No. 136 (September 2,
1756). A n o t h e r writer c o m p l a i n e d that "an early a c q u a i n t a n c e
with the W o r l d is now deemed of such conséquence, that b o t h
the intellectual a n d moral accomplishments lose their w e i g h t . " 4 0
Some commentators thus placed learning h i g h a m o n g t h e
requirements for gentlemen, even t h o u g h n o b o d y considered it
more i m p o r t a n t t h a n virtue. M a n y arguments were a d v a n c e d
in favor of learning. T h e first of these, discussed in C h a p t e r I,
was that various studies could be of aid in t h e a t t a i n m e n t of
virtue. Some authors, besides, praised learning as a n o r n a m e n t
of the gentleman, or even likened it to a spiritual e n n o b l i n g . 4 1
T h e obvious point t h a t a t r a i n i n g in the arts a n d sciences de-
veloped a n d b r o u g h t to f r u i t i o n the n a t u r a l capacities of t h e
gentleman's m i n d was f r e q u e n t l y mentioned; w i t h o u t such t r a i n ,
ing these potentialities "may b e interr'd in the Bosom of t h e
Part t h a t possesses them, a n d entirely lost to t h e W o r l d . " 4 2
T h e n o t i o n that a considérable degree of l e a r n i n g was neces-
sary to the able execution of the gentleman's p u b l i c f u n c t i o n s
73 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
lias been m e n t i o n e d in the preceding c h a p t e r . T h i s conviction
gave rise to m u c h criticism a n d satire of the ignorant gentle-
man w h o tried to take a h a n d in statesmanship. T h e ill-edu-
cated country squire occupying a seat in P a r l i a m e n t was de-
scribed as one who "shews his Wisdom best by his Silence, a n d
serves his C o u n t r y most in his Absence."43 I t was Swift's aim
in his Essay on Modem Education "to prove t h a t some propor-
tion of h u m a n knowledge appears requisite to those, w h o by
their b i r t h or f o r t u n e are called to the m a k i n g of laws, and,
in a s u b o r d i n a t e way, to the execution of t h e m . " 4 4 I n The
Modem Fine Gentleman (1746), Soame J e n y n s drew a scath-
ing p o r t r a i t of the u n i n f o r m e d young g e n t l e m a n in Parliament:
T h e r e safe in self-sufficient impudence,
W i t h o u t experience, honesty, or sense,
U n k n o w i n g in her int'rest, trade, or laws,
H e vainly undertakes his country's cause:
F o r t h f r o m his lips, p r e p a r ' d at ail to rail,
T o r r e n t s of nonsense burst like bottled aie. 4 5
Defoe f u r n i s h e d several reasons why the gentleman of little
learning w h o entered P a r l i a m e n t did i n j u r y to the nation or, at
the very least, was of no h e l p whatever. T o o u n i n f o r m e d to
think for hiinself, such a m a n simply voted as cleverer a n d
perhaps u n s c r u p u l o u s individuals told h i m . H e was the un-
witting tool of c o r r u p t courtiers and politicians, a n d the liberties
of Britain were consequently endangered. Since his ignorance
often m a d e h i m incompétent to manage his estate economically,
he was sometimes in want of funds a n d was therefore suscepti-
ble to the bribes of factions and crafty politicians who wanted
only to enslave their country. Many times the ignorant gentle-
m a n sat idle at home, doing n o t h i n g in the service of his
nation, a n d this was just as h a r m f u l as p a r t i c i p a t i o n in govern-
ment, since w h e n gentlemen did not occupy the offices which
should n a t u r a l l y devolve u p o n them, those offices were filled
instcad by "knaves and polititians" a n d "mercenaryes." Defoe
regarded with longing a f o r m e r period of English history, when,
according to him, the gentry and nobility h a d intelligence
/
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 105
enough to protect their n a t i o n against f r a u d , oppression, a n d
the mismanagement of p u b l i c affairs. 4 6
L e a r n i n g was also of practical advantage to some gentlemen,
especially younger sons, because, as has been m e n t i o n e d pre-
viously, it e q u i p p e d t h e m f o r entering the professions a n d there-
by attaining fortunes. T h e m a t e r i a l advantages of learning were
sometimes n o t highly praised by commentators on the gentle-
man; Brokesby, for example, w a r n e d his well-born correspondent
at a university n o t to look u p o n the achievement of riches as
the m a i n end of learning, a n d Fordyce stipulated t h a t the
instruction of y o u t h should be aimed principally at n o b l e r
goals than that of amassing a fortune. 4 7 A n u m b e r of writers,
nevertheless, were very m u c h aware of the material benefits of
learning; in fact, as will be demonstrated toward the end of the
present chapter, some of t h e m strenuously advocated m o r e
spécifié training for a career or profession t h a n the y o u n g
gentleman usually received.
T h u s in the eyes of courtesy writers and other e d u c a t i o n a l
theorists, learning r e m a i n e d a n i m p o r t a n t qualification of the
idéal gentleman in the Restoration and eighteenth century,
even if it was somewhat less i m p o r t a n t than it h a d been d u r i n g
the Renaissance. T h e o p i n i o n of commentators t h a t a gentle-
man should not possess a scholar's érudition was n o t new w i t h
the period a n d in no way disqualified a large degree of l e a r n i n g
as a gentlemanly attribute. W h i l e writers recognized the dangers
inhérent in excessive é r u d i t i o n , they also e n u m e r a t e d the m a n y
advantages of learning. O n the whole, a regard for l e a r n i n g
probably reached its low p o i n t in the Restoration, when some
writers r a n k e d it last a m o n g the components of the aristocratie
idéal or at any rate t h o u g h t it inferior to a knowledge of the
world, ancl when vain spéculation was so actively distrusted.
I n the eighteenth century, learning seems to have assumée! a
somewhat more p r o m i n e n t position among the requisites of the
complété gentleman. Criticism of the ignorant portion of the
gentry and nobility became perhaps more p r o n o u n c e d t h a n
ever before, and m a n y commentators reacted against an em-
phasis on worldly knowledge at the expense of b o o k knowledge.
I n any case, writers o n the gentleman d u r i n g b o t h âges sub-
74 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
scribed to an idéal which gave a higher place to learning t h a n
did the idéal held by those many men of quality w h o were u n d e r
the i n f l u e n c e of the traditional genteel p r e j u d i c e against intel-
lectual pursuits.
Despite the prejudice, a large n u m b e r of g e n t l e m e n obviously
acquired m o r e learning t h a n did the illiterate ones sketched
by Defoe a n d o t h e r critics. Few were i n the position of T o n y
L u m p k i n , w h o never got an éducation at ail. T h e training of
well-born youths in the arts a n d sciences m a y have been con-
ducted inefficiently at times; their parents may have minimized
its importance; a n d they themselves m a y p e r h a p s have avoided
it as m u c h as possible, regarded it w i t h m a r k e d antipathy,
profited little by it, forgotten most of it the m o m e n t their
éducation was at an end, a n d determined n o t to follow intel-
lectual pursuits d u r i n g the remainder of their lives; b u t most
of them were at least exposed to some course of studies, w h e t h e r
they were educated u n d e r tutors, at fashionable private schools,
at p u b l i c schools, at the universitics, o r a b r o a d . T h e range of
subjects recognized as being valid or p r o p e r f o r young gentle-
men therefore affords some i n t i m a t i o n of the intellectual train-
ing which they received. T o conduct an exhaustive examination
of this r a n g e of subjects in ail its particulars is unnecessary.
T h e a p p r o v e d course of study may be s u m m e d u p in a few
words. W i t h some variations in emphasis, it held true n o mat-
ter w h e t h e r a y o u t h was b r o u g h t u p u n d e r a good tutor or at
a p u b l i c school. T h e following outline is to b e understood,
however, as the idéal curriculum, of which the real was only
an a p p r o x i m a t i o n , sometimes very close a n d sometimes q u i t e
dcfective. As a réduction f r o m many sources, it necessarily pré-
sents a général picture which was by n o means always followed
in ail its détails.
At the earliest period of his éducation, the gentleman's son
was t a u g h t to r e a d English, using, perhaps, Aesop's Fables a n d
select passages f r o m the Scriptures, a n d to write a good h a n d . 4 8
At a slightly later date he was instructed i n the r u d i m e n t s of
Latin g r a m m a r a n d assigned as reading m a t t e r the easiest L a t i n
prose authors. 4 9 H e acquired a speaking knowledge of F r e n c h
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
and perhaps also of Italian. 5 0 A n introduction to a r i t h m e t i c
was essential to the b e g i n n i n g student, a n d his m a t h e m a t i c a l
knowledge was afterwards e x p a n d e d to include geometry a n d
algebra. 5 1 H e learned geography and chronology as the h a n d -
maids of history. 5 2 T h e study of history itself was commenced
at an early stage in his t r a i n i n g a n d broadened in later years
until he knew history b o t h sacred a n d p r o f a n e , ancient a n d
m o d e m , domestic as well as foreign. 5 3 H e advanced in L a t i n
to an acquaintance with t h e R o m a n historians, dramatists,
orators, and poets. 5 4 Greek possibly became a p a r t of his cur-
riculum also, 55 a n d rhetoric a n d oratory assumed a significant
place in his éducation; an oratorical ability was considered very
desirable in view of the likelihood that he w o u l d become a
statesman or a divine. 5 6 An ability to write English correctly
and elegantly a n d an appréciation for English literature were
apparently sometimes neglected in the midst of these o t h e r
pursuits; b u t he was n o t i n f r e q u e n t l y r e q u i r e d to polish his
English style, since in his f u t u r e capacity as p u b l i c servant he
might have to draw u p m a n y letters, spceches, a n d documents, 5 7
and some theorists urgecl t h a t his taste b e cultivated by a read-
ing of the most a d m i r e d British poets a n d prose-writers. 5 8 H e
was also perhaps m a d e f a m i l i a r with logic, ethics, a n d meta-
physics. 59 Finally, he m i g h t b e taught the f u n d a m e n t a l s of the
natural sciences a n d o b t a i n an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of theology a n d
law as well. 6 0
Simultaneously with his t r a i n i n g in these traditional branches
of learning, he took lessons in the polite accomplishments of
drawing, music, a n d dancing, which will be discussed later in
this chapter. F u r t h e r m o r e , h e engaged in physical exercises
adaptecl to his physical development at various periods of his
childhood a n d adolescence, such as r u n n i n g , swimming, wrest-
ling, a n d riding. 6 1 Fencing, as might be expected, held a promi-
nent place a m o n g these exercises. 62
It should be b o r n e i n m i n d not only that t h e éducation of
many gentlemen did n o t cover nearly ail the subjects m e n t i o n e d
above b u t also t h a t certain fields of study were sometimes just
briefly touched on, while others were stressecl u n d u l y . If a
gentleman was educated u n d e r a tutor, for example, he often
76 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
received a very thorough training in F r e n c h a n d perhaps in
the o t h e r m o d e m languages, whereas if he was b r o u g h t u p in
a p u b l i c school L a t i n was sure to be emphasized. H e m i g h t be
given little or n o instruction in any of t h e n a t u r a l sciences
except possibly botany a n d animal h u s b a n d r y , which would be
of use in the m a n a g e m e n t of his estate. O n the other h a n d ,
his c u r r i c u l u m o n occasion included studies which have n o t
so far been m e n t i o n e d , such as astronomy a n d Hebrew. 6 3
Stress on certain subjects also varied s o m e w h a t from âge to
âge. T h e y o u n g gentleman of the R e s t o r a t i o n would more
probably be r e q u i r e d to study theology, Greek, logic, a n d meta-
physics t h a n would the well-born y o u t h of the mid-eighteenth
century, a n d t h e physical exercises of the f o r m e r almost in-
evitably e m b r a c e d lessons in riding the great horsc; the r e a d i n g
of British authors, however, was more o f t e n a p a r t of eighteenth-
century t h a n of seventeenth-century éducation of children. T h e
course of studies outlined above does n o t represent an average,
as there was n o average. W h e n the y o u n g gentleman's éduca-
tion was carried o u t w i t h care and thoroughness, however, it
usually c o m p r e h e n d e d the subjects which I have named, a n d
its p a t t e r n was at least roughly a p p r o x i m a t e to that suggested
here. T h e above program, is, then, to be regarded in the
light of a c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r .
Several points a b o u t this program neecl to be examined in
more détail. T h e first of these is the i m p o r t a n c e of history,
which was viewed by the theorists as " t h e properest study for
a G e n t l e m a n . " 6 4 A knowledge of history e n a b l e d a gentleman
to p r o f i t by the experience a n d e x a m p l e of others who h a d
gone before h i m so that, w i t h o u t personal risk, h e could acquire
wisdom of action, learning what mistakes to avoid a n d w h a t
course to pursue; he could "enjoy the f r u i t of other mens
labors, be wise at their own costs, a n d receive benefit f r o m
every t h i n g they have clone, whether b a d or good, avoiding them
in one, a n d i m i t a t i n g t h e m in the o t h e r . " 6 5 I t was this belief
that p r o m p t e d Chesterfield to tell his son t h a t t h r o u g h his-
torical studies " u n j e u n e h o m m e peut, en q u e l q u e façon, ac-
quérir l'expérience de la vieillesse; en lisant ce qui a été fait,
il a p p r e n d ce q u ' i l a à faire." 6 6
J
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 77
A m o n g t h e most valuable lessons taught by history were
lessons in virtue. T h e conviction that history was rich in m o r a l
examples a n d could b e of great influence in guiding y o u n g
gentlemen along the p a t h s of righteousness was inherited f r o m
the Renaissance, 6 7 a n d it r e m a i n e d very c o m m o n in b o t h the
Restoration a n d eighteenth century. B u r n e t t h u s advisecl the
gentleman's governor to use historical examples in order to
teach morality, a n d G a i l h a r d attested to the value of history
in demonstrating moral ideas a n d illustrating t h e virtues a n d
vices of m a n k i n d . 6 8 Similarly, in The Royal Marriage Dykes
counseled educators to teach children virtue " b y setting before
their Eyes the good a n d b a d Examples, of V i r t u e a n d Vice, in
reading true Historiés, that they may learn h o w to follow the
Former, a n d forsake the Lutter" (page 330). According to Burgh,
" T h e r e is n o t incleed a lesson in the whole compass of morals,
that is not, in the most aclvantageous a n d pleasing way, to be
learned in history a n d biography, taking in a n c i e n t a n d m o d e m ,
sacred and p r o f a n e . " 6 9 J . A. Home's defense of classical studies
in the Mirror N o . 15 (March 16, 1779) rested partly o n the
claim that the ancient historians impressecl t h e i r readers w i t h
a love of virtue. Even Chesterfield, who paid comparatively
little regard to morality in his letters to his son, told the boy
that " t h e utility of history consists principally i n the examples
it gives us of the virtue a n d vices of those w h o have gone be-
fore us" (II, 396-397).
In the Renaissance, history was deemed especially suitable for
inculcating morality because it was a démonstration of God's
providence, showing how G o d rewarded the good with glory
and the evil w i t h p u n i s h m e n t , how h e set his mercy and justice
at work in the world. A l t h o u g h a providential view of history
was m e n t i o n e d less often in the eighteenth century, it per-
sisted in some force. J o s e p h Priestley, for instance, declared:
"History tends to strengthen the sentiments of virtue by the
variety of views in which it exhibits the c o n d u c t of Divine
providence, showing i m p o r t a n t events b r o u g h t about by in-
considcrable means, or contrary to the i n t e n t i o n of those per-
sons w h o were the principal agents in them. A regard to Divine
providence heightens o u r satisfaction in r e a d i n g history, a n d
78 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
tends to throw an agreeable light u p o n the most gloomy and
disgusting parts of it." 7 0
History was probably considered the most valuable study for
e n a b l i n g a gentleman to serve his n a t i o n in a political.capacity.
T h e political usefulness of historical knowledge was stressed
d u r i n g the Renaissance. 7 1 It was perhaps less o f t e n emphasized
in t h e e i g h t e e n t h century than in the earlier period, b u t it
received f r e q u e n t mention even so, a n d was sometimes given
extraordinary attention. I n order to occupy a n i m p o r t a n t public
office intelligently, a gentleman h a d to have a considérable
knowledge of political principles a n d events of the past, a n d
to be able to determine a course of policy o n the basis of past
policies which h a d failed or succeeded. F r o m a study of history,
Burgh observed in his Dignity of Human Nature, a m a n would
"learn every honest art of g o v e r n m e n t " (page 139). A n ac-
quain tance w i t h English history was particularly desirable for
the well-born Englishman e m b a r k i n g o n a political career.
Clarke, f o r example, declared: "As for History, I think a
G e n t l e m a n can scarce be too m i n u t e l y a c q u a i n t e d with that of
his own C o u n t r y ; especially if he has, or aspires to a Seat in
P a r l i a m e n t : the f r e q u e n t Occasion for t h a t K i n d of Knowledge
in the Business transacted there, makes it absolutely necessary
for a G e n t l e m a n , that proposes to be of any great Use to his
Country, or to eut a r e p u t a b l e Figure in such a Station." 7 2 But
ancient history too h a d its political value, partly because it
impressed a y o u n g gentleman with right ideas of government.
H e m u s t be t a u g h t Greek a n d R o m a n history, B u r n e t said,
" t h a t the différence between a just a n d a vicious government
may be well a p p r e h e n d e d . " T h e décliné of t h e R o m a n Empire
would show h i m the u n f o r t u n a t e conséquences of absolutism.
In fact, the m a i n aim of ail a y o u n g gentleman's historical
studies, in Burnet's opinion, should be " t o possess a young
m i n d w i t h n o b l e principles of justice, liberty, and virtue, as
the true basis of government; a n d with an aversion to violence
and arbitrary power, servile flattery, faction a n d luxury, f r o m
which the corruption a n d r u i n of ail governments have arisen." 7 3
A m o n g the warmest aclvocates of history as préparation for
a political career were Sheridan, Chesterfield, and Priestley.
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
Sheridan proposed a school at which the well-born pupils were
to be divided into various groups according to the careers or
professions for which they were destined, each g r o u p to have
its own curriculum, dictated by the spécial r e q u i r e m e n t s of its
members. History was a subject p r o p e r for ail y o u n g gentlemen
in the school, b u t it was particularly necessary for those who
intended to be, as Sheridan termed them, legislators. 7 4 M a n y
of Chesterfield's early letters to his son a n d godson were n o t h i n g
b u t lessons in history, for, as he i n f o r m e d the godson, "a perfect
knowledge of history is absolutely necessary f o r a . . . minister
of state, which you i n t e n d to be." W h e n his son had advanced
beyond the stage of simplified lessons in this b r a n d i of learning,
Chesterfield counseled h i m to read n o t h i n g but history a n d
to begin specializing his study of it, with the o b j e c t of o b t a i n i n g
an exhaustive knowledge of certain significant historical periods
a n d political events, i n f o r m a t i o n which would b e of enormous
h e l p toward becoming an i n f l u e n t i a l figure in p u b l i c affairs.
An u n d e r s t a n d i n g of comparatively recent occurrences was of
incalculable benefit; even earlier h e h a d urged his son: " M o d e m
history, by which I m e a n particularly the history of the last
three centuries, should b e t h e object of your greatest a n d con-
stant attention, especially those parts of it w h i c h relate m o r e
immediately to the great Powers of Europe." 7 5
Since "ail i m p r o v e m e n t i n the science of g o v e r n m e n t , " ac-
cording to Priestley, was "derived f r o m history," this subject
should be the p r i m a r y study of those gentlemen w h o "have
. . . the greatest interest in the fate of their country, a n d who
are within the influence of an h o n o u r a b l e a m b i t i o n to a p p e a r
in the character of magistrates and legislators i n the state, or
of standing n e a r the h e l m of affairs, a n d g u i d i n g the secret
springs of g o v e r n m e n t . " Because Priestley i n c l u d e d ail right-
thinking young gentlemen u n d e r this définition, his conception
of a libéral éducation a m o u n t e d to little else t h a n the study
of history a n d related fields, "such as the theory of laws, govern-
ment, manufactures, commerce, naval force Sec. with whatever
may be demonstrated f r o m history to have c o n t r i b u t e d to the
flourishing state of nations, to r e n d e r i n g a people h a p p y a n d
populous at home, a n d formidable abroad." 7 6 H e complained
80 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
that history was neglected in the c u r r i c u l u m of schools a n d
universities, 7 7 and, on the extremely b r o a d scale which he en-
visioned, it n o d o u b t was, although the subject was one i n which
many g e n t l e m e n were given some t r a i n i n g even if they acquired
little other learning. At the public schools they usually r e a d the
R o m a n a n d perhaps the Greek historians. A t h o m e o r o n the
C o n t i n e n t u n d e r tutors, they received extensive instruction in
history.
Law, like history, h a d been regarded as a very advantageous
study for the gentleman since the Renaissance. 7 8 I t was advo-
cated for h i m n o m a t t e r whether h e h a d any intention of ever
entering t h e légal profession. English law was particularly
advisable. T h u s ail the sons of the gentry a n d nobility, one
writer a f f i r m e d just prior to the Restoration, should spend
some time at the Inns of C o u r t after g r a d u a t i n g f r o m a uni-
versity a n d before e m b a r k i n g on the g r a n d tour. 7 9 "It would
be strange," Locke observed in Some Thoughts Concerning
Education, " t o suppose an English g e n t l e m a n should be ignorant
of the law of his country" (page 152). B u r n e t was of a similar
mind, a f f i r m i n g that w i t h o u t a knowledge of the laws of Eng-
l a n d a m a n was " b u t a poor n o b l e m a n or countrey m a n . " 8 0
If a g e n t l e m a n lived principally on his estate, occupying n o
office except, perhaps, that of justice of t h e peace, his com-
préhension of English law could be of e n o r m o u s benefit to his
neighbors a n d tenants a n d thus could h e l p h i m fulfill his duty
of service in a private capacity. 8 1 A f t e r advising the well-born
young addressee of his Letter of Advice to " d o ail the Good
you can t o others," Brokesby explained the helpfulness of law
in this regard: "Being learned in the Law, will enable you to
advise your Neighbours and T e n a n t s in their concerns, a n d
hereby to prevent many inconveniencies a n d streights, i n t o which,
t h r o u g h ignorance they frequently p l u n g e themselves; and, to
preserve peace among them, by d e t e r m i n i n g their différences
w i t h o u t Law-suits, to their own a n d others q u i e t " (page 10).
T h i s latter l'unction, that of settling disagreements before they
took the f o r m of lawsuits, was n o inconsiderable service, as a
m o m e n t ' s reflection u p o n the légal snarls a n d tangles of Restora-
tion a n d eighteenth-century E n g l a n d will m a k e clear. O t h e r
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
writers also were aware of its value; Clarke, f o r example, de-
clarecl that a knowledge of law was "very useful a n d necessary
for a G e n t l e m a n . . . especially in preventing of Law-Suits, by
Arbitration of Différences amongst Neighbours; which is n o n e
of the least i m p o r t a n t Branches of a G e n t l e m a n ' s Business as
such." 8 2 If a g e n t l e m a n held a high political office, a n ac-
quaintance w i t h law, like an acquaintance w i t h history, was
indispensable to his p e r f o r m i n g the duties of t h a t office capably.
For this reason Chesterfield h a d his son i n s t r u c t e d in civil law
at Leipzig by a Professor Mascow, a celebrated a u t h o r i t y o n the
subject, at whose h o m e young P h i l i p lodged. 8 3 An extensive
acquaintance with law was certainly requisite f o r those indi-
viduals who, presumably, would some day be m e m b e r s of the
nation's law-making body; w i t h o u t légal knowledge, they could
not even be expected to vote intelligently, m u c h less express
intelligent o p i n i o n s on issues u n d e r debate. Brokesby told his
correspondent, w h o must "endeavour to be f i t t e d to serve your
King and C o u n t r y in P a r l i a m e n t , " that to this e n d "the Laws
and Constitutions of this K i n g d o m . . . call f o r your perusal"
(page 14). B u r n e t also believed that "a c o m p e t e n t skill" in
English law w o u l d make a g e n t l e m a n "very u s e f u l to his country
. . . and, which ought to be the t o p of an English gentleman's
ambition, to be an able p a r l i a m e n t m a n . " C a l l i n g P a r l i a m e n t
"the f o u n t a i n of law, a n d the fence of liberty," B u r n e t a f f i r m e d
that "no sort of instruction is so necessary for a gentleman, as
that which m a y q u a l i f y h i m to a p p e a r there with figure a n d
r é p u t a t i o n . " 8 4 H u r d , w h o termed the well-born youth " o u r
young Senator" in the assumption t h a t h e w o u l d be elected to
the House of Commons or be entitled by blood t o a seat in the
House of Lords, required that he have a t h o r o u g h compré-
hension of the constitution of his country in order to fill his
post adequately. 8 5
As the object of Priestley's educational scheme was to pré-
paré the g e n t l e m a n for his destined life of action a n d service,
he considered the study of law an essential p a r t of his éduca-
tion, devoting a large section of his Essay on a Course of Libéral
Education to a syllabus of lectures on the laws of England,
just as he h a d already d o n e with history. T h e introductory
83 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
lecture contained perhaps the définitive statement on the neces-
sity of légal knowledge for the g e n t l e m a n as statesman. If
such knowledge was i m p o r t a n t even for t h e average person,
Priestley said, it was
of m u c h m o r e importance . . . to those persons whose for-
tune, a n d whose station in life give t h e m any degree of in-
fluence over their fellow subjects, a n d w h o may laudably
indulge t h e ambition . . . of a p p e a r i n g in the character of
magistrates, or legislators in the state; to have a voice in its
councils, a n d to be concerncd in e n a c t i n g a n d repealing
its laws, a n d in regulating its whole i n t e r n a i policy. It re-
quires n o words to show, h o w absolutely u n q u a l i f i e d is
the m a n of mere wealth a n d r a n k in life to fill these im-
p o r t a n t stations, w i t h o u t a knowledge of those laws, a n d
that constitution of his country of w h i c h he is a p p o i n t e d
the g u a r d i a n . It is evidently as preposterous, as for a Physi-
cian to u n d e r t a k e to prescribe medicines w i t h o u t knowing
the structure of the h u m a n body, a n d the m a n n e r in which
medicines operate u p o n it. (Pages 88-89.)
W h e r e a s everyone was convinced of the desirability of history
a n d law for gentlemen, there was little agreement with regard
to classical studies. T h e young gentleman customarily received
instruction in the L a t i n language a n d L a t i n literature if he was
given a p u b l i c éducation a n d usually if h e was b r o u g h t u p
privately, a n d Greek was perhaps also i n c l u d e d in his c u r r i c u l u m .
Even in the Renaissance, however, there were theorists w h o
questioned t h e stress on L a t i n in éducation. 8 0 D u r i n g the
eighteenth century the reaction against the place of the learned
languages in the curriculum attained greater proportions, partly,
perhaps, because of the Ancients-Moderns controversy, which
was tangential to it if n o t h i n g more. T h i s reaction, of course,
did not p e r t a i n solely to gentlemanly éducation, b u t it was
particularly i m p o r t a n t in that connection. By the latter p a r t
of the eighteenth century, it h a d become so pronounced t h a t
champions of the traditional system of training, such as James
Beattie (a professor at the University of Aberdeen), J . A. H o m e ,
a n d the schoolmaster Vicesimus Knox, felt obliged to d e f e n d
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
classical studies against calumniators. T h e n o t i o n that " t h e study
of the Glassic Authors was a necessary part of polite é d u c a t i o n "
was one which, as Beattie flatly declared, " h a s of late been not
only questioned, b u t denied." 8 7
Writers w h o minimized the importance of the ancient lan-
guages for gentlemen d i d not advocate the total exclusion of
these languages from the curriculum, b u t they believed that
too much time was spent on them a n d m a i n t a i n e d that an u n d e r .
standing of t h e m was not essential to a g e n t l e m a n , t h o u g h it
was to a scholar. T h u s B u r n e t t h o u g h t t h a t if a noble youth
showed an a n t i p a t h y toward L a t i n and was i n c a p a b l e of learn-
ing it, his éducation was "not for that to be despaired of," as
many fields of l e a r n i n g could be mastered w i t h only a knowl-
edge of English a n d Frencli a n d could " m a k e a gentleman very
knowing, t h o u g h he has not a word of L a t i n . " 8 8 T h e distinction
between the learning necessary for the g e n t l e m a n a n d that
necessary for the scholar also influenced Locke's views regarding
classical studies. W h i l e Locke called Latin "absolutely necessary
to a g e n t l e m a n , " h e d i d not believe it indispensable to younger
sons destined for mercantile careers, nor d i d he t h i n k that
speaking a n d writing L a t i n were nearly so i m p o r t a n t to the
gentleman as speaking a n d writing English with elegance.
Furthermore, h e said that the gentleman, in contrast to the
scholar, did n o t need to know Greek. 8 9 H u r d endorsed Locke's
position as to Greek, a n d Sheridan advised this language only
for those well-born youths w h o planned to enter the médical
or clérical professions. 9 0
Typical of the opposition to a traditional classical éducation
was the a t t i t u d e of Defoe, who, despite his v e h e m e n t condemna-
tion of the genteel o r d e r for a lack of learning, deprecated the
great emphasis customarily accorded the a n c i e n t languages. "Is
it worth any gentleman's while," he said, " t o go seaven year to
the G r a m m a r Bridewell (the school) a n d there beat Greek and
Latin, as whores beat h e m p ? " 0 1 Defoe d i d n o t believe that
the ancient languages should be thrown entirely o u t of gentle-
manly éducation, but, on the other h a n d , he did not regard
them as essential to t h e cultivated m a n of quality a n d denied
the common assumption that n o individual c o u l d possess learn-
85 INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
which will p r o d u c e little f u t u r e benefit to t h e m or advantage
ing w i t h o u t knowing the learned languages. If a gentleman's
to the world; whilst such as w o u l d c o n t r i b u t e most to p u b l i c
studies h a d been neglected d u r i n g his y o u t h and he h a d been
a n d private prosperity, t h a t is to say, Religion, Morality, a n d the
t a u g h t to r e a d nothing b u t English, he could still, by following
English language, are utterly neglected." 9 0 I n 1758 an u n k n o w n
various intellectual pursuits, "be a gentleman of learning."92
a u t h o r p u b l i s h e d an attack on Sheridan's lectures o n the édu-
Defoe described two m e n of r a n k w h o were well versed in such
cation of t h e young British gentry and nobility, the precursor
fields as mathematics, geography, astronomy, philosophy, a n d
of his Plan of Education. T h i s author, however, raised no ob-
history, a n d who, in his opinion, merited t h e term "gentlemen
jection to Sheridan's relegation of L a t i n to a comparatively
of l e a r n i n g " notwithstanding their ignorance of Latin a n d
inferior position in t h e curriculum. I n fact, h e proposed that
Greek. Since the works of the ancients were o b t a i n a b l e in trans-
until boys were eleven or twelve they should "be taught the
lations, he added, an inability to read t h e m in the original was
English language altogether, w i t h o u t any m i x t u r e of L a t i n . "
of little m o m e n t . 9 3
Those destined for a university could then be given a n a d e q u a t e
According t o many theorists, a young gentleman's course of
grasp of the language; those destined for professions not re-
studies s h o u l d be useful to the extent of p r e p a r i n g h i m for the
q u i r i n g a university éducation might be "instructed . . . in
life he w o u l d lead as an adult. T h i s persuasion, as has already
some p a r t i c u l a r cases, i n the easiest L a t i n prose W r i t e r s " a n d
been indicated, underlay the recommenclations of history a n d
in other cases receive n o training in L a t i n at ail b u t be satis-
law for gentlemen. Whereas the benefits of L a t i n were seldom
fied with " r e a d i n g English translations of the most valuable of
entirely negated, a n u m b e r of commentators, aware of the
the Antients, such as m i g h t r e n d e r their L i t e r a t u r e a n d Man-
usefulness of other branches of learning, were opposed to the
ners f a m i l i a r to them, without the drudgery of learning Lan-
heavy concentration o n L a t i n at the p u b l i c schools to the ne-
guages to t h e m useless." 97 Sheridan's a n o n y m o u s o p p o n e n t thus
glect of these other subjects. Even Clarke, a n a u t h o r of L a t i n
carried the reaction against classical studies to a f u r t h e r ex-
textbooks, 9 4 r e p r i m a n d e d the schools for insisting too strongly
treme t h a n did most other educational theorists.
on L a t i n at the expense of such valuable studies as "History
T h e reaction was probably a p p l a u d e d by a n u m b e r of gentle-
a n d Geography, both Ancient ancl M o d e m , with Chronology,
men, who associated t h e learned languages w i t h pedantry a n d
a n d the most necessary and useful T h i n g s in Divinity, 8cc."95
scholarly pursuits. I n t h e World No. 137 (August 14, 1755), an
A l t h o u g h B u r g h admitted in his Dignity of Human Nature t h a t
u n k n o w n writer complained t h a t whereas g e n t l e m e n in former
some a c q u a i n t a n c e with L a t i n was desirable for the gentleman,
âges could at least translate a L a t i n couplet, " ' n o w a d a y s the
he d e m a n d e d "whether the most perfect knowledge of two
case is altered; it is p e d a n t r y to know any o t h e r language . . .
dead languages is, to any person whatever . . . worth the ex-
b u t the fashionable m o d e m ones.' " T h i s a u t h o r , however, was
pence of ten years study, to the exclusion of ail other improve-
grossly exaggerating, since despite ail the criticisms of the em-
ments?" Inclined to ally himself w i t h t h e defenders of the
phasis on L a t i n and Greek, a classical t r a i n i n g r e m a i n e d in
M o d é r a s as against the Ancients, he even askecl "whether any
common practice even in private éducation a n d was, of course,
knowledge of the learned languages, besicles being qualificd to
characteristic of the p u b l i c schools. Those w h o attackcd it were
u n d e r s t a n d the sense, and relish the beauties, of an ancient
iconoclasts. M a n y theorists, f u r t h e r m o r e , still warmly advocated
a u t h o r , be of any use?" (pages 124-125). Sheridan deprecated
Latin for gentlemen.
the emphasis on Latin ancl Greek in t h e p u b l i c schools because,
T h e usual m e t h o d of teaching L a t i n was to subject the s t u d e n t
while these languages had been indispensable in the Renais-
to detailed a n d painstaking lessons in g r a m m a r , including com-
sance, they h a d lost their relevance to the affairs of an active
prehensive analyses of syntax a n d the memorization a n d recita-
life. T h e students, he said, were "employed wholly in studies
87 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
tion of n u m e r o u s rules. T h e conversational as opposed to the
grammatical method, however, h a d been favorably regarded
even by some Renaissance theorists, 9 8 a n d it was not i n f r e q u e n t l y
p u t i n t o use as a preliminary or s u p p l é m e n t to the other sys-
tem. It was especially well liked by tutors, who, having p e r h a p s
just o n e boy u n d e r their care a n d at the most only three or
four, could talk at length in L a t i n w i t h their pupils. T h e
great schools, where such lengthy colloquies were less feasible
because of t h e large n u m b e r of students u n d e r each master, h a d
to employ t h e grammatical m e t h o d almost exclusively. Some
e d u c a t i o n a l theorists were u n d e c i d e d as to which system of
teaching L a t i n was better; P e n t o n , for example, said in The
Guardian's Instruction (1688) t h a t " w h e t h e r it be sooner l e a r n ' d
by the Rules of G r a m m a r as is done in Schools, or barcly by
C o n s t r u i n g Authours a n d talking L a t i n w i t h the Child always,
by which sometimes G e n t l e m e n are t a u g h t , I a m not able to
answer m i n e own Arguments f o r each" (page 67). O t h e r writers,
however, violently opposed the schools' emphasis o n g r a m m a r .
D u r i n g t h e period u n d e r considération, Locke raised the loudest
ou ter y against the grammatical method, setting f o r t h views on
the subject which, directly or indirectly, were to influence
later theorists.
Locke p r e f e r r e d the conversational to the grammatical m e t h o d
because t h e latter, h e felt, was an u n n a t u r a l way in which to
learn a language; if an English child l e a r n e d English and some-
times o t h e r m o d e m languages t h r o u g h conversation, L a t i n
could best b e acquired in the same m a n n e r . Because the p u b l i c
schools relied on the grammatical technique, they were, f o r
that reason among others, n o t fit for the éducation of well-born
youths; a child should be t a u g h t L a t i n at h o m e t h r o u g h con-
versations w i t h his tutor. F u r t h e r m o r e , Locke said, the com-
plexities of g r a m m a r were beyond the compréhension of chil-
dren; if lessons in g r a m m a r were given at ail, they should at least
be delayed u n t i l a boy h a d advanced to a familiarity with L a t i n .
Most significant f r o m the s t a n d p o i n t of gentlemanly éducation
was Locke's opinion that a knowledge of L a t i n or Greek gram-
m a r was n e i t h e r needful n o r advisable f o r gentlemen b u t only
for scholars, the "sort of m e n w h o apply themselves to two or
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
three foreign dead (and which amongst us are called the
learned) languages." I n order that they m i g h t " b e critically
exact" in an ancient tongue, scholars " o u g h t carefully to study
the g r a m m a r of it"; for men of quality, a r e a d i n g knowledge
was sufficient. T r a i n i n g in correct a n d polished English, on
the other h a n d , was essential for children of quality, since it
had great relevance to the business of their f u t u r e lives. 99
Later theorists, even if they may not in ail cases have b e e n
influenced directly by Locke, disapproved of the grammatical
method because they shared his wish to distinguish between a
gentleman's learning and a scholar's l e a r n i n g and, like h i m ,
insisted on the usefulness of a gentleman's studies. Burnet, for
example, called "it a great error, to waste y o u n g gentlemen's
years so l o n g in l e a r n i n g L a t i n , by so tedious a g r a m m a r , " since
a reading knowledge alone was requisite for them; n o one b u t
"those w h o are bred t o the professions in l i t e r a t u r e must have
the L a t i n correctly; a n d for that, the rules of g r a m m a r are
necessary." 1 0 0 Burgh, similarly regarding the emphasis on gram-
mar as a f a u l t of the schools, d e m a n d e d " w h e t h e r the super-
fluous time, bestowed in learning g r a m m a r rules, would not
be m u c h b e t t e r employed in writing, arithmetic, elements of
mathematics, or o t h e r improvements of indispensable lise in
life?" 1 0 1
T h e r e were theorists who opposed the g r a m m a t i c a l m e t h o d
not because they viewed a compréhension of L a t i n g r a m m a r as
i n a p p r o p r i a t e to gentlemen b u t because they believed t h a t
Latin could be m o r e thoroughly mastered t h r o u g h conversation.
T h e u n k n o w n a u t h o r of An Essay upon Education (London,
1711) w e n t so far as to suggest a b o a r d i n g school at which
children w h o were just learning to talk w o u l d b e addressed
solely in L a t i n so t h a t they woulcl forget any English they
might have acquired b e f o r e h a n d ; they w o u l d learn English in
time anyway, a n d giving t h e m an e x t r a o r d i n a r y facility in
Latin was the greater object (see pages 4-5). T h i s author's con-
ception of the importance of L a t i n was, however, excessive for
his âge.
At the p u b l i c schools a n d sometimes in p r i v a t e éducation, the
grammatical m e t h o d of teaching L a t i n was c o m b i n e d with the
89 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
obligatory composition of L a t i n themes a n d verses o n prescribed
subjects. M i l t o n h a d attacked this pedagogical technique in
Of Education, and it was very harshly criticized by Locke. Re-
q u i r i n g a well-born student to write L a t i n themes on such
topics as "Omnia vincit amor" a n d ".Non licet in bello bis
peccare" was, according to Locke, a waste of time, seldom ful-
filling its p u r p o s e of giving h i m an élégant style. H a v i n g little
knowledge o r experience on which to rely for these themes, a
boy h a d to "set his invention o n the rack, to say something
where he knows nothing, which is a sort of Egyptian tyranny,
to bid t h e m make bricks who have not yet any of the materials."
At a loss f o r what to say, a boy would "go to those of higher
forms w i t h this pétition, 'Pray give me a little sense.' " Further-
more, w r i t i n g themes in Latin, "a language . . . long since d e a d
everywhere" and "far différent f r o m ours," would "very little
improve the purity a n d facility of his English style," which was
of more practical importance since in p u b l i c life he might have
to write speeches, letters, a n d documents. M u c h attention should
therefore b e paid to endowing h i m with elegance of expression
in English. Composing L a t i n verses was, in Locke's opinion,
perhaps even less necessary t h a n composing L a t i n themes a n d
could be actually dangerous if it i n d u c e d a gentleman to fol-
low the useless, unlucrative, a n d u n f a s h i o n a b l e profession of a
poet. 1 0 2
C o m m e n t a t o r s who assailed the composition of Latin themes
a n d verses held Locke's view that these exercises were n o t
characterized by the usefulness which should determine a
gentleman's studies, whereas English composition could be ex-
tremely useful. I n the Spectator No. 230 (November 23, 1711),
Steele, u n d e r the guise of a person w h o wished to f o u n d an
academy f o r genteel youths, suggested t h a t " 'it would be requi-
site to exercise their style in w r i t i n g any light pieces that ask
m o r e of fancy than of j u d g m e n t ; and t h a t frequently in their
native language, which every o n e m e t h i n k s should be most con-
cerned to cultivate, especially letters, in w h i c h a gentleman m u s t
have so f r e q u e n t occasions to distinguish himself.' " Contriving
L a t i n verses was looked on as particularly useless. " T h o ' it be
a plcasant a n d entertaining A m u s e m e n t , " said the u n k n o w n
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
author of An Essay upon Education, "yet it contributes very
little towards m a k i n g us Useful in o u r G é n é r a t i o n " (page 21).
Clarke r e g a r d e d it as dangerous and observed t h a t even w h e n
it had n o ill effects, "the best you can m a k e of it is b u t a
Diversion, a degree above Fidling." 1 0 3 B u r g h also raised the
question " w h e t h e r the time spent in m a k i n g Latin themes a n d
verses is n o t wholly thrown away?" 1 0 4
An indebtedness to Locke is especially noticeable in Clarke's
Education of Youth in Grammar-Schools a n d Sheridan's Plan
of Education. Clarke said of the enforced composition of L a t i n
themes a n d verses: " I t is n o t only an E g y p t i a n T y r a n n y , as
Mr. Locke properly calls it, b u t devours their [i.e., the students']
time to n o p u r p o s e , " time which could be s p e n t m u c h m o r e
advantageously "in the R e a d i n g of Authors, o r o t h e r Exercises
more suitable to their Years a n d I m p r o v e m e n t " (page 60).
Latin theme-writing, according to Sheridan's paraphrase of
Locke, " c a n n o t be b e t t e r exposecî, than by a représentation of the
behaviour of the poor boys u p o n this occasion (set like t h e
Israélites to m a k e bricks w i t h o u t straw)," w h o i n their despera-
tion appealed to the m o r e advanced students "in this ridiculous
phrase, 'Pray give me a little sense.' " Poetical exercises, Sheridan
exclaimed, were an "extravagant a t t e m p t to force ail to be poets
in spite of n a t u r e . . . and t h a t in a dead language too." Such
requirements were "so opposite to c o m m o n sense, that it is a
wonder h o w they could ever have obtained f o o t i n g in a civilized
country" (pages 44-45).
Objections to the m a k i n g of Latin verses h a d become so
p r o m i n e n t in the later eighteenth century t h a t arguments
against this clcvice were repeated for purposes of r é f u t a t i o n by
its defenders. "Poetry may have its use," Beattie said in imita-
tion of traducers of the practice; " b u t it will n e i t h e r fill o u r
warehouses, n o r fertilise o u r soil, neither rig our fleet, n o r
regulate o u r finances. . . . No, no, Sir," he a d d e d , probably
satirizing the genteel parents whose opinions of verses he strongly
disapproved of; "a garret in Grubstreet, however h o n o u r a b l e in
your eyes, is n o t the station to which I i n t e n d to breed my
son." 1 0 5 B u t Beattie did not need to be so worried; notwith-
standing t h e virulence of the critics, changes in the traditional
90 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
system were slow in coming a b o u t . Chesterfield's son was w r i t i n g
L a t i n poetry for his t u t o r at the âge of eight. 1 0 6 I n 1779
Vicesimus Knox, another c h a m p i o n of the long-established
m e t h o d of instruction, r c m a r k e d in Essays Moral and Literary
No. 141, w i t h regard to the composition of L a t i n verses: " N o
part of classical éducation has been m o r e generally censured
and m o r e firmly adhered to." Its o p p o n e n t s constituted a g r o u p
of iconoclasts whose views were seldom p u t into execution, a n d
then only in private éducation.
T h e polite accomplishments, or skills i n music, drawing a n d
painting, architecture, and dancing, were n o t properly studies
b u t had been included in the gentleman's c u r r i c u l u m ever since
the Renaissance. 1 0 7 A l t h o u g h some proficiency in them was
often r e c o m m e n d e d by Restoration a n d eightecnth-century writ-
ers on t h e gentleman's éducation, 1 0 8 these writers, like those
in the Renaissance, f r e q u e n t l y accompanied their recommenda-
tions with réservations. An ability in musical performance, f o r
example, m i g h t lead a gentleman to associate w i t h vulgar a n d
undesirable company, professional performers. 1 0 9 More i m p o r -
tant, if t h e well-born youth devoted too m u c h attention to t h e
polite accomplishments, which were of a frivolous a n d f r o t h y
nature, his weightier a n d m o r e useful studies were likely to
su f fer.
Occasionally one of the polite arts could serve a useful pur-
pose; thus a skill in drawing was of practical advantage if a
gentleman wished to sketch buildings or machines seen on the
C o n t i n e n t a l tour or if, as a military officer, he liad to d r a w
fortifications or plans of battles a n d sieges. But the accomplish-
ments were in the main diversions o n which a great deal of
time s h o u l d not be spent. Locke, while recognizing the useful-
ness of d r a w i n g or painting, stipulated: " I d o n o t m e a n t h a t
I would have your son a perfect p a i n t e r ; to be that to any
tolerable degree, will r e q u i r e m o r e time t h a n a young gentle-
m a n can spare f r o m his o t h e r improvements of greater im-
p o r t a n c e " (page 124). A n early eightecnth-century author, a f t e r
a d m i t t i n g the o r n a m e n t a l value of music a n d dancing to gentle-
men, aclded the qualification that "those Embellishments are
more noble and rich that lie in the Brain, than those t h a t sink
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
into the Feet, or perch on the Finger's E n d . " 1 1 0 B u r g h similarly
counseled against any u n d u e stress on dancing, music, drawing,
and o t h e r élégant acquirements, since it m i g h t resuit in an
ignorance of w h a t h e called "solid a n d useful knowledge.." 1 1 1
Remarks such as these testify to the significance still attached
to learning by commentators o n the g e n t l e m a n in the eight-
eenth century, as well as to the conviction that the gentleman's
éducation should be primarily a useful one.
It was a p p r e h e n d e d that if the well-born y o u t h became too
much engrossed in the polite accomplishments, h e would in-
dulge in t h e m too f r e q u e n t l y as an a d u l t a n d thereby be dis-
tracted f r o m his i m p o r t a n t duties a n d occupations, such as
serving his n a t i o n in a political capacity. " M a n y , especially m e n
of f o r t u n e , " B u r g h complained in his Dignity of Human Nature,
"do p u r s u e the study of those clegances to lengths inconsistent
with . . . t h e a w f u l a n d serious business" to w h i c h their lives
should be given over. Anyone who followed " w h a t is merely
ornamental, to the neglect of the useful business of life," he
declared, ". . . does not u n d e r s t a n d , n o r act u p to, the t r u e
dignity of his n a t u r e " (pages 150-151).
Gentlemen sometimes shared Burgh's fear t h a t members of
their own class, enamored of the fashionable diversions, would
turn i n t o icllers a n d useless dilettantes. T h u s t h e Chevalier
Ramsay, a f t e r praising music, painting, a n d dancing, w a r n e d
against b e c o m i n g too m u c h interested in t h e m . " N o t h i n g , " he
said, "is m o r e dangerous, a n d n o t h i n g incapacitates a M a n m o r e
for Business. If these accessory Accomplishments b e made the
E n d of Study, y o u n g G e n t l e m e n become Men-triflers, lose t h e i r
Taste . . . for the great Duties of life." 1 1 2 A l t h o u g h the Earl
of M a r r e c o m m e n d e d music to his son as a p u r s u i t " t h a n w ch
there c a n n o t be a more agreeable, i n n o c e n t amusement," he
cautioned h i m against indulging in it to excess, as such récréa-
tions " o u g h t never to make us neglect o u r affairs or w h a t we
may be m o r e uscfully emploied about, f o r t h e service of our
ffamily, génération or country, in respect of w c h amusements or
what the Italians call virtu are b u t trifles." M a r reproached
himself f o r wasting too m a n y hours in the diversion of archi-
tecture 1 1 3 —a reproach which seems undeservedly severe w h e n
100 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 101

we recall that he f o u n d time to be Secretary for Scotland u n d e r

C h a m b e r w h e r e is company; h e must be t a u g h t how to carry
Q u e e n A n n e , to lead the Scottish rebels in 1715, a n d later to
his head, his hands, and his toes out, ail in t h e best way, a n d
serve the Old Pretender on the C o n t i n e n t . Chesterfield t h o u g h t
with the h a n d s o m e s t presence: I n a word, h o w to do things
that a gentleman should be a c q u a i n t e d with p a i n t i n g a n d
with a Bonne grâce, a n d in the finest a n d most gentile m a n n e r
sculpture, yet only "to a certain degree," for "they must only
that the person is capable o f " (Second T r e a t i s e , pages 48-49).
be the amusements, a n d n o t the business of a m a n of parts."
At Paris Chesterfield's son was p u t u n d e r the celebrated Marcel,
A n d a person of quality, h e held, should not acquire an ability
who was n o t only to perfect h i m in the m i n u e t b u t to give h i m
to play a musical instrument. Since his son was traveling t h r o u g h
instructions of t h e kincl m e n t i o n e d by G a i l h a r d . I n his letters,
Italy, "a musical country," the Earl feared that Philip w o u l d
Chesterfield urged his son to make sure t h a t h e received such
come u n d e r the pernicious influence of this art. It was per-
instructions: "Desire him to teach you every genteel attitude,
missible f o r the youth to a t t e n d opéras a n d concerts or to pay
that the h u m a n body can be p u t into; let h i m m a k e you go
musicians to play for him, b u t , his f a t h e r declared, " I insist
in and o u t of his r o o m frequently, a n d present yourself to him,
u p o n your neither p i p i n g n o r f i d d l i n g yourself." T h e indul-
as if he were by turns différent persons; such as a minister,
gence of a skill in musical p e r f o r m a n c e "takes u p a great deal of
a lady, a superior, an equal, an inferior, etc. Learn to sit
time, which might be m u c h b e t t e r employed." 1 1 4
genteely in d i f f é r e n t companies; to loll genteely, a n d with good
As o n e of the polite accomplishments, dancing was usually
manners, in those companies where you are authorised to be
the subject of cautions, b u t it occupiecl a u n i q u e position be-
free; a n d to sit u p respectfully where the same freedom is not
cause it filled a spécial need f o r the gentleman. Desirable as a
allowable" (IV, 1721).
knowledge of the current dances obviously was for the m a n
W h e n the d a n c i n g master provided such lessons as these, it is
of rank a n d fashion, the i m p a r t a t i o n of this knowledge was
little w o n d e r t h a t even writers who considered dancing a very
only one aim of his dancing lessons. A n equally i m p o r t a n t a i m
superficial a c q u i r e m e n t , deserving no h i g h place in the éduca-
was to give h i m an habituai grâce of carriage a n d gesture even
tion of the gentleman, conceded that it h a d its use in bestowing
when h e was not dancing—"a comely posture of his body in
u p o n h i m "a graceful Appearance in C o m p a n y , that he may
his salutations of others," a n d in général "a good a n d gracefull
preserve as long as h e lives." 1 1 6 T h u s a l t h o u g h Burgh was
motion of the body." 1 1 5 Largely because it p e r f o r m e d this
violently opposed to any emphasis on the accomplishment, h e
function, dancing was often considered m o r e valuable t h a n the
grantecl, p e r h a p s somewhat gruclgingly: " I t is evidently an ad-
other polite accomplishments, since the gentleman, as will be
vantage, t h a t a y o u n g gentleman be, f r o m his infancy almost,
shown in C h a p t e r V, had to possess a graceful m a n n e r as p a r t
p u t into the way of wielding his limbs decently, and coming
of his good breeding.
into a r o o m like a h u m a n crcature." 1 1 7
Indeed, lessons in dancing were f r e q u e n t l y accompaniecl by
In a d d i t i o n to the polite accomplishments, t h e r e were other
training in gentcel posture a n d élégant carriage, which p e r h a p s
récréations which commentators considered suitable for gentle-
did m o r e t h a n the actual dance steps toward m a k i n g the y o u n g
men. T h e s e were sometimes r e c o m m e n d e d w i t h great enthusiasm.
gentleman graceful. Such t r a i n i n g was highly regarded by m a n y
T h e y r a n g e d f r o m the m a n u a l arts a n d crafts t o avocations of
commentators, among them G a i l h a r d , w h o observed in his Com-
a scientific n a t u r e . Haie i n his Letter of Advice advocated
pleat Gentleman: "It is not e n o u g h to be able to Dance a Branle,
g a r d c n i n g ancl botanical study, mathematical observations, sur-
a Gavote, a Courante, a Boree, 8cc. I will have a Master to teach
veying, a n d "smithery, watch-making, carpentry, joinery works
a G e n t l e m a n how to keep his body in a good posture, w h e n
of ail sorts" (page 128). I n Pcnn's opinion, "a Gardcn, an
he stands, sitteth, or walketh; how to come in or go o u t of a
Elaboratory, a Workhousc . . . ancl Breecling," 1 1 8 or a n i m a l
y
94 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
h u s b a n d r y , were fit employments for leisure hours. Like the
polite accomplishments, these récréations wcrc n o t to be pur-
sued to excess. T h e y h a d a n advantage over t h e polite accom-
plishments, however, because they generally served some u s e f u l
purpose. H o r t i c u l t u r e a n d a n i m a l h u s b a n d r y were of obvious
use in the management of estâtes, a n d even such avocations as
watch-making a n d carpentry were of m o r e practical value t h a n
playing a violin or dancing a m i n u e t a n d were certainly to b e
preferred over the fashionable diversions of h u n t i n g and gaming,
which were usually frowned u p o n .
Locke strongly advised such arts as " p e r f u m i n g , varnishing,
graving, a n d several sorts of working in iron, brass, a n d silver."
For the country gentleman, " g a r d e n i n g a n d working in wood, as
a carpenter, joiner, or t u r n e r " were particularly appropriate. O n
the o t h e r hand, the g e n t l e m a n w h o spent most of his life in
town "may learn to eut, polish, a n d set precious stones, or
employ himself in grinding a n d polishing optical glasses." Per-
haps rightly assuming that m a n y of his genteel readers w o u l d
regard these pursuits as b e n e a t h the notice of a m a n of quality,
Locke, like other theorists, defended them o n the grounds of
their utility. T h e y would n o t only "relax a n d refresh," h e de-
clared, b u t also "may p r o d u c e what will afterwards be profit-
able." 1 1 9 Johnson, in the Rambler N o . 85 (January 8, 1751),
a p p r o v e d of Locke's suggestions; and Sheridan, though he con-
sidered diversions too distracting for young gentlemen w h o
p l a n n e d to enter a career, sanctioned Locke's list of avocations
for the leisured country g e n t l e m a n a n d town gentleman, af-
f i r m i n g that instruction in t h e m should be given to ail students
at his proposed school n o t destined for professions. H e t h o u g h t
that, in addition to the pursuits m e n t i o n e d by Locke, a pros-
pective country gentleman "may also learn to make nets, a n d
fishing tackle; he should b e shewn t h e wholc m a n a g e m e n t of
a gun, a n d ail it's mechanism, so as to be able to keep it in
order. T h e same as to clocks a n d watches." A boy i n t e n d i n g
to lead the life of a town g e n t l e m a n might benefit by being
taught "varnishing, graving, t u r n i n g in wood or ivory." 1 2 0
B e n t h a m wandered even f a r t h e r afield, recommending weaving
a n d masonry a n d stating t h a t the y o u n g gentleman could t u r n
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
his leisure time to advantage "by e x a m i n i n g t h e many engines
and mills for shortening of m a n u a l labour;—the process of various
m a n u f a c t u r e s . " 1 2 1 Almost any récréation, in fact, was acceptable
to the theorists as long as it could be of some use or profit to
the g e n t l e m a n . T h e purely décorative or i n u t i l e was what they
sought to avoid.
T h e emphasis on usefulness which u n d e r l a y enthusiastic
r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s of history a n d law, attacks on a classical
éducation a n d on methods of teaching L a t i n , cautions against
the polite accomplishments, a n d advocacy of more practical
diversions, also gave rise to a demancl o n t h e part of some
theorists t h a t the gentleman's studies should include specialized
training for a profession or career.
Professions a p p r o v e d for gentlemen i n c l u d e d law, mcdicine,
divinity, the A r m y a n d the Navy. T r a d e was not yet entirely
acceptable to the m a n of b i r t h , a l t h o u g h a n u m b e r of theorists
claimed t h a t he could be b r o u g h t u p as a m e r c h a n t w i t h no
loss of dignity. 1 2 2 Parliament, the offices of government, and
the d i p l o m a t i e service, unlike the professions, were often entered
by g e n t l e m e n n o t obligatcd to earn a living. Suggestions that
the g e n t l e m a n choose his studies w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r profession or
career in view occurred occasionally in the Restoration a n d
eighteenth century. Gailhard, for example, said that youths
p l a n n i n g to be clergymen, physicians, lawyers, or military men
should study w h a t was a p p r o p r i a t e to their callings and needed
to k n o w comparatively little of w h a t a p p e r t a i n e d to other call-
ings. 1 2 3 B u r g h listed studies necessary for those who were to
become lawyers, physicians, a n d divines, a n d W a t e r l a n d pre-
scribed the complété c u r r i c u l u m to b e followed at a university
by a y o u n g gentleman destined for the church. 1 2 4 T h e cur-
r i c u l u m which Chesterfield laid down for his son, with its stress
on history, oratory, government, politics, a n d the m o d e m lan-
guages, was designed to p r é p a r é h i m for his intended career
as a statesman a n d diplomat.
Despite scattered instances of an interest in specialized train-
ing, however, most theorists concernecl with t h e gentleman did
not deal w i t h it at ail, either being u n a w a r e of its significance
100 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
or else tacitly assuming t h a t ail gentlemen, if they were to b e
instructed according to any idéal system, should be instructed
alike. T h e y realized the practical advantage of l e a r n i n g i n
e q u i p p i n g a gentleman f o r a f u t u r e profession or career, b u t
this realization seldom suggested the n o t i o n t h a t youths destined
for d i f f é r e n t occupations s h o u l d be educated in différent ways.
T h e following remarks by the a u t h o r of the p a m p h l e t Of
Education may be taken as typical of a very common a t t i t u d e :
"It is n o t the Business of E d u c a t i o n to fit a M a n for such a
p a r t i c u l a r Employment or Character, b u t to r e n d e r h i m capable
of e n t e r i n g into any one, which his own Choice, or t h a t of
his Friends, or O p p o r t u n i t y , shall present to him. T h i s makes
it necessary for him to e n t e r i n t o parts of Learning, which per-
haps will be b u t of little use to h i m in his f u t u r e way of Life;
b u t which, h a d he gone i n t o some other Path, would have been
absolutely necessary" (page 17).
F u r t h e r m o r e , the actual process of éducation, especially at
the p u b l i c schools, was n o t such as would prépare a y o u n g
g e n t l e m a n in any a d e q u a t e fashion for a f u t u r e employment.
T h u s the studies r e c o m m e n d e d by B u r g h as proper for par-
ticular professions were n o t to be commenced until a g e n t l e m a n
h a d already reached m a t u r i t y and his f o r m a i t r a i n i n g was
finished. At the public schools ail the boys were s u b m i t t e d
to o n e curriculum; it is significant in this regard that, except
for a few years at Westminster, Chesterfield preferred to have
his son b r o u g h t u p u n d e r tutors. At the universities, t h e idéal
of professional training in o u r m o d e m sense scarcely existed.
D u r i n g the C o m m o n w e a l t h the P u r i t a n s h a d tried to i n t r o d u c e
into the universities vocational a n d u t i l i t a r i a n studies, especial-
ly a p p l i e d science, b u t their attempts were futile a n d were
p o p u l a r l y viewed as outrageous. 1 2 5 T h e universities were gen-
erally regarded as places for broacl humanistic éducation, n o t
as places where lawyers, physicians, etc., could be trained as in
a m o d e m college. Some provisions had been made for the
specialized éducation of gentlemen, b u t these existed outside
the universities. Lawyers t r a i n e d at the Inns of Court; physicians
sometimes attended the Royal College of Surgeons, a l t h o u g h
m a n y went to Continental universities, notably Leyden. T h e
/
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 101
Royal Military Academy at Woolwich was established in 1741,
b u t large n u m b e r s of military m e n still simply b o u g h t com-
missions.
W h e r e a s most theorists did not déploré the lack of specialized
éducation, there were a few who did. If a gentleman's training
was to be primarily useful, they implied, it could certainly be
made a great deal more useful with regard to f u t u r e employ-
ment. G e n t l e m e n engaged in the professions, Priestley affirmed
in his Course of Libéral Education, w o u l d agree that most of
the knowledge necessary for them was n o t a c q u i r e d "till they
had f i n i s h e d their studies at the University." In fact, said
Priestley, " m a n y gentlemen, who have h a d t h e most libéral
éducation their country could afford, have looked u p o n the
real a d v a n t a g e of such libéral éducation as very problematical"
(pages 5-6). I t was perhaps Sheridan's Plan of Education, how-
ever, t h a t c o n t a i n e d the loudest complaints a b o u t the absence
of vocational instruction:
I n the present course [of é d u c a t i o n ] there is not a single
step taken towards q u a l i f y i n g a m a n to discharge the im-
p o r t a n t office of a legislator. A divine, is one who has
taken a batchelor's degree in arts. A lawyer, is one who
has eaten commons at the T e m p l e d u r i n g a stated n u m b e r
of terms. A physician, is one, who being of a certain stand-
ing at either of the English universities, obtains a degree
u p o n the observation of certain forms, a n d paying his fees.
A n d an officer, is one w h o purchases a commission in the
army, or obtains it by interest.
T h e person w h o is to make laws for the g o o d a n d préser-
vation of the state, is never m a d e a c q u a i n t e d with the con-
stitution of the state. T h e divine, except his catechism at
school, is never taught o n e tittle of his profession; n o r is
he ever instructed in the only art which can q u a l i f y h i m to
discharge his f u n c t i o n properly, or even w i t h decency; I
mean the art of speaking. T h e lawyer has n o one to p o i n t
out t h e way to him, thro' a most perplexed labyrinth. A n d
the physician a n d solclier m u s t seek for knowledge in their
several professions, in other countries.
Instead of p r e p a r i n g eacli for t h a t sphere of life in which
they are afterwards to move, they are ail trained in one
98 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
a n d the same course, w h i c h fits t h e m for no one employ-
m e n t u p o n earth. (Pages 15-16.)
Such criticisms, like criticisms of an excessive stress o n L a t i n
a n d of the prevailing techniques i n teaching Latin, constituted
not only a reaction against the traditional m e t h o d of e d u c a t i n g
gentlemen b u t also a plea for reform. Indeed, they were o f t e n
accompanied by constructive suggestions f o r reform. T h e un-
k n o w n a u t h o r of Proposais For the Reformation of Schools &
Universities (1704), a f t e r c o m p l a i n i n g that n o adequate t r a i n i n g
in medicine a n d law was offered by English educational institu-
tions a n d t h a t young g e n t l e m e n thercfore h a d to p r é p a r é for
these professions on t h e C o n t i n e n t , asked Parliament to set
aside a certain a m o u n t of m o n e y i n order t o establish médical
ancl légal instruction in E n g l a n d on an e q u a l footing w i t h t h a t
on the C o n t i n e n t (see pages 9-10). A m u c h more elaborate
suggestion was p u t f o r t h by Lewis Maidwell, who in 1705
a f f i r m e d that public schools should be f o u n d e d in E n g l a n d
for t h e express purpose of teaching navigation to gentlemen's
sons interested in a naval career. O n the floor of the H o u s e of
Commons, Maidwell o f f e r e d u p his own house in Westminster
as a site for such a school. T h e c u r r i c u l u m was to be of a
very specialized kind, i n c l u d i n g mechanics, castramentation,
perspective, trigonometry, t h e principles of calendars, a n d
military, civil, and naval architecture. 1 2 6 Priestley also " w o u l d
h u m b l y propose some n e w articles of aeademical instruction,
such as have a nearer a n d m o r e evident connection w i t h the
business of active life" t h a n those which usually occupied a
y o u n g gentleman's time at school. His plan, however, was
b r o a d e r and less specialized than some. T h e "new articles"
consisted mainly of the extremcly extensive training in law,
history, a n d related subjects previously referred to, subjects
which were, Priestley t h o u g h t , "calculated to form tlic states-
m a n , the military c o m m a n d e r , the lawyer, the merchant, a n d
the accomplished country g e n t l e m a n . " A l t h o u g h Priestley thus
m a d e n o distinction between the studies necessary for o n e
career a n d those necessary for another, his proposai was still
a récognition of the need for vocational éducation, a n d he was
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
also aware that it was irrelevant to those youths wishing to
enter the " l e a m e d professions," or medicine a n d divinity, who
would have to receive a différent k i n d of instruction. 1 2 7
Far m o r e extreme was the scheme devised by Sheridan. Only
the boys in the lower school at his proposed institution were to
be instructed alike; as soon as they reached t h e u p p e r school,
they w o u l d be placed in divisions according to their i n t e n d e d
careers or professions, a n d each division w o u l d study subjects
necessary to the intended vocation of its members. Religion,
history, civil law, English literature, a n d o r a t o r y were the only
studies p r o p e r for ail the sections of the u p p e r school, a n d boys
p l a n n i n g to enter a Parliamcntary career were to be given
especially t h o r o u g h training in them. Students choosing divinity
as their profession should, in addition, read various religious
works a n d s h o u l d know some Greek, which w o u l d be a waste
of time for p u p i l s in the other divisions. A n a t o m y and botany
were essential to the fledging physicians. T h e spécial studies of
prospective lawyers included books on law as well as "some
of the practical p a r t belonging to the attorney's business, as the
forms of clrawing bills, pleadings, 8cc." T h o s e looking forward
to a military career needed little classical l e a r n i n g but should
read biographies of e m i n e n t military figures and should be
taught such f u n d a m e n t a l s of their trade as gunnery, fortifica-
tion, navigation, and perspective. For well-born youths who
would become merchants, calligraphy, m e r c h a n t s ' accounts, a n d
m a t h e m a t i c s were very i m p o r t a n t , a n d books on commerce
should also have a p r o m i n e n t place in their curriculum. T h e
useful récréations have been m e n t i o n e d previously as appro-
priate to boys whose i n d e p e n d e n t f o r t u n e s w o u l d enable t h e m
to pass leisurely lives as country gentlemen o r town gentlemen,
engaging in n o lucrative occupation; town gentlemen should
also k n o w the keeping of accounts a n d the principles of the
polite arts. 1 2 8 Such a system of éducation w o u l d ensure the
a d e q u a t e p r é p a r a t i o n of every s t u d e n t for his f u t u r e life.
T h e a n o n y m o u s a u t h o r of An Enquiry into the Plan and
Pertensions of Mr. Sheridan was particularly critical of Sheri-
dan's ideas o n specialized éducation. Boys w e r e too immature,
he affirmed, to know what course of life they would like to

100 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
enter, and assigning t h e m studies essential to their i n t e n d e d
callings was therefore ridiculous. " W h e n a M a n , " h e said, "talks
to us of parcelling out Boys, in a G r a m m a r School, into Classes
of Legislators, and Classes of Military Men, and Classes of
Private Gentlemen in T o w n , a n d Classes of Private G e n t l e m e n
in t h e Country, 8cc. &c. &c. &c. I believe h e hardly expccts, t h a t
we should sit down w i t h h i m to grave a r g u m e n t . " T h e pros-
pective divine might t u r n o u t to be a military commander, a n d
the prospective général m i g h t e n d u p as a lawyer. T h e u n k n o w n
a u t h o r derisively called Sheridan "our Classer of Geniuses" a n d
f u r n i s h e d h i m with an assistant w h o could discover the peculiar
genius of any individual by means of a "cephaloscope" which
interpreted the lines on the membranes of people's heads
(pages 33-35).
N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g his objections against commencing special-
ized training too early a n d giving it too m u c h emphasis, how-
ever, Sheridan's antagonist agreed with h i m as to f u n d a m e n t a l
principles. H e asked: "Is there n o t an impropriety in compelling
the Boys of a School, w h o surely cannot be désignée! ail for o n e
Profession, a n d many of w h o m may be destined to Professions
altogether opposite the o n e to the other, to ply ail in o n e
tract?" " A n o t h e r m e t h o d , " h e asserted, "is m u c h w a n t e d . " Con-
sequently, he had his o w n proposai to make. It was less revolu-
tionary than that of Sheridan a n d did not include the division
of a school into six classes with a particular curriculum for
each, but it was a step in the direction of specialized instruction.
H e wished to give ail boys an identical t r a i n i n g untl they were
twelve years old, at which time they would be separated i n t o
two groups, according to w h e t h e r they p l a n n e d to go on to a
university or to adopt careers for which a university é d u c a t i o n
was not neccssary. Each of these groups was to have its o w n
curriculum, and many studies desirable for one would b e given
scant attention, if any, in the other (see pages 36-38). T h i s
plan was a compromise between the very generalized t r a i n i n g
characteristic of British schools ancl the very specialized t r a i n i n g
advocated by Sheridan.
T h e length of the present c h a p t e r and the large n u m b e r of
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 101
ideas discussed in it render a short summary advisable.
D u r i n g the Restoration a n d eighteenth c e n t u r y the gentleman
u n d e r w e n t severe censure for his ignorance. Country squires
were characterized as boors a n d boobies. Fine gentlemen of the
town were said to be fit only for frivolous conversation ancl to
read n o t h i n g except books of very superficial n a t u r e . Well-born
students at t h e universities were accused of a détermination
to idle away their college years a n d learn as little as possible.
The a p p a r e n t ignorance of m u c h of the genteel class is trace-
able in p a r t to the traditional aristocratie a n t i p a t h y toward
learning. T h i s h a d existecl since the Middle Ages; whether it
became m o r e p r o n o u n c e d in the period u n d e r considération
is a d e b a t a b l e matter. T h r o u g h o u t this period, however, it was
accompanied by a fear on the p a r t of g e n t l e m e n t h a t even a
m i n i m a l a m o u n t of learning w o u l d lead to pedantry or to
awkwardness in social intercourse. T h e fear was o f t e n exag-
gerated a n d u n w a r r a n t e d , b u t the safer course, chosen by many
gentlemen, was not to be learned. Still a n o t h e r cause of igno-
rance a m o n g people of quality was the a t t i t u d e of some parents
that l e a r n i n g h a d merely a practical value a n d was therefore
desirable only for younger sons, w h o h a d to gain their own
livelihood.
E d u c a t i o n a l theorists wished the g e n t l e m a n to be more
learned t h a n h e was, b u t they did n o t want h i m to be a scholar.
T h e fashionable notion that the scholar a n d the gentleman
were irreconcilable was in some degree s h a r e d by them. A
n u m b e r of them, especially in the Restoration, accorded fully
as m u c h i m p o r t a n c e to a knowledge of the world as to book
knowledge a m o n g the requirements for the idéal gentleman;
a few even r a n k e d a knowledge of the w o r l d liigher. Others,
however, deprecated the aristocratie emphasis o n " t h e world"
at the cost of learning; such deprecation seems to have become
especially p r o m i n e n t in the mid-eighteenth century. T h e ques-
tion of w h e t h e r learning declined as a c o m p o n e n t in the
theorists' icleal of the gentleman after the Renaissance is n o t
definitely answerable. Perhaps it declined somewhat, notably
in the Restoration. O n the other h a n d , l e a r n i n g was recognized
as possessing m a n y advantages. It was a p o w e r f u l promoter of
103 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
virtue, an o r n a m e n t of the g e n t l e m a n , a n d a spiritual e n n o b l i n g ;
it served to develop his n a t u r a l potentialities a n d was especially
necessary if he was to b e n e f i t his nation in a political capacity.
For younger sons, f u r t h e r m o r e , learning could be h e l p f u l in
a t t a i n i n g a fortune.
I n so f a r as the g e n t l e m a n d i d receive an adequate éducation,
history was very i m p o r t a n t ; it enabled h i m to p r o f i t by the
experience of others, a f f o r d e d h i m many m o r a l lessons, a n d was
indispensable to serving the state well in a political capacity.
Légal training also p r e p a r e d h i m for a p u b l i c office; in a d d i t i o n ,
it enabled h i m to settle différences a n d preserve o r d e r in a
private station, as a c o u n t r y s q u i r e and justice of the peace.
L a t i n traditionally b u l k e d large in the gentleman's course of
studies, b u t some eclucational reformers opposed the emphasis
o n it, a f f i r m i n g that such stress was unnecessary, t h a t it de-
tracted f r o m studies of greater importance, a n d that a scholarly
knowledge of Latin was i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r gentlemen. T h e
grammatical m e t h o d of teaching Latin was also called inap-
p r o p r i a t e by some commentators, since an exhaustive acquaint-
ance with the g r a m m a r of the language was necessary only f o r
scholars. A gentleman's studies were supposed to be useful;
training in grammar, according to the iconoclasts, did n o t satisfy
this requirement. N e i t h e r d i d the composition of L a t i n themes
a n d verses, in their o p i n i o n . Ail these criticisms were r e f e r e n t
mainly to public schools, w h i c h were hostile to any altération
in their long-established system.
T h e polite accomplishments were considered more o r n a m e n t a l
t h a n useful, and the g e n t l e m a n was consequently w a r n e d n o t
to devote too much time to them; they m i g h t u s u r p the place
of more serious studies or interfere with the m a i n business of
an active life. Dancing, however, held a u n i q u e position because
of its value in giving the g e n t l e m a n an h a b i t u a i grâce of car-
riage. Of m o r e practical b e n e f i t t h a n the accomplishments were
o t h e r récréations, such as t h e m a n u a l arts a n d crafts a n d experi-
ments in botany and a n i m a l husbandry.
As the schools a n d universities of the eighteenth century
afforded little specialized training, some critics d e m a n d e d t h a t
their curricula be revised so as to préparé the young g e n t l e m a n
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INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 105
in a m o r e a d e q u a t e fashion for his f u t u r e profession or career.
Such d e m a n d s afford f u r t h e r evidence of a tendency to stress
the usefulness of the gentleman's studies. M a n y educators, how-
ever, evidently believed that his studies w e r e already useful
enough; pleas and proposais for specialization, like objections
to the emphasis on a n d modes of teaching Latin, were of an
iconoclastic nature.
Notes to C h a p t e r I I I
1. Clare Howard, for example, suggests that d u r i n g the
seventeenth century learning f o r gentlemen fell into disesteem
in E n g l a n d a n d that the F r e n c h idéal, which emphasized the
martial at t h e expense of the e r u d i t e a n d w h i c h was embodied
in the F r e n c h academies, greatly i n f l u e n c e d the English; see
h e r English Travellers of the Renaissance (New York, 1913),
pp. 104-108, 121-123, 128-130. R i c a r d o Q u i n t a n a traces t h r o u g h
the seventeenth century the reaction against the vain spécula-
tions of t h e universities a n d of m a n y scholars and the effect
of this somewhat anti-intellectual reaction o n educational theory,
including views on t h e éducation of g e n t l e m e n ; see his "Notes
o n English Educational O p i n i o n D u r i n g t h e Seventeenth Cen-
tury," SP, X X V I I (1930), 265-292.
2. Covenl-Garden Journal, ed. G é r a r d E d w a r d Jensen (New
Haven, L o n d o n , and Oxford, 1915), II, 65-66. F r o m No. 56
(July 25, 1752).
3. Boyer, English Theophrastus, p. 59. T h e sketch in which
this passage occurs was a d a p t e d by Boyer f r o m a sketch ap-
p e n d e d to An Essay in Defence of the Fernale Sex (London,
1696), a t t r i b . to J u d i t h Drake or Mary Astell.
4. Darrell, attrib., Gentleman Instructed, p. 15.
5. See Boyer, p. 58, and Defoe, Compleat English Gentleman,
p p . 127-132. Steele's examples of a Yorkshire gentleman's faulty
spelling in t h e Spectator No. 328 (March 17, 1712) were prob-
ably i n t e n d e d to ridicule the near-illiteracy of the provincial
g e n t l e m a n as well as t h e Yorkshire dialect.
6. Letters, VI, 2781; see also VI, 2828.
7. Boyer, p. 51. See above, n. 3.
8. The Pretty Gentleman, i n Fugitive Pieces, on Various
104 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 105

Subjects (London, 1761), I, 206, 203. T h i s essay, which is anony- 29. Essay on Modem Education, in Prose Works, X I , 53.
mous, was first published in 1747. 30. Ibid., 56.
9. The Humourist ( L o n d o n , 1720), p. 101. T h i s is Vol. I; 31. Compleat English Gentleman, pp. 68, 54. See also pp.
Vol. II did not a p p e a r u n t i l 1725. Sce also Brown, Estimate, 118-119, 274.
p. 38. 32. Vox Clamantis, p. 73. See also Gentleman's Library, pp.
10. See, f o r example, Dr. R i c h a r d Bathurst in the Adventurer 31-32.
N o . 35 (March 6, 1753) a n d Colman a n d T h o r n t o n in the 33. Proposais For the Reformation of Schools & Universities
Connoisseur No. 24 (July 11, 1754). (n. p., 1704), p. 5.
11. Grenville, Counsel and Directions, p p . 78-79. 34. Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen, p. 112.
12. Terrae-Filius, I, 47. F r o m No. 9 (Feb. 15, 1721). 35. See Kelso, Doctrine, pp. 55-57, a n d G. C. Gordon, éd.,
13. An Essay on Modem Education (London, 1747), p p . 24-25. Peacham's Compleat Gentleman 1634 (Oxford, 1906), pp. xiv-xv.
T h i s anonymous work s h o u l d n o t be confused w i t h Swift's 36. L i n g a r d , attrib., Letter of Advice, p. 3.
essay of the same name. 37. See Mason, Gentlefolk in the Making, p. 163.
14. The Humours of Oxford (London, 1730), " D r a m a t i s 38. Letters, III, 779, 1066, a n d IV, 1275-76, 1702, 1703.
Personae" a n d p. 8. 39. See Spéculum Juventutis, p p . 92-95.
15. Gentile Sinner, p. 26. 40. G. C r o f t , General Observations Concerning Education
16. See Mason, Gentlefolk in the Making, p. 74. T h i s o p i n i o n (Hull, 1775), p. 17.
occurred in Argyle's Instructions to a Son, written in 1661. 41. See, o n the first point, P a n t o n , pp. 76-77; Puckle, The
17. See Kelso, Doctrine, p p . 115-119, a n d Frederick J. F u r n i - Club, p. 77; a n d Budgell in Spectator No. 353 (April 15, 1712);
vall, " E d u c a t i o n in Early E n g l a n d , " EETSOS, X X X I I (1868), a n d on the second point, Brokesby, Letter of Advice, p. 5;
xi-xiv. Defoe, Compleat English Gentleman, p. 89; a n d Burgh, Dignity
18. See Einstein, Tudor Ideals, pp. 163-164; Kelso, Doctrine, of Human Nature, pp. 108-109.
pp. 111-114; Elbert N . S. T h o m p s o n , Literary Bypaths of the 42. Gentleman's Library, p. 15. See also Dykes, Royal Marriage,
Renaissance (New H a v e n , 1924), p. 156; a n d W o o d w a r d , Studies p. 15; Defoe, pp. 105, 163; a n d Fordyce, Dialogues Concerning
in Education, pp. 293-294. Education, I, 107.
19. The Institution of a Young Noble Man, ed. M a x Moly- 43. Boyer, p. 60. See above, n. 3.
n e u x (New York, 1948), p. 134. See The Boke Named the Gouv- 44. Prose Works, XI, 56.
erneur, ed. H . H . S. C r o f t ( L o n d o n , 1880), I, 98-113. 45. Works, ed. Charles Nason Cole, 2nd ed. (London, 1793),
20. See above, n. 1, s. v. H o w a r d . I, 66.
21. Some Thoughts Concerning Education, p. 142. 46. See p p . 175-181, 239-240.
22. Letters, III, 1105-06, 1108. 47. See Letter of Advice, p. 5, a n d Dialogues Concerning
23. Dr. R i c h a r d L i n g a r d , attrib., A Letter of Advice To a Education, I I , 74-75, 301-306.
Young Gentleman Leaving the University, ed. F r a n k C. E r b 48. Sce B u r n e t , Thoughts on Education, p. 18; Sir Matthew
(New York, 1907), p. 9. lst ed. was D u b l i n , 1670. Haie, A Letter to His Grandchildren (Boston, 1817), p. 118;
24. Spéculum Juvenlutis, p p . 104-105. Locke, Some Thoughts Concerning Education, p p . 115-123;
25. Boyer, p. 58. See above, n. 3. Costeker, Fine Gentleman, p. 17; Brooke, Fool of Quality, p. 55;
26. Strephon's Revenge: A Satire on the Oxford Toasts, 4 t h T h o m a s Shericlan, Plan of Education, p. 88; and C h a p m a n ,
ed. (London, 1724), p. 6. Treatise on Education, pp. 65-66. Hale's Letter, first printed
27. See Kelso, Doctrine, p p . 55-57, a n d Einstein, Tudor Ideals, in the cited éd., was written ca. 1673. A l t h o u g l i Burgh agreed
p p . 54, 336-337. that a y o u n g child should reçoive m u c h instruction in reading
28. Dialogues Concerning Education, I, 90. English, h e was u n i q u e in suggesting t h a t a boy should not

/
106 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
b e taught to write u n t i l the âge of twelve; see Dignity of Human
Nature, p p . 127-128.
49. See Burnet, Thoughts on Education, p. 38; Haie, p p .
118-119; Walker, Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen,
p. 109; Gailhard, Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, pp. 35-38;
Locke, p p . 125-130, 133-146; t h e Chevalier A n d r e w Michael
Ramsay, A Plan of Education for a Young Prince . . . . To
which is added, A Thought relating to Education, Offer'd to
the Examination of such as have Noblemen and Gentlemen . . .
under their Care (London, 1732), pp. i-ii; Costeker, p. 18; Of
Education, p. 6; Burgh, pp. 127-128; Priestley, Course of Libéral
Education, p. 18; Brooke, p. 57; Sheridan, p. 88; a n d C h a p m a n ,
p. 65.
50. See Burnet, Thoughts on Education, pp. 37-38, 54-55, a n d
History of His Own Time, VI, 205; Locke, pp. 124-125; Costeker,
p p . 18, 29; Of Education, pp. 10, 12; Priestley, Course of Libéral
Education, p. 18; a n d Sheridan, p. 88. Chesterfield wrote several
letters in F r e n c h to his son a n d many to his godson while they
were still children; by the time the son was seventeen or eight-
een Chesterfield assumed that he h a d a good knowledge of
Italian as well (see Letters, IV, 1565). I t should be added,
however, t h a t instruction in t h e m o d e m languages was n o t yet
characteristic of the p u b l i c school curriculum; the y o u n g gentle-
m a n usually learned French, a n d p e r h a p s Italian, u n d e r a
tutor at home. Some critics, a m o n g t h e m Swift in his Essay
on Modem Education, objected to the i m p o r t a n c e accorded to
a French t u t o r in fashionable houses. L a t e r a gentleman im-
proved his facility in the m o d e m languages o n the g r a n d t o u r .
51. See Panton, Spéculum Juventutis, p. 288; Walker, p p .
112-113; Gailhard, Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, p p . 69-70;
Locke, p p . 146-149; Ramsay, p. ii; Of Education, p p . 10-11, 18;
Burgh, p p . 128, 131; An Enquiry into the Plan and Pretensions
of Mr. Sheridan (Dublin, 1758), p. 36; Priestley, Course of
Libéral Education, p. 19; a n d Sheridan, p. 88. Burnet, however,
did not advise m a t h e m a t i c s u n t i l a y o u t h was fifteen (see
Thoughts on Education, p. 61), a n d H a i e did n o t advise
arithmetic until a y o u t h was sixteen or seventeen (see p. 119).
52. See Burnet, Thoughts on Education, p. 45, a n d History
of His Own Time, VI, 204; P a n t o n , p. 288; Penton, Guardian's
Instruction, p. 67; Locke, p p . 146-147, 149-150; An Essay upon
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107
Education; Shewing How Latin, Greek, and Other Languages
May Be Learn'd more easily, quickly, and perfectly, than they
commonly are (London, 1711), p. 20; Steele in Spectator No. 230
(Nov. 23, 1711); Chesterfield, Letters, II, 374, 375; Enquiry
into the Plan and Pretensions, p. 36; a n d Sheridan, p. 88. B u r g h
did not advise geography a n d chronology u n t i l a youth was
fourteen or fifteen (see p. 131).
53. See P a n t o n , p. 288; G a i l h a r d , Compleat Gentleman, lst
Treatise, p p . 43-48; Locke, p p . 146, 151; Essay upon Education,
etc., pp. 20-21; Steele in Spectator N o . 230; Clarke, Essay upon
Study, p. 127; Ramsay, p. 15; Costeker, p . 30; Of Education,
p. 23; Chesterfield, 11, 373-374, a n d IV, 1565; Daniel W a t e r l a n d ,
Advice to a Young Student, 2 n d ed. (Oxford, 1755), p. 14; a n d
C h a p m a n , p p . 158-159. T h e lst ed. of W a t e r l a n d ' s Advice also
a p p e a r e d i n 1755, although t h e work h a d a p p e a r e d in an in-
correct a n d shorter f o r m in The Republick of Letters for
Dec., 1729.
54. See Haie, pp. 16-17; G a i l h a r d , Compleat Gentleman,
lst Treatise, pp. 35-36; Essay upon Education, etc., p. 21; Steele
in Spectator No. 230; Ramsay, p p . v-vi; Costeker, pp. 19, 29;
Of Education, pp. 13-14; Chesterfield, II, 318, 362; Burgh, p p .
128-129; Sheridan, pp. 99-100; a n d C h a p m a n , p p . 167-168, 195-
196.
55. A m o n g those who r e c o m m e n d e d Greek were Burnet,
Thoughts on Education, p p . 51-52; Haie, p. 119; Gailhard,
Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, p p . 35-36; P e n t o n , Guardian's
Instruction, pp. 59, 67; Clarke, Essay upon Study, p. 127; R a m -
say, p p . i-ii, v-vi; Costeker, p p . 19, 29; Chesterfield, II, 362,
400, 410, a n d IV, 1565; Burgh, p. 129; Brooke, p p . 168, 257;
C h a p m a n , p p . 167-168; a n d Croft, p. 11. Some of these authors,
however, advised it with réservations. Locke did not deem Greek
necessary f o r the gentleman (see pp. 163-164), a n d Sheridan
advised it only for those well-born y o u t h s w h o p l a n n e d to
enter the médical or clérical professions (see p p . 104-106).
56. See Burnet, Thoughts on Education, pp. 37-38, 69; W a l k e r ,
p. 109; H a i e , p. 118; Ramesey, Gentlemans Companion, p. 15;
Gailhard, Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, p. 42; Clarke,
Essay upon Study, p p . 218-219; Chesterfield, IV, 1454-56; Water-
land, p p . 14, 27; a n d Sheridan, pp. 102-103, 122. T h e im-
portance that Chesterfield attached to oratory in his son's
108 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
éducation need scarcely be p o i n t e d out. Sheridan's British Edu-
cation: Or, The Sources of the Disorders of Great Britain (1756)
was an a t t e m p t to show t h a t training in oratory would c u r e
Britain of her ills. A n o r a t o r himself, Sheridan u n d e r s t a n d a b l y
exaggerated the case, b u t few would have deniecl the advantages
of oratorical training for the gentleman.
57. See Locke, pp. 154-158; Steele in Tatler No. 234 (Oct. 7,
1710) a n d Spectator N o . 230; Budgell in Spectator No. 353
(April 15, 1712); Defoe, p p . 115-116, 122; J o h n Clarke, An
Essay upon the Education of Youth in Grammar-Schools (Lon-
don, 1730), pp. 116-117; Of Education, pp. 9, 15; Chesterfield,
II, 332-333, 381, a n d V, 1799-1801; Enquiry into the Plan and
Pretensions, p. 36; Sheridan, Plan of Education, p p . 56-58, 60-61;
C h a p m a n , pp. 192-194; a n d Croft, pp. 11-13. A shorter ed. of
Clarke's Education of Youth appeared in 1720.
58. A m o n g those theorists were Steele in Spectator No. 203;
Chesterfield, II, 362-363, 410-413; Burgh, p. 128; the a u t h o r of
An Enquiry into the Plan and Pretensions, p. 36; Sheridan,
Plan of Education, pp. 100-102; C h a p m a n , pp. 197-198; a n d
Croft, pp. 11-13. F r o m the t o n e of many of these passages, o n e
gathers that such instruction was often neglected in the éduca-
tion of gentlemen. It is, however, interesting to n o t e that t h e
Spectator was sometimcs used as a schoolbook or advised for
the perusal of university students; see George C. Brauer, Jr.,
"Recommendations of the 'Spectator' for Students D u r i n g the
Eighteenth Century," N & Q, C C (1955), 207-208.
59. See Panton, p. 288; Ramesey, p. 14; Haie, p. 120; W a l k e r ,
p. 110; Gailhard, Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, pp. 42-43;
Locke, p p . 158-161; Costeker, p p . 20-24; Clarke, Essay upon Study,
p p . 218-219; W a t e r l a n d , p. 14; Chesterfield, IV, 1565; a n d Sheri-
dan, Plan of Education, p. 95. Burnet, however, cautioned against
teaching logic too early a n d considered it rather useless anyway
(see Thoughts on Education, p p . 37-38, 63). Locke was opposed
to teaching ethics too early a n d believed that t h e g e n t l e m a n
should have little t r a i n i n g in logic (see p p . 151-154). Burgh (pp.
131-132) agreed with Locke's views on logic.
60. See Burnet, Thoughts on Education, pp. 60-61; H a i e ,
pp. 20-21; Ramesey, p. 14; W a l k e r , pp. 113-116; Gailhard, Com-
pleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, pp. 43, 48-49, 69-70; Locke, p p .
161-163 (Locke, however, stressed the limitations o n scientific
!
INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 109
knowledge); Costeker, pp. 19-20, 24-26, 29; Of Education, p.
23; Burgh, pp. 132, 143-145, 150; a n d W a t e r l a n d , pp. 13-14, 26,
28-31. Dr. R i c h a r d Davies, in The General State of Education
in the Universities (Bath, 1759), complained that the uni-
versities did not provide e n o u g h t r a i n i n g in science (see esp.
p. 40). B u t he was answered i n the a n o n . Observations on the
Present State of the English Universities (London, 1759), wliose
a u t h o r m a i n t a i n e d that scientific t r a i n i n g was not neglected by
them (see p p . 26-27). These a u t h o r s were not, of course, speak-
ing with particular reference to gentlemanly éducation. T h e
place of law in the gentleman's é d u c a t i o n is treated later in
this cliapter.
61. See Burnet, Thoughts on Education, pp. 24, 64; Ramesey,
pp. 133-134; Walker, pp. 68-71; Gailhard, Compleat Gentleman,
lst Treatise, pp. 79, 81-85, a n d 2nd Treatise, p p . 50-51; Locke,
p p . 166-167; Dykes, Royal Marriage, p. 19; Costeker, p. 45; Of
Education, p. 23; Fordyce, Dialogues Concerning Education,
I, 30; Brooke, Fool of Quality, pp. 56, 127; Sheridan, Plan of
Education, p. 115; Beattie, Utility of Classical Learning, in
Essays, p p . 495-496; a n d C h a p m a n , p p . 6-7, 133-136. P a n t o n ,
however, m a i n t a i n e d that a y o u t h should have no violent
exercise u n t i l the âge of eighteen, a l t h o u g h f r o m then on h e
advised strenuous l'orms of exercise (see pp. 217-218).
62. See Gailhard, Compleat Gentleman, 2nd Treatise, p. 49;
Locke, pp. 166-168; Costeker, p p . 44-45; Chesterfield, III, 1171,
a n d IV, 1345, 1732; Brooke, p. 127; a n d C h a p m a n , p. 136.
Burnet, however, believed t h a t a child should not be trained
in arms too early (see Thoughts on Education, pp. 64-65), a n d
Burgh, t h o u g h he recognized t h a t the gentleman was customarily
taught to fence, spoke gruclgingly of the practice (see p. 133).
63. See Burnet, Thoughts on Education, pp. 53, 62; Gailhard,
Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, p. 70; Locke, pp. 148-149;
Steele in Spectator No. 230; Defoe, pp. 242-243; Of Education,
p. 16; Chesterfield, IV, 1270-71; W a t e r l a n d , p. 14; and Enquiry
into the Plan and Pretensions, p. 36.
64. Brokesby, Letter of Advice, p. 7. See also Locke, p. 149;
Clarke, Essay upon Study, p. 18; a n d Chesterfield, VI, 2587.
65. G a i l h a r d , Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, pp. 45-46.
66. II, 340. See also Burgh, p. 137, a n d C h a p m a n , p. 215.
67. See Kelso, Doctrine, p p . 133-134; Foster Watson, The Be-
110 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 107

ginnings of the Teaching of Modem Subjects in England (Lon- Sir Charles Grandison, at the end of an a r g u m e n t over the
don, 1909), p. 53; a n d W o o d w a r d , Studies in Education, pp. i m p o r t a n c e of classical studies in éducation.
287, 300-301. 89. See Some Thoughts Concerning Education, pp. 125-126,
68. See Thoughts on Education, p p . 45, 47, a n d Compleat 157-158, 163-164.
Gentleman, lst Treatise, p p . 44-45. 90. See Uses of Foreign Travel, p. 78, a n d Plan of Educa-
69. Dignity of Human Nature, p. 139. See also Priestley, tion, p p . 104-106.
Course of Libéral Education, p p . 40-41, a n d C h a p m a n , Treatise 91. Compleat English Gentleman, p. 217.
on Education, pp. 215-217. 92. Ibid., p. 203.
70. Course of Libéral Education, p. 41. See also Brokesby, 93. See ibid., pp. 196-217, 223-225.
Letter of Advice, pp. 7-8, a n d Burgh, p. 138. 94. E. g., his New Grammar of the Latin Tongue (1733) a n d
71. See Kelso, Doctrine, p. 133; Mason, Gentlefolk in the Introduction to the Making of Latin (1740), a n d his éditions,
Making, p. 236; Watson, Beginnings, pp. 54, 69-70; and W o o d - for schoolchildren, of select colloquies of Corderius (1718) a n d
ward, Studies in Education p. 287. Erasmus (1720).
72. Essay upon Study, p p . 223-224. See also Sheridan, Plan 95. Education of Youth, p. 9; see also pp. 7-8.
of Education, pp. 97-99. 96. Plan of Education, pp. 41-42; see also p p . 16-17.
73. History of His Own Time, VI, 205. 97. Enquiry into the Plan and Pretensions, p p . 36-38.
74. See Plan of Education, p p . 95-97. 98. For cxample, although Elyot included g r a m m a r in his
75. VI, 2587; V, 1887-92; a n d III, 1155-56. educational scheme, he advised commencing L a t i n by the con-
76. Course of Libéral Education, pp. 40, 9-10. versational method, as did Erasmus also; a n d Mulcaster rele-
77. See ibid., pp. 5-7. gated g r a m m a r to a comparativcly inferior position.
78. For recommendations of légal studies for gentlemen in 99. See Some Thoughts Concerniyig Education, pp. 126-127,
the Renaissance, see Kelso, Doctrine, p. 137; Mason, pp. 126, 135-138, 154-158.
236; Ustick, SP, X X I X (1932), 415; a n d W o o d w a r d , p. 315. 100. History of His Own Time, VI, 200. Q u o t e d by Richardson
79. See W i l l i a m H i g f o r d , Institutions: Or, Advice to His in Letter V I of Sir Charles Grandison.
Grandson (London, 1658, r e p r . by W . B u l m e r & Co., 1818), 101. Dignity of Human Nature, p. 124. A l t h o u g h Clarke op-
p. 63. posed Locke's p r o n o u n c e m e n t t h a t g r a m m a r was not necessary,
80. Thoughts on Education, p. 72. h e agreed that training in it should be delayed until a y o u t h
81. See Haie, Letter of Advice, p. 125; P e n t o n , Guardian's was already familiar with L a t i n ; see his Education of Youth,
Instruction, p. 13; a n d B u r n e t , History of His Own Time, pp. 11-14, 104-105. T h e anon. a u t h o r of Of Education, who like
VI, 201. Clarke h a d read Locke, objected to the grammatical m e t h o d ;
82. Essay upoii Study, p. 223. see p. 6.
83. See III, 972-973, 1076. 102. See Some Thoughts Concerning Education, pp. 138-142,
84. History of His Own Time, VI, 201. 154-158.
85. Uses of Foreign Travel, pp. 78-79. 103. Education of Youth, p. 61.
86. See J. W . Adamson, Pioneers of Modem Education 1600- 104. Dignity of Human Nature, p. 124.
1700 (Cambridge, 1905), p p . 22-23, a n d James O l i p h a n t , éd., 105. Utility of Classical Learning, in Essays, p. 517.
Educational Writings of Richard Mulcaster (Glascow, 1903), 106. See Letters, II, 410.
pp. 227-229. 107. See Kelso, Doctrine, p p . 140-141; T h o m p s o n , Literary
87. Utility of Classical Learning, in Essays, p. 489. Bypaths, p p . 142, 158; and W o o d w a r d , Studies in Education,
88. History of His Oxvn Time, VI, 200-201. It m a y be recalled p p . 277-278.
that this passage was q u o t e d by Richardson in Letter VI of 108. F o r recommendations a n d discussions of the polite ac-
 INTELLECTUAL ACQUIREMENTS AS AN AIM 101
100 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
the family-tree" (Fool of Quality, p. 24). Most theorists d i d
complishments, see, in a d d i t i o n to the citations o n the following
not even consider the question of trade for gentlemen. J o h n s o n ,
pages, Higford, Institutions, pp. 84-88; B u r n e t , Thoughts on
however, suggested that a well-born y o u t h b r o u g h t u p to t r a d e
Education, p. 50; Gailhard, Compleat Gentleman, 2nd Treatise,
lost the marks of his gentility; see Rambler Nos. 116 (April
p. 52; Steele in Spectator N o . 230; Dykes, Royal Marriage, p.
27, 1751) a n d 123 (May 21, 1751).
19; Costeker, Fine Gentleman, pp. 48-49; Chesterfield, I I I , 1171,
123. See Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, p p . 99-100.
and IV, 1651, 1653; a n d Brooke, Fool of Quality, p. 127.
124. See Dignity of Human Nature, p p . 157-159, and Advice
109. See Locke, Some Thoughts Concerning Education, p. 165;
to a Young Student, pp. 13-14 ff.
Chesterfield, IV, 1331; a n d Sheridan, Plan of Education, pp.
125. See R. F. Jones, " T h e B a c k g r o u n d of the Attack o n
90-91.
Science in the Age of Pope," in Pope and his Contemporaries:
110. Darrell, attrib., Gentleman Instructed, p. 20.
Essays presented to George Sherburn, ed. J a m e s L. C l i f f o r d
111. Dignity of Human Nature, pp. 133, 150. R a n k i n g the
a n d Louis A. L a n d a (Oxford, 1949), p p . 100-104.
"sciences" in the order of their importance, B u r g h placed the
126. See An Essay Upon the Necessity and Excellency of Edu-
polite arts last (see p. 157).
cation (London, 1705), pp. 36, 44-45, 53 ff.
112. Plan of Education for a Young Prince, p. ix.
127. See Course of Libéral Education, pp. 1, 8-10, 13.
113. Legacie to My Dear Son Thomas, ed. cit., p. 186.
128. See Plan of Education, p p . 95-114.
114. IV, 1420, 1330-31.
115. Higford, Institutions, p. 88, a n d Walker, Of Education,
Especially of Young Gentlemen, p. 69, resp. See also Locke, pp.
47, 165; Steele in Spectator N o . 334 (March 24, 1712); Costeker,
Fine Gentleman, pp. 42-43; a n d C h a p m a n , Treatise on Educa-
tion, p. 136.
116. Of Education, p. 11.
117. Dignity of Human Nature, p. 133.
118. Some Fruits, ed. cit., pp. 344-345.
119. Some Thoughts Concerning Education, p p . 169-173.
120. Plan of Education, p p . 112-114.
121. Advices to a Young Man of Fortune and Rank (Oxford,
n. d.), pp. 25-26.
122. Edward W a t e r h o u s e in his Gentleman's Monitor (1665)
recommended trade for t h e younger sons of n o b l e m e n (see
Mason, Gentlefolk in the Making, p. 151). Malachy Postlethwayt's
The Merchant's Public Counting-House (1751), i n c o r p o r a t i n g
a plan for breeding youths to trade, included "some remarks on
the benefit of this instruction to the young nobility and gentry"
(title page). Sheridan, as will be shown shortly, provided for
training young gentlemen as tradesmen, a n d Brooke, w h o con-
ceived of Henry Clinton as an idéal gentleman, demonstrated
that his gentility was in n o way damaged by his connection
with commerce. B u t the m o r e commun aristocratie a t t i t u d e was
represented by Clin ton's b r o t h e r the Earl of Moreland, who
said of Henry: " I looked u p o n h i m as a b r a n d i eut off f r o m

C H A P T E R FOUR
Worldly Expérience as an Aim in the
Gentleman's Education
" T h e worlcl" has already been defined in its Restoration and
eighteenth-century acceptation as m a n k i n d , a n d a p a r t i c i p a t i o n
in the world as a p a r t i c i p a t i o n in society r a t h e r t h a n a n en-
grossing concern with books. For the gentleman the world was,
of course, often restricted to genteel company; "the m a n of
fashion," C o l m a n a n d T h o r n t o n observed in the Connoisseur
No. 136 (September 2, 1756), "seeks it n o w h e r e b u t i n the
polite circle of the beau-monde." Middle-class c o m m e n t a t o r s
sometimes objected to this limitation; B e n t h a m , for example,
admonished a y o u n g g e n t l e m a n at O x f o r d t h a t "if you mistake
lowness of fortunes for meanness of manners, a n d so c o n f i n e
your acquaintance to persons of your r a n k in u n d e r s t a n d i n g
because they are so in f o r t u n e , you certainly lose t h e most
valuable benefit of a p u b l i c éducation." 1 W h a t e v e r level of
company gentlemen may have h a d in m i n d as constituting the
world, however, it is certain that they deemed the world their
spécial province and, as has been indicated in the preceding
chapter, laid an e x t r a o r d i n a r y emphasis on it. A r e m a r k p u t
into Shaftesbury's m o u t h by H u r d was expressive of the aristo-
cratie attitude: " T h e p r o p e r business of m e n , especially those
of r a n k a n d quality, lies a m o n g men. T h e first a n d last object
of a G e n t l e m a n should b e an intimate study a n d knowledge of
his species." 2
W e have seen in C h a p t e r I I I t h a t a l t h o u g h some theorists,
particularly in the mid-eighteenth century, deprecated t h e fash-
ionable stress o n the world, others ranked a knowledge of the
114
WORLDLY EXPERIENCE AS AN AIM 115
world alongside or above learning. T h e r e w e r e consequently
m a n y commentators w h o were eager t h a n the well-born y o u t h
be introduced into company, which was the best tutor in worldly
knowledge, if n o t the only one. T h u s B u r n e t said of the gentle-
m a n of eighteen or older t h a t his "work sould be to know the
world; a n d therefore h o w r e t i r e d soever I could wish a y o u t h
were kept, before this âge, n o w sould he b e much abroad,
a n d in ail company." 3 According to Gailhard, when boys em-
barked on the tour of the C o n t i n e n t it was time to a c q u a i n t
them with the world. "I will b r i n g them o u t of their study,
a n d f r o m amongst the dead," h e announced, " t o converse w i t h
the living. W e must now m a k e t h e m look abroad, raise t h e m to
a higher form, and teach t h e m how to know the world." 4 As
will a p p e a r in C h a p t e r VI, a c o m m o n a r g u m e n t in favor of
the g r a n d tour was that it served as an i n t r o d u c t i o n to a
knowledge of the world by p r o v i d i n g a great deal of social
intercourse for the g e n t l e m a n . Some theorists, m e n t i o n e d in
C h a p t e r VII, preferred p u b l i c to private éducation because at
a p u b l i c school, where a y o u n g g e n t l e m a n mingled with m a n y
other students, h e learned m o r e a b o u t the world than h e did
in the seclusion of his own h o m e . Ail this emphasis o n the
desirability of social intercourse in gentlemanly u p b r i n g i n g was
justified by the several advantages which were said to accrue
f r o m a participation in society, a n d which will be looked i n t o
now.
O n e of those advantages was the acquisition of good breed-
ing, treated in C h a p t e r V. A n o t h e r was that t h r o u g h conversa-
tion a gentleman gained m u c h factual information, thereby
w i d e n i n g the scope of his practical knowledge. T h e well-born
youth on his travels, G a i l h a r d stipulated i n his Compleat
Gentleman, should " f r e q u e n t persons of Quality, by w h o m
he m a y be well informed of affairs" (Second Treatise, page
74). T h e useful n a t u r e of the knowledge gathered t h r o u g h
conversation rendered it especially suitable f o r gentlemen a n d
was m a d e m u c h of by theorists, w h o carefully distinguished it
f r o m book learning a n d the spéculative é r u d i t i o n of the scholar.
Fordyce described the headmaster of his idéal academy as one
who h a d attained from conversation " a more useful knowledge
116 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
than is acquired merely by reading." 5 Chesterfield was convinced
that if a young g e n t l e m a n was alert, no conversation could fail
to i m p a r t useful i n f o r m a t i o n : "A good chcmist will extract
some spirit or other o u t of every substance; a n d a man of parts
will, by his dexterity a n d management, elicit something worth
knowing o u t of every b e i n g he converses w i t h . " H e therefore
exhorted his son, a b r o a d o n his travels: " F o r God's sake, my
dear boy, do n o t s q u a n d e r away one m o m e n t of your time, for
every m o m e n t may be n o w most usefully employed. . . . Every
moment's conversation may, if you please, b e of use to you." 6
Most theorists, less sanguine on this point t h a n Chesterfield,
felt that a gentleman could not obtain m u c h w o r t h w h i l e in-
formation t h r o u g h conversation unless the persons with w h o m
he talked were cultivated a n d intelligent. If they satisfied those
requirements, however, he might perhaps dérivé m o r e profit
f r o m them t h a n he could f r o m books. It was Burgh's o p i n i o n
that the m a n w h o g a t h e r e d a r o u n d h i m a g r o u p of intelligent
acquaintances, " w i t h w h o m to converse freely, a n d w i t h o u t the
trammels of systematic or academic rules," w o u l d " f i n d m o r e
improvement, in a short time, f r o m such a society, t h a n f r o m
twenty years solitary study." "Reading," B u r g h explained, "is
necessary to get at the f u n d a m e n t a l principles of a science. A n d
the careful perusal of a few capital books is sufficient f o r this
purpose. Afterwards to talk over the subject with a set of
intelligent m e n , is the best m e t h o d for e x t e n d i n g one's views
of it." 7 " T h a t f r e e d o m of debate a n d diversity of topics, which
adorn the conversations of men of rank a n d polite literature,"
another mid-century c o m m e n t a t o r affirmed, "will give his m i n d
a generous enlargcment, a n d open to h i m d e l i g h t f u l scenes of
knowledge, at once awakening the imagination a n d i n f o r m i n g
the u n d e r s t a n d i n g . " In these conversations, t h e a u t h o r added,
"there are f r e q u e n t l y such lucky hints t h r o w n out, as prove
a f r u i t f u l source of t h o u g h t s and imagination, which would
never have occurred to h i m in the studious h o u r , or in the
company of m e a n e r spirits." 8 According to Fordyce's Dialogues;
after a gentleman h a d s p e n t some time at a university h e should
be sent to L o n d o n , where he would c o n t i n u e his éducation by
conversing w i t h men of ail sorts, from mechanics to m e m b e r s
WORLDLY EXPERIENCE AS AN AIM 117
of Parliament. "By s p e n d i n g his time in this m a n n e r f o r a
year or two in town," Fordyce stated, " a n d by an u n l i m i t e d
commerce with men of business, as well as letters, I engage he
will learn m o r e real useful knowlege [sic] than is to be ac-
q u i r e d at any seat of l e a r n i n g whatsoever in d o u b l e t h a t t i m e "
(II, 272-273).
Such remarks suggest the tendency in the eighteenth cen-
tury to consider the world m o r e valuable t h a n books in gentle-
m a n l y éducation. I t should be noted, however, that even writers
who placed so high an i m p o r t a n c e o n conversation as opposed
to reading believed learning essential as a preliminary to worth-
while discussion, certainly for the gentleman a n d in most cases
for those with w h o m h e conversed. Theorists would have been
u n w i l l i n g to e u t studies short merely in order to introduce h i m
into the world. T h e i r comments h a d reference mainly to gentle-
men w h o h a d already completed their period of formai study,
not to boys still occupied with textbooks. Even the warmest
advocates of learning would n o t have denied t h a t for such m e n ,
conversation was very bénéficiai.
T h e most i m p o r t a n t e d u c a t i o n a l advantage accruing f r o m a
participation in society was t h e one implied in the very défini-
tion of a knowledge of the world, " t h a t [knowledge] which re-
sults . . . f r o m the study a n d c o n t e m p l a t i o n of men; as they
present themselves on the great stage of the world, in various
l'orins, a n d u n d e r différent appearances." 9 It included n o t only
an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of h u m a n n a t u r e but, as a corollary to this,
the ability to deal adroitly a n d successfully with one's fellow
men. I n the Elizabethan a n d early Stuart periods this d u a l
lesson of the world was viewed as indispensable to the gentleman
as a p a r t i c i p a n t i n the active life, a n d much attention was paid
to it by authors of courtesy literature—especially aristocratie
authors, as might be expected f r o m the importance a t t a c h e d
to the world by persons of quality. M e n t i o n has already been
made of the book of p r u d e n t i a l advice which, in the seventeenth
century, a p p e a r e d alongside the moralistic advice book. T h e
f o r m e r was practical a n d e x p e d i e n t i n tone, o f t e n cynical, some-
times unscrupulous, a n d egregiously m u n d a n e , instructing the
gentleman in worldly wisdom a n d successful conduct. Repre-
118 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
sentative of this k i n d of courtesy literature were Burleigh's
Certaine Precepts or Directions (first p u b l i s h e d in 1617 b u t
written earlier) and Raleigh's Instructions to his Sonne, and
to Posterity (first p u b l i s h e d in 1632). C o n t i n e n t a l works of
the same order, i n f l u e n t i a l in England, i n c l u d e d Lorenzo
Ducci's Ars Aulica (translated in 1607), D u Refuge's Traité
de la Cour (translated i n 1622), a n d C a r d i n a l Sermonetta's
Instructions to His Cousin (translated in 1633). 10 T h e s e books
were related to treatises o n policy; several of t h e m fell directly
u n d e r that classification. Seventeenth-century treatises on policy,
written expressly for courtiers, statesmen, a n d diplomats, laid
great stress on the necessity for u n d e r s t a n d i n g men, their typical
actions a n d reactions, foibles a n d passions a n d d o m i n a n t traits,
if one was to shine at c o u r t a n d in a public spliere.
O n e might expcct t h a t with the decreased emphasis on the
political rôle of the g e n t l e m a n in the eighteenth century, the
importance placed on a knowledge of m a n a n d of p r u d e n t i a l
conduct w o u l d also have decreased, b u t this was n o t the case—
except, perhaps, toward t h e m i d d l e of the century, a n d then
the reaction against a stress on worldly knowledge was largely
a t t r i b u t a b l e to other causes. Indeed, for the Augustans a knowl-
edge of the world seems almost to have become an e n d i n itself,
"the p r o p e r study of m a n k i n d " in Pope's phrase. Its political
value was less f r e q u e n t l y m e n t i o n e d in the eighteenth century
than in the seventeenth; b u t the gentleman's sphere of activity
was still society no m a t t e r whcther h e engaged activcly in
politics or not, a n d for this reason an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of h u m a n
n a t u r e a n d the résultant skill in h u m a n relationships r e m a i n e d
essential to h i m . T h e i r eminently useful character, in fact, m a d e
t h e m particularly a p p r o p r i a t e for gentlemen.
Like the factual i n f o r m a t i o n gained f r o m a p a r t i c i p a t i o n in
society, a knowledge of t h e world in its R e s t o r a t i o n a n d eight-
eenth-century sense was sharply distinguished f r o m the theo-
retical é r u d i t i o n of the scholar, a n d actual experience was said
to b e the only way t o acquire it. " T h e scholar, w h o in the
dust of his closet talks o r writes of the w o r l d , " Chesterfield
m a i n t a i n e d , "knows n o m o r e of it, than t h a t orator did of
/
WORLDLY EXPERIENCE AS AN AIM 119
war, who judiciously e n d e a v o u r e d to instruct H a n n i b a l in i t "
(III, 1024). T h e r e f o r e the Earl urged his son: " W h e n you are
in company, learn (what c o m p a n y can only teach you) the
characters a n d manners of m a n k i n d " (IV, 1289). Fielding's re-
marks in Tom Jones (Book IX, chapter i) were typical; a
knowledge of the world, h e said, was "beyond the power of
learning to bestow," a n d n o m e n understood less about h u m a n
characteristics "than those l e a r n e d pédants whose lives have
been entirely consumed in collèges a n d a m o n g books; f o r how-
ever exquisitely h u m a n n a t u r e m a y have b e e n described by
writers, the true practical system can be l e a r n t only in the
world." Even if one spent most of one's time in society, how-
ever, considérable perception a n d concentration were necessary
before one's experience could b e a r fruit. Chesterfield conse-
quently i n f o r m e d his son:
T o know m a n k i n d well, r e q u i r e s full as m u c h attention
a n d application as to k n o w books, and, it may be, m o r e
sagacity a n d disccrnment. I a m at this t i m e a c q u a i n t e d
with many elderly people, w h o have passed their whole lives
in the great world, b u t w i t h such levity a n d inattention,
that they k n o w no m o r e of it now, than they did at fifteen.
Do not flatter yourself, therefore, with the thoughts that
you can acquire this knowledge in the frivolous chit-chat
of idle companies; no, you m u s t go m u c h deeper than that.
You must look into people, as well as at them. (III, 779.)
If one did look deeply i n t o people, the lessons learned were
légion. T h e comments of several courtesy writers will a f f o r d
some insight i n t o the kinds of i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t h u m a n n a t u r e
a n d successful social relationships which were considered most
valuable. B u r n e t mentioned, as elements of p r u d e n t i a l c o n d u c t
taught by experience in the world, "discrétion, to k n o w . . .
how to converse, to be silent, to choose friends, to f i n d o u t
peoples h u m o u r s ; and h o w to gain love, a n d the like." 1 1 T h e
ability to comport oneself well in diverse societies was i m p o r t a n t
for G a i l h a r d ; according to his Compleat Gentleman, a young
m a n should consort not only w i t h persons of r a n k b u t also w i t h
120 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
a "sort of choice persons, considérable, not so m u c h for their
b i r t h and quality, as for their Virtue, Merits, Parts, a n d abili-
ties," since f r o m such people he would "learn h o w to carry him-
self well in ail kinds of company . . . a n d l e a r n how to comply
with ail m a n n e r s of h u m o u r s a n d tempers, yet excluding a
vicious a n d sinful compliance" (Second Treatise, page 74).
From his year or two at L o n d o n , Fordyce declared in his Dia-
logues, a y o u n g m a n w o u l d "learn life, a n d discover o n what
hinges it turns; he will detect the arts a n d foibles of m a n k i n d ,
observe the genius of affairs; a n d know h o w to practise dif-
férent characters." Ail this information, Fordyce thought, was
indispensable to successful dealings with o t h e r h u m a n beings:
" T h u s he will enter u p o n the scenes of action properly armed
and guarded; a n d consequently be better f i t t e d to acquit him-
self wisely a n d worthily in every station" (II, 273).
Chesterfield, who considered a knowledge of the world es-
sential to his son's success in a political sphere, f u r n i s h e d per-
haps the most exhaustive analysis of the subject to be f o u n d
among eighteenth-century authors of courtesy literature. A
knowledge of the world consistcd, in his view, of a compré-
hension of men's "prevailing weaknesses, their vanities, their
follies, a n d their h u m o u r s ; with ail the r i g h t a n d wrong, wise
and silly springs of h u m a n actions, which m a k e such incon-
sistent a n d whimsical beings of us r a t i o n a l creatures" (III,
1023). In the cynical tone of his remarks o n h u m a n nature,
Chesterfield is reminiscent of the Continental a n d pre-Common-
wealth theorists who wrote books of p r u d e n t i a l advice. At
court, he said, self-interest was the primary motivation, women
were to be flattered b u t n o t trusted, and a polite dissimulation
concealed violent hatreds (IV, 1382-84). Vanity a n d love were
the spécial passions of women, as avarice a n d a m b i t i o n often
were of m e n ; persons w h o affected one certain virtue or who,
early in one's acquaintance with them, m a d e a great display
of friendliness, should be the objects of p a r t i c u l a r suspicion
(IV, 1469-71). A n i m p o r t a n t aicl to success in the world was
the ability to discover a man's ruling passion a n d to govern
one's relationship with h i m accordingly:
/
WORLDLY EXPERIENCE AS AN AIM 121
i
Almost ail people are b o r n w i t h ail the passions, to a certain
clegree; b u t almost every m a n lias a prevailing one, to which
the others are subordinate. Search every o n e for that r u l i n g
passion; pry into the recesses of his heart, a n d observe the
différent workings of the same passion in différent people.
And, w h e n you have founcl o u t the prevailing passion of
any man, remember never to trust him w h e r e that passion
is concerned. Work u p o n h i m by it, if you please; b u t be
u p o n your guard yourself against it, whatever professions
h e may m a k e you. (III, 779-780).
A n o t h e r extremely i m p o r t a n t aspect of a skill in h u m a n re-
lationships, according to Chesterfield, was the ability to dis-
simulate—to control one's features and t e m p e r so t h a t they
d i d not betray the thoughts a n d feelings w h i c h it was advan-
tageous to hide. "A m a n who lias n o monde," Chesterfield said,
"is inflamed with anger, or a n n i h i l a t e d w i t h shame, at every
disagreeable incident. . . . B u t a m a n who has du monde seems
n o t to u n d e r s t a n d w h a t h e c a n n o t or o u g h t not to resent."
O n l y those u n a c q u a i n t e d w i t h the world "have babbling coun-
tenances. . . . In the course of the world, a m a n must very
often p u t on an easy, f r a n k countenance, u p o n very disagreeable
occasions; h e must seem pleased, w h e n he is very m u c h other-
wise; lie m u s t be able to accost a n d receive with smiles, those
w h o m he would much r a t h e r m e e t with swords" (V, 1867-68).
I n his extraordinary emphasis o n " t h a t very sensible Italian
saying, Vuolto schiolto ed i pensieri stretti, that is, close
thoughts a n d an open c o u n t e n a n c e " (VI, 2914), Chesterfield
was following a long tradition, represented in Englancl by the
late Elizabethan and seventeenth-century books of worldly ad-
vice a n d by such works as Bacon's essay on dissimulation a n d
W i l l i a m de Britaine's Hurnane Prudence (1680). T h o u g h the
tradition was less strong in the eighteenth century, it was by
n o means defunct. Puckle in 1711 had a wise old squire in
The Club give his son the following counsel: " K e e p your
thoughts close, and y o u r c o u n t e n a n c e loose; politicians are
never more at a loss, t h a n w h e n they have to do with those
w h o . . . are so m u c h masters of their affections, t h a t they
116 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
do not a p p e a r in their countenances, words or actions" (page
80). A n d Fordyce in his Dialogues p u t ideas o£ a similar k i n d
into the m o u t h of a f a t h e r w h o m he called U r b a n u s : "A m a n
of the world m u s t wear a mask, and personate a character in
public, which h e not only may, b u t often must, lay aside be-
h i n d the curtain, unless he means to pass f o r a fool or a mad-
m a n . . . . I n short, a m a n practised in affairs, m u s t a p p e a r
more or less t h a n h e is, and often disguise t h e sentiments h e
has, or assume those he is a stranger to, in a world where every
m a n has a design u p o n every m a n , and uses his n e i g h b o u r only
to serve or raise himself" (II, 11-12).
T h e r e was, however, considérable reaction against such ex-
hortations to hypocrisy, which were sometimes construed as
instances of aristocratie immorality. Fordyce himself was n o t
in sympathy w i t h the a t t i t u d e expressed here, a n d the reply to
U r b a n u s suggested t h a t honesty was, after ail, the best policy.
I n 1720 the Scot A d a m Petrie proclaimed: " I t is undiscreet
[i.e., ill-bred] to dissemble. A Dissembler imposes u p o n others
who cannot suspect t h a t a Person w h o smiles in their Face
. . . can have any secret Poison in his H e a r t . " 1 2 W h e n Chester-
field's letters to his son were placed before the p u b l i c in 1774,
the criticisms leveled at t h e m for advocating dissimulation
clearly indicated that his strong r e c o m m e n d a t i o n of this aspect
of p r u d c n t i a l conduct was r é p u g n a n t to m a n y of his con-
temporaries.
Equally r é p u g n a n t to them was the motive of self-advancement
or self-aggrandisemcnt which, unmitigated by any a p p a r e n t pub-
lic spirit, underlay Chesterfield's remarks n o t only on dissimu-
lation b u t o n other m e t h o d s of comporting oneself in the world.
Advice o n ways to a t t a i n famé a n d power was, of course, n o t
entirely absent f r o m mid-eigtheenth-century instructions a b o u t
how to act in society; b u t on the whole it received less m e n t i o n
that it h a d in the seventeenth century, since the gentleman was
n o longer viewed primarily as a politician a n d courtier, am-
bitious to w i n the favor of the king or his mistress a n d rise to
a high office in the government. In large degree, p r u d e n t i a l
conduct h a d become n o more than the m e a n s for m a k i n g one-
self agreeable a n d amusing, acceptable to fashionable society,
WORLDLY EXPERIENCE AS AN AIM 123
respected by one's companions, offensive to nobody, the d u p e
of n o designing persons, a n d the valued guest at b r i l l i a n t
entertainments. Chesterfield, on the other h a n d , fondly d r e a m e d
of his son as a political l u m i n a r y .
T h o s e m a n y eighteenth-century authors of courtesy literature
w h o wrote w i t h a h i g h m o r a l purpose, f u r t h e r m o r e , r e f r a i n e d
f r o m advocating the circuitious or unscrupulous practices, such
as hypocrisy, flattery, f o r m i n g connections w i t h i n f l u e n t i a l wom-
en, and playing u p o n a person's r u l i n g passion, which Chester-
field considered so i m p o r t a n t . I t was agreed t h a t the g e n t l e m a n
should u n d e r s t a n d h u m a n n a t u r e a n d should know h o w to deal
with his fellow men, b u t his actions as well as his motives h a d
to be consistent with virtue. Even in the seventeenth century,
we recall, the code later a d o p t e d by Chesterfield h a d r u n con-
trary to the pietistic courtesy books. I n Chesterfield's own âge,
his doctrine was still less acceptable.
A third advantage of p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the world was t h a t if
a young gentleman associated w i t h virtuous companions h e
would be influenced toward v i r t u e by their example. T h e
converse was, of course, h e l d to be just as t r u e ; if his friends
were viciously inclined, he w o u l d be led to vice. Directions on
choice of company were therefore f r e q u e n t in courtesy literature
of the Restoration a n d e i g h t e e n t h century. Even the cynical
Francis Osborn (e), a seventeenth-century Chesterfield in m a n y
of his attitudes, w a r n e d his son: "Be careful i n the Choice of
tliy C o m p a n y : As they are, so a r t thou: L e t them be as thou
wouldst be: Like will to like; Birds of a Feather, will Flock
together: Associate thy self with such Society as are n o t past
Shame . . . T h i s is t h e A d v a n t a g e of good Company, it will
m a k e thee good, or, at least, so esteemed." 1 3 More typical of
late seventeenth-century instructions on choice of company, be-
cause less concerned w i t h r é p u t a t i o n , were Ayres' a d m o n i t i o n s :
" F o r the preventing this mischief of evil habits, and to f u r t h e r
you in vertue a n d goodness . . . m a k e your voluntary choice
of the Society a n d C o m p a n y of those that are good, t h a t are
Sober, T e m p e r a t e a n d Vertuous." Occasionally, Ayres said, a
young gentleman w o u l d "be cast i n t o the Society of those that
are evil"; in such a case the y o u t h was told t o "patiently dis-
116 126 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
pence with [ t h e m ] as well as you can, a n d s t a n d u p o n your
watch." 1 4
Since the company a young gentleman k e p t was so instru-
mental a factor in his éducation to virtue, moralistic eighteenth-
century a u t h o r s such as Brokesby and Dykes h e l d t h a t intrinsic
goodness r a t h e r than b i r t h or fashion was the distinguishing
feature of "good company," 1 5 a term by which m a n y aristo-
crats, Chesterfield a m o n g them, meant persons of quality. T h e
same view was expressed by an anonymous mid-century a u t h o r of
a letter of advice, w h o i n f o r m e d a well-born y o u t h : "You can-
not be too careful in the choice of your company, for m u c h
every way depends u p o n it . . . let the modest, the virtuous,
the studious, a n d above ail, the religious, be your associâtes,
without giving any preference to birth or f o r t u n e i n the choice
of them." 1 6
If the importance of selecting good c o m p a n y was repeatedly
asserted, the inadvisability of associating w i t h wicked com-
panions was m e n t i o n e d even more o f t e n . T h e power of evil
counsel to lead a young gentleman astray was sometimes il-
lustrated by means of historical examples. " A l e x a n d e r learned
his drunkenness f r o m Leonidas," Puckle said in The Club,
" a n d N e r o his cruelty f r o m his b a r b e r " (page 83). W a l k e r
listed several characteristics by which vicious company could
be recognized. A governor traveling with a y o u n g gentleman o n
the C o n t i n e n t , he declared, should beware of strangers con-
sorting w i t h his y o u t h f u l charge "if they be extraordinarily
officious w i t h o u t any reason; if they a p p l a u d whatever the young
m a n saith, or doth; if they offer their service a n d assistance
to ail purposes: if they advise against the Governour, or to
liberty, libertinisme, o r idleness; if they railly, droll, and speak
evil of others, especially of virtuous men, or such as the young
m a n is r e c o m m e n d e d to; if they endeavour to draw h i m i n t o
u n k n o w n , obscure, o r suspccted places, or b r i n g h i m into m u c h
company." W a l k e r urged the governor to "get your charge o u t
of their h a n d s as soon as you can." 1 7
T h e persuasion t h a t irreligion was p r o m i n e n t in fashionable
circles i n d u c e d some commentators to c a u t i o n y o u n g gentlemen
with particular insistence to avoid the society of the impious.
WORLDLY EXPERIENCE AS AN AIM 64 124
F o r m i n g connections with disdainers of religion, Puckle thought,
was the first step in a falling off f r o m Christianity: "First, they
are corrupted by bad counsel a n d company, which the Psalmist
elegantly expresses, by walking in the counsel of the ungodly
Next, they h a b i t u a t e themselves to their vicious prac-
tices, which is, standing in the way of sinners A n d then,
at last, they take u p a n d settle in a contempt of ail religion,
which is, sitting in the seat of the scornful."18 Dykes too, shar-
ing the current belief that "some modish G e n t l e m e n " spent
their time in "sporting w i t h Blasphemy a n d ridiculing Re-
ligion," emphasized " t h e K e e p i n g of better C o m p a n y a n d Con-
versation, than that of p r o f l i g a t e Atheists, foolish Deists, or
lewd Libertines," 1 9 who, by their example, w o u l d t u r n i n n o c e n t
youths i n t o facsimiles of themselves.
Even Chesterfield, a l t h o u g h h e paid little regard to the ef-
ficacy of t h e world in h e l p i n g to form a virtuous gentleman,
was worried about the i n f l u e n c e of evil company on his son,
warning h i m not to m o d e l himself after the exponents of the
so-called "genteel vices" (gaming, drunkenness, a n d affairs w i t h
low women) who were to be f o u n d in the most fashionable
society. Chesterfield d i d not r e c o m m e n d that young P h i l i p s h u n
fashionable society, since it was the "best" company in his
opinion a n d conferred many benefits, such as giving a gentle-
m a n a knowledge of the court-world a n d a graceful, well-bred
air. Like Osborn, however, h e was aware of the practical ad-
vantage of preserving a spotless réputation, a n d h e therefore
advised his son to imitate the merits, n o t t h e follies, of his
companions:
W h e n a young m a n , new in the world, first gets into that
company, he very rightly détermines to conform to a n d
imitate it; b u t then he too often, a n d fatally, mistakes the
objects of his imitation. H e has often h e a r d t h a t absurd
term of genteel a n d fashionable vices. Fie there sees some
people w h o shine, a n d w h o in général are admired a n d
esteemed; and observes that these people are whore-masters,
drunkards, or gamesters; u p o n which h e adopts their vices,
mistaking their defects for their perfections, and t h i n k i n g
that they owe their fashion a n d their lustre to those genteel
126 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
vices. W h e r e a s it is exactly the reverse, for these people have
acquired their r é p u t a t i o n by their parts, their learning,
their good breeding, and o t h e r real accomplishments; a n d
are only blemished and lowered, in the o p i n i o n s of ail
reasonable people, a n d of their own, in time, by these
genteel a n d fashionable vices. (IV, 1241-42.)
At a university, where a y o u t h met i n d i v i d u a l s of ail sorts,
h e was inevitably exposed to vicious society. Theorists there-
fore took p a r t i c u l a r care to caution the university s t u d e n t against
contracting friendships w i t h fellow u n d e r g r a d u a t e s of sinful
tendencies. O n e is r e m i n d e d of the M a n of the Hill in Torn
Jones, whose acquaintance w i t h Sir George G r e s h a m at O x f o r d
led h i m i n t o a life of debauchery. " I have k n o w n sundry y o u n g
men sent u p to the University," Grenville i n f o r m e d his nephew,
"of very towardly Dispositions, and sweet Inclinations," youths
who " m i g h t have become . . . considérable I n s t r u m e n t s of good
u n t o the W o r l d a n d great Props to Religion," b u t whose charac-
ters h a d been c o r r u p t e d a n d destroyed by "Pernicious Example,
and Diabolick Advice." I n describing their décliné, Grenville
used the same Biblical allusions which Puckle was later to
employ:
[ T h e y ] have been prevailed on at lenglh to E n t e r into tlie
ways of Darkness, a n d afterwards to walk in the Counsel
of the ungodly, a n d at last to stand so boldly in the way of
Sinners t h a t they have in a short time Arrived to the
Scorners Chair; t h a t is, have become desperate Sinners,
Villains of the first Magnitude, the very Pests of a King-
dom, o p e n Opposers of Religion a n d Vertue, perfect Re-
nouncers of God a n d goodness . . . in so egrcgious a man-
ner, t h a t it will b e difficult to find o u t f o r them, in former
Ages, even a m o n g T u r k s a n d Pagans, any Parallel. 2 0
Bentham, t h o u g h less violent in his terminology, warned the
university s t u d e n t of quality t h a t "a vicious m a n c a n n o t be m a d e
an associate, w i t h o u t forfeiture of r é p u t a t i o n , a n d danger to
your virtue." H e was especially concerned a b o u t the tempta-
tions offered to a well-born u n d e r g r a d u a t e by social inferiors
WORLDLY EXPERIENCE AS AN AIM 127
who flattered h i m a n d catered t o his vices f r o m selfish u l t e r i o r
motives. Such persons could r u i n a genteel youth, for they were
"ever ready to a t t e n d h i m in his diversions,—to encourage h i m
in his follies,—to join in t h e ridicule of college-discipline, a n d
to vilify the assertors of it as men of n a r r o w thinking, low
breeding, a n d ignorance of p o l i t e life." 2 1 T h e u n k n o w n a u t h o r
who wrote for the Connoisseur No. 82 (August 21, 1755) a
supposed letter of advice to a g e n t l e m a n entering a university
provided a good imitation of actual letters of this k i n d . H e
graphically portrayed scorners of religion, gamesters, a n d d r u n k -
ards as unsavory u n d e r g r a d u a t e types which should be the
objects of particular avoidance.
T h e world as an aspect of éducation was thus viewed as
entailing m o r e threats to the gentleman's virtue than any o t h e r
factor in his u p b r i n g i n g . I n d e e d , some theorists, especially f r o m
the mid-eighteenth century o n w a r d , m a i n t a i n e d that the world
charactcristically m a d e the y o u n g gentleman vicious r a t h e r t h a n
virtuous. " G e n t l e m e n , " said tlie anonymous a u t h o r of An Essay
on Modem Education (1747), ". . . vainly call t h e R i b a l d r y
of a Debauch, Conversation, a n d the Ways of t h e T o w n , seeing
t h e W o r l d " (page 7). According to Colman a n d T h o r n t o n i n
the Connoisseur No. 136 (September 2, 1756), "the knowledge
of the world, as it is generally used a n d understood, consists
n o t so m u c h in a d u e reflection on its vices a n d follies, as i n
the practice of them." T h i s attitude, of course, constituted t h e
extremist position; as we have seen, m a n y educational theorists,
even in t h e mid-eighteenth century, contented themselves w i t h
merely cautioning the well-born youth to beware of the world's
temptations. T h e view of the world as a p r e d o m i n a n t l y evil
influence was, nevertheless, the n a t u r a l outgrowth of the c o m m o n
conviction that society could incline a gentleman to vice. I t
should n o t be supposed t h a t the writers most aware of t h e
world's perniciousness w o u l d have denied the y o u n g g e n t l e m a n
ail worldly experience. T h e i r m o r a l objections to such experi-
ence, however, are significant of a reaction n o t only against
the fashionable emphasis on a knowledge of t h e world b u t also
against the importance accorded such knowledge by previous
theorists.
126 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
T h e y were particularly opposed to an early i n t r o d u c t i o n to
the world—to the aristocratie belief, voiced by Shaftesbury in
H u r d ' s Dialogues on the Uses of Foreign Travel, that "so
i m p o r t a n t a study [as the world] c a n n o t b e e n t e r ' d u p o n too
soon, a n d that the r u d i m e n t s at least of this science c a n n o t be
laid in too early" (pages 52-53). In their o p i n i o n , a participation
in the world should be delayed u n t i l a g e n t l e m a n was suf-
ficiently m a t u r e a n d h a d acquired e n o u g h strength of character
to prevent h i m f r o m falling an easy prey to the evil examples
and counsel he would encounter in society. Simply exhorting
him to s h u n noxious company was n o t effectuai, they felt; in
the innocence of youth, he probably did n o t have the sagacity
necessary to distinguish between company which was noxious
and that which was not. Genteel parents were blameable, critics
thought, for throwing their sons h e a d l o n g i n t o a world which
would almost certainly c o r r u p t them. J . A. H o m e complained in
the Mirror N o . 15 (March 16, 1779) t h a t m a n y youths were "in-
troduced into the world almost from their very infancy," so that
"the first knowledge they acquire is of the vices with which
they are s u r r o u n d e d ; and they learn w h a t m a n k i n d are, with-
out ever k n o w i n g what they ought to be." I n such boys, he
affirmed, " y o u t h is not the season of virtue; they have con-
tracted t h e cold indifférence and ail the vices of âge, long be-
fore they arrive at manhoocl."
W e saw i n the preceding chapter t h a t some commentators,
especially those writing in the m i d d l e a n d later eighteenth
century, considered learning more i m p o r t a n t t h a n knowledge
of the world. T h e y sometimes did so f r o m the persuasion that
studies fortifiée! a young gentleman against t h e wicked influence
of the world and that if h e was kept at his books long enough,
the v i r t u o u s sentiments derived f r o m t h e m w o u l d help h i m to
combat the temptations inévitable to social intercourse. H o m e ,
in the Mirror No. 15, relied on the m o r a l efficacy of classical
studies to s u p p o r t his claim that such studies were a necessary,
though o f t e n vilified, part of éducation; they armed a y o u n g
gentleman, he believed, against the world's enticements to sin.
Colman ancl T h o r n t o n , speaking of l e a r n i n g in a broader sense,
declared in the Connoisseur No. 136:
y
WORLDLY EXPERIENCE AS AN AIM 128
They, w h o have lived wholly i n the world, w i t h o u t regard-
ing the comments on it, are generally tainted with ail its
vices; to which the g a t h e r i n g p a r t of their instructions f r o m
books w o u l d perhaps have proved an antidote. T h e r e , in-
deed, t h o u g h they would have seen the faults a n d foibles of
mankincl fairly representecl, yet vice would a p p e a r in an
odious, a n d virtue in an amiable, light: b u t those, w h o un-
warned go abroad into the world, are often dazzled by the
splendor with which wealth gilds vice a n d infamy; and,
being accustomecl to see barefoot honesty treated w i t h
scorn, are themselves i n d u c e d to consider it as contemptible.
Such a view was, of course, a direct contradiction of the theory,
discussed earlier, that books could teach a m a n n o t h i n g a b o u t
the world, that experience was the only t u t o r in worldly
knowledge.
A high regard for study as a n antidote to t h e i m m o r a l in-
fluence of society was evident i n Johnson's disapproval of t h e
fashionable m o t h e r w h o i n t r o d u c e d her son i n t o the world a t
a very early date because slie d i d not wish h i m to acquire his
tutor's awkward m a n n e r s . As t h e tutor remarked in t h e Rambler
No. 132, the young n o b l e m a n soon lost his taste n o t only f o r
learning b u t for virtue. I n N o . 195 (September 2, 1751), t h e
youth's o p e n i n g adventures in the world were recounted. H e
consorted with a crowd of rowdy gentlemen, j o i n e d with t h e m
in creating so m u c h d i s t u r b a n c e at the theatre that they were
beaten into silence by an i r a t e audience, became intoxicated
with his cronies at a tavern, took part i n a d r u n k e n brawl a n d
in an equally d r u n k e n b a t t l e against the chairmen, g a m b l e d
recklessly, a n d i n c u r r e d the sad conséquences of gaming, u n t i l
" 'he r e t u r n e d f r o m a petty gaming-table, with his coat t o r n ,
a n d his h e a d broken; w i t h o u t his sword, s n u f f b o x , sleeve-buttons,
ancl watch.' " In o t h e r words, h e threw himself i n t o the favorite
diversions of fashionable y o u n g hell-raisers of t h e period, a n d
he would probably progress f r o m these to worse offenses. Ail
of this could have been prevented, J o h n s o n implied, if his
studies h a d not been eut short prematurely in order that h e
might be m a d e a c q u a i n t e d w i t h the world.
Even w h e n critics did n o t n a m e study explicitly as a pre-
126 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
server of virtue, they p a i n t e d a grim p i c t u r e of the conséquences
of cxposing a y o u n g gentleman to the w o r l d before h e was
adequately p r e p a r e d for it. C h a p m a n , for example, assertecl that
"before a boy be m a d e acquainted w i t h the sentiments a n d
the m a n n e r s of men, he should be t a u g h t h o w to estimate them.
W i t h o u t this préparation, he will b e in d a n g e r of mistaking
their follies for reasons." Lacking m a t u r e j u d g m e n t , lie was an
easy convert to vice and, moreover, was deceived into a high
a d m i r a t i o n for mere exterior o r n a m e n t a n d surface splendor:
"If we w o u l d preserve a y o u n g man f r o m a slavish a t t a c h m e n t
to show, a n d f r o m the misery of a mistaken ambition, we should
not carry h i m to brilliant assemblies, n o r present to h i m the
p o m p of courts, or the magnificence of palaces, nor set before
him the outside of things, till we have t a u g h t h i m h o w to
estimate them; for that would be to deceive a n d corrupt h i m . " 2 2
As will be demonstrated i n Chapter VI, t h e strongest objection
to the fashionable practice of sending youths abroad d u r i n g
adolescence was that a gentleman in his teens was too i m m a t u r e
to resist the worldly temptations h e w o u l d encounter on his
tour.
H u r d was one of the most violent o p p o n e n t s of the aristo-
cratie notion, expressed by Shaftesbury i n the Uses of Foreign
Travel, t h a t an early initiation into the world was very desirable.
Voicing his own opinions through t h e m o u t h of Locke, he
described in détail what h a p p e n e d to the young gentleman
whose early éducation h a d inspired h i m with virtuous senti-
ments b u t who, with n o other p r é p a r a t i o n t h a n this, was ail
at once exposecl to the world. As a n e l o q u e n t example of one
p o i n t of view, the description deserves to be quoted in its
entirety:
F u l l of these sublime ideas, which his Parents, his T u t o r s ,
his Books, a n d even his own ingenuous H e a r t has rendered
f a m i l i a r to him, the fatal time is at h a n d , w h e n o u r well-
instructed y o u t h is now to make his e n t r a n c e into the world:
But, good God, what a world! n o t t h a t which he has so
long read, or dreamt of; but a world, new, strange, a n d
inconsistent with ail his former n o t i o n s ancl expectations.
H e enters this scène with awe; a n d contemplâtes it with
WORLDLY EXPERIENCE AS AN AIM 130
astonishment. Vice, he sees assured, prosperous, a n d tri-
u m p h a n t ; Virtue, discountenanced, unsuccessful, a n d de-
graded. H e joins the first croud, that présents itself to h i m :
a loud laugh arises: and t h e edge of their ridicule is t u r n e d
on Sobriety, Industry, Honesty, Generosity, or some o t h e r of
those qualities, h e has h i t h e r t o been most f o n d of.
H e quits this clamorous set with disclain; a n d is glad to
unité himself with another, better dressed, better m a n n e r ' d ,
in ail respects m o r e specious ancl attractive. His Simplicity
makes h i m for some time the D u p e of this plausible society:
but their occasional hints, their négligent sarcasms, t h e i r
sallies of wit, a n d polite raillery on ail t h a t h e has b e e n
accustomed to holcl sacred, shew h i m at last that, tho' h e
has changcd his company, h e has n o t m e n d e d it.
T h i s discovery leads h i m to another. H e attends to t h e
lives of these well-bred people, a n d finds them of a piece
with their m a n n e r s and conversation; shewy indecd a n d ,
on first view, decorous: b u t , in effect, d e f o r m e d by every
impotent a n d selfish passion; wasted in sloth a n d l u x u r y ;
in ruinous play; criminal intrigues; or, at best, u n p r o f i t a b l e
amusements. (Pages 132-134.)
T h e conséquences of this disillusioning experience were e i t h e r
lliât the young gentleman w o u l d become as c o n t e m p t u o u s of
virtue as his associâtes or that, like Fielding's M a n of t h e Hill,
lu- would t u r n i n t o a m i s a n t h r o p e .
The alternative to so ill-advised an i n t r o d u c t i o n i n t o the
world was not only to "keep h i m o u t of t h a t world, as long as
you can," b u t also, w h e n h e did finally e n t e r it, to "let the
ablest f r i e n d or t u t o r lend h i m his best experience to c o n d u c t
him gradually, cautiously, imperceptibly into an a c q u a i n t a n c e
with it." H u r d gave explicit directions as to t h e n a t u r e of the
g u i d a n t e which was to be provided for the y o u n g g e n t l e m a n
d u r i n g the early stages of h i s participation i n the world, in-
xtructing the f r i e n d or t u t o r
T o take the veil off f r o m some parts [of t h e w o r l d ] , a n d
leave it still u p o n others: T o p a i n t what h e does not see,
and to h i n t at m o r e t h a n you p a i n t : T o confine him, at
lirst, to the best company, a n d préparé h i m to make allow-
126 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN WORLDLY EXPERIENCE AS AN AIM 132

ances even for the best: T o preserve in his breast the love Type of Seventeenth-Century C o n d u c t Book"; Mason, Gentle-
of excellence, a n d encourage in him the generous sentiments, folk. in the Making, pp. 61-63, 223-227; a n d Siegmund A. E.
he has so largely imbibed [from his earlier éducation], a n d Betz, Francis Osborn's "Advice to a Son," in Seventeenth Cen-
so perfectly relishes; yet temper, if you can, his zeal w i t h tury Studies, 2nd Ser., ed. R o b e r t Shafer (Princeton, 1937), pp.
candour; insinuate to h i m the prorogative of such a virtue, 54-56.
as his, so early formed a n d so h a p p i l y cultivated; and b e n d 11. Thoughts on Education, pp. 68-69.
his r e l u c t a n t spirit to some aptness of j-)ky towards the ill- 12. Rules of Good Deportment, or of Good Breeding. For
instructed a n d the vicious: By degrees to o p e n to h i m the the Use of Youth, in Works (Edinburgh, 1877), I, 55.
real condition of that world, to which h e is approaching; 13. Advice to a Son, Directing him How to demean himself
yet so as to present to him, at the same time, the certain in the Most Important Passages of Life, 4th ed. (London, 1716),
inévitable misery of conforming to it: Last of ail, to shew p. 138. lst ed. was 1656-58.
h i m some examples of t h a t vice, which h e m u s t learn to 14. Vox Clamantis, pp. 57-58.
bear in others, tho' detest in himself; to watch the effect 15. See Brokesby's Directions to Young Students (subjoined
these examples have u p o n him; a n d , as you f i n d his dis- lo his Letter of Advice), p. 27, and Dykes's Royal Marriage,
positions incline, to fortify his abhorrence of vice, or excite pp. 6-8.
his commisération of the vicious: I n a w o r d . . . to i n f o r m 16. A Letter to a Young Gentleman upon his Admission into
the m i n d s of y o u t h with such g r a d u a i intelligence as may the University (London, 1753), p. 11.
p r é p a r é t h e m to see the world w i t h o u t surprize, a n d live 17. Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen, pp. 45-46.
in it w i t h o u t danger. (Pages 139-141.) 18. Club, pp. 62-63. T h e consécutive periods are the text's,
uot mine.
Only w h e n it was so treated could worldly experience b e said 19. Royal Marriage, pp. 7-8.
to h o l d little hazard as a aspect of the gentleman's éducation. 20. Counsel and Directions, pp. 56-57. See also P e n t o n ,
Guardian's Instruction, pp. 55-56.
Otherwise, according to H u r d and m a n y of his serious-minded
21. Advices to a Young Man, pp. 14-16.
contemporaries, a participation in society was likely to destroy
22. Treatise on Education, pp. 172-173.
ail the good effects of his previous t r a i n i n g in virtue.

Notes to C h a p t e r IV

1. Advices to a Young Man of Fortune and Rank, p. 15.

2. Uses of Foreign Travel, p. 53.
3. Thoughts on Education, p. 70.
4. Compleat Gentleman, 2nd Treatise, p p . 1-2.
5. Dialogues Concerning Education, I, 18.
6. Letters, III, 1080, 1156-57.
7. Dignity of Human Nature, p. 166.
8. N a t h a n i e l Lancastcr, The Plan of an Essay upon Delicacy
(London, 1748), pp. v, viii-ix.
9. H u r d , Uses of Foreign Travel, p. 52.
10. For f u r t h e r discussion, see Ustick, "Advice to a Son: A

C H A P T E R FIVE
Good Breeding as an Aim in the
Gentleman's Education
A d é f i n i t i o n of what the Restoration a n d eighteenth century
m e a n t by good breeding is necessary b e f o r e we consider this
quality as an object in gentlemanly é d u c a t i o n . Good breeding
embraced m a n y diverse elcments. T h e well-bred man, for ex-
ample, h a d to possess the attributes m e n t i o n e d in Steele's
p o r t r a i t of the idéal gentleman in the Guardian No. 34 (April
20, 1713): " W h e n I view the fine g e n t l e m a n w i t h regard to his
manners, m e t h i n k s I see h i m modest w i t h o u t bashfulness, f r a n k
and a f f a b l e w i t h o u t impertinence, obliging a n d complaisant
w i t h o u t servility, cheerful a n d in g o o d - h u m o u r without noise."
H e was also supposed to have correct table m a n n e r s a n d grace-
ful carriage; h e was to employ the p r o p e r f o r m s of address a n d
to treat ladies w i t h due h o n o r ; he was to show respect toward
superiors, amiability toward equals, a n d graciousness toward
inferiors; h e was not to boast, talk lengthily or out of turn,
discourse on topics alien or boring to his hearers (as a p é d a n t
might), u t t e r coarse, obscene remarks, or r e p e a t gossip a n d other.
wise disparage persons n o t present. T h e m u l t i f a r i o u s instances
of good breeding, however, shared o n e e l e m e n t in common,
a n d it was u p o n this element that a d é f i n i t i o n of the quality
was based.
T h e c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r of ail instances of good breeding
was t h a t they afforded pleasure to others. Profanity a n d ob-
scenity were ill-bred because they were offensive; as Puckle said,
"Such language grates the ears of good m e n . " 1 A graceful air,
on the o t h e r h a n d - C h e s t e r f i e l d ' s "je ne sais quoi"-was a com-
p o n e n t of good breeding because, e m b o d y i n g a certain beauty,
134
GOOD BREEDING AS AN AIM 135
it created a pleasing impression. T a b l e e t i q u e t t e , removing one's
bat, m a k i n g a leg, a n d the other conventions of politeness h a d
as their raison d'être t h e fact that they were m o r e agreeable t h a n
were boorish, awkward manners. T h e d é f i n i t i o n of good breed-
ing given by Fielding in his Essay on Conversation (1743) was
therefore t h e generally accepted one in the âge: " I n short, by
good-breeding . . . I m e a n the art of pleasing, or contributing
as m u c h as possible to t h e ease a n d h a p p i n e s s of those w i t h
whom you converse." 2
Chesterfield's conception of good breeding as "l'art de plaire"
is well known. H e was forever exhorting his son "to be very
well bred; w i t h o u t which, you will be a very disagreeable, un-
pleasing m a n , t h o u g h you should be an h o n e s t a n d a learned
one." 8 By his predecessors as well as his contemporaries, good
breeding was u n d e r s t o o d as the art of pleasing. Said Aurélia
in F a r q u h a r ' s Twin-Rivals: " I take good m a n n e r s t o b e n o t h i n g
but a n a t u r a l desire to be easy a n d agreeable to w h a t e v e r con-
versation we fall into; a n d a porter with t h i s is mannerly in
his way, a n d a d u k e w i t h o u t it has b u t the b r e e d i n g of a dancing-
inaster" (Act II, scene i). T h e very titles of works o n good
breeding indicate the widespread i n t e r p r é t a t i o n of the term
as the proccss of r e n d e r i n g oneself agreeable or pleasing. For
example, Colonel Forrester's Polite Philosopher (1734) was sub-
til led: An Essay on that Art which makes a man happy in
himself, and agreeable to others. I n 1736 J o h n Ozell translated,
as The Art of Pleasing in Conversation, an a n o n y m o u s F r e n c h
treatise on goocl breeding, L'Art de plaire dans la conversation
(Paris, 1688), a n earlier translation of which h a d appeared in
1691. An anonymous English book about t h e c o n d u c t of the
well-bred m a n in company appeared in 1738, bearing the title
The Conversation of Gentlemen considered In most of the Ways,
that make their mutual Company Agreeable, or Disagreeable.
Johnson preferred to altcr the customary d é f i n i t i o n , stating
in the Rambler No. 98 (February 23, 1751): " ' T h e t r u e effect
of genuine politeness seems to be r a t h e r ease t h a n pleasure.' "
T h o u g h J o h n s o n obviously m e a n t t h e two to b e différent, "ease"
was apparently construed by most other writers simply as a
lorm of pleasure, a n d the term was often used i n c o n j u n c t i o n
136 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
with " p l e a s u r e " or "agreeableness" to define good breeding, as
in several of the preceding citations. T h e distinction between
p r o m o t i n g ease and p r o m o t i n g pleasure is too fine to be of
m u c h significance, and, J o h n s o n to the contrary, most authors
who spoke of good breeding as the art of setting people at ease
merely h a d in m i n d one of its pleasurable effects.
Even cynical définitions of good b r e e d i n g recognized it as
the art of pleasing. According to B e r n a r d Mandeville's sarcastic
account of the origin of good breeding, primitive m a n dis-
covered t h a t society would be intolerable if each person demon-
strated to the f u l l his love for himself a n d his a n t i p a t h y toward
everybody else, and thus, in order to m a k e his social environ-
m e n t m o r e pleasant, h e evolved the practice of concealing his
self-liking a n d flattering others, on the assumption that his
fellows w o u l d do the same. T h e custom b e c a m e known as good
breeding a n d was developed to its present "Pitch of Insin-
cerity." I t worked for the benefit of ail concerned; by means
of it, Mandeville declared, "we assist o n e a n o t h e r in the En-
joyments of Life, and r e f i n i n g u p o n Pleasure; a n d every indi-
vidu al Person is rendred more h a p p y by it, i n the F r u i t i o n of
ail good T h i n g s he can purchase, t h a n h e could have been
w i t h o u t such Behaviour." 4 Horace Walpole's i n t e r p r é t a t i o n of
good breeding, expressed in the World No. 103 (December 3,
1754), was equally cynical b u t relied just as m u c h on the idea
of pleasing: " I t is not virtue t h a t constitutes the politeness
of a nation, b u t the art of reclucing vice to a system that does
not shock society. Politeness, as I u n d e r s t a n d the word, is a
universal desire of pleasing others, that are n o t too m u c h below
one, in triflcs, for a little time; a n d of m a k i n g one's intercourse
with t h e m agreeable to b o t h parties."
T h e second factor in a définition of good breeding, at least
in t h e eighteenth century, was t h a t well-bred actions were
generally placed in one of two catégories, which, for purposes
of convenience, may be called ceremony a n d civility, terms
which were o f t e n applied to them d u r i n g t h e period u n d e r
considération. Ceremony comprehended the externals of polite-
ness, such as table manners, forms of address, and the modes
of concluct observed in a particular fashionable society. "For
' î.
GOOD BREEDING AS AN AIM 137
example," Chesterfield wrote to his son, "it is respectful to bow
to the King of E n g l a n d ; it is disrespectful to bow to the King
of France; it is the r u l e to courtesy to the E m p e r o r ; a n d the
prostration of the whole body is required by eastern m o n a r c h s "
(V, 1938). People versed in this kind of good breeding, J o h n s o n
said in the Rambler No. 98, "know . . . at w h a t h o u r they may
be at the door of an acquaintance, how m a n y steps they m u s t
attend h i m towards the gâte, a n d what interval should pass
belore his visit is r e t u r n e d . " T h e acts of ceremony were arbi-
trarily established; they "exist in f o r m only," as Fielding de-
clared, " a n d have in t h e m n o substance at ail . . . being im-
posed by the laws of custom." Even so, however, they were
necessary because they pleased; thus the forms of address "must
be preserved by good-breeding, because . . . they raise an ex-
pectation in the person by law a n d custom entitled to them,
and who will consequently be displeased w i t h the disappoint-
ment." 5 Since they were d é p e n d e n t o n custom only, they varied
liom place to place, " t h e good-breecling of R o m e d i f f e r i n g in
some things f r o m t h a t of Paris," as Chesterfield explained:
"that of Paris, in others, f r o m that of M a d r i d ; a n d t h a t of
Madrid, in m a n y things f r o m that of L o n d o n " (IV, 1433). T h e y
also varied f r o m âge to âge—so much, in fact, t h a t "a m a n w h o
navels," according to Swift, "must needs be at first a stranger
to them in every court t h r o u g h which he passes; a n d perhaps
at his return, as m u c h a stranger in his own." 6
Civility, o n the o t h e r h a n d , was composecl of those actions
which a m a n p e r f o r m e d n o t because the usages of a particular
place and time told h i m t h a t they would please, b u t because
they were universally pleasing. T h e y were p e r m a n e n t r a t h e r
than transitory; they could be depended o n to create an agree-
able impression ail over the world r a t h e r t h a n just at a certain
court or capital; they h a d their f o u n d a t i o n in t h e laws governing
h u m a n n a t u r e r a t h e r t h a n in loco-temporal conditions. Démon-
strations of amiability a n d affability belonged u n d e r civility as
they were sure t o please anywhere at any period. Boastfulness,
obscenity, a n d captiousness were manifestations of incivility
because they just as generally displeased.
T h e distinction between the two types of well-bred acts was
138 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
so c o m m o n in the eighteenth century t h a t writers employed
q u i t e similar terms to describe it. T h e " m o d e s " or ceremonies
of good breeding, Chesterfield asserted, "vary according to per-
sons, places, a n d circumstances . . . b u t t h e substance of it
[or civility] is everywhere a n d eternally the same" (IV, 1428).
Reynolds remarked in terms reminiscent of Chesterfield: " T h e
général principles of urbanity, politeness, or civility, have been
ever the same in ail nations; b u t the m o d e in which they are
dressed, is continually varying." 7 Said G o l d s m i t h in Letter No.
39 of his Citizen of the World: "Ceremonies are différent in
every country; b u t true politeness is everywhere the same."
I n the Restoration the distinction a p p e a r e d occasionally,
t h o u g h n o t nearly so o f t e n as i n the e i g h t e e n t h century. W a l k e r
in 1672 drew the following contrast:
Civility is n o t . . . punctuality of behaviour: I m e a n that
which consists in certain modish a n d p a r t i c u l a r ceremonies
a n d fashions, in clothes, gesture, mine, speech, or the like;
is n o t using such discourses, words, phrases, studies, opinions,
games 8cc. as are in fashion in the C o u r t ; with Gallants,
Ladies, 8cc. T h i s is a constrain'd forrnality, not civility; a
complying with the timcs, not w i t h persons; a n d varieth
with the âge or season f r e q u e n t l y . . . whereas the rules
of Civility, f o u n d e d u p o n P r u d e n c e a n d Charity, are to per-
p e t u i t y unchangeable. 8
A l t h o u g h W a l k e r perhaps included m o r e u n d e r ceremony t h a n
did later writers, his differentiation between ceremony a n d
civility anticipated the remarks of eighteenth-century authors.
W h i l e t h e r e was thus n o unwavering s t a n d a r d to which acts
of ceremony could be referred, there definitely was one for
acts of civility. Lancaster made this clear in 1748. I n his dialogue
between two philosophically inclined gentlemen, one of the
gentlemen was disturbed because good b r e e d i n g appeared to
have n o s t a n d a r d at ail, seeming " t o d e p e n d cntirely u p o n
prevailing customs, which are of so unsettled a nature, that they
are ever varying with the complexion of times and climates.
. . . H o w t h e n , " he asked, "can there be any settled principle, to
direct o u r j u d g m e n t concerning a t h i n g so vague a n d incon-
/
GOOD BREEDING AS AN AIM 139
stant?" T h e other speaker, however, assured h i m that he h a d
in m i n d only the k i n d of politeness which "relates . . . to
certain forms a n d ceremonies." Whereas lie a d m i t t e d t h a t these
"have no o t h e r value b u t w h a t they dérivé f r o m the fashionable
world," o t h e r instances of good breeding, he held, m u s t dérivé
from a universal standard, above a n d beyond t h e arbitrary forms
of etiquette. "If this were otherwise," h e argued; " o n what
principle d o we claim a right to draw comparisons between the
politeness of d i f f é r e n t countries, a n d give the usages a n d cus-
toms of one, the preferenee to those of another?" I n the usual
terms, he described the manifestations of civility as d e p e n d i n g
"not on the caprice of fashion, o r the varying complexion of
times a n d climates." T h e s t a n d a r d on which they were based
was " t h a t universal h u m a n i t y , common a n d n a t u r a l to ail man-
kind; which is the grouncl of o u r love a n d hatred, t h e guide
of our a p p r o b a t i o n a n d dislike." 9
T h e concept of civility, with its récognition t h a t ail men,
despite i n d i v i d u a l différences, were governed i n their reactions
of pleasure or displeasure by laws fondamental t o h u m a n nature,
obviously bore a close relationship to the d o c t r i n e of univer-
sality or u n i f o r m i t a r i a n i s m which influenced so m a n y areas of
ihought in the eighteenth century. 1 0 It was also closely related
lo the idéal of cosmopolitanism. T h e m a n w h o practiced civility
was a citizen of the world, equally polite a t L o n d o n and at
Lisbon. T h e m a n devoted to ceremony, on t h e other h a n d , was
cxclusively a citizen of one particular country, a n d his forms of
cliquette served n o fonction in other nations, where they might
even be considered very ill-bred. Civility was recognized as an
aspect of cosmopolitanism by m a n y authors, as several of the
preceding citations may suggest. It was clearly regarded as such
by Goldsmith in Letter N o . 39 of his Citizen of the World:
Ceremony resembles t h a t base coin which circulâtes t h r o u g h
a country by the royal m a n d a t e : it serves every p u r p o s e of
real money at home, b u t is entirely useless if carried abroad;
a person w h o should a t t e m p t to circulate his native trash
in a n o t h e r country w o u l d be t h o u g h t e i t h e r ridiculous or
culpable. H e is truly well-bred who knows w h e n to value
and when to clespise those national pecularities which are
140 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
regarded by some with so m u c h observance: a traveller of
taste at once perceives that the wise are polite ail the world
over, b u t that fools are polite only at h o m e .
Since civility embraced the essentials of good breeding where-
as ceremony comprehended only its externals, commentators natu-
rally inclined to place the f o r m e r m u c h above the latter. T h i s
tendency, evident in the remarks of G o l d s m i t h quoted above,
was particularly noticeable in Swift, w h o devoted much of his
Treatise on Good Manners and Good Breeding to ridiculing
" u n f o r t u n a t e proselytes to ceremony," such as the individual
w h o i n f o r m e d Prince Eugene, just arrived f r o m abroad, that h e
could n o t possibly be ushered into the presence of Queen A n n e
"with a tied-up periwig." " I have seen a duchess fairly knocked
d o w n , " Swift observed, "by the precipitancy of an officious
coxcomb r u n n i n g to save h e r the trouble of opening a d o o r . " 1 1
It was p e r h a p s because of his extremely low opinion of the
externals of good breeding that in Gulliver's Travels he said
of the H o u y h n h n m s : " T h e y preserve decency and civility in the
highest degree, but are altogether i g n o r a n t of ceremony" (Part
IV, chap. viii). Other writers, however, realized that although
ceremony was superficial, n o one in fashionable society could
disregard it unless he was willing to acquire the r é p u t a t i o n of
a boor. A nonconformity to the c u r r e n t modes of etiquette was,
in Fordyce's estimation, " n o less folly t h a n ill-manners," al-
t h o u g h m a r k s of incivility were far more serious, approaching the
immoral. 1 2 Chesterfield's stress on ceremony was p r o m p t e d by
an awareness that even t h o u g h m a n y of its customs were "bien
ridicules" a n d "inventées par des sots," those who did n o t
observe t h e m would be pointed o u t as possessing " u n e singu-
larité affectée" (VI, 2867).
T h e p a r t i c u l a r modes of fashionable courtesy could, obviously,
not become k n o w n to a young g e n t l e m a n except t h r o u g h train-
ing of some sort. Ceremony was therefore viewed as a p r o d u c t
of éducation; u n t a u g h t pcoples, such as the barbarians of Africa
a n d the N e w World, possessed little of it, although they very
likely h a d an essential civility. As a child, t h e young gentleman
could be i n f o r m e d of the f u n d a m e n t a l s of ceremony by his
•y
GOOD BREEDING AS AN AIM 141
parents a n d governor; they could instruct h i m in how to act
at the table, teach h i m the accepted formulas for expressions
of gratitude or polite response to questions, tell h i m w h e n to
bow and w h e n to remove his hat. These lessons could b e com-
menced q u i t e early; thus Petrie advised parents: "You may
begin to teach Children f r o m three Years old some easy Rules
of good Manners; likewise . . . to make their H o n o u r s grace-
fully, 8ec."13
Directions o n ceremony, f u r t h e r m o r e , were o f t e n c o n t a i n e d in
courtesy books. Gailhard's Compleat Gentleman provided les-
sons in table manners, a n d Walker's Of Education, Especially
of Young Gentlemen laid down rules for table e t i q u e t t e a n d for
visiting. T h e r e were, besides, treatises exclusively on good breed-
ing which a m o u n t e d to textbooks in the subject, such as The
Rides of Civility14 i n the seventeenth c e n t u r y and, in the
eighteenth, Petrie's Rules of Good Deportment (1720) and
Nevelon's Rudiments of Genteel Behaviour (1737). T y p i c a l of
the instructions in t h e m were the following, issued by Petrie:
In France it is ordinary to b e covered a t Meat, yet it is
ordinary to discover when a Superior drinks to them, w i t h
a h u m b l e Bow; yet this Ceremony is not used with Equals,
a Bow b e i n g sufficient.
I n Britain a n d Ireland it is usual to be uncovered a t
Table. (Page 83.)
Some t h i n k it r u d e to sit w i t h their Back towards the Pic-
ture of an e m i n e n t Person: For my p a r t I see n o Reason
for that Fancy; for there are some R o o m s that are sur-
r o u n d c d w i t h such Pictures, so as there w o u l d be n o
sitting in them. (Page 27.)
As a y o u n g g e n t l e m a n grew older, he could learn t h e f i n e r
points of ceremony, such as the more complicated usages of a
particular court, the ways for addressing persons of certain
tanks, and the little politenesses to be observed towards ladies,
through a p a r t i c i p a t i o n in fashionable society. T h e s e refine-
inents were acquired, in Chesterfield's ternis, "by observation
and experience" (V, 1428)—by watching w h a t the most polished
142 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
people d i d a n d following their example. T h e world was, in
fact, by f a r the best educator in ceremony, as it afforded a
y o u t h living models after w h o m he could p a t t e r n himself a n d
by w h o m mistakes in etiquette would n o t pass unnoticed.
" M o t h e r s . . . in Italy," W a l k e r said w i t h approval, ". . .
send their Children f r e q u e n t l y in errands, and visits to their
kinred or neighbours; teaching t h e m w h a t to say, what titles to
give, w h a t answers to make to the d e m a n d s most likely to be
asked" (page 214).
T h e relationship of civility to an educative process is m u c h
less clear. O n e might assume that if civility concerned those
reactions which ail m e n shared in common, a gentleman ncedcd
only to rely on his own reactions of pleasure or displeasure i n
order to determine w h a t w o u l d be universally pleasing ancl
w h a t w o u l d not. Indeed, this assumption was frequently m a d e .
I n his Plan of an Essay upon Delicacy, Lancaster postulated
an " i n t e r n a i sense of DÉCORUM" which corresponded with t h a t
of h u m a n i t y at large. " T h e criterion . . . of DELICACY in any
action," h e maintained, . . is the sure feeling and conscious-
ness of its conformity to a like n a t u r a l sensation w i t h i n u s "
(pages 68, 60). T h i s is reminiscent of Shaftesbury's concept of
"taste," or a n inner sense by which men k n e w right f r o m wrong;
the i n n e r sense in Lancaster's a r g u m e n t was that by which m e n
knew w h a t was most pleasing a n d decorous. Chesterfield clearly
considered one's own reactions as the a r b i t e r of the universally
pleasing. " U n tel vous plaît p a r tel e n d r o i t , " he told his son;
"examinez pourquoi, faîtes comme lui, et vous plairez p a r le
m ê m e e n d r o i t aux autres" (IV, 1743). T h e Golden R u l e was
thus most a p p r o p r i a t e to civility. " ' D o as you would be d o n e
by,' " h e declared t o young Philip, "is t h e surest method t h a t
I know of pleasing. Observe carefully w h a t pleases you in
others, ancl probably the same things in you will please others"
(III, 1035). Fielding similarly a f f i r m e d i n his Essay on Con-
versation: "Good-breeding . . . is expressed two différent ways,
viz., in o u r actions a n d o u r words, a n d our conduct in b o t h
may be reducecl to that concise, comprehensive rule in Scrip-
ture: Do unto ail men as you would they should do unto you."15
i
GOOD BREEDING AS AN AIM 143
If this was true, it would seem that no éducation in civility
was necessary.
Closely allied to a reliance on one's own reactions was a
reliance o n good sense, common sense, or reason to determine
the universally well-bred. Incleed, if a m a n followed his own
reactions o n the m a t t e r , he was acting according to good sense.
I .ancaster therefore related comeliness of c o n d u c t " t o common
sense" (page 66) as well as to an inner récognition of décorum,
and Chesterfield described civility as o c c u r r i n g "to every m a n
of common sense" (IV, 1433). If modes of b e h a v i o r conflicted
with c o m m o n sense o r were unreasonable, they were not gen-
erally pleasing and, according to the more idealistic writers on
good breeding, descrved little considération; thus Steele de-
clared in t h e Spectator No. 75 (May 26, 1711): " W h a t is op-
posite to the général rules of reason a n d g o o d sense, must be
cxcluded f r o m any place in the carriage of a well-bred m a n . "
Again, n o éducation i n polite conduct w o u l d seem to be neces-
sary in o r d e r for a m a n to be universally well-bred; obeying
the dictâtes of his reason was apparently sufficient. Swift re-
ferred to civility as "good m a n n e r s " a n d called ceremony "good
breeding," implying t h a t ceremony was t h e resuit of t r a i n i n g
(or breeding) whereas civility arose naturally. H e insisted t h a t
while "study a n d l a b o u r " were essential to t h e a t t a i n m e n t of
the former, "a tolerable degree of reason will instruct us in
every p a r t of good manners, w i t h o u t other assistance." Almost
belligerent o n this point, he a n n o u n c c d : " I clefy any one to
assign an incident wherein reason will n o t direct us what we
are to say or d o in company, if we are n o t misled by pride or
ill n a t u r e . " A participation in society, so i m p o r t a n t to learning
ceremony, was not educative to civility, h e t h o u g h t , for " n o
m a n will behave himself ill f o r want of experience; or of what,
in the language of fools, is called knowing the world." 1 6 Courts,
the centers of fashion a n d consequently the best places in which
to become a c q u a i n t e d with ceremony, were in his opinion " t h e
worst of ail schools to teach good m a n n e r s . " 1 7
It is surprising, in the light of such déclarations as these,
that civility was o f t e n regarded as the p r o d u c t of some educa-
 GOOD BREEDING AS AN AIM 145
144 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
mimicry of good-nature, or i n other terms, affability, com-
tive process, as an acquirement for which some instruction was
plaisance, a n d easiness of t e m p e r reduced i n t o a n art." F o r
necessary beyond one's own reactions or the injunctions of
that reason, h e said, a m a n whose civility was n o t " f o u n d e d u p o n
reason. Yet such was u n d e n i a b l y the case. T h a t it should have
a real g o o d - n a t u r e " was a hypocrite, a n d the discovery of his
been true i n the Restoration, w h e n the distinction between the
hypocrisy w o u l d m a k e h i m detested. Civility thus became a
two types of good breeding was not clearly made, is not to b e
byproduct of moral instruction. If a young gentleman's parents,"
w o n d e r e d at, b u t it was also true in the eighteenth century.
tutors, a n d governors made h i m good-natured by means of a
C o m m e n t a t o r s on good breeding customarily provided direc-
virtuous éducation, h e would be motivated by the wish to
tions for universally well-bred conduct as well as for etiquette,
afford h a p p i n e s s to others t h r o u g h social intercourse, and h e
stating a n d restating the eternal rules—that a gentleman s h o u l d
would, in conséquence, possess true civility. W i t h o u t the heart-
avoid brusqueness a n d boisterousness, t h a t he should suit his
felt desire to give others pleasure—with a primarily malevolent
conversation to the tone a n d ability of t h e company, that h e
disposition—his reactions and his reason w o u l d be of small use.
should n o t évincé a critical, egotistical, or scandalmongering
T h i s view was current in the seventeenth century as well as in
temper, t h a t he should praise others r a t h e r than insuit t h e m .
the eighteenth. T h u s Locke in Some Thoughts Concerning
Such writers evidently assumed that an individual was n o t
Education said with reference to the y o u n g gentleman's éduca-
entirely capable of d e t e r m i n i n g for himself the uniformly pleas-
tion in civility: "Be sure to keep u p in h i m the principles of
ing, or at least that outside aid could b e advantageous to h i m .
good-nature a n d kinclness." A child, he believed, should b e
Even a u t h o r s who stressed reliance on one's own reactions a n d
taught little a b o u t "punctilios, or niceties of breeding," as t h e
on c o m m o n sense considered éducation very i m p o r t a n t in t h e
more essential elements of courtesy were d é p e n d e n t soley o n a n
d e v e l o p m e n t of civility. Swift definitely d i d not, b u t Chester-
inbred good n a t u r e provided by virtuous training. H e declared:
field a n d m a n y others certainly did. O f t e n , perhaps, they were
" W a n t of well-fashioned civility in the carriage, whilst civility
u n a w a r e of any inconsistency between t h e theory that civility
is not w a n t i n g in the mind (for there you must take care to
was of n a t u r a l occurrence a n d the theory t h a t éducation helpecl
plant it early), s h o u l d be the parent's a n d tutor's least care,
to f o r m it. T h e r e were, however, several q u i t e plausible reasons
whilst they are y o u n g " (page 47).
for assigning éducation a place in the fashioning of the uni-
versally well-bred gentleman. Some a u t h o r s dicl m o r e t h a n call good n a t u r e t h e f o u n t a i n
of civility; they seemed to consider the civil act a n d the vir-
O n e of these reasons involves an i n t e r p r é t a t i o n of civility
tuous act as identical. Steele perhaps a p p r o a c h e d this a t t i t u d e
not heretofore discussed. W e n o t e d earlier a couple cynical
in the Spectator No. 75, wherein he described a man w h o
définitions of good breeding, ascribing it to selfish motives.
passed for b e i n g very well-bred but who was actually very ill-
T h e m a j o r i t y of commentators m a i n t a i n e d , on the contrary, t h a t
bred because his m a n n e r s were not g r o u n d e d in virtue. T h i s
good breeding, in its essential and universal aspects, originated
portrait was followed by a sketch of a truly well-bred gentle-
in a sincere desire to make life pleasant f o r others—that it was,
man, ail of whose actions "have their rise in h i m f r o m great
in fact, a manifestation of good n a t u r e . I n Letter No. 39 of his
and noble motives." T h e conclusion was t h a t " t h e m o r e virtuous
Citizen of the World, G o l d s m i t h t e r m e d genuine politeness
the m a n is, the n e a r e r he will naturally be to the character of
" t h e resuit of . . . good-nature" as well as of good sense. Ac-
genteel a n d agreeable." O n e anonymous a u t h o r stated flatly
cording to Chesterfield, civility was "practised by a good-natured
that good b r e e d i n g was " 'ail moral virtues in epitome.' " 1 8 I n
American savage as cssentially as by the best-bred E u r o p e a n "
Petrie's Rules of Good Deportment, incivility a n d sinfulness
(IV, 1433). Addison, in the Spectator N o . 169 (September 13,
were synonymous. " I t is sinful and ill Breeding," Petrie said,
1711), called good breeding " n o t h i n g else b u t an imitation a n d
126 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
"to lie." " I t is u n j u s t a n d uncivil i n Magistrates to oppress
their Subjects." " G l u t t o n y is b o t h a r u d e and uncivil Vice a n d
Wickedness." Being of a somewhat Puritanical spirit, he even
a n n o u n c e d : "It is undiscrcet [i.e., ill-bred] a n d sinfull to use
such Plays a n d Récréations as the C o m m u n i t y or Body of which
we are Members look u p o n as sinfull" (pages 54, 115, 90, 103).
According to such a view, ail training i n virtue was also train-
ing in civility. By recalling the m o r a l a n d religious lessons
which h e h a d received as a child, a n d perhaps consulting his
reactions or common sense in order t o d e t e r m i n e how best to
apply them, a gentleman w o u l d be essentially well-bred. Petrie's
advice o n how to instruct children in good breeding therefore
contained such exhortations as this: "Above ail, let ail Diligence
be used to teach t h e m the F e a r of the Lord, a n d the F u n d a -
mentals of Religion." T h e Scottish theorist cîeclared: "If Princi-
ples of Civility are timeously i m p l a n t e d in Children, the Prac-
tice thereof will be so far f r o m being d i f f i c u l t a n d hard, t h a t it
will be familiar a n d c o n n a t u r a l to t h e m . I wish Parents, f r o m
w h o m they have derived their C o r r u p t i o n a n d Irregularity of
their Morals, would use their uttermost Endeavours to sow the
Seeds of V i r t u e in their Soûls" (pages 4, 2-3).
Petrie's position, however, represented an extreme. According
to a f a r greater n u m b e r of commentators, the world was at
least as significant an agent in é d u c a t i o n to civility as was
m o r a l a n d religious training. T h e n o t i o n that a participation in
society was educative to true good b r e e d i n g was quite charac-
teristic of the Restoration. G a i l h a r d counseled the young gentle-
m a n on his travels to associate with persons of rank, "of w h o m
he will learn a gentile, ancl a good b e h a v i o u r . " 1 9 A gentleman's
civility h a d to be refined u p o n , carried to the highest degree of
politeness. It h a d to be, in Panton's words, "this polished
Civility t h a t gives us the r é p u t a t i o n of being G e n t l e m e n " a n d
that was to be encountered "only in tractable spirits that have
been carefully cultivated, ancl educated, thereby being f u r n i s h e d
with those precepts to live in the W o r l d . " 2 0 Since most Restora-
tion a u t h o r s did n o t define civility exactly as did cightcenth-
century theorists, their emphasis on l e a r n i n g it through worldly
experience did not pertain entirely to learning the universals.
/
WORLDLYEXPERIENCEAS AN AIM 147
Walker, however, w h o did anticipate the eighteenth-century
définition, referred to civility as one of " t h e most usual occur-
rences in Active life. Such as enter not i n t o a n y A r t or Science,
but are the resuit of experience in the conversation and affaires
of this W o r l d " (page 209).
T h e assumption t h a t civility was a c q u i r e d by means of a
participation in a polite society was i n h e r i t e d by the eighteenth
century f r o m English courtesy writers of the preceding âge a n d
also f r o m F r e n c h authors, such as Bellegarde, whose Reflexions
upon Ridicule was translated into English six times between
1706 a n d 1764, usually together with his Reflexions upon the
Politeness of Manners. Certain writers, of course, questioned
the c o n t r i b u t i o n of worldly experience to t r u e civility; Swift,
we remember, firmly denied that the world, a n d courts in
particular, could teach anything a b o u t good m a n n e r s . Perhaps
more typical of eighteenth-century opinion, however, was Colonel
James Forrester's p r o n o u n c e m e n t , with reference to good breed-
ing, that " t h e W o r l d is a great School, w h e r e i n M e n are first
to learn, a n d then to practice." 2 1
A high regard f o r society as educative to civility did not
entirely conflict w i t h the conception of civility as n a t u r a l to
ail men a n d as ascertainable by the use of one's reactions or
reason. Even t h o u g h the f u n d a m e n t a l s of courtesy belonged to
both an A m e r i c a n savage a n d a French courtier, the courtier
had m a d e his courtesy wellnigh infallible by s p e n d i n g his life
in polite circles. Civility was, after ail, a social p h e n o m e n o n .
T h e reactions on which one relied to d e t e r m i n e the universally
pleasing arose in company; a m a n secluded f r o m society h a d
little o p p o r t u n i t y to consult t h e m or to p u t his good sense to
use. Chesterfield therefore urged his son to look f o r the laws
of good b r e e d i n g "in company, and r e n o u n c e your closet till
you have got t h e m " (IV, 1740). P a r t i c i p a t i o n in society re-
quired t h e u n r e m i t t i n g performance of acts of civility, so t h a t
universally pleasing conduct gradually b e c a m e h a b i t u a i t o a
gentleman a n d h e n o longer h a d even to pause a n d consider
what w o u l d be agreeable and what would not. "As soon as we
have gained Knowledge [of civility]," Forrester affirmed, "we
shall f i n d the best way to improve it will be Exercise." T h r o u g h
148 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
f r é q u e n t a t i o n of company, "Politeness, by an imperceptible
gradation, will enter i n t o o u r m i n u t e s t Actions, and give a
Lustre to every T h i n g we d o . " I n a d d i t i o n to "exercise" (or
practice), careful observation of t h e reactions of those a b o u t
h i m to certain kinds of behavior also h e l p e d a gentleman to
arrive at a notion of invariably pleasing conduct. H a v i n g de-
scribed m a n y acts which were instances of incivility rather t h a n
of mere unceremoniousness, Forrester declared: "I have ex-
plained Politeness negatively: If you would k n o w it positively,
you m u s t seek it f r o m C o m p a n y a n d Observation." 2 2 C o m m o n
sense in itself was not sufficient; a m a n h a d to take scrupulous
note of w h a t everybody a r o u n d h i m did and felt before h e could
attain t h e highest reach of civility. "Good-sense can only give
you the great outlines of good-breeding," Chesterfield told his
son; " b u t observation and usage can alone give you the delicate
touches a n d the fine colouring" (IV, 1488).
Observation partook in e m i n e n t degree of t h a t primary a i m
of a participation in the world, the study of h u m a n n a t u r e .
T h e b e t t e r acquainted a g e n t l e m a n was with t h e characteristics
of m a n k i n d , the more a d e p t he w o u l d be at pleasing. " I n the
c o m m o n manners of social life," Chesterfield explained, "every
m a n of common sense has the rudiments, the ABC of civility;
the m e a n s not to offend; a n d even wishes to please." More t h a n
the rudiments, however, were necessary to m a k e a g e n t l e m a n
n o t only "received and tolerated in good company" b u t "de-
sired," "loved," a n d " c o u r t e d , " as a gentleman should be.
T h e successfully polite m a n was o n e who, t h r o u g h observa-
tion of h u m a n nature, knew "the various workings of the heart,
a n d artifices of the head; a n d w h o by one shade can trace the
progression of the wliole colour; who can, at the proper times,
employ ail the several means of persuading the understanding,
a n d engaging the h e a r t " (V, 1849-50).
Courts were the best places in which to learn good breeding,
according to Chesterfield, w h o was t h u s at the farthest remove
f r o m Swift. At Dresden, the first court which Chesterfield's son
visited o n his tour, the y o u t h evinced a tendency to speak im-
p u d e n t l y and derogatorily a b o u t various professions and nation-
alises—a clear m a r k of incivility. B u t his f a t h e r assured h i m :
/
GOOD BREEDING AS AN AIM 149
" T h e f r é q u e n t a t i o n of Courts checks this petulancy of manners;
the good-breeding a n d circumspection which a r e necessary, a n d
only to be learned there, correct those pertnesses. I d o not d o u b t
b u t that you are improved i n your manners, by t h e short visit
which you have m a d e at Dresden; a n d the o t h e r Courts, which
I intend t h a t you shall be better a c q u a i n t e d with, will gradually
smooth you u p to the highest polish" (III, 1147).
T h e good breeding practiced at courts was, in Chesterfield's
view, o f t e n a mask for feelings of animosity, a n d he a d j u r e d
his son to watch courtiers closely in order to see "how politely
they can differ, a n d how civilly they can h a t e " (V, 1703). For
( Chesterfield, therefore, good breeding involved t h a t dissimula-
lion which h e considered so i m p o r t a n t a lesson of the world.
I le was t h u s at odds with theorists w h o ascribed more signifi-
cunce to t h e n o t i o n that true good b r e e d i n g originated in good
nature, in an unselfish desire to please. F u r t h e r m o r e , his
recommendations of good breeding, w h e t h e r they entailed dis-
simulation or not, h a d a basis in self-interest, in a récognition
that c h a r m i n g m a n n e r s were indispensable to success at court.
"You m u s t be sensible that you c a n n o t rise in the world," h e
inlbrmed his son, " w i t h o u t f o r m i n g connections a n d engaging
différent characters to conspire in your p o i n t . . . . Those neces-
sary connections can never be formed or preservecl but by an
u n i n t e r r u p t e d sériés of complaisance, attentions, politeness"
(IV, 1435). T h i s utilitarian conception of good breeding was
u n d o u b t e d l y o n e reason why Chesterfield's letters were so
scvcrely c o n d e m n e d , in the late eighteenth century, by men more
idealistic t h a n he.
We have so far been dealing exclusively w i t h the well-bred
act. Also included u n d e r good breeding, however, was a genteel
and pleasing d e m e a n o r . Petrie in his Rules of Good Deportment
described this d e m e a n o r in its r u d i m e n t a r y aspects:
A G e n t l e m a n o u g h t not to r u n or walk too fast in the
Streets, lest h e b e suspected to be going a Message; n o r
ought his Pace b e too slow; nor m u s t h e take large Steps,
nor too stiff a n d stately, n o r lift his Legs too high, n o r
150 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
stamp h a r d on the G r o u n d , n e i t h e r m u s t h e swing his A r m s
b a c k w a r d a n d forward, n o r must h e carry his Knees too
close, n o r must he go wagging his Brecch, n o r with his
Feet i n a straight Line, b u t with t h e In-side of his Feet
a little out, n o r with his Eyes looking down, n o r too m u c h
elevated, nor looking h i t h e r a n d thither, b u t with a sedate
C o u n t e n a n c e . (Pages 6-7.)
Be careful w h a t Gestures or Motions of the Body you use,
especially in speaking; see t h a t it be decent, n o t accompained
[.sic] w i t h nodding, shaking of the H e a d , or looking a skew,
or wry M o u t h ' d , moving the Hands, &c. (Pages 58-59.)
T h e well-bred demeanor was an esthetic way of doing every-
thing, a graceful air, a comeliness of execution—the "grâces"
or the "je ne sais quoi" of which Chesterfield so often spoke.
It was to be a part of every action of the gentleman a n d was
to be observed even when h e was in a state of inaction, simply
s t a n d i n g in a room or sitting in a chair. I t was a décorative
quality, rendering more attractive t h e solid merit which it
a d o r n e d . I n fact, beauty of p e r f o r m a n c e set off to aclvantage
even a gentleman's virtue a n d knowledge. " W i t h o u t it," H u r d
remarkecl, "his improvements of o t h e r sorts would be almost
thrown away; nay his virtues themselves w o u l d be offensive
a n d unlovely." 2 3 Although a m a n m i g h t have correct sentiments
as to t h e conduct of life, Lancaster m a i n t a i n e d in his Plan of
an Essay upon Delicacy, " s o m e t h i n g still is wanting; some
a d d i t i o n a l grâce, to make t r u t h ancl virtue operate w i t h f u l l
success." Correct sentiments could n o t "gain us the love of
m a n k i n d , without AN HAPPINESS OF MANNER" (page 80). Chester-
field was well aware of this, a n d consequently of the practïcal
advantages of the well-bred air. H e counselecl his son: " A d o r n
yourself with ail those grâces a n d accomplishments, which, with-
o u t solidity, are frivolous; b u t w i t h o u t which, solidity is, to a
great degree, useless." T h e m a n possessing " a very m o d e r a t e
degree of knowledge" b u t a graceful bearing would be m u c h
more successful than the m a n possessing "souncl sense a n d pro-
f o u n d knowledge" b u t little grâce (IV, 1493). If an exquisite
d e m e a n o r embellished v i r t u e a n d learning, it also embellished
GOOD BREEDING AS AN AIM 151
(lie very act of civility or ceremony. A f a r m e r or shopkeeper
who performecl such an act was in essence well-bred, b u t a
courtier was m u c h better brecl because h e p e r f o r m e d it with
a charm which m a d e it infinitely more pleasing.
Many theorists did not, of course, d r a w any explicit distinc-
tion between the m a t t e r a n d the m a n n e r of g o o d breeding, and
their usage of such ternis as "air," "polish," "politeness," "be-
havior," " d e m e a n o r , " "conduct," a n d " m a n n e r s " was so broad
and ill-defined t h a t it is impossible to d e t e r m i n e precisely what
they were r e f e r r i n g to, if, indeed, they themselves h a d any
< lear n o t i o n . O f t e n , however, a distinction was impliecl in their
tcmarks, a n d some writers d i d differentiate lucidly between the
two elements of good breeding. I n Some Thoughts Concerning
Education, for example, Locke clescribed t h e well-bred m a n n e r
as " t h a t decency a n d gracefulness of looks, voice, words, motions,
gestures, a n d of t h e whole o u t w a r d d e m e a n o u r which pleases
in company," a n d termed such d e m e a n o r " t h e language whereby
that i n t e r n a i civility of the m i n d is expressed" (page 111). Al-
though Chesterfield was n o t always u n a m b i g u o u s on the sub-
jcct, he m a d e the différence most intelligible w h e n he i n f o r m e d
his son: " T h e worst-bred m a n in Europe, if a lady let fall her
fan, woulcl certainly take it u p a n d give it to her; the best-bred
man in E u r o p e could clo n o more. T h e différence, however,
would be considérable; the latter w o u l d please by d o i n g it
gracefully; the f o r m e r would be laughed at for d o i n g it awkward-
ly. I r e p e a t it, a n d repeat it again, a n d shall never cease re-
peating it to you, air, manners, grâces, style, elegancy, a n d ail
those ornaments, must now be the only objects of your a t t e n t i o n "
(IV, 1680). W i t h Chesterfield, as, perhaps, w i t h others w h o
associatecl good breeding principally w i t h courts, the well-bred
m a n n e r at times assumed so m u c h i m p o r t a n c e as to render the
matter negligible.
Graceful, exquisite m a n n e r s were the p e c u l i a r mark of a
gentleman, setting h i m a p a r t f r o m the u n p o l i s h e d m u l t i t u d e ;
they were, as Chesterfield said, "the distinguishing character-
istics of m e n of fashion; people of low é d u c a t i o n never wear
them so close b u t that some part o r o t h e r of the original
vulgarism a p p e a r s " (IV, 1254-55). T h e y constituted the aspect
152 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
of good breeding in which a d a n c i n g master provided such
useful instructions. Even m o r e valuable t h a n a dancing master's
lessons, however, was a p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n society. T h r o u g h watch-
ing a n d imitating the carriage of others, the young g e n t l e m a n
could acquire a finish of execution. T h e grâces were, said
Puckle, "attainable only by company and conversation, a n d , "
he a d d e d "chiefly by that of ladies: by observing the care a n d
pains they take to please, only to out-shine each other." 2 4 Locke,
whose conception of a polished air as the superficial mani-
festation of internai civility seems to have led h i m to identify
it w i t h what the Augustans termed ceremony, declared t h a t
this beauty of manner, " b e i n g very m u c h governed by the
fashion and custom of every country, as o t h e r languages are,
must, in the rules and practice of it, be learned chiefly f r o m
observation, a n d the carriage of those who are allowed to be
exactly well-bred" (page 111). T h e assumption, denied by n o
one, t h a t a comely air could be a t t a i n e d only in the world
provides another reason why many theorists considered civility
in its highest form as t h e resuit of some educative process.
Even if a young gentleman's own reactions o r common sense
dictated the act of civility, he could n o t p e r f o r m that act i n the
most graceful and pleasing way u n t i l experience and observa-
tion h a d taught h i m how to d o so.
T h e more fashionable a young gentleman's associâtes were,
the m o r e charm of execution he w o u l d learn f r o m them. T h u s
Locke said it was "impossible, that any one should corne f o r t h
well-fashioned out of unpolished, ill-bred c o m p a n y " (page 78).
"Such as is his company," Locke affirmed, "such will be his
m a n n e r s . A p l o u g h m a n . . . that has never been out of his
parish . . . will be as soon in his language, as his carriage, a
courtier; that is, in n e i t h e r will be m o r e polite than those h e
uses to converse w i t h " (page 112). F o r this reason as for others,
Chesterfield thought experience at court essential to the éduca-
tion of his son. "You w a n t n o t h i n g now, t h a n k God," h e told
y o u n g Philip, " b u t exterior advantages, t h a t last polish, t h a t
tournure du monde, and those Grâces which are so necessary
to a d o r n a n d give efficacy to the most solid merit. T h e y are
only to be acquired in the best companies" (IV, 1529).
/
GOOD BREEDING AS AN AIM 153
The scholar's awkwardness in society was largely attributable
to the fact that, secluded as he was f r o m the world a n d par-
ticularly f r o m courts, h e h a d little chance to observe the m a n n e r s
of fashionable people. U n t u t o r e d by polite company, h e was
gauche r a t h e r t h a n graceful; his p e r f o r m a n c e of good breeding
was ludicrous r a t h e r than élégant. T h e "cloistered p é d a n t , "
Chesterfield r e m a r k e d in the World No. 148 (October 30,
1755), necessarily possessed little polish of bearing, a n d the "most
ridiculous a n d most awkward of m e n are . . . the spéculative
well-bred m o n k s of ail religions a n d ail professions," who theo-
rized a b o u t good breeding without h a v i n g seen it in practice.
Lancaster advised the learned m a n to associate with persons
of quality, as h e would learn " f r o m their demeanor, which is
comely in m a n n e r s , " a n d would gain " t h a t genteel graceful
dignity of expression, which is peculiar to those who move in
the higher spheres of life." 2 5
It was sometimes believed that the country g e n t l e m a n as well
as the scholar was deficient in a r e f i n e d a n d élégant air. Living
in the r u r a l r e t i r e m e n t of his provincial seat, a n d perhaps con-
sorting inainly w i t h his fox-hunting, hard-clrinking, coarse-man-
uered neighbors, he could scarcely b e expected to possess the
exquisite m i e n of those w h o moved in the beau monde of the
lown. T h i s assumption was evident in the contrast between the
rude Squire Western and his sister, w h o p r i d e d herself on
courtly r e f i n e m e n t . Steele, in the Spectator N o . 240 (December
5, 1711), p o r t r a y e d a country gentleman w h o was essentially
well-bred b u t did not have the delicate m a n n e r , and a L o n d o n
gentleman w h o h a d acquired at court a n d in fashionable society
" 'a soft air' " a n d " 'a grâce a n d assurance.' " T h e country
gentleman a n d his friends f o u n d themselves u n a b l e to compete
with such a fine-mannered person for the favor of the ladies.
Steele, however, valued the genuine civility of t h e rustic gentle-
man m u c h m o r e t h a n the polished veneer of t h e Londoner, and
his a t t i t u d e was shared by those w h o h a d idealistic notions of
good b r e e d i n g a n d who emphasized its relationship to good
nature ancl to virtue. It was evident, for example, in Johnson's
description, in the Rambler No. 147 (August 13, 1751), of the
visit of a fine gentleman of L o n d o n to his nephew, the elder
150 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
son of a country squire. T h e uncle, as a resuit of his acquaint-
ancc with fashionable society in town, was well versed i n " 'ail
the strategems of e n d c a r m e n t , ' " b u t he practiced the m a n n e r
of good breeding to the exclusion of the m a t t e r . His n e p h e w
observed with considérable despair:
" I soon discovered that h e possessed some science of gracious-
ness a n d attraction w h i c h books h a d n o t taught, a n d of
w h i c h neither I n o r my f a t h e r h a d any knowledge; t h a t h e
h a d the power of obliging those w h o m h e did not benefit;
t h a t h e diffused, u p o n his cursory behavior a n d most
t r i f l i n g actions, a gloss of softness and delicacy by w h i c h
every one was dazzled; a n d t h a t by some occult m e t h o d
of captivation, h e a n i m a t e d the timorous, softened the
supercilious, and o p e n e d the reserved. I could n o t b u t
r e p i n e at the inelegance of my o w n manners, which left
m e n o hopes b u t n o t to offend, a n d at t h e inefficacy of
rustic benevolence, which gained n o friends b u t by real
service."
J o h n s o n seemed to consider f i n e manners, in such a m a n as the
uncle, an excrescence of good breeding, if n o t a hypocrisy.
Notes to C h a p t e r V
1. Club, p. 44.
2. Works, ed. W i l l i a m E. H e n l e y (London, 1903), X I V , 249.
3. Letters, II, 505.
4. The Fable of the Bees, ed. F . B. Kaye (Oxford, 1924),
II, 145, 147; see 127-149.
5. Essay on Conversation, in Works, X I V , 252-253.
6. A Treatise on Good Manners and Good Breeding, in
Prose Works, XI, 84.
7. Discourses (London, 1924), p. 125. F r o m Discourse N o .
VII.
8. Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen, p. 212.
9. Plan of an Essay upon Delicacy, pp. 65-68. See also Fordyce,
Dialogues Concerning Education, I, 46-47.
10. For a discussion of this relationship, see George C. Brauer,
GOOD BREEDING AS AN AIM 151
Jr., " G o o d Breeding in the Eighteenth C e n t u r y , " Univ. of
T e x a s Stud. in Eng., X X X I I (1953), 25-44. T h i s article contains
much of the illustrative material used in the present chapter.
11. Prose Works, XI, 81-83.
12. Dialogues Concerning Education, I, 47.
13. Rules of Good Deportment, ed. cit., pp. 3-4.
14. T h i s book was a translation of a F r e n c h work. For dis-
cussion of it see Mason, Gentlefolk in the Making, pp. 261-263;
Virgil B. Heltzel, "The Rules of Civility (1671) and its French
Source," MLN, X L I I I (1928), 17-22; a n d W . L. Ustick, "Seven-
lecnth C e n t u r y Books of C o n d u c t : F u r t h e r L i g h t on A n t o i n e
de C o u r t i n a n d The Rules of Civility," MLN, X L I V (1929),
118-158. Ustick relates the book to t r e a t m e n t s of forms and
ceremonies r a t h e r than to treatments of true civility.
15. Works, XIV, 249. See also Covent-Garden Journal No.
55 (July 28, 1752).
16. Treatise on Good Manners and Good Breeding, ed. cit.,
pp. 83, 79.
17. Hints on Good Manners, in Prose Works, XI, 87.
18. " T h o u g h t s on Education, by W a y of I n t r o d u c t i o n , " in
The Pleasing Instructor. Or, Entertaining Moralist, 6th ed.
(London, 1768), p. ii, n.
19. Compleat Gentleman, 2nd Treatise, p. 74.
20. Spéculum Juventutis, pp. 149-150.
21. The Polite Philosopher. Or, An Essay on That Art, Which
Makes a Man happy in Himself, and agreeable to Others, in
The Magazine of History with Notes and Qiieries, XXI, Extra
No. 83 ( T a r r y t o w n , N . Y., 1922), 123.
22. Ibid., pp. 123-124.
23. Uses of Foreign Travel, p. 47. H u r d p u t this statement
into Shaftesbury's m o u t h r a t h e r t h a n Locke's; with his stress
on the intrinsic value of virtue a n d learning, h e probably wislied
that the observation h a d less point.
24. Club, p. 82.
25. Plan of an Essay upon Delicacy, pp. v, vii.

C H A P T E R SIX
The Place of Travel in the Education
of the Gentleman
T h e aims of the gentleman's éducation have now been set
f o r t h . T h i s and the succeeding chapter will treat, f r o m the
s t a n d p o i n t of educational theory, certain educational practices
in their rclationship to those aims.
A m o n g the most significant of these practices was t h a t of
sending the young g e n t l e m a n on a tour of the C o n t i n e n t as
p a r t of his training. M e n of r a n k in the Restoration a n d eight-
e e n t h century, like their Renaissance ancestors, 1 d e e m e d the
g r a n d tour an invaluable aspect of their sons' u p b r i n g i n g .
Ramesey, a courtesy writer of good family, affirmed in 1672
t h a t " T r a v e l . . . will be requisite to experience, a n d accomp-
li sh a Gentleman."2 T h e esteem which Chesterfield h a d for the
t o u r is demonstrated by t h e fact that he k e p t his son a b r o a d
f r o m 1746 to 1751. Shaftesbury, w h o m H u r d employed to ex-
press the genteel attitude, was m a d e to say that " ' F O R E I G N
T R A V E L is, of ail others, the most i m p o r t a n t a n d essential p a r t
of Education.' " 3 T h e t o u r of the C o n t i n e n t grew increasingly
p o p u l a r t h r o u g h o u t the eighteenth century, until the sons of
squires as well as of n o b l e m e n customarily wcnt a b r o a d a n d
u n t i l even the sons of merchants, in imitation of those persons
of quality with w h o m they wished to be identified, visited t h e
nations of Europe. Most e d u c a t i o n a l theorists, including m a n y
w h o were n o t well-born, endorsed the fashionable o p i n i o n t h a t
travel was necessary to the finished gentleman. Its e d u c a t i o n a l
advantages were many.
Because the young tourist associated with a wide variety of
people, foreigners a n d fellow travelers alike, a voyage to the
156
TIIE PLACE OF TRAVEL 157
C o n t i n e n t was lauded as an i n t r o d u c t i o n to a knowledge of
the world, p r o v i d i n g those lessons which p a r t i c i p a t i o n in society
was peculiarly constituted to teach. G a i l h a r d ' s belief that young
gentlemen s h o u l d learn "how to k n o w the w o r l d " p r o m p t e d
him to advise parents to "send t h e m i n t o Foreign parts." O n
lus tour, G a i l h a r d said, a well-born youth w o u l d acquire an
u n d e r s t a n d i n g of m a n k i n d a n d of p r u d e n t i a l conduct: " W h e n
a m a n is a b r o a d , he studies the t e m p e r of men, and learns their
scveral fashions; he becomes a fit c o m p a n i o n for every one,
he observes the good a n d evil of others, h e knows how to avoid
tricks p u t u p o n men." 4 Although Locke viewed "the knowledge
of m e n " as "so great a skill, that it is n o t to b e expected a young
man should presently be perfect in it," he nevertheless declared
that "his going abroad is to little purpose, if travel does not
somewhat o p e n his eyes, make h i m cautious and wary, and
accustom h i m to look beyond the outside." 5 A similar a t t i t u d e
obtained in the eighteenth century; the perceptive m a n , as
Burgh r e m a r k e d , "returns f r o m foreign parts improved . . . in
useful knowledge of m e n a n d m a n n e r s . " 6
W i t h m a n y aristocrats, the acquisition of a knowledge of the
world was a strong motive for sending sons a b r o a d . One essayist,
for example, described a fashionable m o t h e r who, u n d e r the
persuasion t h a t her son already h a d a " 'comprehensive knowl-
edge of ail book-learning,' " decided " ' t h a t it was now high
time he s h o u l d be made acquainted w i t h m e n a n d things; that
she h a d resolved he should m a k e the tour of France and
Italy.'" 7 Chesterfield was perhaps the most enthusiastic ex-
ponent of this aristocratie attitude. Nearly ail his remarks to
his son on a knowledge of the world were w r i t t e n while young
Philip was m a k i n g the grand tour. I n a letter wherein Chester-
field listed the purposes of travel, he i n f o r m e d his son: " T h e
characters, the heads, a n d the hearts of m e n are the useful
science of which I would have you perfect master." 8
As an aspect of worldly experience, travel t a u g h t good breed-
ing. O n t h e g r a n d tour the young g e n t l e m a n was supposed to
visit courts a n d associate with the "best" or most fashionable
company, f r o m which he could learn foreign ceremonies, the
highest civility, and a graceful air. T h e idéal gentleman, Steele
162 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
averred in the Guardian No. 34 (April 20, 1713), " m u s t travel
. . . to fashion and polish himself." A n a d m i r a t i o n f o r F r a n c e
as the seat of politeness was already p r o m i n e n t in the Restora-
tion and, of course, c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h t h e eighteenth century.
G a i l h a r d in 1678 praised " t h a t French Breeding so m u c h ap-
proved of" a n d said t h a t o t h e r countries sent their young gentle-
m e n to France in order t h a t they might acquire this elegance '
of manners. 9
Since G a i l h a r d was a F r e n c h m a n by birth, he m a y con-
ceivably have been p r e j u d i c e d in favor of the m a n n e r s of his
h o m e l a n d , b u t even native Britons a f f i r m e d t h a t the average
F r e n c h m a n possessed m o r e polish than the average E n g l i s h m a n .
I n fact, the Englishman w h o h a d not traveled was o f t e n viewed
as egregiously boorish, p e r h a p s not lacking in an essential
civility b u t devoid of t h a t pleasing comeliness of d e m e a n o r
which should accompany t h e well-bred act; he was, as o n e
seventeenth-century a u t h o r observed, "supposed to be . . . Rough
in Address, not easily acquainted, a n d blunt even w h e n h e
obliges." 1 0 T h i s assumption was n o t u n c o m m o n a m o n g persons
of quality, w h o h o p e d t h a t in foreign countries, F r a n c e above
ail, their sons would lose their national clumsiness a n d take
o n a r e f i n e d air. I n his Uses of Foreign Travel, H u r d p u t i n t o
Shaftesbury's m o u t h t h e disparaging r e m a r k that E n g l i s h m e n
were "considered by the rest of Europe, as proud, churlish, a n d
unsocial. . . . A n d if . . . we cherish, a n d n o t correct, those
m a n n e r s . . . let us n o t take it amiss that foreigners distinguish
us by such names." T h e only means of correction, Shaftesbury
implied, was a tour of t h e C o n t i n e n t ; in fact, "it seems . . . to
be an inévitable conséquence of w h a t has been said, t h a t we of
this country have a m o r e t h a n ordinary occasion for the bene-
fits of foreign travel" (page 36). A l t h o u g h H u r d himself d i d
n o t approve of the view expressed here, h e evidently considered
it typical of English aristocrats. I t was certainly held by Chester-
field. " H o w many m e n have I seen here [in E n g l a n d ] , " h e wrote
his son, "who, after h a v i n g h a d the f u l l benefit of a n English
éducation, first at school a n d t h e n at the university, w h e n they
have been presented to the King, did n o t k n o w w h e t h e r they
I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 159
«tood u p o n their heads or their heels!" (III, 1151). T h e French,
un like the English, h a d attained to the liighest degree of polish,
m liis o p i n i o n . " T h e r e is hardly a F r e n c h cook," he announced,
" t h a t is n o t better bred than most E n g l i s h m e n of quality"
(II, 526). H e trusted that travel w o u l d r i d his son of " t h e
English crust of awkward bashfulness, shyness, and roughness"
(III, 877).
A visit to the nations of the C o n t i n e n t also gave a young
gentleman a facility in the m o d e m languages. He was not to
rely exclusively on his native t o n g u e in his conversations with
foreigners, b u t to use G e r m a n w i t h G e r m a n s a n d F r e n c h w i t h
Krenchmen. O n e a u t h o r in the Restoration even specified t h a t
a language s h o u l d be learned in the p a r t i c u l a r city where it
was spoken most correctly, r e c o m m e n d i n g Vallaclolid for Span-
i»h, Florence or Siena f o r I t a l i a n . 1 1 In the seventeenth century
ibis fluency i n foreign languages was viewed as p a r t of the
préparation f o r a political career. " T h e Languages h e h a t h
learned in his travels," G a i l h a r d said in his Compleat Gentle-
man, " I w o u l d have h i m n o t to forget, b u t r a t h e r to practice
u p o n ail occasions, b o t h by r e a d i n g a n d speaking; f o r they are
. . . q u a l i f i c a t i o n necessary to a Statesman, o r t o any employccl
in publick A f f a i r s " (Second Treatise, page 177). D u r i n g the
eighteenth century, w h e n political service was less strongly
emphasized for gentlemen, a knowledge of t h e m o d e m lan-
guages, F r e n c h in particular, seems to have been valued by
persons of q u a l i t y chiefly as a fashionable acquirement, a n d
young g e n t l e m e n who h a d been a b r o a d a d o r n e d their conversa-
lion with F r e n c h phrases as a m a r k of h a v i n g received a genteel
éducation. B u t the desirability of a skill in the m o d e m languages
loi a career of statesmanship was n o t entirely forgotten. T h u s
Chesterfield told his son: "You c a n n o t conceive what an ad-
vantage it will give you, in negotiations, t o possess Italian,
German, a n d French, perfectly, so as to u n d e r s t a n d ail the
force a n d finesse of those three languages" (IV, 1538). H u r d ,
however, w h o disputed the value of travel on nearly ail counts,
questioned the importance of l e a r n i n g foreign languages abroad.
Although h e conceded that it was usually an object of the grand
100 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
tour, he felt that it left the young gentleman little time " f o r
accomplishing himself in those other studies, which . . . are
of m u c h greater i m p o r t a n c e . " Languages, in H u r d ' s o p i n i o n ,
belonged among "such things as he may very well do w i t h o u t ,
or, at best, are of a n i n f e r i o r a n d s u b o r d i n a t e considération:
W h i l e the branches of learning, he m u s t neglect for these, are
of the most constant use a n d necessity to h i m in the commerce
of his whole life" (pages 88-89).
Travel widened the scope of the young gentleman's practical
knowledge, affording h i m m u c h i n f o r m a t i o n of a f a c t u a l a n d
useful n a t u r e by a c q u a i n t i n g h i m with the customs, character-
istics, a n d cultures of various nations, their politics, forms of
government, military establishments, religious beliefs, educa-
tional facilities, trade, a n d manufactures. T h e a c q u i r e m e n t of
this timely kind of i n f o r m a t i o n was reckonecl the p r i n c i p a l
aim of travel for y o u n g gentlemen d u r i n g the Renaissance,
when its obvious appropriateness to f u t u r e service of the state
was stressed. 12 It received somewhat less attention after t h e
Renaissance, b u t it was still an i m p o r t a n t aim of travel d u r i n g
the Restoration, a n d courtesy writers of the period discussed it
in détail. Leigh, for example, said in the first of his Three
Diatribes that the g e n t l e m a n touring a foreign country s h o u l d
observe its geographical features, commodities, products, a n d
defects, " t h e Manners, Shape, Language a n d Attire of the
People, their Building, their Havens a n d H a r b o u r s , the Re-
ligion a n d Government, the History of the Countrey a n d Fami-
lies," the courts of princes, the courts of justice, "Libraries,
Colledges, Disputations a n d Lectures where they are, S h i p p i n g
a n d Navies . . . Exchanges, Burses, Ware-houses . . . T r a i n i n g
of Soldiers, and the like" (pages 7-8). A list comparable to t h a t
of Leigh was provided in 1672 by Ramesey, w h o d e e m e d it
advisable for the gentleman-traveler to "keep an account i n
writing, of every dayes Observation, wherever he goes," 1 3 a
practice advised by later writers also. Walker, in the same year,
called it an advantage of travel "to learn the . . . Laws, Customes,
and u n d e r s t a n d the G o v e r n m e n t , a n d interest, of o t h e r Na-
tions," 1 4 and Gailhard's Compleat Gentleman gave the following
/
NIE PLACE OF TRAVEL 161
directions to the youth a b r o a d w h o h a d just entered a town
strange to h i m :
When you walk u p a n d down the streets, if any r e m a r k a b l e
thing be obvious, desire to be i n f o r m e d of it, enquire a b o u t
the most potent Families, w h e t h e r noble or not, of their
Charges, Estâtes, a n d Interest in the place; t h e n ask by w h a t
T r a d e or other means the T o w n or City d o t h chiefly sub-
sist, a n d w h a t are the customs a n d t e m p e r of the I n h a b i -
tants; afterwards of the policy, a n d of the way and form of
G o v e r n m e n t ; not forgetting to k n o w how f a r doth reach t h e
power a n d authority of the Clergy, w h a t are the Priviledges
of the City and Citizens, w h a t différence is amongst them,
and w h a t are the Prérogatives of the N o b i l i t y a n d Gentry.
(Second Treatise, page 36.)
Theorists i n the Restoration did not always m e n t i o n h o w
advantageous this k i n d of i n f o r m a t i o n w o u l d b e to the gentle-
man as statesman, although writers such as W a l k e r and Gail-
hard, who m a d e m u c h of the gentleman's obligation of serving
his nation i n a p u b l i c capacity, must h a v e had its political
uselulness in m i n d . D u r i n g the eighteenth century the gathering
ol factual d a t a about foreign countries was still less frequently
given a political significance, b u t authors a p p a r e n t l y felt t h a t
even if a gentleman never exploited it in a career of statesman-
ship, it at least contributed to make h i m well-informed, to
liirnish h i m with the unscholarly k i n d of knowledge which
ho was to possess. Besides, advocating it h a d been a tradition
for so long t h a t commentators on travel were reluctant to o m i t
ail reference to it f r o m their directions to young tourists. It
therefore c o n t i n u e d to be n a m e d as o n e of t h e most i m p o r t a n t
objects of the tour. " 'Certainly,' " said t h e a u t h o r of the
Spectator N o . 364 (presumably the Earl of Hardwicke), " 'the
true end of visiting foreign parts is to look into their customs
and policies, a n d observe in w h a t p a r t i c u l a r s they excel or
corne short of our o w n . ' " Puckle, Dr. J o h n Hawkesworth, a n d
Burgh, the last of w h o m r e c o m m e n d e d k e e p i n g a travel note-
book, were a m o n g those eighteenth-century writers who deemed
162 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
m a k i n g such investigations a very significant duty o£ the y o u n g
gentleman abroad. 1 5 Fordyce's instructions to the traveler illus-
trate the strength of the tradition as late as the mid-eighteenth
century:
Let h i m study . . . chiefly the n a t u r a l , political, a n d com-
mercial state of countries: let h i m inspect their m a n u f a c -
tures, magazines, arsenals, work-houses, a n d their spécial
régulations; examine their natural produce a n d foreign
import, the price of their markets, the rise, fall, a n d révo-
lutions, or [sic] their trade . . . let him, in short, if h e
has leisure or abilities for it, study the improvements they
have m a d e in arts, sciences, and in any p a r t of g o v e r n m e n t
or trade. 1 6
Some eighteenth-century authors, like earlier writers, m u s t
have valued the a c q u i r e m e n t of this i n f o r m a t i o n for its politi-
cal usefulness. It certainly h a d a political purpose w i t h Fordyce,
who considered p u b l i c spirit so i m p o r t a n t an object of éduca-
tion, a n d also w i t h Priestley, 1 7 whose system of éducation was
in large degree clesigned to e q u i p y o u n g gentlemen for service
of the state. Chesterfield, reminiscent of a prior period i n m a n y
of his beliefs, clearly r e g a r d e d travel as p r é p a r a t i o n f o r a politi-
cal career because it a f f o r d e d a factual knowledge of the Con-
tinental nations. " Y o u r destination is political," h e told his
son; " t h e object, therefore, of your inquiries a n d observations
should be the political interior of things; the forms of govern-
ment, laws, régulations, customs, trade, manufactures, etc., of
the several nations of E u r o p e " (IV, 1756). W h e n P h i l i p e n t e r e d
a new country, his f a t h e r specified the particular i n f o r m a t i o n
he should seek there. At Berlin, he should investigate " t h e
present state of the civil, military, a n d ecclesiastical g o v e r n m e n t
of the King of Prussia's dominions," i n q u i r e i n t o the strength
and composition of the army, and a c q u a i n t himself w i t h Fred-
erick's légal reforms (IV, 1294). I n o r d e r to stimulate his son
to m a k e such investigations, Chesterfield frequently d e m a n d e d
reports o n what he h a d discovered, questioning him, for example,
as to the government of Switzerland a n d the church, govern-
ment, a n d military establishment of Saxony. 1 8 Like o t h e r com-
/
I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 168
mentators, h e t h o u g h t a travel notebook very useful, a n d h e
cxplained i n détail what this n o t e b o o k s h o u l d contain:
You will . . . do well, while you are in Germany, to inform
yourself carefully of the military force, the revenues, and
the commerce of every Prince a n d State of the Empire, a n d
to write down those informations in a little book kept for
that p a r t i c u l a r purpose. T o give you a specimen of what
I mean:
THE ELECTORATE OF HANOVER
T h e revenue is a b o u t £500,000 a year.
The military establishment, in time of war, may be about
25,000 m e n ; b u t t h a t is the utmost.
T h e t r a d e is chiefly linens, e x p o r t e d f r o m Stade.
T h e r e are coarse woollen m a n u f a c t u r e s for h o m e con-
somption.
T h e m i n e s of Hartz p r o d u c e a b o u t £100,000 in silver,
annually. (III, 1111-12.)
T r a v e l p e r m i t t e d t h e young g e n t l e m a n to view antiquities,
relies, curiosities, a n d works of art, a n d e x a m i n i n g such objects
was held to be a subsidiary p u r p o s e of his tour, helping t o
1
entier h i m a m a n of cultivation. A n interest in this k i n d of
sight-seeing arose, of course, in the late Renaissance, when t h e
ri l ies of Italy were admired as the repositories of ancient a r t
a n d when gcntleman-connoisseurs such as the Earl of A r u n d e l
and Sir K e n e l m Digby b r o u g h t classical works of art back t o
England. E x a m i n i n g ruins, m o n u m e n t s , sculptures, paintings,
a n d even collections of coins a n d gems c o n t i n u e d to be recom-
m e n d e d f o r the tourist in the R e s t o r a t i o n a n d eighteenth cen-
lury, 1 9 t h o u g h with progressively less force a n d frequency t h a n
in the Renaissance. T h e a u t h o r of the Spectator No. 364 p u t
u n u s u a l emphasis on investigating the places in which classical
authors lived and wrote, believing that the spots would inspire
young m i n d s to emulatc the virtues of these authors. Chester-
field called to his son's notice the " m a n y valuable remains of
the remotest antiquity, a n d m a n y fine pieces of the antico
moderno" (IV, 1360) which were to be f o u n d at Venice. T h e
a t t i t u d e of many fashionable travelers, however, probably re-

162 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
sembled that of the young gentleman in an a n o n y m o u s p o e m
entitled "Dialogue between a Beau and a Scholar." H e r e t h e
scholar, with the enthusiasm of one in his profession, asked the
beau, just r e t u r n e d f r o m abroad:
But tell me, (since you've seen each foreign coast,)
W h a t precious stores can learned Gallia boast?
Or say what treasures Italy imparts,
T h e m o t h e r a n d the nurse of social arts?
W h a t brass or P a r i a n statues noblest shine?
W h a t ancient tomb, or consecrated shrine?
W h a t stately column, scorning vales below?
W h a t anima ted scenes on can vas glow?
But the beau, whose time a b r o a d h a d been amorously employed,
replied w i t h considérable scorn:
A comfortable task for y o u t h f u l Squires—
T o view the crest-fall'n r e m n a n t s of their sires?
Can p r o u d antiques, those dear-bought, trifling toys,
Resemble h a p p i e r youth's substantial joys?
'Tis strange that m e n of greatest learning prize
A face adorn'd with n e i t h e r nose n o r eyes.
N o charms like these my soaring genius sought;
Far différent scenes engag'd my every thought. 2 0
T h e a u t h o r of this p o e m was non-committal on the issue,
simply remarking at the e n d : "Caetera desunt." And, indeed,
the scholar's emphasis on viewing relies of a n t i q u i t y a n d other
artistic masterpieces was as liable to criticism, according to
eighteenth-century commentators, as the beau's u t t e r c o n t e m p t
for this pursuit. I n his Dialogues Concerning Education, For-
dyce m a d e it clear that " t h e principal aim of going a b r o a d . . .
is not, in my opinion, to traverse countries in search of curiosi-
ties, antiquities, or other m o n u m e n t s of learning; or to i m p r o v e
one's taste by studying the most élégant and finished models
of art, either ancient or m o d e m " (II, 274). T h i s k i n d of sight-
I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 84
«ccing was valuable in m o d é r a t i o n , b u t , like the polite ac-
complishments, it was in the m a i n a diversion, a n d indulging
in it to excess detracted f r o m the m o r e useful a n d i m p o r t a n t
ohjects of travel, such as g a t h e r i n g timely information. Chester-
field therefore cautioned his son, w h o was a b o u t to visit R o m e :
" W h e n you are there, do n o t imagine t h a t the Capitol, the
Vatican, a n d the P a n t h é o n are the principal objects of your
< uriosity. But, for o n e m i n u t e that you bestow upon those,
employ ten days in i n f o r m i n g yourself of the nature of t h a t
government, the rise and decay of the P a p a l power, the politics
of that C o u r t . . . and, in général, everything that relates to
the interior of that extraordinary g o v e r n m e n t " (IV, 1416).
The y o u n g English gentleman was t h o u g h t by some com-
mentators to be not only unpolishecl in his m a n n e r s but also
iusular in his ideas, the victim of m a n y n a t i o n a l préjudices
which resulted in an extreme narrow-mindedness and short-
«ightedness. T h e g r a n d tour was often viewed as the corrective
to his insularity. By visiting foreign countries a n d mingling
with their citizens, the B r i t o n could b r o a d e n his m i n d a n d
bccome a cosmopolitan. T h u s Puckle in The Club suggested
that those who passed their lives in one place were provincial
b u t that travel "enlarges ail the faculties, a n d takes off t h a t
narrowness of m i n d " (page 47). I n laying down the require-
ments for t h e idéal gentleman in the Guardian No. 34 (April
20, 1713), Steele specified t h a t he " m u s t travel . . . to get
( leur of n a t i o n a l préjudices, of which every country has its
«litre."
I.ighteenth-century men of fashion were particularly p r o n e
lo ex toi travel for cosmopoli tanizing t h e gentleman. Fordyce
therefore h a d Eugenio, an aristocratie student, express the view
that there were "national . . . préjudices, to be rooted o u t , "
an " a t t a c h m e n t to o u r own m a n n e r s a n d customs . . . which
savours something of antient b a r b a r i t y " and which must be
(lestroyed before o n e could a p p r o a c h " t h e t r u e standard of a
line g e n t l e m a n . " A m a n could d o away w i t h his provincialism,
Fugenio said, only by "enlarging his views beyond his own
country, studying foreign m a n n e r s , a n d conversing with m e n
of d i f f é r e n t nations a n d interests, in those places where they
162 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
are to be seen in their truest lights" (II, 273-274). H u r d m a d e
Shaftesbury, spokesman of t h e aristocracy, argue for the neces-
sity of travel on these grounds. Shaftesbury regretted the ten-
dency of ail the i n h a b i t a n t s of one country to acquire " o n e
u n i f o r m prevailing character," spoke contemptuously of " t h e
idiot P R É J U D I C E S of o u r home-bred gentlemen," a n d l a u d e d
travel f o r a c q u a i n t i n g t h e m with "other combinations a n d
societies; that so, as their views enlarge, they may be e n a b l e d
to shake off their local, as w e may say, a n d territorial p r é j u -
dices." 2 1 O n e of Chesterfield's motives for sending young P h i l i p
abroad was to cosmopolitanize him. T h r o u g h traveling, a n d
through " f r e q u e n t i n g good company i n every country," Chester-
field held, a y o u n g g e n t l e m a n "himself becomes of every
country; he is no longer a n Englishman, a F r e n c h m a n , or an
Italian, b u t he is an E u r o p e a n " (V, 1939).
N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g ail the praise of travel as an aspect of
gentlemanly éducation, there was considérable awareness of its
defects. Adverse criticism of travel was, of course, n o t new
with the Restoration; the Circe passages in Ascham's Schole-
master a n d Bishop Joseph Hall's Quo Vadis? are perhaps the
best k n o w n b u t certainly n o t the only serious attacks on travel
produced in the Renaissance. I n some respects, then, R e s t o r a t i o n
and eighteenth-century objections to touring E u r o p e were a
continuation of a long-established tradition, t h o u g h with changes
of direction and emphasis.
Most critics of travel were not gentlemen themselves b u t
rather members of the m i d d l e class, o f t e n educators or clergy-
men. T o a degree, therefore, their views may be regarded as
illustrating the conflict between gentlemanly ideals a n d the
ideals proposed for g e n t l e m e n by other ordcrs of society, a con-
flict already evident w i t h respect to learning. As the prccccling
pages have indicated, however, a great n u m b e r of non-aristo-
cratic commentators were conscious of the benefits of travel;
and very few of t h e m c o n d e m n e d it on ail counts, even t h o u g h
they may have attacked certain aspects of it. F u r t h e r m o r e ,
gentlemen themselves sometimes animadverted against elements
in the tour. Consequently, the disparity between m e n of q u a l i t y
IlIF.PLACE OF TRAVEL 85
.md critics, while it no d o u b t existed, m u s t not b e overestimated.
T h e first body of criticisms to be e x a m i n e d consists of those
leveled at young travelers themselves r a t h e r than at the insti-
tution. T h e y did not constitute objections to travel per se b u t
inerely to its abuses. According to some authors, the y o u n g
gentleman abroad was f r e q u e n t l y very négligent of what was
Hiill one of the most i m p o r t a n t purposes of his tour, g a t h e r i n g
timely, factual information a b o u t foreign countries. H e pos-
«essed little more knowledge a t his r e t u r n , they said, than h e
had at setting out. It may be c o n j e c t u r e d that some parents of
rank, who sent their sons to t h e C o n t i n e n t largely because it was
lashionable to do so, were n o t especially disturbed if the t o u r
( o n t r i b u t e d little to the youths' store of information. Others,
however, w h o held a more serious view of travel, were p r o b a b l y
dismayed to f i n d their sons n o t p r o f i t i n g intellectually f r o m
ihc years o n the Continent. T h u s Chesterfield concurred w i t h
non genteel commentators in d e p l o r i n g such abuse of the tour. 2 2
T h e y o u n g traveler who r e t u r n e d in a state of comparative
Ignorance was m u c h satirized. Boyer, for example, included i n
lus English Theophrastus a sketch of a b e a u w h o brought back
b o n i the C o n t i n e n t no more t h a n "the nicest eut Suit, a n d t h e
prettiest Fancied R i b b a n d s f o r Sword-Knots." H i s stay in F r a n c e
was exceedingly u n i n f o r m a t i v e : "Ail the knowledge he has of
France, o r Manners in it, consists in an imperfect Idea of
Versailles, St. Cloud, Fountainbleau, St. Germains, a n d t h e
Louvre, a n d in the keeping of the Valet t h a t follow'd h i m
liither" (page 52). Puckle in The Club described a tourist w h o ,
al though h e h a d been a b r o a d f o r seven years, came back to
Fngland supplied only with superficial platitudes about foreign
countries a n d cities—that " C o n s t a n t i n o p l e was the storehouse
of Creece, Paris the metropolis of France, Venice the eye of
Italy, Florence the seat of b e a u t y . " H e h a d b e e n told that " t h e
I .<>w Countries, for war, traffic, a n d learning, were ail E u r o p e
in A m s t e r d a m p r i n t : but, c o n f o u n d Mars, Mercury, and Miner-
v n " ~ i n o t h e r words, c o n f o u n d ail investigation of military af-
in il s, trade, and learning. H i s seven years a b r o a d h a d been
wasted in d r i n k i n g and carrying o n amours: "Bacchus a n d
Venus were his delight" (pages 45-46).
162 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
Despite the p o p u l a r i t y of the cosmopolitan idéal a m o n g m e n
of fashion, a great m a n y young eighteenth-century English
gentlemen had a c o n t e m p t f o r everything foreign, an u n a l t e r a b l e
conviction that n o t h i n g o n the C o n t i n e n t was worthy of notice.
T h e y traveled with closed minds, scornfully refusing to concern
themselves with C o n t i n e n t a l ideas, politics, économies, a n d re-
ligions, "insolcntly despising foreign m a n n e r s and customs,
merely because they are foreign," as an u n k n o w n a u t h o r declared
in the World No. 22 (May 31, 1753). Most in neecl of the
cosmopolitanizing i n f l u e n c e of travel, they resisted it most
strongly and, in the process, sacrificed the o p p o r t u n i t y of gain-
ing useful, practical knowledge of the countries of E u r o p e .
T h o m a s G o r d o n wrote f o r his Humourist an essay entitled
"Of Travel, misapply'd," which presented a vivid p i c t u r e of
such a tourist. T h i s p r e j u d i c e d traveler, a p p r o p r i a t e l y n a m e d
Oliver Gape and supposée! to be the son of a country squire,
went abroad accompanied by a servant f r o m h o m e called J o h n ,
who was a victim of the same prejudice a n d w h o fortificcl h i m
in it. I n a letter to his father, Oliver h a d little to say a b o u t
H o l l a n d except that E n g l a n d possessed m o r e timber t h a n the
Netherlands and "sweeter Butter, especially in the May-Month,
and o u r John says the same." H e assumed that the D u t c h were
not Christians because, u n l i k e the English, they h a d n o bishops;
b u t he m a d e no effort to examine the D u t c h church since it
was "ail Dissenters a n d Presbyterians, a n d so 1 did n o t go to
church because they be ail Scismaticks, which is as bad as Popish
Idolatry, and o u r John d o n ' t like either of t h e m . " W h e n he
reported on France, his a n t i p a t h y toward foreigners a n d his
conséquent lack of ail real knowledge a b o u t t h e m were revealed
even m o r e clearly. H e disliked the French because " o u r Beef
is fatter than theirs by at least an Inch on the Rib, a n d they
never make any P u d d i n g at ail. B u t they eat Frogs like any
mad, a n d the Devil a n d ail of Onions. O u r John is heart-sick
of their Diet." H a v i n g tried no h a r d e r to i n f o r m himself of
religion in France t h a n in Holland, he dismissed Catholicism
with the words: " T h o their churches be very brave a n d neat, yet
I likes n o t h i n g in them, b u t the Organs a n d the R i n g of Bells;
ail the rest is Popish Idolatry."23 W h e n Oliver's remarks are
I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 86
contrasted with Chesterfield's i n j u n c t i o n s to his son, it may be
leen how flagrantly the young squire was abusing travel: " N o w
that you are in a L u t h e r a n country [i.e., G e r m a n y ] , go to their
churches, and observe the m a n n e r of their public worship;
attend to their ceremonies, a n d i n q u i r e the m e a n i n g a n d in-
i en lion of every one of them. . . . Do the same thing when you
.ire in R o m a n Catholic countries; go to their churches, see ail
their ceremonies, ask the m e a n i n g of them, get the terms ex-
p l l i n e d to you" (III, 1103-04).
Closely related to a p r e j u d i c e against foreigners was the
practice of associating exclusively with one's fellow countrymen
abroad. Obviously, this practice prevented a y o u n g gentleman
Irom realizing the principal aims of travel. It was t h r o u g h
association with foreigners that a g e n t l e m a n acquired the
ability to speak foreign languages fluently, learned an élégant,
polished m a n n e r , rid himself of his provincialism, and gained
I n f o r m a t i o n about the nations of the C o n t i n e n t . In the Restora-
tion, therefore, the young gcntleman-tourist was warned to
"(onsort b u t little with thy own Country-men." 2 4 If fellow
I nglishmen on the C o n t i n e n t were "sober a n d civil G e n t l e m e n , "
Gailhard said, they "may well be f r e q u e n t e d ; yet," he added,
"with m o d é r a t i o n : for one m u s t not be too often with them,
which is a hinderance to the e n d for which we travel a b r o a d . " 2 5
In the eighteenth century, the y o u t h f u l B r i t o n o n the C o n t i n e n t
iindcrwent m u c h satire for m a k i n g few acquaintances except
other Britons. Chesterfield, in the World N o . 29 (July 19,
1753), picturecl a young n o b l e m a n who, considering the R o m a n s
"a parcel of thin-gutted, snivelling, cringing dogs," and dis-
gusted t h a t " n o n e of those Signors speak English," flatly re-
fused to consort with them. U n l i k e Oliver Gape, this biased
aristocrat was accompanied n o t by an i g n o r a n t servant f r o m
home b u t by a conscientious Swiss governor w h o tried to per-
suade h i m to mingle in the C o n t i n e n t a l society he so m u c h
detested, b u t the youth called h i m an " i m p e r t i n e n t mounseer"
and complained bitterly t h a t h e was "always plaguing m e to
go into foreign companies, to learn foreign languages, a n d to
get foreign manners; as if I were n o t to live a n d die in O l d
England, a n d as if good English a c q u a i n t a n c e would not be
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
much more useful to m e than outlandish ones." I n Chester-
field's opinion, far too m a n y English gentlemen on t h e Con-
tinent were guilty of this attitude. T h e y "go abroad, as they
call it," h e told his son; " b u t , in t r u t h , they stay at h o m e ail
that while; for . . . they go into n o foreign company, at least
none good; b u t dine a n d sup with o n e a n o t h e r only, at the
tavern" (111,1148). F e a r f u l lest his son thus abuse travel, h e even
invented a dialogue s h o w i n g young Philip the p r o p e r way to
décliné invitations f r o m o t h e r Englishmcn to j o i n their groups. 2 6
Elurd, violent o p p o n e n t of the g r a n d tour, tried i n his
satirically entitled Uses of Foreign Travel to indicate t h e profit-
lessness of travel by a f f i r m i n g that when y o u n g Englishmen took
u p residence for a while i n some foreign city, their "usual way"
was " t o keep at distance f r o m the better company of the place,
and to flock together i n t o little knots a n d clubs of t h e i r own
c o u n t r y m e n " (page 103). H u r d ' s claim was p e r h a p s n o t m u c h
of an exaggeration. Dr. J o h n Moore, w h o i n the late 1770's
accompanied the y o u n g D u k e of H a m i l t o n o n the C o n t i n e n t ,
estimated that " m a n y English travellers r e m a i n f o u r o r five
years abroad, a n d have seldom, d u r i n g ail this space, b e e n in
any company, b u t that of their own countrymen." T h e i r custom,
he said, was to " f o r m societies or clubs of their own," a n d in
these exclusive groups they would "confirm each other in ail
their préjudices, a n d w i t h united voice c o n d e m n a n d ridicule
the customs a n d m a n n e r s of every country b u t their own."
Moore entirely agreed w i t h other commentators that " b y this
conduct the t r u e p u r p o s e of travelling is lost or perverted." 2 7
Some young travelers committed their first mistake before
they ever left E n g l a n d . T h i s was the error of neglecting to
acquire a knowledge of their native land, especially of its laws
and constitution. If they d i d not go abroad e q u i p p e d w i t h such
knowledge, they w o u l d have little basis for comparison w h e n
they came to consider t h e légal a n d political institutions of
foreign nations, a n d consequcntly their investigation of these
matters would be of small advantage to them. T o seek informa-
tion f r o m travel w i t h o u t first having become a c q u a i n t e d with
British institutions was, according to the a u t h o r of the Specta-
tor No. 364, " 'to b u i l d a gaudy structure w i t h o u t any founda-
I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 87
lion; or . . . to work a rich embroidery u p o n a c o b w e b . ' "
Priestley d e m a n d e d : " H o w can . . . comparison be made, or
any j u d g m e n t formed of t h e constitution a n d laws of o t h e r
countries with respect to o u r own, w h e n that constitution, a n d
iliose laws with which they are to be compared, are u n k n o w n . " 2 8
l'ravel, therefore, affordcd an additional reason for the de-
su ability of légal training in t h e y o u n g gentleman's curriculum.
Yet llie knowledge of E n g l a n d requisite for travel was n o t to
be restricted to law a n d r e l a t e d sciences; Fordyce in his Dia-
logues m e n t i o n e d as well t h e "interests, or the manners of his
c o u n t r y m e n " (II, 274), a n d Sheridan suggestcd that y o u n g
gentlemen "should begin their travels with seeing every t h i n g
lliat is curious at home," w h i c h " w o u l d not only enable t h e m
lu lorm a better comparative j u d g m e n t of things in o t h e r
countries" but, by providing t h e m w i t h t h e conversational
lopics in which foreigners were most interested, "would be the
NU rest means of r e c o m m e n d i n g t h e m to the best society every
where." 2 9 As a preliminary to travel, however, légal knowledge
was advised more often t h a n i n f o r m a t i o n of a n y other k i n d .
T h e most serious abuse of travel, i n the eyes of m a n y com-
mentators, was o n e a t t r i b u t a b l e to fashionable parents r a t h e r
llian their sons—the custom of s e n d i n g youths t o the C o n t i n e n t
m their m i d d l e or later teens, p e r h a p s just a f t e r they h a d com-
plctcd their training at a p u b l i c school or h a d obtained some
learning f r o m a tutor. A n u m b e r of parents, of course, delayed
llie g r a n d tour u n t i l a later period, b u t early travel was very
common. Chesterfield himself endorsed it; his son was only
lourteen when h e commenced his travels. " I t is evident," T h o m a s
Sheridan announced, " t h a t tlicre can be no greater evil t h a n
llie sending our youth abroad at so i m p r o p e r a n d dangerous a
neason." 30 Sheridan was voicing the o p i n i o n of a great m a n y
theorists, for few practices in gentlemanly éducation w e r e so
iiulavorably regarded by the critics. I n coridemning the custom,
ihey were not condemning the theory of travel itself, since they
usually a d m i t t e d that a j o u r n e y t h r o u g h the C o n t i n e n t could
he valuable if it was m a d e at the right period. T h e y were, how-
ever, disparaging travel as actually u n d e r t a k e n by perhaps the
inajority of young gentlemen.
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
A common objection against visiting the C o n t i n e n t d u r i n g
adolescence was that the gentleman in his teens was too young
to p r o f i t mentally f r o m his tour. His travels should be deferred
u n t i l "a m a t u r e âge," as one seventeenth-century a u t h o r main-
tained, "when by the h e l p of his foregoing éducation his Judg-
m e n t is setled a n d q u a l i f i e d to make useful observations." 3 1
" H a v i n g no knowledge or experience," W a l k e r p o i n t e d out,
young gentlemen " c a n n o t advantage themselves abroad, b u t are
there in a k i n d of amazedness; variety of objects, which they
neither understand, nor value, c o n f o u n d i n g r a t h e r t h a n edify-
ing, them." 3 2 Here, t h e n , was a n o t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n of why
British travelers so often r e t u r n e d f r o m the C o n t i n e n t w i t h o u t
having acquired w o r t h w h i l e i n f o n n a t i o n . Even if they did n o t
despise foreign ways a n d mingled in foreign company, they
could not be expected to benefit by their experiences because
they were intellectually u n a b l e to appreciate or i n t e r p r e t the
u n f a m i l i a r sights, events, a n d ideas which crowded u p o n them.
According to the Spectator No. 364, the typical English gentle-
m a n of sixteen on the C o n t i n e n t spent " 'his time as children
do at puppet-shows, a n d with much the same advantage, in
staring and gaping at a n amazing variety of strange things;
strange indeed to one t h a t is not prepared to c o m p r e h e n d the
reasons a n d m e a n i n g of them.' " As Sheridan remarked, "to
collcct valuable stores of knowledge, and to treasure u p wise
observations, demands the skill a n d experience of more advanced
years." 3 3
A n o t h e r a n d perhaps a more i m p o r t a n t objection to an early
g r a n d tour r e p u d i a t e d t h e fashionable a r g u m e n t t h a t travel
was to be commended as an introduction to the world. Social
intercourse on the C o n t i n e n t at the âge of f i f t e e n or sixteen was
held liable to the same k i n d of criticism leveled in général at
a p r é m a t u r é exposure to the evils of society; in fact, it was even
more censurable because of the circumstances u n d e r which the
young gentleman a b r o a d entered into company. As an im-
pressionable adolescent, n o t yet settled in his principles, new
to the ways of the world, suddenly placed in strange lands far
away f r o m the counsel of his parents, dazzled by meretricious
allurements of m a n y varieties, and directly responsible for his
I
I lIF.PLACE OF TRAVEL 173
conduct to no one except a t u t o r or governor who might be
négligent or even profligate (like the Monsieur Creutzer in
Lclter X L V I I of Sir Charles Grandison), the i m m a t u r e gentle-
man in foreign countries was t h o u g h t to be an easy prey to
lemptation. T r a v e l posed n o serious threat t o virtue, critics
helieved, if a tourist had already a t t a i n e d m o r a l wisdom a n d
Integrity, but, unfortunately, these a t t a i n m e n t s were beyond the
grasp of the youth in his teens. T h u s the a u t h o r of The Gentle-
man's Calling, w h o fully a p p r o v e d of travel for a d u l t gentlemen,
.isset ted that " t h e négligence of Governours, or their own lieadi-
n< ss, when they find the rein thus slackned," caused adolescent
liuvelers to " r u n a full career in ail d e b a u c h t pleasures" (pages
'IH 89). T h e y lived "licentiously, a n d not according to the best
examples abroad," W a l k e r a f f i r m e d ; they associated with un-
dcsirable company, from which they learned " evilness of man-
ners." 8 4
Pope in the Dunciad described the y o u t h f u l British traveler
is indulging in vice b u t assigned n o definite cause for his con-
<lu( t except possibly the carelessness or collusion of his t u t o r :
I.ed by my h a n d [the t u t o r said], he sauntered Europe
round,
And gathered every Vice o n Christian grouncl;
T h e Stews a n d Palace equally explored,
Intrigued with glory, a n d w i t h spirit w h o r e d
(IV.311-316.)
Whereas Pope d i d not explicitly b l â m e the immaturity of the
tourist or d e m a n d that t h e adolescent gentleman be kept at
home, other eighteenth-century a u t h o r s were more direct. T h e y
did not simply describe; they propagandized. Clergymen were
especially vehement. Brown declared that travel was inevitably
.m invitation to vicious living for the young tourist because his
inexpérience m a d e h i m u n a b l e to distinguish the a d m i r a b l e
Irom the reprehensible: " F o r as the uninstructed Youth m u s t
needs meet with a Variety of Examples, good a n d bad, vile a n d
praise-worthy, as his M a n n e r s are childish, a n d his J u d g m e n t
crude, he will naturally i m b i b e w h a t is most consentaneous
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
with his puerile H a b i t s . T h u s , while W i s d o m and V i r t u e can
f i n d n o Place in him, every Foreign Folly, Effeminacy, or Vice,
meeting w i t h a correspondent Soil, at once take R o o t a n d
flourish." 3 5 T h e central p o i n t o£ H u r d ' s Uses of Foreign Travel
was that "so long as travel is considered as a p a r t of early
tutorage a n d éducation, I see n o t h i n g b u t mischiefs spring f r o m
i t " (page 9). H u r d was firmly convinced t h a t letting unwise,
headstrong, a n d impressionable youths j o u r n c y away f r o m h o m e
a n d f r o m the guidance of their parents was fatal to their virtue.
H e p u t i n t o the m o u t h of Shaftesbury t h e view that since vice
was to be e n c o u n t e r e d everywhere it m i g h t just as well be
encountered on the C o n t i n e n t as in England, but, k n o w i n g t h a t
Locke h a d himself w r i t t e n against sencling adolescents abroad,
h e gave Locke the following reply: "Allowing that vice were
of every clime, the same every where, ancl equally m a l i g n a n t ,
I should still imagine y o u r youth to be safer f r o m the infection
at home, u n d e r the eye a n d wing of their own parents or families,
t h a n w a n d e r i n g at large in foreign countries, w i t h as little
respect of others, as p r u d e n c e of their own, to g u a r d them
f r o m this d a n g e r . " 3 6
A l t h o u g h Leigh in his Three Diatribes stipulated that the
gentleman should n o t travel before t h e âge of eighteen or
twenty, h e did a d m i t t h a t " t h e years of 14 or 15 are m o r e
p r o p e r for learning t h e true accent of any language, a n d ail
exercises belonging to the bocly" (pages 4-5). Grenville was
satisfied t h a t his n e p h e w had seen France a n d Italy at the âge
of twelve or thirtecn. 3 7 Gailhard too " w o u l d have G e n t l e m e n
young w h e n they begin to Travel a b r o a d " ; h e approvecl of an
early tour f r o m the same motives that led o t h e r writers to con-
d e m n it, t h i n k i n g t h a t a young traveler w o u l d learn m o r e (at
least a b o u t foreign languages) and woulcl acquire less vice t h a n
a n older person. 3 8 I n d e e d , in the Restoration early travel m e t
with somewhat more approval f r o m theorists than it did in the
eighteenth century. It is probable, however, t h a t G a i l h a r d h a d
in m i n d an âge p r i o r even to adolescence, a n d if this is so, his
views, like those of Grenville, were less opposed to the opinions
of later commentators t h a n might appear. T h e worst âge for
travel was, according to critics, the micldle a n d later teens. If
I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 174
il son was still a child a n d n o t yet a youth when he visited
the Continent, his tour could n o t b e expected to do m u c h h a r m
lo his virtue. Locke in Some Thoughts Concerning Education
ihercfore disapproved of m a k i n g the tour between the âges of
lilteen a n d twenty-one b u t recommencled travel for the boy of
Irom seven to fourteen as well as for the m a t u r e m a n . T h e
curliest period, lie believed, was t h e best in which to learn
foreign languages, and at this time also " t h e tutor may have
some authority; neither the stubbornness of âge, nor the tempta-
lion of examples of others can take h i m f r o m his tutor's conduct,
till lilteen or sixteen." I n the latest period, a gentleman was
"ol âge to govern himself, a n d m a k e observations of w h a t h e
linds in other countries worthy his notice." I t was only in the
middle period, when gentlemen were headstrong and uncon-
iiollable youths, that they s h o u l d n o t be s e n t abroad: " T o
pi il them out of their parents' view, at a great distance, u n d e r
•i govcrnor, w h e n they t h i n k themselves too m u c h m e n to be
Kovcrned by others, a n d yet have n o t p r u d e n c e and experience
enough to govern themselves: w h a t is it, b u t to expose t h e m to
ail the greatest dangers of their whole life, w h e n they have
tlie* least fence and guard against them?" (pages 175-176).
In the eighteenth century, however, the earliest period for
liavel was less frequently taken into considération by theorists.
Even if a pre-adolescent m i g h t acquire foreign languages m o r e
iradily than an older person, the common attitude, as we have
Nccn, was that n o i m m a t u r e g e n t l e m a n could learn a great deal
Irom a visit to the C o n t i n e n t . I n fact, critics t e n d e d to postpone
liavel to a later and later date. A n anonymous author w r i t i n g
in 1704 considered the âge of twenty still too early for travel
.nul was worried about y o u n g gentlemen w h o went abroad at
iliis âge to study medicine a n d law, for, he said, "they acquire
neither Virtue nor Learning, b u t H a b i t s of ail sorts of De-
ll.nichery, as we are t a u g h t by every day's experience." 3 9
Costcker's Fine Gentleman (1732) d i d not advise the g r a n d
lour u n t i l a gentleman h a d b e e n t a u g h t at h o m e under a master,
altcnded an academy, gone to a university, a n d received ad-
ditional t r a i n i n g at a post-university academy (page 50). For-
dyce in 1745 wished the t o u r delayed till a university g r a d u a t e
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
h a d spent a year or two in L o n d o n , where h e would gain e n o u g h
worldly experience to prevent h i m f r o m erring w h e n he was
exposed to the world on the C o n t i n e n t . 4 0 I n 1769, Sheridan
proposed an academy for gentlemen w h o h a d finished their
university studies or w h o did not plan to a t t e n d a university,
h o p i n g t h a t such an institution would provicle an alternative
to m a k i n g the t o u r before they were old e n o u g h f o r travel. 4 1
Al t h o u g h the loregoing remarks illustrate a conviction on the
part of m a n y a u t h o r s that the grand t o u r could be unbeneficial
a n d p e r h a p s extremely h a r m f u l , even animadversions against
travel d u r i n g adolescence were not, strictly speaking, attacks on
travel itself. T h e y did not invalidate the theory t h a t if a visit
to the C o n t i n e n t was postponed until a d u l t h o o d , it could be
immensely p r o f i t a b l e to a gentleman. T h e r e were, however,
other criticisms of travel which seemecl to strike at the heart
of the institution a n d which may consequently be viewed as the
most serious of ail objections to the tour.
T h e mildest of these denied that travel was necessary or
useful for o b t a i n i n g a knowledge of m a n k i n d . H u r d was per-
haps the most outspoken exponent of this attitude. "If," he
said, "by a knowledge of the world, be m e a n t only a knowledge
of the external modes a n d customs of it," it could be learned
through travel. B u t a n understanding of the f u n d a m e n t a l laws
of h u m a n n a t u r e was usually not a p r o d u c t of the tour, es-
pecially when the tourist was still a y o u t h . " H e has n o t so
m u c h as the idea of w h a t constitutes Man," H u r d argued.
" H o w then should h e obtain any real a n d useful knowledge
of the h u m a n character?" T r a v e l m u g h t supply h i m with "mat-
ter, at his r e t u r n , for m u c h u n p r o f i t a b l e b a b b l e in conversation:
But, that he should corne back f r a u g h t w i t h any solid informa-
tion concerning m e n a n d things . . . is w h a t I can never
promise myself f r o m this fashionable m o d e of E d u c a t i o n . " 4 2
Even if a tourist was m a t u r e enough to look deeply into the
h u m a n heart, the u n i f o r m i t a r i a n conception of h u m a n n a t u r e
as essentially the same ail over the world r e n d e r e d the study of
man a poor excuse for travel; it suggestecl that a gentleman
could discover just as m u c h about m a n k i n d in E n g l a n d as on
/'
I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 177
tlie C o n t i n e n t . Eighteenth-century novels reflected this con-
clusion. H a r r i e t Byron's view in L e t t e r X X I I I of Sir Charles
(•randison surely impressed m a n y of Richardson's contempor-
.i ries as a logical one:
Is not h u m a n n a t u r e the same in every country, allowing
for only différent customs?—Do not love, liatred, anger,
malice, ail the passions in short, good or b a d , show them-
selves by like effects in the faces, hearts, a n d actions of the
people of every country? A n d let men m a k e ever such
si l ong pretensions to knowledge f r o m their far-fetched a n d
dear-bought experience, c a n n o t a p e n e t r a t i n g spirit learn
as much f r o m the passions of a Sir Hargrave Pollexfen in
Fngland, as it could f r o m a m a n of the same, o r the like ill
qualifies, in Spain, in France, or in Italy?
I lie Man of the Hill i n Tom Jones expressed a similar idea,
dec laring that " 'those w h o travel in order to a c q u a i n t themselves
with the différent manners of m e n m i g h t spare themselves m u c h
pains by going to a carnival at Venice; for there they will
•HT at once ail which they can discover in t h e several courts
«il F u r o p e ' " (Book VIII, c h a p t e r xv). His m i s a n t h r o p i e con-
v h i i o n that " ' h u m a n n a t u r e is everywhere the same, every-
where the object of detestation a n d s c o r n , " ' did not obviate
Ilie attitude that travel was f a r f r o m indispensable for o b t a i n i n g
« Knowledge of the world.
Fellow Englishmen o n the C o n t i n e n t were sometimes t h o u g h t
lu be bad influences, a n d travelers were counseled to avoid
llirm for this reason. T h e F r e n c h m a n G a i l h a r d subscribed to
the notion that drunkenness was the peculiar vice of English-
men abroad, 4 3 as did also Chesterfield, w h o described their
ilcoholic brawling and riotous conduct. 4 4 Smollett, in C h a p t e r
Kl.IV of Roderick Random, m e n t i o n e d a y o u n g English lord
abroad who "was so u n f o r t u n a t e as to meet with three of his
uwn countrymen on their travels, in whose company h e com-
uiiited such excesses, that his constitution failed, and h e fell
Into a consumption." Far m o r e common, however, was the
view that foreigners constituted the principal source of tempta-
ilon.
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
T h e wide concern over the susceptible English adolescent
who was exposed to Continental ways is, in some degree, a
testimony to the f e a r t h a t foreigncrs p r o v i d e d evil examples.
A sizeable body of writers seems to have laid the blâme for
the contraction of vice not so m u c h o n the i m m a t u r i t y of
British travelers as o n the wickedness of the C o n t i n e n t itself.
T h e relative i m p o r t a n c e of immaturity a n d C o n t i n e n t a l vicious-
ness as alleged factors in the traveler's loss of virtue is, of course,
impossible to determine, b u t a conception of foreign nations
as inimical to v i r t u e strongly influenced m a n y theorists. Pos-
sessed of a deep distrust for foreign m a n n e r s a n d practices,
they a p p e a r actually to have assumed t h a t the C o n t i n e n t was
a more i m m o r a l a n d irreligious place t h a n E n g l a n d . A l t h o u g h
any participation in society was viewed as entailing dangers
to morality a n d religion, the dangers were m u l t i p l i e d many
times, in the eyes of these authors, if t h e society was composed
of foreigners. Like objections to travel d u r i n g adolescence,
their a t t i t u d e denied the fashionable theory that t h e tour was
valuahle for f u r n i s h i n g worldly experience. T h e i r picture of
foreigners was p e r h a p s inherited f r o m the Renaissance, when
Italy in p a r t i c u l a r gained an unsavory r é p u t a t i o n a m o n g
Englishmcn, b u t in the eighteenth century F r a n c e more o f t e n
than Italy was regarded as notoriously sinful. R u i n of character
was predicted w i t h grim certitude w h e n the c o r r u p t i n g in-
fluence of the C o n t i n e n t joined forces w i t h the youthfulness
of the traveler; a n d some commentators evidently felt that the
Englishman would b e better off if, instead of merely postponing
his tour u n t i l m a t u r i t y , he did n o t m a k e it at ail. I n grave
language they described the bad effects of an association with
foreigners—the u n d e r m i n i n g of virtue, the indoctrination into
sin a n d impiety. T y p i c a l of their remarks were the following,
m a d e by Burnet, w h o was probably a l l u d i n g to France: "As
for the c o r r u p t i o n of their [i.e., y o u n g English travelers']
manners, why sould n o t that be looked u p o n as assured, among
a people w h o have m a d e their greatest study, ane u n m a n l y
idolising of women, and where uncleanness is t h o u g h t b u t a
sport; n e i t h e r is a m a n judged in fashion if he keep n o t a
courtisan, a n d w h e r e the dialect of speech is to sweare with
I lIF.PLACE OF TRAVEL 179
opcn m o u t h ; a n d by ail, even those who are not atheists in
principle, a sense of G o d a n d piety is hissed at a n d f o r g o t t e n . " 4 5
Burnet wrote this blast early i n the Restoration; the suc-
ceeding years saw n o d i m i n u t i o n i n the a t t i t u d e h e expressed.
"Follies, fopperies, vices a n d l u x u r i e s " were so prevalent o n the
Continent, Sheridan implied in his British Education, t h a t they
were "to be f o u n d in the streets, a n d on the high-ways; a n d to
bc picked u p riding post" (page 32). According to H u r d ' s
Uses of Foreign Travel, there were "degrees in vice, as well as
v.irieties of it," a n d y o u t h f u l gentlemen grew more proficient
m it or adopted " n e w species of it" as a conséquence of
"rambling into countries w h e r e it may chance to rage w i t h
greater virulence, or w h e r e such modes of it, at least, prevail
.IN aie luckily u n k n o w n to us" (page 23). Despite H u r d ' s con-
i ession toward the e n d of his book that a C o n t i n e n t a l tour
could be of value for certain well-qualified gentlemen whose
éducation p r o p e r was already completed, one has the feeling
tliat lie w o u l d have been satisfied if no gentleman ever traveled
at ail.
Some critics were a f r a i d t h a t the r e t u r n e d English tourist
would inseminate in his own country the wicked ways of
foreigners, "bringing h o m e , " as Grenville said in his Counsel
and Directions, "no m o r e considérable Remarks, t h a n some
noted Vices of a Forein N a t i o n , to T r a n s p l a n t , a n d P r o p a g a t e
in his own Country, a n d a m o n g his own K i n d " (page 91).
I l u r d h a d recourse to history o n this point. Fie m a d e Shaftes-
bury assert in support of the g r a n d tour that the Stuart cour-
tiers had i m p o r t e d polish i n t o E n g l a n d f r o m France, b u t Locke's
reply eut Shaftesbury short: "As to the worthies of C H A R L E S '
court . . . if they b r o u g h t any t h i n g with t h e m f r o m France,
besides it's follies and vices . . . it is a secret which it has n o t
bien my f o r t u n e to be apprized of" (pages 19-20). I n 1722
Dykes b r a n d e d foreign nations as the sources of the evils which
infested England. Britons w e n t abroad, he said, "to get ill
Habits or foui Diseases . . . to b r i n g h o m e ill M a n n e r s or
worse Languages; a n d to fall at last into ill C o m p a n y or the
worst Corruptions of ail V i r t u e . " Fie thoroughly regretted " t h e
fond Vagaries of leaving o u r o w n native Climate for new
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
46
Fangles, a n d Foreign Fanfarons." H e r e was a c o n d e m n a t i o n
of travel per se. i t may be assumed t h a t Dykes would have pre-
ferred English gentlemen, m a t u r e as well as y o u t h f u l , to r e m a i n
in their native land.
T h e c o r r u p t i o n of religion as well as of morality was ascribed
to travel. Critics were apprehensive that a n English gentleman's
religious principles w o u l d be affected by Catholicism, a n d the
f r e e t h i n k i n g associated w i t h France a n d Italy loomed as an
even greater menace. Jenyns portrayed a young m a n who,
having traversed t h e nations of E u r o p e a n d " G l e a n ' d ail their
follies," came u n d e r the influence of b o t h Catholicism a n d free-
thinking, so that h e r e t u r n e d to E n g l a n d as
A m o n s t e r of such complicated worth,
As n o one single clime could e'er b r i n g f o r t h ;
Half atheist, papist, gamester, bubble, rook. 4 7
T h e u n k n o w n a u t h o r of the World N o . 205 (December 2,
1756) was especially concerned over the atheism resulting f r o m
an exposure to F r e n c h freethinkers, for " t h e m a j o r i t y of o u r
young travellers r e t u r n h o m e entirely divested of the religion
of their country, w i t h o u t having a c q u i r e d any new one in its
place." T h i s a u t h o r m a d e the ironie suggestion t h a t since travel
to France was currently rendered impossible by the war, y o u n g
gentlemen visit C h i n a instead; then r a t h e r than acquire F r e n c h
atheism, they m i g h t adopt Confucianism. H u r d again employed
historical example. W h e n in his Uses of Foreign Travel Shaftes-
bury claimed t h a t the Elizabethans h a d gained e n l i g h t e n m e n t
from Italy, Locke responcled that they " h a d d o n e better to stay
at home," since "it is n o secret that the civility, we thus acquired,
was dearly paid for; a n d that Irreligion a n d even Atheism, were,
by mistake, packed u p with their other curiosities; a n d shewn
about, at their r e t u r n , as choice things, which could not b u t
very m u c h enhance the considération of those w h o h a d been
to gather t h e m beyond the m o u n t a i n s " (pages 18-19).
An equally strong criticism of travel, b u t one grouncled in
patriotism rather t h a n in an anxiety f o r virtue, involved the
removal of English provincialism ancl, incidentally, the acquire-
I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 181
ment of French polish as objects of the g r a n d tour. In the
Krstoration Gailhard characterized the true gentleman as one
who toured the C o n t i n e n t " n o t forgetting himself to be an
Euglishman, nor with b e c o m i n g a Frenchman, an Italian, or a
Cm man, b u t building u p o n the true f o u n d a t i o n of an English-
m.m, and m a k i n g use of the différent ways of those several
Nations, as O r n a m e n t s only, a n d not as a b o t t o m . " 4 8 Notwith-
slanding the widespread p o p u l a r i t y of the cosmopolitan idéal
nniong both gentlemen and theorists in the eighteenth century,
many authors subjected this idéal to severe qualifications. Even
•toi ne of those who endorsed it stipulated that becoming a
(iti/en of the worlcl should n o t entail the loss of British at-
ti i,butes or of love for one's n a t i v e country. Sir Charles Grandi-
non, whose heart was "generously o p e n and benevolent to people
ni ail countries," was described in Letter C X L I as "in the
noblest sense, a citizen of the world; b u t see we n o t , " Richardson
added, " t h a t his long residence abroad has only the m o r e en-
ilrared h i m to the religion, the government, the m a n n e r s of
England?"
Sir Charles m a n a g e d to balance cosmopoli tan ism and pa-
n iolism nicely, b u t a host of gentlemen, according to the critics,
«lui not. I m b u e d , perhaps, w i t h t h e same prejudice against the
C o n t i n e n t f o r which o t h e r critics r e p r i m a n d e d young travelers,
llicsc writers m a i n t a i n e d t h a t the process of cosmopolitanizing
oh en went too far, t u r n i n g an English gentleman into a for-
ci gner. Moore, it is true, believed that Britons w h o tried to
pnitern themselves a f t e r the Continentals were generally un-
mressful a n d that, in any case, it was " m u c h m o r e n a t u r a l
lo the English character to despise foreigners than to imitate
llicm," 4 9 b u t a large n u m b e r of commentators were decidedly
less disposed than he to m i n i m i z e de-Anglicization. In their
opinion, the Englishman abroad, taking a course directly op-
posite f r o m that of his fellow countrymen w h o scorned every-
lliing foreign, often hastened to exchange his native customs
.nul attributes for alien ones, particularly those of the French,
whose influence on n a t i o n a l character was as strongly feared
is the Italian influence had been d u r i n g the Renaissance. 5 0
T h e r e was, of course, considérable pro-Gallic feeling in Eng-
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
land t h r o u g h o u t b o t h the Restoration a n d eighteenth century,
one manifestation of which was t h e a d m i r a t i o n for F r e n c h
polish discussed previously. Yet anti-French feeling was a power-
ful c o u n t e r to this pro-Gallic sentiment. T h e déclaration of the
M a n of the Hill, " 'I h a d infinitely r a t h e r pass my life with the
H o t t e n t o t s t h a n set my foot in Paris again,' " 5 1 was not entirely
an instance of eccentricity. I n the later eighteenth century,
opposition to Frenchification had grown so strong that Moore
was able to write:
A p r e j u d i c e against French manners is n o t confined to the
lower ranks in England:—It is diffused over the whole na-
tion. Even those who have none of the usual préjudices;—
w h o d o ail m a n n e r of justice to the talents ancl ingenuity
of their neighbours;—who approve of F r e n c h m a n n e r s in
F r e n c h people; yet cannot suffer t h e m w h e n grafted on
their c o u n t r y m e n . . . .
I can scarcely r e m e m b e r an instance of an Englishman of
fashion, w h o has evinced in his dress or style of living a
preference to F r e n c h manners, w h o d i d n o t lose by it in
the o p i n i o n of his countrymen. 5 2
I t s h o u l d n o t be inferred that critics o b j e c t e d to Frenchifica-
tion alone; other nations were thought to c o n t r i b u t e their share
in de-Anglicizing the traveler. Richardson's remarks in Sir
Charles Grandison h a d reference mainly to Italy, a n d Alexander
Abercromby was speaking generally w h e n , in the Mirror No.
57 (August 10, 1779), he called it "a m i s f o r t u n e for a private
gentleman, w h o mcans to pass his days in his native country, to
become attached to foreign manners a n d foreign customs, in
so considérable a degree, as a long residence abroad, in the
earlier period of life, seldom fails to p r o d u c e . " B u t France was
regarded as the principal threat. A n d h e r e m a n y commentators
f o u n d themselves i n conflict with theorists a n d m e n of fashion
who, viewing the a t t a i n m e n t of the well-bred air as a n im-
p o r t a n t a i m of travel, praised the F r e n c h for their polished
m a n n e r s a n d u r g e d young Englishmen to a d o p t these manners.
F r e n c h polish was treatecl by the m o r e p a t r i o t i c commentators
as superficial, hypocritical, and frivolous—as a n élégant veneer
for insecurity a n d as related in n o way to an inner civility.
IlIF.PLACE OF TRAVEL 183
I hcy therefore denied that t h e acquirement of the well-bred
air was a legitimate object of t h e tour; English manners m i g h t
lu- ungraceful, b u t at least they were genuine. T h u s one Res-
l(nation author, despite his awareness of the alleged boorish-
licss of the untraveled English, t h o u g h t this boorishness préfér-
able to F r e n c h polish, which was " n o t worth the Charge the
tirntleman is at, t h a t travels f o r it." H e was, in fact, "sorry
loi the p o o r R e t u r n s m a n y m a k e , that i m p o r t h i t h e r the Air
aiid Carriage, a n d Assurance of the French, therewith q u i t t i n g
llieir own staple native Commodities of m u c h greater Value,
vil. the Sincerity a n d Generosity of the English Disposition."58
I 11is o p i n i o n was m o r e f r e q u e n t in the eighteenth century. As
Moore (who himself h a d a h i g h respect for France) p o i n t e d o u t
in his View of Society and Manners, " W h a t F r e n c h m e n con-
geler as common good m a n n e r s , many Englishmen would call
lluttery, perhaps f a w n i n g " (I, 67). Smollett ridiculed F r e n c h
polish when, in C h a p t e r L of Roderick Random, h e described
llanter's b a r b e r as " a n exceeding coxcomb, lately come f r o m
Paris, whose absurd affectation ancl grimace would easily pass
. . for the sprightly politesse of a gentleman i m p r o v e d by
travel."
Again, some authors, in rejecting the élégant air as an a i m
ol the tour, were n o t t h i n k i n g exclusively of France. Fordyce,
H least, did n o t r e f e r specifically to that country w h e n h e
(aiitioned the traveler that " t h e principal aim of going a b r o a d
. . is n o t . . . to polish a n d refine one's m a n n e r s . . . a n d
ilitis to learn a shrewdness, circumspection, a n d certain versa-
nlity of address." 5 4 B u t Fordyce probably h a d France in m i n d
more t h a n any other country, a n d H u r d almost certainly d i d
when, in his Uses of Foreign Travel, he stipulated t h a t the y o u n g
gcnileman-traveler shoulcl n o t occupy himself with " t h a t ex-
i rssive sedulity a b o u t Grâce a n d M a n n e r . " T h e p u r s u i t of a
graceful b e a r i n g " w o u l d dissipate the y o u n g m i n d too m u c h , "
lie lelt, " a n d take it off f r o m those other more i m p o r t a n t
pursuits, which are p r o p e r to t h a t âge" (pages 114-115). As a n
liiu of travel, goocl b r e e d i n g belonged a m o n g "such things as
lie may very well do w i t h o u t , or, at best, are of an inferior a n d
subordinate considération" (page 88).
184 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
H u r d , however, was somewhat inconsistent as to the attain-
m e n t of a comely d e m e a n o r through travel. H e m a i n t a i n e d at
one p o i n t that travel was ill-constituted to improve the gentle-
man's manners, since most Englishmen a b r o a d did not mingle
with the best-bred foreign society (page 102), b u t elsewhere h e
held t h a t travel could refine young g e n t l e m e n too m u c h , pro-
ducing " I k n o w n o t what varnish of m a n n e r s ancl good breeding
. . . a n d other trappings a n d shewy a p p e n d a g e s of éducation,"
and, as h e c o m m e n t e d sarcastically, "tricking o u t a set of fine
Gentlemen" (pages 70-71). H e even v e n t u r e d the opinion that
this excessive foreign polish or delicacy of breeding rendered
gentlemen u n f i t f o r fulfilling their n a t i o n a l obligations, tend-
ing "to c r a m p their faculties, effeminate the temper, and break
that force a n d vigour of m i n d which is requisite in a m a n of
business for the discharge of his duty, in this free country."
" T h e day may corne b u t too soon," h e morosely preclicted,
"when . . . politeness shall be fatal to ability of every kind; and,
at least in the higher ranks of life, w h e n o u r countrymen shall
be too well bred to be good for any t h i n g " (pages 115-116).
T h e reaction against de-Anglicization h a d reference to m u c h
more t h a n mere polish, however. T h e y o u t h f u l traveler, critics
said, a d o p t e d F r e n c h mannerisms, fopperies, a n d foibles, sprin-
kled his conversation w i t h French phrases, enthusiastically en-
dorsed the F r e n c h cuisine, and dressed in conformity to the
French mode, u n t i l he was, like Jenyns' Modem Fuie Gentle-
man,
N o w q u i t e a F r e n c h m a n in his g a r b a n d air,
His neck yok'd down w i t h bag a n d solitaire.
{Works, I, 66.)
Such a creature was a citizen of E n g l a n d in n a m e only, or, at
best, a preposterous hybrid, the p r o d u c t of two opposing cul-
tures b u t the m e m b e r of neither.
T h e mid-eighteenth century was especially full of satiric
treatments of the Englishman Frenchified by travel, one of the
best k n o w n of which is probably Fielding's p o r t r a i t of Bellar-
m i n e in Joseph Andreivs. T h e u n k n o w n a u t h o r of the World
1
l l l i : PLACE OF TRAVEL 185
No. 22 (May 31, 1753) facetiously proposed t h a t gentlemen be
whipped for traveling, just as schoolboys at E t o n were w h i p p e d
loi rambling through the s u r r o u n d i n g countryside. T h i s satirist
snggested that a b o a r d be established, "the président and princi-
pal members of which are to be chosen o u t of the l a u d a b l e
nociety of Anti-Gallicans," in order to e x a m i n e a n d sentence
li.ivelers. A m o n g the crimes which deserved flagellation were
"dcbasing the purity of the English language, by a vile m i x t u r e
ol exotic words, idioms, a n d phrases . . . the f r e q u e n t use of
llu: word canaille, a n d the least contempt wantonly cast on the
loast beef of Olcl E n g l a n d . " It is possible that this writer con-
lidcred the anti-French p r e j u d i c e of his countrymen excessive a n d
iliat he was satirizing it as well as Frenchified travelers. N o t so,
however, the u n i d e n t i f i e d a u t h o r of the World N o . 205 (De-
rember 2, 1756), w h o p r e t e n d e d to regret that the c u r r e n t w a r
between E n g l a n d a n d France prevented young English noble-
nicn f r o m visiting the latter country. T h e a d m i r a t i o n for F r a n c e
on the p a r t of m a n y aristocrats was suggested by m e n t i o n of
i gentleman who, w i t h regard to his son, "most pathetically
lumented his ill-fortune, t h a t t h e doors of France should be so
uiiically shut against a lad formed, by nature, for ail t h e
• i< < omplishmen ts which so eminently distinguish that polite
nation." T h e writer's ironie proposai that gentlemen visit C h i n a
i.il her than France was i n t e n d e d to ridicule the i n t r o d u c t i o n
ol French fashions a n d customs into E n g l a n d by r e t u r n e d
luurists; h e even professed to envision a day when not only in
ilieir religious beliefs b u t in their dress a n d cuisine too, English-
men of quality would imitate t h e Chinese instead of the French.
Quite possibly the y o u n g English traveler even developed a
violent prejudice against t h e land of his birth, as did t h e
nobleman w h o m T h o m a s G o r d o n depicted as coming h o m e
"quite o u t of Conceit with Old England, his own native Coun-
11 y . . . b u t full of the Finery of the French Court, ancl of t h e
Fraises of its G o v e r n m e n t . " 5 5 Gilbert West, whose Spenserian
imitation On the Abuse of Travelling (1739) p a i n t e d Versailles
m most opprobrious ternis, was gravely concerned lest this
glittering b u t rotten court should turn the traveler against his
homeland:
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
T o t h a t seminary of fashions vain
T h e rich a n d noble f r o m ail parts repair,
W h e r e grown e n a m o u r ' d of the g a u d y train,
A n d courteous h a v i o u r gent a n d d e b o n a i r ,
T h e y cast to imitate such semblaunce fair,
A n d d c e m i n g meanly of their native l o n d
T h e i r own r o u g h virtucs they disdain to wear,
A n d back r e t u r n i n g drest by foreign h o n d
N e o t h e r m a t t e r care, n e other u n d e r s t o n d . 5 6
A n u m b e r of critics feared that a y o u n g gentleman's politics
would be poisoned by a residence a b r o a d a n d that h e would
exchange his f a i t h in British liberty a n d i n the British con-
stitution f o r despotic notions o b t a i n e d i n absolute monarchies,
particularly France. T h e tourist, Fordyce said in his Dialogues
Concerning Education, should r e m e m b e r to "despise chains a n d
the servile pageantry of life, however they may be gildcd"
(II, 276). T h e a u t h o r of the World N o . 22 ironically des-
cribecl "such y o u n g patriots who m a k e the t o u r of E u r o p e f r o m
a l a u d a b l e desire of discovering the m a n y imperfections of the
English constitution, by comparing it w i t h t h e more perfect
models which are to be f o u n d a b r o a d . "
H u r d d i d n o t treat the matter so humorously. I t will be
recalled t h a t h e h a d Shaftesbury speak w i t h disdain of " t h e
idiot P R É J U D I C E S of our home-bred g e n t l e m e n " in favor of their
native land—préjudices which, in Shaftesbury's aristocratie opin-
ion, s h o u l d be rooted o u t t h r o u g h travel. B u t H u r d ' s own
view, expressed later t h r o u g h Locke, was t h a t such préjudices
were very desirable and should by n o m e a n s b e destroyed, even
if they entailed "honest errors" a n d an "extravagant conceit"
as to the merits of " t h e soil and climate of Old England." For,
H u r d asked: " W h a t if the ideas of L i b e r t y chanced to be closely
connected w i t h those of Old England-, so as, by the magie of
this u n i o n , to convert h e r rude heaths a n d barren m o u n t a i n s
into pleasurable landskips; W o u l d you b e f o r w a r d . . . to dis-
solve this charm, and, by setting those objects in their true
and p r o p e r light, disenchant the m i n d , at the same time, f r o m
the idea, or w a r m love at least, of English liberty?" (pages
95-96). H u r d believed t h a t despotic governments obliged m e n
I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 187
lo practice flattery a n d hypocrisy, which, he t h o u g h t , were w h a t
l-ïench politeness o f t e n a m o u n t e d to. H e contrasted " t h e m o r e
.ibiolute monarchies of Europe," where "ail are Courtiers," w i t h
"our Ireer monarchy," where "ail should be Citizens. . . . W e
have a country to embrace," h e said proudly, " n o t a court to
adore." W a x i n g still m o r e eloquent, h e exclaimed: "Let o u r
countrymen then b e i n d u l g e d in the plainness, nay the rough-
iless of their m a n n e r s : B u t let them attone f o r this defect by
lhoir useful sense, their superior knowledge, their p u b l i c spirit,
.nid above ail, by their u n p o l i s h e d integrity." H e was a f r a i d
(liai if Englishmen a d o p t e d the insincerities, dissimulations,
iii«l adulations necessary to t h e subjects of tyrannical govern-
ninits, then Britain was doomed, just as Athens h a d been d o o m e d
tvlien it relinquished " t h e simplicity a n d m a n l y freedom of it's
antient character, for the fopperies a n d prostrations of t h e
Aniatic courts" (pages 159-160). T h e parallel d r a w n here was
n i expression of the appréhension that m u s t have possessed
m,my patriotic Englishmen w h e n they saw their well-born
countrymen r e t u r n f r o m t h e C o n t i n e n t fully e q u i p p e d w i t h
French m a n n e r s a n d ideas.
I lie seventeenth-century custom of sending y o u n g gentlemen
lo French academies for t h e i r éducation lias b e e n referred to
in Chapter III. T h i s custom continued to be observed by some
I. mi lies in the eighteenth century, as d i d the practice of h a v i n g
youths educated at t h e academies and universities of the o t h e r
Continental nations. Such measures are, of course, not directly
irlatcd to the g r a n d tour, except that t r a i n i n g at C o n t i n e n t a l
iiisiinitions was o f t e n c o m b i n e d with travel, as in the case of
< ilicsterfield's son, w h o a t t e n d e d academies in Italy a n d France.
( )l>jections to e d u c a t i n g y o u n g Englishmen at foreign instilu-
i Ions were especially p r e v a l e n t in the middle and later eight-
r n i t h century, w h e n the reaction against de-Anglicization in
gênerai perhaps reached its height. T h e s e seminaries, critics
tlnlared, u n d e r m i n e d the y o u n g Englishman's national charac-
i n and love for his c o u n t r y and engrained i n t o h i m beliefs
uitithetical to British political principles a n d the doctrines of
l lie* C h u r c h of England. T h e u n k n o w n a u t h o r of the World
No. 61 (February 28, 1754) even accused the F r e n c h g o v e r n m e n t
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
of dispatching Irish officers to its academies in order to in-
struct the British students there and thus "gradually instil into
their vacant minds the poisons of popery a n d disaffection."
T h e charge was perhaps not entirely groundless, b u t most
other critics, without being quite so explicit, were content
simply to enumerate the undesirable conséquences of academic
training abroad. T h u s Richard Davies, in his General State
of Education in the Universities (1759), spoke against sending
young British noblemen to foreign universities because "it is
a great national inconvenience to weaken the Affection, which
in the course of Education is riveted to o u r native Soil; and to
trust to Virtues of a foreign growth for the support of the
British Constitution" (page 7). As a critic of the English uni-
versities, Davies, like others before him, felt that an awareness
of the shortcomings of Oxford and Cambridge prompted aristo-
cratie parents to send their sons to Continental institutions.
T h e anonymous author whose Observations on the Present
State of the English Universities (1759) was a reply to Davies
ascribed the custom to "that universally adored p h a n t o m ,
fashion," and his view was probably d o s e r to the t r u t h . H e
agreecl, however, that the practice resulted in "the n o small
detriment of the publick" (page 25).
H u r d , as might be expected, shrank with horror f r o m the
notion of sending young Englishmen to French institutions.
His objection was grounded partly in religion. "High as their
réputation is," he had Locke rcmark to Shaftesbury, "you would
hardly advise the breeding of our English y o u t h in the collcges
of the Jesuits." Possible alternatives on the Continent were
the Protestant universities in Germany, the Netherlands, and
Switzerland, b u t H u r d disapprovfed of these as well. T h e state
of learning at them, he argued, was n o higher than that at
the English universities, and they were inferior with respect
to discipline. Most important of ail, they did not teach a
young English gentleman a proper regard for the political and
religious principles of his own nation. "Is it ail one," he
demanded, "whether a young Boy, who is destined to be a
subject to the Crown, a n d a member of the Church of Eng-
land, be inured to the equality of R e p u b l i c a n governments,
I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 189
.nid of Calvinistical Churches? . . . would you train u p your
HUM in a way that is likely to indispose him, right or wrong, to
llie institutions of his own country?" 5 7
Even Moore, who as governor to the young D u k e of H a m i l t o n
uluoad did not object to the grand tour per se, was opposed
lu sending Britons across the Channel for their academic train-
ing: " T h e most i m p o r t a n t point, in my mind, to be secured
in llie éducation of a young man of rank of our country, is
lu make h i m an Englishman; and this can be done nowhere so
rli'ectually as in England." Only in his native land could a
well-born youth "acquire . . . that particular taste and t u r n
ni mind, which will make h i m prefer the government, a n d
iclish the manners, the diversions, and général way of living,
Wliich prevail in England." Only there, furthermore, could he
"acquire that character, which distinguishes Englishmen f r o m
i lie natives of ail the other countries of Europe." Moore recog-
nl/.cd the claim that éducation abroad was valuable for check-
ing the growth of undesirable English préjudices, "but," he
countered, "other préjudices, perhaps as ridiculous, and m u c h
more detrimental, will be formed"—préjudices which "may
u nder the young people u n h a p p y in their own country when
tliey return, and disagreeable to their countrymen ail the rest
ni their lives." 58
Since views on travel in the éducation of gentlemen d u r i n g
ilic period u n d e r considération were widely divergent and o f t e n
contradictory, it may be well to summarize t h e m here.
liy fashionable parents, the grand tour was regarded as an
< .scntial p a r t of éducation. Many theorists shared their at-
iHuile, in degree if n o t in entirety. Travel was said to bestow
icvcral important benefits o n the gentleman. I t supplied h i m
with a knowledge of the world. It gave h i m a facility in the
modem languages. It polished his manners, especially if he
•mjourned long in France, the recognized arbiter of elegance,
whose citizens were praised for their graceful demeanor whereas,
.u i ording to one point of view, Englishmen were inhercntly
loutish and ungainly. Very desirable in the eyes of ail com-
mentators was the practical, factual, timely information a b o u t
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
the n a t i o n s of Europe which an attentive journey t h r o u g h
t h e m provided. In the Renaissance, a c q u i r i n g this k i n d of
i n f o r m a t i o n h a d been valued chiefly as p r é p a r a t i o n for political
service; in the Restoration a n d eighteenth century it seemed to
be v a l u e d m o r e for its own sake, a l t h o u g h its appropriateness
to a career of statesmanship was sometimes m e n t i o n e d . A lesser
advantage of the tour was the o p p o r t u n i t y to examine a n d
appreciate ancient relies, curiosities, works of art, and o t h e r items
of esthetic or liistorical interest. T r a v e l also rid the English-
m a n of his native préjudices a n d provincialism, cosmopoli-
tanizing h i m a n d m a k i n g h i m a citizen of t h e world. T h u s
a visit to foreign countries could be a most profitable aspect
of é d u c a t i o n if it was rightly pursued.
Certain authors, however, criticized t h e genteel order for
abusing the tour. O n e of the abuses, t h a t of neglccting to ac-
q u i r e a knowledge of English laws a n d institutions before going
abroad, left a youth w i t h n o basis for comparison w h e n h e
e n c o u n t e r e d the laws a n d institutions of foreign nations. Some
y o u n g gentlemen, besides, were said to h a v e such a strong
p r e j u d i c e against everything alien to E n g l a n d that they tra-
veled w i t h closed minds, declining to learn a n y t h i n g a b o u t the
C o n t i n e n t . M a n y of these, according to t h e critics, associated
as m u c h as possible w i t h their fellow c o u n t r y m e n abroad. By
so doing, they denied themselves the advantages which resulted
f r o m m i n g l i n g with foreigners; they m i g h t just as beneficially
have r e m a i n e d in England.
Sending gentlemen a b r o a d d u r i n g adolescence was an abuse
of travel for which parents were to blâme. A gentleman in his
teens was t h o u g h t to be too young to learn m u c h from the g r a n d
tour; only at a later stage of mental d e v e l o p m e n t could h e under-
stand the u n f a m i l i a r habits a n d concepts w h i c h he encountered
on the C o n t i n e n t . In addition, the adolescent gentleman, im-
petuous, impressionable, far f r o m the w a t c h f u l eyes of his
parents, a n d u n d e r n o authority except t h a t of his tutor or
governor, was described as readily susceptible to unsavory in-
fluences; he was exposed too soon to the evils of the world, a n d
the conséquence was serious damage to his moral character.
Some writers in the Restoration c o n d o n c d travel at an âge
I lIF.PLACE OF TRAVEL 190
prior to adolescence, as a boy of ten or twelve was still amenable
lu liis governor's i n j u n c t i o n s a n d was n o t old e n o u g h to be much
iruipted by vicious example. I n the eighteenth century, how-
i ver, travel for pre-adolescents was seldom r e f e r r e d to; critics
devoled their efforts to d e m a n d i n g that the t o u r be delayed
outil a gentleman was definitely a m a t u r e m a n .
Sometimes the advisability of travel was flatly denied. For
es.impie, the view t h a t h u m a n n a t u r e conformed to t h e same
essential principles ail over the world invalidated the claim
(liai a tour was desirable f o r giving a g e n t l e m a n a knowledge
ol mankind. Extremists seem to have felt t h a t the nations of
1111• C o n t i n e n t were by n a t u r e more wicked than England;
lliey asserted that a residence abroad almost inevitably cor-
liiptcd an English gentleman's morals and religion, especially
il lu- was not yet an adult, a n d they saw n o necessity f o r even
ihe m a t u r e m a n to visit foreign countries. Travelers, they
Irared, would b r i n g back t o E n g l a n d the sinful ways of foreign-
CIN, which would take r o o t and spread there. Critics of a
patriotic t u r n of m i n d and with a strong anti-Gallic bias dis-
pi il ed the desirability of cosmopolitanizing a gentleman and
polishing his m a n n e r s t h r o u g h travel. T h e graceful d e m e a n o r
ni t lie French, they said, was frivolous and hypocritical; Eng-
lish manners were to be preferred even if they were rough.
Many young m e n of rank, they complained, were converted
into foreigners abroad, especially in France; the youths r e t u r n e d
lu une thoroughly F r e n c h i f i e d with regard to dress, language,
aistom, a n d even choice of food, clespising E n g l a n d a n d per-
haps a d m i r i n g absolutist principles of government r a t h e r than
British liberty. T h e practice of sending well-born youths to
foreign academies a n d universities for their é d u c a t i o n was also
iIn ried on patriotic g r o u n d s .
T h e extent to which criticism of travel was a n attack on the
gentry a n d nobility m a y b e conjectured f r o m the following
lads: (1) the g r a n d t o u r was a favorite fashionable m o d e of
éducation, (2) censure of travelers for l e a r n i n g little a n d for
declining to mingle in foreign company was directed almost
exclusively at the sons of gentlemen, (3) censure of sending
nous abroad d u r i n g adolescence was directed at fashionable
162 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN I l IF. PLACE OF TRAVEL 193

parents, a m o n g whom the custom was c o m m o n , a n d (4) the
déniai t h a t travel was valuable for i n t r o d u c i n g a young gentle-
m a n to the world, giving h i m a polished air, and destroying
his English provincialism constituted a rejection of w h a t were,
with m a n y persons of quality, three of the most essential ob-
jects of the tour. T h o s e who criticized travel in practice or in
theory held to the view that a m o n g the most i m p o r t a n t prod-
ucts of gentlemanly éducation were practical knowledge, virtue,
a n d patriotism; in so f a r as the g r a n d t o u r did not help to
supply these, it was considered blameworthy, no matter w h a t
n o b l e m e n ancl country squires m i g h t t h i n k . As has been re-
m a r k e d before, however, some m e n of r a n k joined with non-
genteel commentators in writing against particular factors in
the tour. Besides, m a n y authors a d m i t t e d t h a t travel had cer-
tain advantages while c o n d e m n i n g it in other respects, a n d
almost n o o n e said t h a t it was entirely b a d .
Notes to C h a p t e r V I
1. See Kelso, Doctrine, pp. 142-146; H o w a r d , English Travel-
lers of the Renaissance, pp. 7-11; W a t s o n , Beginnings of the
Te.ac.hing of Modem Subjects, p p . 128-130; Wooclward, Studies
in Education, p. 131; a n d Bacon's i n f l u e n t i a l essay Of Travel.
2. Gentlernans Cornpanion, p. 55.
3. Uses of Foreign Travel, p. 35.
4. Compleat Gentleman, 2ncl Treatise, p p . 2, 4.
5. Some Thoughts Concerning Education, p. 177.
6. Dignity of Human Nature, p. 156.
7. Spectator No. 364 (April 18, 1712), attrib. to the Earl
of Harclwicke, who, however, did n o t a p p r o v e of the lady's
décision. See also Costeker, Fine Gentleman, p. 13.
8. Letters, IV, 1416.
9. Compleat Gentleman, 2nd Treatise, p. 75.
10. L i n g a r d , attrib., Letter of Advice, p. 22.
11. See E d w a r d Leigh, Three Diatribes or Discourses. First
of Travel (London, 1671), p. 11.
12. See E. S. Bâtes, Touring in 1600 (Boston and New York,
1911), p p . 25-26, 38-39; Einstein, Italian Renaissance in Eng-
land, p p . 123-128; H o w a r d , English Travellers of the Renais-
sance, pp. 30-38; Mason, Gentlefolk in the Making, pp. 31, 53,
128; and George B. Parks, " T r a v e l as E d u c a t i o n , " in The
Scventeenth Century: Studies in the History of English Thought
and IJterature from Bacon to Pope (Stanford, Calif., 1951),
pp. 265-272.
13. Gentlernans Cornpanion, p. 57; see pp. 56-57.
14. Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen, p. 192.
15. See Club, p. 47; Adventurer No. 17 ( J a n 2, 1753); a n d
Dignity of Human Nature, p. 156.
16. Dialogues Concerning Education, II, 275-276.
17. See Course of Libéral Education, pp. 90-91.
18. See III, 773-774, 788, 1112, 1117-18, 1128.
II). See Leigh, Three Diatribes, p. 8; Ramesey, Gentlernans
Cornpanion, p. 57; Gailhard, Compleat Gentleman, 2 n d Treatise,
pp. 36, 185; Puckle, p. 47; a n d Burgh, p. 156.
20. Gentleman's Magazine, X L I X (1779), 464.
21. Uses of Foreign Travel, pp. 38, 32.
22. See I I I , 1046-47, a n d V, 1809.
23. I, 184-186. F o r f u r t h e r instances of t h e anti-foreign
prejudice, see W i l l i a m E d w a r d Mead, The Grand Tour in the
I ighteenth Century (Boston a n d N e w York, 1914), p p . 124-125,
131-132, 404.
24. Osborn, Advice to a Son, p. 21.
25. Compleat Gentleman, 2nd Treatise, p. 86.
26. See IV, 1394-97.
27. A View of Society and Manners in France, Switzerland,
and Germany (London, 1779), I, 72-73.
28. Course of Libéral Education, p. 91. See also H i g f o r d ,
Institutions, p. 63; Costeker, Fine Gentleman, p. 50; Fordyce,
Dialogues Concerning Education, II, 274; a n d Burgh, Dignity
Of Human Nature, pp. 155-156.
29. Plan of Education, p. 144.
30. British Education: Or, The Sources of the Disorders of
Great Britain (London, 1769), p. 33. lst ed. was 1756.
31. Allestree, attrib., Gentleman's Calling, p. 39.
32. Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen, p. 195.
33. British Education, p p . 32-33.
34. Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen, p. 194.
35. Estimate, p p . 34-35.
36. Pp. 23-24. As will a p p e a r later, H u r d was actually un-
willing to grant that vice was "the same every where."
195 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
37. See Counsel and Directions, p p . 143-145.
38. See Compleat Gentleman, 2 n d Treatise, pp. 18-20.
39. Proposais For the Reformation of Schools 6-
p. 10.
40. See Dialogues Concerning Education, II, 274.
41. See Plan of Education, pp. 118-119, 144.
42. Uses of Foreign Travel, pp. 122-123, 128.
43. See Compleat Gentleman, 2nd Treatise, p. 88.
44. See IV, 1394, 1397, 1532-33.
45. Thoughts on Education, p. 79.
46. Royal Marriage, p. 200.
47. Modem Fine Gentleman, in Works, I, 65.
48. Compleat Gentleman, 2nd Treatise, p. 4.
49. View of Society and Manners, I, 73-74.
50. See Mead, Grand Tour, pp. 380, 382-385, 396-398.
51. Tom Jones, Book V I I I , chap. xv.
52. View of Society and Manners, I, 289. See also Mead,
pp. 229-231.
53. L i n g a r d , attrib., Letter of Advice, p p . 22-23.
54. Dialogues Concerning Education, II, 274.
55. Humourist, II, 72.
56. Poetical Works (Edinburgh, 1781), pp. 16-17 (stanza
xxvii).
57. Uses of Foreign Travel, pp. 177-180.
58. View of Society and Manners, I, 287-289.
Universities,
C H A P T E R SEVEN
Public Versus Private Education
In the preceding chapters, occasional m e n t i o n has been made
«il b o t h the p u b l i c a n d the private modes of b r i n g i n g u p the
gentleman. E i t h e r m e t h o d could be followed exclusively, ac-
cording to the inclination of a boy's parents. If the parents so
chose, the two m e t h o d s could be combined i n any of several
ways. For example, a y o u n g gentleman m i g h t b e instructed at
home u n d e r a t u t o r d u r i n g childhood and adolescence a n d sent
lo a university to complété his éducation. H e might be given
a combination of p u b l i c a n d private training even d u r i n g his
hoyhood, as was Chesterfield's son, who received lessons f r o m
bol h a t u t o r a n d the masters at Westminster. His t u t o r might
go with h i m to a school or university, in o r d e r to h e l p h i m
with his studies. O r h e might, immediately after a t t e n d i n g a
public school, proceed to the Continent, w h e r e his f u r t h e r
éducation was conducted by the governor w h o accompanied h i m
on his travels.
The evidence indicates that, on the whole, families of quality
preferred the private to the p u b l i c method. T h e r e was a long
tradition b e h i n d this preference. I n the M i d d l c Ages t h e sons
of noblemen a n d gentlemen were privately educated, a t their
own houses or the residence of some great lord or church
dignitary; the monastic a n d cathedral schools seem to have
been designed for the lower orders of society, a n d a l t h o u g h
cudowed g r a m m a r schools existed, not u n t i l after 1450 were
the gentry a n d nobility often taught at tliem. 1 T h e T u d o r
period saw the f o u n d i n g of many public g r a m m a r schools, b u t
most well-born youths c o n t i n u e d to be b r o u g h t u p privately,
despite the objections of men such as Mulcaster. D u r i n g the
231

204 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
eighteenth century the p u b l i c schools were regarded by a large
n u m b e r of people as unfashionable. T h u s a mid-century novel-
ist p o r t r a y e d the wife of a prosperous merchant's son as em-
ploying a t u t o r for her offspring "because she h a d h e a r d it
was genteel to educate young G e n t l e m e n a t home." 2 Defoe h a d
one m a n of rank r e m a r k to a n o t h e r t h a t eldest sons were
customarily " 'bred at home,' " to which the other, an eldest
son himself, replied: " T h e y are b r e d like gentlemen.' " 3
Aristocratie parents evidently felt t h a t to subject their sons
to the d o m i n a t i o n of a schoolmaster a n d the harsh controls
of a g r a m m a r school was d e m e a n i n g to t h e i r dignity. A fashion-
able m o t h e r , according to Defoe, m i g h t reason as follows: " 'Shall
my son b e sent to school to sit bare headed a n d say a lesson
to such a sorry, d i m i n u t i v rascall as that, be brow beaten a n d
hector'd a n d threatn'd with his a u t h o r i t y a n d stand in f e a r
of his h a n d ! my son! that a few yeares a f t e r h e will be glacl to
cringe to, cap in h a n d , for a dinner! no, indeed, my son shall
n o t go n e a r him. L e t the L a t i n a n d Greek go to the D — 1.
My son is a Gentleman, he sha'n't be u n d e r such a scoundrel
as that.' " 4 " I n d e e d , " Priestley c o m m e n t e d a third of a century
later, " t h e severe a n d p r o p e r discipline of a Grammar-school
is become a common topic of ridicule; a n d few young gentlemen,
except those who are designed for some of the learned pro-
fessions [i.e., medicine a n d divinity], are m a d e to submit to
the rigours of it." 5
E d u c a t i o n a l theorists were divicled i n t o two hostile camps
o n the question of private as opposed to public éducation.
Some of them, especially d u r i n g the Restoration, apparently
assumed t h a t private training was the only kind conceivable
for the sons of persons of quality. T h i s assumption u n d e r l a y
Burnet's Thoughts on Education, G a i l h a r d ' s Compleat Gentle-
man, a n d Locke's Some Thoughts Concerning Education. Al-
t h o u g h d u r i n g the eighteenth century the weight of approval on
the p a r t of theorists shifted f r o m private t o public upbringing, a
great m a n y commentators adhered to t h e older preference, in
some cases perhaps because they were tutors themselves. L a w
in his Serions Call evidently expected t h a t if a child was a
g e n t l e m a n he would receive his é d u c a t i o n at h o m e " f r o m
l'U III,IC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 197
vii (nous a n d sober parents, a n d learned tutors and governors"
(page 231). T h e anonymous p a m p h l e t Of Education (1734),
written for " t h e Sons of G e n t l e m e n of m o d e r a t e F o r t u n e s "
iallier than for the sons of great noblemen, d i d n o t consider
public éducation for even these less e m i n e n t youths u n t i l they
were seventeen, when their parents were advised to send t h e m
10 a university (pages 2, 22). I n f l u e n t i a l theorists c o n t i n u e d to
iai.se their voices in defense of the private m e t h o d , while their
adversaries were fully as vocifcrous in s u p p o r t of the public
inethod. T h o m a s Sheridan's r e m a r k that "there have been many
a II créations a b o u t the différent excellence of p u b l i c a n d private
éducation, a n d each have h a d their w a r m advocates," 6 was a
gross u n d e r s t a t e m e n t of the situation. A few authors, such as
Sheridan himself a n d Eustacc Budgell, could see the merits a n d
dclects of b o t h systems; a few others, such as Walker in the
Ncvcnteenth century a n d Clarke a n d Burgh in the eighteenth,
were equally opposed t o training at home a n d training at the
great public schools, favoring a small private b o a r d i n g school, 7
.md may therefore be said to have reachcd some sort of a
compromise between the two extremes; b u t most writers were
adamantine in their partisanship of one m e t h o d or the other.
Advocates of private éducation claimed t h a t their system
was more conducive to virtue t h a n was p u b l i c schooling. T h e
notion that unless a y o u n g gentleman's associâtes were carefully
cliosen they w o u l d exert an i n j u r i o u s i n f l u e n c e o n his moral
iharacter has been indicated in C h a p t e r IV. C h a m p i o n s of
private t u i t i o n availecl themselves of this n o t i o n , m a i n t a i n i n g
f 11at at a p u b l i c school, where an impressionable boy came
into contact w i t h a wide variety of students a t a n âge wheri
lie was not yet wise e n o u g h to avoid the u n d e s i r a b l e ones, the
Infection of vice was almost inévitable. "I j u d g e the morals of
11 child," B u r n e t announced, " t o be that w h i c h deserves the
diieffe care, a n d the great dissoluteness that must nceds be in
i rabble of base ill-bred boys, d o t h much scare me f r o m school
éducation." 8 G a i l h a r d believed that at the schools a boy would
"l'ail into a disorderly course of life." M u c h as he a d m i r e d the
iinivcrsities for their learning, h e held t h a t the same danger
198 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
was characteristic of them, as "there is o f t e n so m u c h c o r r u p t i o n ,
by reason of the great concourse of Scholars, who debauch o n e
a n o t h e r . . . that . . . when they s h o u l d improve themselves
in Vertue . . . they a b j u r e ail good m a n n e r s , a n d become pro-
ficient only in Vices." 9 T h e universities, however, were only
incidentally concerned in the dispute over p u b l i c ancl p r i v a t e
éducation; most writers centered their attentions on w h e t h e r
a boy s h o u l d be sent to a school or b r o u g h t u p at home.
More forcefully t h a n B u r n e t a n d G a i l h a r d , Locke argued t h a t
the p u b l i c schools r u i n e d a y o u t h by exposing h i m to evil
company. A gentleman's son, according to him, should n o t
leave " t h e shelter of his father's liouse" u n t i l he was "suf-
ficiently acquainted with the dangers of conversation, a n d lias
steadiness enough not to yield to every t e m p t a t i o n . " Pre-
m a t u r e l y exposed to ill-assorted c o m p a n y at school, h e was in
i m m i n e n t péril of losing his virtue forever. I n fact, Locke
asserted, "it is impossible to keep a l a d f r o m the s p r e a d i n g
contagion, if you will v e n t u r e h i m a b r o a d in the herd, a n d
trust to chance, or his own inclination, for the choice of his
company at school." 1 0
Locke's influence may be detected i n later writers. Clarke,
for example, devoted several pages of his Essay upon the Edu-
cation of Youth in Grammar-Schools to q u o t i n g Locke's at-
tacks on p u b l i c éducation. As a schoolmaster r a t h e r than a t u t o r ,
Clarke was not in favor of t r a i n i n g at h o m e , b u t he was even
less in favor of training at a large p u b l i c institution. H e con-
fessecl himself u n a b l e to u n d e r s t a n d w h y any p a r e n t w h o could
afford a private éducation should choose to have his son b r o u g h t
u p "in a promiscuous n u m e r o u s H e r d of r u d e wild Boys, m a n y of
t h e m very vicious (for it is impossible it should be otherwise in a
great School, especially in a p o p u l o u s place) where if he scapes
w i t h o u t t h e loss of his Innocence, or w i t h o u t a strong I n f e c t i o n
f r o m the foulest of Vices, it m u s t b e n e x t to a Miracle." 1 1
At a small and select private school, Clarke believed, a boy
r e t a i n e d his virtue.
A second reason why p u b l i c schools i n j u r e d moral character,
according to proponents of the private system, was t h a t t h e
schoolmaster, who normally h a d a great n u m b e r of pupils u n d e r
/
PUBLIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 199
liis care, could n o t devote individual a t t e n t i o n t o any particular
one. A schoolmaster's duties were so m u l t i f a r i o u s that a boy
was necessarily left w i t h o u t the proper counsel a n d moral
guidance a n d thus fell a prey to vicious examples. A t home,
or at a small private school, his preceptor h a d the leisure to
watch over h i m a n d to correct h i m if he went astray. T h e
majority of students i n a p u b l i c school, B u r n e t complained in
Itis Thoughts on Education, "are m u c h neglected, a n d the most
considérable are less lookecl too [sic] by o n e w h o h a t h perhaps
a h u n d r e d others to divide his care amongst, t h a n by o n e whose
only and entire work it is to see to h i m " (page 22). Locke
made m u c h of this a r g u m e n t :
Till you can f i n d a school, wherein it is possible for the
master to look after the m a n n e r s of his scholars, a n d can
show as great effects of his care of f o r m i n g their minds to
virtue . . . as of f o r m i n g their tongues t o the learned
languages; you must confess, that you have a strange value
lor words, when preferring the languages of the ancient
Greeks a n d R o m a n s , to that which m a d e t h e m such brave
men, you t h i n k it worth while to hazard your son's in-
nocence a n d virtue for a little Greek a n d L a t i n . 1 2
In the Spectator No. 337 (March 27, 1712), Budgell repeated
I .ocke's very words o n the issue. Percival Stockdalc, perhaps
llie most o u t s p o k e n defender of private é d u c a t i o n in the late
eigliteenth century, p o i n t e d out, in addition, that the size of
a public school m e a n t that despotism h a d to b e substituted f o r
individual encouragement in virtue; t h e students, "almost
universally r u l e d by the rational a n d odious fiât of arbitrary
power," were p u n i s h e d with the same severity for failure to
learn their lessons a n d instances of incipient vice, so that their
«ontépiions of virtue became confused indeed. 1 3
T h e aim of T h o m a s Sheridan was to strike a compromise
beiween p u b l i c a n d private éducation, r e m o v i n g the faults a n d
incorporating the merits of b o t h methods. H e recognized it as
a defect of p u b l i c schools that the students' "morals are liable
(o be c o r r u p t e d by a n i m p r u d e n t choice of companions," b u t
tliis defect would be eliminated, he felt, if a schoolmaster's
200 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
duties w e r e reduced. H i s p r o p o s a i was t h e r e f o r e "to increase
the n u m b e r of tutors in p r o p o r t i o n to t h e n u m b e r of p u p i l s ;
a n d n e v e r suffer any o n e to have m o r e intrusted to his
charge, t h a n h e can w i t h ease a t t e n d . . . w i t h respect to
m o r a l s . " W i t h this increase i n tutors, it w o u l d be possible to
divide each class i n t o a n u m b e r of smaller classes a n d t o p u t
a spécial master i n charge of each division, the c o n d u c t of
whose f e w members h e w o u l d be a b l e to oversee a d e q u a t e l y .
T h i s was t a n t a m o u n t to e m p l o y i n g p r i v a t e tutelage in a p u b l i c
school; indeed, Sheridan declared t h a t if his p l a n were foliowed,
"each boy will r e a p every b e n e f i t which m i g h t b e expected f r o m
a private tutor."14
Even a u t h o r s wholly in f a v o r of t h e p u b l i c schools were
forced t o concédé t h a t the charge of d a m a g i n g m o r a l c h a r a c t e r
was in some degree justified. C h a p m a n , f o r instance, confessed
t h a t " c h i l d r e n at p u b l i c schools, are o f t e n . . . c o r r u p t e d i n
their m o r a l s . " H e m a i n t a i n e d , however, t h a t a remedy c o u l d
easily b e effected by raising the salaries of schoolmasters. W e r e
teacliers p a i d h i g h e r wages, h e t h o u g h t , n o t only w o u l d m o r e
a n d b e t t e r - q u a l i f i e d m e n b e attractecl i n t o the profession, b u t
schoolmasters w o u l d n o t h a v e to take o n so m a n y p u p i l s i n
o r d e r to earn a decent living; a n d as a resuit, the p r o p o r t i o n
of masters to p u p i l s w o u l d be increased. C h a p m a n ' s s o l u t i o n
was t h e r e f o r e similar to t h a t of S h e r i d a n . H e implied t h a t t h e
p l a n was already i n o p é r a t i o n in his o w n school at D u m f r i e s ,
w h e r e " a greater n u m b e r of teachers" was employed t h a n was
o r d i n a r i l y the case, a n d where, consequently, t h e lower f o r m s
h a d " b e e n reduced to m o r e m o d e r a t e n u m b e r s , so as s e l d o m
to exceed ten or twelve boys." A t D u m f r i e s , therefore, " a
t e n d e n c y in the m i n d to w h a t e v e r is vicious or h u r t f u l to
society, is . . . corrected w i t h the greatest a t t e n t i o n , " a n d t h e
m e t h o d s of correction could b e m a d e to vary i n accord w i t h
the personalities of p a r t i c u l a r s t u d e n t s . 1 5
T h e lack of a t t e n t i o n to i n d i v i d u a l p u p i l s at schools n o t
only p e r m i t t e d the g r o w t h of vice, according t o o p p o n e n t s of
p u b l i c éducation, b u t also r e n d e r e d it impossible for the p u p i l s
to m a k e as m u c h intellectual progress as they could u n d e r a
t u t o r . A t a large school a n d at a r u r a l g r a m m a r school, ail the
l ' D U L I C VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
boys were necessarily t a u g h t t h e same lessons. Critics who ob-
j r d e d to this s i t u a t i o n because it d i d n o t p r o v i d e a d e q u a t e
vocational t r a i n i n g h a v e b e e n discussed i n C h a p t e r I I I . Some
ci itics also p o i n t e d o u t , however, that it l e f t a student's par-
licular ability u n d e v e l o p e d ; a boy w h o h a d a spécial a p t i t u d e
loi history was given n o m o r e i n s t r u c t i o n in history t h a n a boy
whose t a l e n t was L a t i n g r a m m a r . E d u c a t i o n u n d e r a t u t o r o r
il a small p r i v a t e school p r o d u e e d b e t t e r results because it
ionId be a d a p t e d to a boy's i n d i v i d u a l g e n i u s . If the efforts
ol au i n s t r u c t o r were t o "be effectuai u p o n a y o u n g Scholar,"
llir tutor G a i l h a r d stipulated, it was "very necessary for h i m
io imderstancl his g e n i u s a n d i n c l i n a t i o n . " G a i l h a r d based his
argument o n the t h e o r y of h u m o r s , e x p l a i n i n g that a certain
ilitcllectual faculty was i n c i d e n t to each h u m o r , listing the
branches of l e a r n i n g c o m p r e h e n d e d u n d e r each intellectual
laculty, a n d stressing the advantages of assigning studies ac-
cording to t h e p e c u l i a r h u m o r s of one's p u p i l . 1 6 In the Specta-
tor No. 307 ( F e b r u a r y 21, 1712), Budgell t o l d t h e story of
< lliristopher Clavius, who, a f t e r nearly b e i n g dismissed f r o m a
(ollege of Jesuits as a hopeless b l o c k h e a d b e c a u s e h e seemed to
iindcrstand n o t h i n g , was discovered to be p r o f i c i e n t in m a t h e -
III.nies, was t r a i n e d i n his spécial talent, a n d b e c a m e a celebrated
m a l h e m a t i c i a n . " ' H o w d i f f é r e n t f r o m this m a n n e r of educa-
ilon,' " B u d g e l l exclaimed, " ' i s t h a t which prevails i n o u r o w n
iiiiintry, w h e r e n o t h i n g is m o r e usual t h a n to see f o r t y or f i f t y
boys of several . . . inclinations, ranged t o g e t h e r i n the same
i l.iss, e m p l o y e d u p o n t h e same authors, a n d e n j o i n e d the same
i isks.' " A l t h o u g h t h e r e were n o t m a n y boys " ' t o w h o m N a t u r e
bas been so unkincl t h a t they are n o t c a p a b l e of s h i n i n g i n
aime science or o t h e r , ' " the p u b l i c schools m a d e little e f f o r t
io help a b o y a d v a n c e in the field of l e a r n i n g i n w h i c h h e
was most c o m p e t e n t : " ' I n s t e a d of a d a p t i n g studies to the
particular genius of a youth, we expect f r o m the y o u n g m a n
iliai lie s h o u l d aclapt his genius to his s t u d i e s . ' "
T h e pedagogical t e c h n i q u e a t a great school, moreover, was
llir same f o r ail the s t u d e n t s in a class, t h o u g h it suited the
pi isonalities of some m u c h b e t t e r t h a n it s u i t e d t h e personalities
• •I others. " H e n c e d i f f é r e n t , h e n c e opposite dispositions . . . are
198 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
t o r t u r e d and depressed," Stockdale observed, "or e m b o l d e n e d
a n d m a d e a b a n d o n e d by a sameness of discipline, w h i c h is
really melancholy to h u m a n e a n d philosophical reflexion." 1 7
By u s i n g the pedagogical m e t h o d most a p p r o p r i a t e for his p u p i l ,
a t u t o r could make h i m learn the most f r o m his studies. T h i s
was o n e of Gailhard's m a i n arguments in s u p p o r t of the private
system. Instruction acording to the moods a n d t e m p e r a m e n t s
of individual boys, he a f f i r m e d in his Compleat Gentleman, "is
better clone by a Preceptor in a House, than by a Master in
a p u b l i c k School. He, w h o at once liath b u t one or two to
m i n d . . . hath more leisure to study his or their temper, a n d
accordingly order or alter his m e t h o d ; b u t he who h a t h m a n y
to look to, h a t h generally one c o m m o n way . . . and certainly
this c a n n o t be alike fit for every Scholar" (First Treatise,
pages 21-22).
F u r t h e r m o r e , in a large class the quick-witted and the slow-
witted were taught at the same rate. T h e most intelligent were
consequently retarded in their studies by the mediocrity of the
class as a whole, and the most stupid, u n a b l e to keep pace with
the average students, were left in "absolute ignorance," as
Sheridan declared in his Plan of Education. According to
Sheridan, the solution of this situation was obvious. T h e classes
at his proposed school w o u l d be déterminée! by intellectual
capacity rather than by âge, a n d the pupils' rise f r o m class to
class w o u l d depend on their ability to learn, n o t on their b i r t h
dates. As for the public schools already in existence, they should
raise t h e salaries of their teachers. T h e root of the whole t r o u b l e
was " t h e low prices at first established, a n d still c o n t i n u e d ,
to the masters of schools for the instruction of each boy,"
prices which necessitated a master, in order to gain a livelihood,
"to take more boys u n d e r his care t h a n it is possible for h i m to
give a proper attention t o " (pages 46-47). Budgell, n o t w i t h -
s t a n d i n g his attack on the p u b l i c schools in the Spectator N o .
307, took the stand in N o . 313 that the great schools were al-
ready adequately staffed; it was only in the rural g r a m m a r
schools, he said here, t h a t the masters h a d too many students
to instruct. C h a p m a n , however, was less sanguine. Gonvinced
t h o u g h he was that children profited most by a public educa-
/
PUBLIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 203
lion, he was conscious of the ill effects of " c r o u d i n g them i n t o
Irw classes or forms, and j u m b l i n g the d i l i g e n t a n d the idle,
the sprightly a n d the slow, promiscuously together." T h i s sys-
inn, he said, was b a d not f o r the dull-witted and the clever
ilone b u t for pupils of average intelligence as well, since even
il the master tried to steer a m i d d l e course the spirit of émula-
tion, so useful in p r o m p t i n g t h e average boy to study diligently,
would receive little encouragement. C h a p m a n ' s answer to the
pioblem already discussed, was that of Sheridan—to create small
i lasses by o f f e r i n g higher salaries, as he claimed to have d o n e
in his own school at Duml'ries. 1 8
T h e p u b l i c schools were o f t e n criticized f o r subjecting the
si udents to corporal p u n i s h m e n t , "the slavish Discipline of the
Rod," as Clarke termecl it in his Education of Youth in Grarn-
mar-Schools. Clarke admitted that it was advisable for the
correction of f l a g r a n t vices (especially contumacy), b u t he
lliought t h a t schoolmasters used it too f r e q u e n t l y a n d un-
warrantably. T h e fact that they h a d to resort t o flagellation in
order to m a k e their pupils learn was, in his opinion, an
indication t h a t their pedagogical techniques needed much im-
provement (pages 132-133). Sheridan cried liistrionically: "Away
willi the r o d away with corporal p u n i s h m e n t away w i t h
•.civile fear!" H e considered w h i p p i n g the n a t u r a l resuit of the
understaffed condition of the p u b l i c schools. " W h e n the n u m b e r
of boys is o u t of ail p r o p o r t i o n to the n u m b e r of masters," he
observed, " n o t h i n g short of despotism can establish their govern-
ment, no p r i n c i p l e b u t fear can s u p p o r t it. T h u s the t o r t u r e r
rod is i n t r o d u c e d . " 1 9
Kven m o r e extravagant in his terminology t h a n Sheridan was
Gilbert West, whose poem Education (1751), an allegory in
imitation of Spenser, attacked the application of t h e rod. West
icpresented the course of instruction at a school by means of a
i .iging river, difficult of passage and "stain'd w i t h infants' gore."
Conveniently situated on its b a n k was "a b i r c h e n grove." T o
ibis river the schoolboys were brought, "helpless, meek, a n d
innocent of wrong," a n d by "faitours strong" (the cruel school-
masters) they were "driv'n w i t h furious rage, and lash'd i n t o
llie tide." T h e terrified children looked a r o u n d in h o p e of
204 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
escape, b u t close b e h i n d t h e m " W i t h secret scourges a r m ' d
those grisly faitours press." T h e spectacle then became one "Of
t e n d e r striplings stain'd w i t h tears a n d b l o o d " (stanzas xiv,
xxviii-xxix).
A n i m p o r t a n t objection to corporal p u n i s h m e n t was t h a t it,
like t h e evil company e n c o u n t e r e d at school, produced vicions
y o u n g gentlemen. It destroyecl the students' sense of shame,
h a r d e n e d them against ail correction, and beat their innocence
a n d virtue out of them. Steele in t h e Spectator No. 157 (Aug-
ust 30, 1711) severely censured the "stupid tyrants" who b r o u g h t
a b o u t such results. A f t e r clescribing an intrinsically v i r t u o u s
lad w h o went to school only to b e punishecl and h u m i l i a t e d ,
h e r e m a r k e d : " I would f a i n ask any reasonable m a n w h e t h e r
this lad, in the simplicity of his native innocence, full of shame,
a n d capable of any impression f r o m that grâce of soul, was
n o t fitter for any purpose in this life, t h a n after that spark of
v i r t u e is extinguished in h i m , t h o u g h he is able to write twenty
verses in an evening?" T h e birchrod, Clarke m a i n t a i n e d i n his
Education of Youth in Grammar-Schools, h a d the most i n j u r i o u s
effects on the moral characters of "Boys of Courage a n d Spirit,"
as they would "be h a r d e n e d by it, a n d grow u p into an h a b i t u a i
C o n t e m p t , and Defiance of Correction; a terrible Disposition
of M i n d , that leads n a t u r a l l y to the most audacious a n d profli-
gate Villany" (page 140).
A n equally telling a r g u m e n t against corporal p u n i s h m e n t
was t h a t it broke a y o u n g gentleman's free a n d i n d e p e n d e n t
spirit, m a k i n g h i m servile a n d easily cowed, and killing his
initiative. Clarke t h o u g h t that this was especially t r u e w i t h
respect to boys "of a soft ancl timorous Disposition." W h a t little
spirit they had would be destroyecl by a whipping. T h e y w o u l d
"be dispirited, and m o a p e d , a n d the Spring of the M i n d q u i t e
b r o k e i n them by it; a n d then the D a n g e r is of their b e c o m i n g
lifeless, unactive, good-for-nothing Creatures, ail the Days of their
Lives a f t e r " (page 140). Stockdale d i d not omit this p o i n t f r o m
his attack on the p u b l i c schools. "If we r u l e boys w i t h the
discipline of slaves," h e exclaimed, "should we woncler t h a t
they are never men?" A tutor, h e felt, could assign subtler
l'U III,IC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 205
pimishments, which would a p p e a l to a youth's reasoning powers,
lie.m, a n d sense of honor. 2 0
Perhaps because a free and i n d e p e n d e n t spirit was clierished
l»y persons of quality as the distinctive b i r t h r i g h t of a British
gentleman, or p e r h a p s because fashionable parents were loath
lu subject their sons to the indignity of b e i n g beaten by a
luwly schoolmaster, the prevalence of corporal p u n i s h m e n t at
(lie schools o f t e n inlluenced the u p p e r classes to have their
i hildren b r o u g h t u p at home. T h e " c u r r e n t o p i n i o n " among t h e
uobility, Swift averred, was t h a t " w h i p p i n g breaks the spirits
ol lads well b o r n . " 2 1 H e himself was n o t in sympathy with t h e
attitude; n o r was H u r d , who, however, let Shaftesbury deliver
llie aristocratie charge that the p u n i s h m e n t characteristic of
public institutions was to be c o n d e m n e d because it rendered
young g e n t l e m e n h u m b l e a n d spiritless. 2 2
I ven C h a p m a n , opposed to private tuition on ail counts, d i d
not deny in his Treatise on Education " t h a t a p u b l i c éducation
by accustoming children to an implicit obedience, tends to
«li press their spirits, to inspire t h e m w i t h slavish notions, a n d
iluis to p r é p a r é t h e m for absolute subjection t o their political
i;uvcrnors." H e m a i n t a i n e d , nevertheless, that tyranny at school
"ought n o t to b e charged to the account of a p u b l i c éducation:
il can arise only f r o m the unskilfulness of t h e teacher, and his
u o p a r d o n a b l e abuse of the a u t h o r i t y w i t h which he is invested."
Where p u b l i c éducation was carried o n as it should be, he
• .sei tccl, " t h e obedience of the learner will be voluntary, pleas-
uii, and h e a l t h f u l " (page 48). T h i s a t t e m p t to excuse the schools
un doubt struck m a n y fashionable readers as most inadéquate.
T h e r e were two arguments against p u b l i c éducation which
were even m o r e characteristic of persons of q u a l i t y than t h e
Irai that w h i p p i n g extinguished a y o u n g gentleman's spirit.
One was the claim t h a t a boy educated at h o m e acquired good
breeding, whereas a boy educated at school d i d not. I n his
home a y o u n g gentleman could attain a graceful air by ému-
lai ing his parents ancl well-bred visitors; h e could gain the
principles as well as the particulars of politeness by the same
means, a n d his t u t o r could h e l p to teach h i m etiquette. Since
206 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
a school was in some sense an i n t r o d u c t i o n to the world, re-
m o v i n g a boy f r o m domestic seclusion, one might expect t h a t
it would have been t h o u g h t to provicle desirable t r a i n i n g in
courtesy, b u t such was n o t the case. F r o m the s t a n d p o i n t of
good breeding, especially its ceremonies a n d an elegance of
demeanor, a public school was the worst k i n d of "world." A
young gentleman's associâtes there, far f r o m being well-man-
nered people, were rude, rowdy, a n d u n r e f i n e d schoolboys,
whose influence on his m a n n e r s could be as deleterious as their
influence on his morals. T h u s m a n y fashionable parents sub-
scribed to the belief of Locke a n d Budgell that a private train-
ing, in contrast to a p u b l i c one, assurecl good breeding. 2 3 T h e i r
attitude, in some cases, was similar to that of the aristocratie
m o t h e r depicted by J o h n s o n in the Rambler No. 109 (April
2, 1751). W h e n she a n d h e r h u s b a n d discussed whether their
son should be brought u p publicly or privately, she advocated
a p u b l i c éducation because " 'she never knew any boys at a
g r a m m a r school that could come into a room without blushing,
or sit at the table w i t h o u t some awkward uneasiness.' " As her
h u s b a n d agreed that " 'he h a d k n o w n very few [public school]
students that h a d not some stiffness in their manner,' " the
noble couple determined u p o n a private éducation f o r their
offspring.
H u r d h a d Shaftesbury, e x p o n e n t of the fashionable a t t i t u d e
t o w a r d schooling as toward other matters in the Uses of Foreign
Travel, refer disdainfully to the "clownish, coarse, u n g a i n l y
d e m e a n o u r " of the products of p u b l i c institutions. " B r i n g b u t
o n e of these grown boys," Shaftesbury remarked, "into a circle
of well-bred people, such as his r a n k and f o r t u n e entitle h i m ,
a n d i n a m a n n e r oblige h i m , to live with. A n d see how forbid-
ding his air, how imbarassed ail his looks a n d motions! H i s
a u k w a r d attempts at civility would provoke laughter, if, again,
his rustic p a i n f u l bashfulness did n o t excite one's pity" (pages
44-45). T h i s aristocratie c o n t e m p t for the public schools as
ccnters of ill breeding was shared by Chesterfield. A l t h o u g h he
sent his son to Westminster for a few years, he viewed t h a t
institution as anything b u t bénéficiai to the boy's m a n n e r s .
"Westminster School," h e i n f o r m e d young Philip, "is, u n d o u b t -
l'DULIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
cdly, the seat of illiberal manners a n d b r u t a l behaviour."
Alraid t h a t his son would acquire vulgar h a b i t s there, he de-
manded: "Are you sufficiently u p o n your g u a r d against awk-
ward attitudes, a n d illiberal, ill-bred, a n d disgusting habits;
such as scratching yourself, p u t t i n g your fingers in your m o u t h ,
nose, a n d ears? T r i c k s always acquired at schools, often too
much neglected afterwards; but, however, extremely ill-bred
.nul nauseous." 2 4
T h e o t h e r largely aristocratie objection to t h e public schools
was that they obliged young gentlemen to m i n g l e with social
inferiors. I n the eyes of some persons of fashion, we recall, the
only " g o o d " company, the only portion of the w o r l d in which
young gentlemen should participate, consisted of other persons
ol fashion. Parents hesitated, therefore, to expose their progeny
lo contact w i t h the low-born boys who were o f t e n admitted to
tlie schools. A lacly of r a n k portrayecl in Defoe's Compleat
Fnglish Gentleman said of her son: " ' No, indeed, h e shan't go
among the r a b b l e of every trades-man's boys a n d be bred u p
.uuong mechanicks. No, no, my son is a g e n t l e m a n ; my son,
is he not a b a r o n e t by his blood? a n d h e is b o r n a gentleman,
.nid he shall be b r e d like a g e n t l e m a n ' " (pages xv-xvi). T h i s
way of thinking, m e n t i o n e d by Swift as c o m m o n among the
nobility in his âge, 2 5 persisted t h r o u g h o u t the century.
Perhaps some parents blamed the low-born boys in particular
for the b a d m a n n e r s which they t h o u g h t a y o u n g gentleman
acquired at school. Others may have seen i n d i g n i t y if not danger
m their sons' f o r m i n g friendships with boys who, as Stockdale
iciiiarked in his Examination, "are to i n h e r i t inferior fortunes;
or . . . those who m u s t be adventurers in life." Stockdale sup-
posed that " t h e grandees of o u r r e a l m " w o u l d take no pleasure
iu the reflection that their sons at school "will be so situated
as to be a p t to m a k e many h u m b l e friends a n d dependents, at
an unsuspecting a n d i m p r u d e n t âge. Nay, the idea will suggest
lo them m u c h f u t u r e prejudice to the interest a n d pride of
their f a m i l y " (pages 16-17). H u r d m a d e Shaftesbury cite the
( o m p l a i n t of aristocratie parents t h a t their sons, "in their
passage t h r o ' o u r p u b l i c a n d vulgar schools," contracted, "to-
gether w i t h m a n y illiberal habits . . . m a n y low a n d illiberal
 l'U III,IC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 209
204 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
improve O n e , t h a n the Ablest Schole-Master can pretend to
friendships, which are, i n ail reason, to b e shaken o£f; T h a t
win a N u m b e r . " 2 6 C h a p m a n , we remember, a t t e m p t e d in his
these u n w o r t h y companions follow them to the University, a n d
Treatise on Education to r e p u d i a t e these "cavils" by asserting
are, if not the bane, yet the d i s h o n o u r and i n c u m b r a n c e of their
that if the schools employed more teachers t h a n was sometimes
f u t u r e lives." Such "hasty a n d ill-timed connections," Shaftes-
i fie case a n d p a i d them higher salaries, the s t u d e n t s would be
bury infcrred, were i n a p p r o p r i a t e to a y o u n g gentleman's " b i r t h
so well supervised that they would n o t be c o r r u p t e d by their
a n d quality" (pages 143-144).
Icllows. H e insisted that basically the schools were much better
Several other criticisms of public training, treated i n C h a p t e r
constituted to inculcate morality t h a n was private training.
I I I , should be briefly m e n t i o n e d here. T h e y were the o b j e c t i o n
"Can any virtues, or any good habits," h e d e m a n d e d , "be
to emphasizing L a t i n at the expense of more immediately
taught by private instruction, that c a n n o t be m o r e successfully
useful branches of learning, the reaction against teaching L a t i n
taught by p u b l i c éducation, when propcrly conductcd?" (page
principally by means of g r a m m a r , the disapproval of L a t i n
55). U n c o m f o r t a b l y conscious that the objections to the schools
theme-making and versifying, a n d t h e accusation that t h e gentle-
had some justification, Vicesimus K n o x said t h a t u n f o r t u n a t e l y
m a n ' s usual course of studies did not p r é p a r é him in any way
a n u m b e r of p u b l i c institutions h a d deteriorated; but, h e im-
for a f u t u r e profession or career. Such criticisms, it is true,
plied, there were others "where the i n t e n t i o n of the f o u n d e r
were not always offered w i t h a view to illustrating the s u p e r i o r
is not q u i t e forgotten, and where a degree of t h e more practi-
advantages of private u p b r i n g i n g . T h e y were, f u r t h e r m o r e , n o t
cable p a r t of the original discipline is still r e t a i n e d . " A t such
leveled entirely at the p u b l i c m e t h o d ; sometimes they were
schools, h e m a i n t a i n e d , there was n o t " m o r e d a n g e r of a cor-
stated in général terms, so as to include private é d u c a t i o n as
ruption of morals t h a n at home." H e was, h e affirmed, "well
well. T h e public m e t h o d , nevertheless, received the b r u n t of
aware t h a t boys contribute greatly to each others c o r r u p t i o n . "
the attack. Stockdale's Examination (see pages 44-55) was to a
On the o t h e r h a n d , the boy b r o u g h t u p at h o m e might "asso-
considérable degree an assault against the old stress on L a t i n
ciate with m e n i a l servants, f r o m whose e x a m p l e , especially in
a n d the old ways of teaching the language as typical of t h e p u b l i c
great a n d o p u l e n t familics, h e will n o t only learn meanness,
schools and as advocated by K n o x in his Libéral Education,
but vice." M o r e i m p o r t a n t , h e / w o u l d realize t h a t he was being
which was written in defense of p u b l i c institutions. Private up-
held back f r o m a participation in the world a n d would con-
bringing, as has been demonstrated, was a flexible entity a n d
scquently be i m p a t i e n t for release; a n d when t h e release came,
coulcl vary in accord with the p a r t i c u l a r prefcrences of tutors
his passions woulcl "break f o r t h with an a d d i t i o n a l violence,
ancl parents; b u t p u b l i c éducation was fixed by t r a d i t i o n a n d
as the waters of a stream w h e n they have l o n g been confined.
hostile to change, following a rigicl and u n i f o r m p a t t e r n . T h u s
In the course of m y own experience, I have k n o w n young men
ail tutelage at h o m e was n o t censurable for the above allegcd
nearly r u i n e d at the university, w h o a t t r i b u t e d their wrong
failings whereas ail p u b l i c schooling was.
conduct to the immoderate restraint of a domestic éducation." 2 7
T u t o r s were sometimes accused of e n c o u r a g i n g viciousness in
P r o p o n c n t s of p u b l i c éducation, like proponents of private
ihcir p u p i l s or at least doing n o t h i n g to prevent its spread.
éducation, tried to claim virtue as the resuit of their system.
Defoe, for example, affirmed that the aims of young gentle-
Maidwell, in support of this claim, cited Quintilian's Institu-
men's tutors were " 'to teach them to be wicked, instill the love
tions, a favorite with champions of the public m e t h o d , "in
of their pleasures into them very early, teach t h e m to wast their
which . . . H e gives a m p l e Satisfaction to the Cavils of some
first houres in which the m i n d is most capable of improvement
Parents, that in a Crowd of Boys at a Public Schole the M a n n e r s
till at last 'tis too late.' " 2 8 T h e tutors were o f t e n young college
of their Sons are C o r r u p t c d , a n d a Tutor more at leasure to
210 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
graduates or clergymen, b u t fashionable families would some-
times engage educators f r o m France. Swift deplored " t h a t per-
nicious custom in rich a n d noble families, of e n t e r t a i n i n g
F r e n c h tutors in their houses," as a resuit of whose efforts a
" y o u n g gentleman is, in every article, as fully accomplished at
eight years old, as at eight a n d twenty, âge adcling only to the
g r o w t h of his person a n d his vice." 2 9 Stockdale was equally
severe against the k i n d of clergyman sometimes employed as a
tutor—the "ecclesiastical coxcomb," as h e called him. Despite
his w a r m c h a m p i o n s h i p of private training, Stockdale was forced
to a d m i t : "Private éducation, as it is in général conducted, is,
perhaps, worse than public. You may as well leave you [MC] son
to himself, a n d to the séduction of the devil, as p r e t e n d to
educate h i m under the auspices, of a fashionable priest."3l)
I n addition to showing why private t r a i n i n g resulted i n vice,
commentators advanced reasons why p u b l i c training led to
virtue. According to Swift, w h o t h o u g h t that gentlemen edu-
cated u n d e r tutors read very little, the textbooks s t u d i e d at
p u b l i c institutions p r o m o t e d morality, b e i n g full of passages
which stimulated the boys to virtue. 3 1 Coventry a p p r o v e d of
w h i p p i n g a n d intercourse with schoolfellows as aids to virtue.
I n Pompey the Little h e portrayed a b r o t h e r and sister who,
h a v i n g been brought u p at h o m e by their parents a n d tutors,
were " p r o u d , selfish, obstinate a n d cross-humoured." T h e i r
parents, h e suggested, s h o u l d have sent " t h e m to Schools, where
they would have been w h i p t o u t of many of their Ill-tempers,
a n d perhaps by Conversation w i t h other Children, m i g h t have
l e a r n t a more open generous Disposition" (page 79). Associa-
tion with schoolfellows was also praised by Moore as a f f o r d i n g
valuable lessons in morality. His statements were a direct ré-
p u d i a t i o n of the charge t h a t m i n g l i n g with ail sorts of company
at school corrupted a y o u n g gentleman's character:
A boy perceives, t h a t courage, generosity, gratitude, com-
m a n d the esteem a n d applause of ail his companions. H e
cherishes these qualities in his own breast, a n d endeavours
to connect himself in f r i e n d s h i p with those w h o possess
them.—He sees that meanness of spirit, ingratitude, a n d
perfidy, are the objects of detestation.—He shuns the boys
l'DULIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
who display any indications of these odious qualities. W h a t
is the object of applause or c o n t e m p t to his school fellows,
he will e n d e a v o u r to graft into, or eradicate f r o m , his own
character, with ten thousand times m o r e eagerness than that
which was a p p l a u d e d or censured by his t u t o r or parents. 3 2
It was an i m p o r t a n t point of educational theory t h r o u g h o u t
the Restoration a n d eighteenth century t h a t parents should n o t
be i n d u l g e n t toward their children. N o one, indeed, questioned
this principle. A m o n g Restoration writers, Ramesey discussed
ways in which parental leniency could r u i n a child, 3 3 a n d
Walker devoted almost a whole c h a p t e r to the ills that resulted
Irom coddling children a n d raising t h e m delicately. 3 4 Chester-
field, cognizant of the b a d conséquences of catering to children's
wishes, fancied himself a d e m a n d i n g f a t h e r rather than a
lcnient one. " I indulged n o silly w o m a n i s h fondness for you,"
he r e m a r k e d to his son: "instead of inflicting my tenderness
u p o n you, I have taken ail possible m e t h o d s to make you
deserve it." H a v i n g m e n t i o n e d y o u n g acquaintances of P h i l i p
who h a d been spoiled by pampering, h e w r o t e confidently:
"However you may t u r n out, you can never m a k e me any of
these r e p r o a c h e s " (V, 1861). P r o p o n e n t s of p u b l i c éducation
used the dangers of indulgence to good effect in arguing t h a t
boys should be sent away to public schools. Before we investigate
their claims, however, a survey of the g é n é r a l treatment of
parental leniency, by writers who s u p p o r t e d t h e private system
as well as by others, is desirable. T h e s e writers were o f t e n re-
ferring to the very early rearing of children, which occurred
before they were old e n o u g h to a t t e n d school o r be tutored at
home; b u t the evils of indulgence which they described were
equally incident to a later period of é d u c a t i o n .
T h e most serious effect of p a m p e r i n g c h i l d r e n was t h o u g h t
to be the fostering of vice r a t h e r t h a n virtue. Doting parents,
G a i l h a r d a f f i r m e d , could spoil their offspring so thoroughly as
to b r i n g t h e m at last to the gallows. 3 5 W e r e m e m b e r f r o m
C h a p t e r I t h a t according to most commentators, a virtuous
éducation consisted in large degree in t r a i n i n g a boy to control
his passions by use of his reason. If a p a r e n t catered to the
whims a n d fancies of his child, he was obviously accus-
213 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
l'DULIC
t o m i n g the boy to the gratification of his passions, so that
when the boy grew to m a n h o o d his reason w o u l d be too weak
to prevent h i m from satisfying his vicious appetites. As Locke
observed in Some Thoughts Concerning Education, "he t h a t
is n o t used to submit his will to t h e reason of others, w h e n h e
is young, will scarce h e a r k e n o r s u b m i t to his own reason, w h e n
he is of an âge to m a k e use of it." T h u s affectionate parents,
"by h u m o u r i n g and cockering t h e m when little, c o r r u p t the
principles of n a t u r e in t h e i r children, a n d wonder afterwards
to taste the bitter waters, w h e n they themselves have poisoned
the f o u n t a i n " (pages 29-30). P e n n a d m i r e d the ancients for
establishing virtue in t h e i r y o u n g by the use of severe dis-
cipline. 3 6 A u t h o r s t h r o u g h o u t the eighteenth century c o n t i n u e d
to p o i n t o u t that raising children tenderly enslaved t h e m to
their physical passions a n d pleasurcs. 3 7
A second u n f o r t u n a t e conséquence of indulgence t o w a r d
children, commentators said, was t h a t of r e n d e r i n g t h e m u n f i t
to cope with the problems a n d hardships of a d u l t h o o d . Deli-
cately rcared gentlemen, it was felt, were incapacitated for play-
ing a n active a n d p r o m i n e n t rôle i n the business of life; indeed,
m e n born i n t o adversity o f t e n m a d e m u c h m o r e of themselves.
I n illustration of this point, Dykes included in his Royal
Marriage t h e following g r a p h i e passage, a d a p t e d with m i n o r
changes f r o m Penton's Guardian's Instruction:
Give me a curl-pated Boy from a Beggar's Side, (the phleg-
matick Offspring of Butter-milk and sour Cheese) who runs
bare-headed ail Day, and snoars ail Night upon a Bag of
Straw. Take this rational Clod, I say, and spirit him into
Turkey: And after a Course of Hardship, in the Compass of
Thirty or Forty Years Travel, you may, perhaps, meet him
at the Head of an Hundred Thousand Men, matching
Politicks with ail the witty and civiliz'd World. Certainly
Gentlemen are born with better Blood, Spirits and Parts,
than such a Fellow of mean Extract: But thus you see what
Wonders good Discipline can do with such an one; while
by too much Warmth, Laxity or Luxuriousness, the very
Soul of the other transpires and wasts through the Softnext
of his Skin. (Pages 336-337.)
207
VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION
Among eighteenth-century theorists who shared the senti-
ments of P e n t o n a n d Dykes was Burgh. N o folly, he exclaimed,
"goes to m o r e extravagant lengths, or proves m o r e fatal, than
that which a p p e a r s in the partiality of f o n d p a r e n t s for their
children." Its effect was " t o e f f e m i n a t e a n d e n e r v a t e their spirits
by f o n d l i n g t h e m , " so that they accomplished little t h r o u g h o u t
life. " N a t u r a l sons, foundlings, a n d out-casts," B u r g h maintained,
"often m a k e their way better in the world, by their own in-
dustry, with little or n o éducation, t h a n those w h o have been
brought u p in effeminacy a n d extravagance." 3 8 C h a p m a n in
11 is Treatise on Education approached the m a t t e r f r o m a slightly
différent viewpoint. P a m p c r i n g children, he t h o u g h t , gave them
au unrealistic outlook on life; their failure to p e r f o r m worth-
while acts in maturity came a b o u t because they could not
reconcile themselves to the buffets of f o r t u n e which inevitably
accompanied adulthood. Parents were to be b l a m e d for not
"teaching t h e m patiently to e n d u r e pain a n d disappointment,
a n d the o t h e r evils of life, which c a n n o t be altogether avoided,"
and for allowing "them to contract an i m p a t i e n c e u n d e r mis-
fortune, a n d an impetuosity of spirit w h e n thwarted, which,
gathering strength from indulgence, are o f t e n productive of
trouble to others, a n d of misery to themselves" (pages 22-23).
A n awareness of the dangers of indulgence induced some
authors w h o preferred private éducation to q u a l i f y their pref-
erence. Convinced as he was of the advantages of private tute-
lage, B u r n e t wished a young gentleman to be b r o u g h t u p at a
house other t h a n his own, so that the boy w o u l d n o t come u n d e r
the influence of his doting parents. 3 9 A l t h o u g h B u r g h despised
the p u b l i c schools, he r e c o m m e n d e d a small private boarding
school r a t h e r t h a n training at home, f o r at s u c h an establish-
ment, "instead of an indulgent parent, w h o m i g h t fondle or
spoil the youth, there is . . . an i m p a r t i a l a n d p r u d e n t gover-
nor, who, n o t b e i n g biassed by p a t e r n a l weakness, is likely to
consult, in the most disinterested m a n n e r , their [i.e., the
pupils'] real advantage" (page 123). Stockdale was too firmly
convinced of the value of tuition at h o m e to r e c o m m e n d even
a private school, b u t he made the stipulation " t h a t u n l i m i t e d
power shall b e given to the t u t o r over his p u p i l . If this article
215 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
is not fulfilled, while he is l o r m i n g his y o u n g m i n d to simpli-
city and virtue, the rising m o r a l fabric may be demolished by
the fashionable préjudices, a n d destructive indulgence of his
parents." 4 0
I n the hands of p r o p o n e n t s of public éducation, the indul-
gence frequently c o n c o m i t a n t with t r a i n i n g at h o m e became a
p o w e r f u l argument against the private system. Critics o f t e n
cited the theory t h a t as a resuit of p a m p e r i n g a boy w o u l d
grow vicious, spoiled, egocentric, and obnoxious, like the son
of the Baynards in Humphrey Clinker (letter of September
30th, M a t t h e w Bramble to Dr. Lewis), or like the boy i n
Fordyce's Dialogues Concerning Education who, if h e was
defeated in games w i t h his playmates, "cried a n d stormed, a n d
bullied like a petty t y r a n t " (I, 159). T h e y e x p a n d e d o n the
n o t i o n that gentlemen shielded by loving parents were u n fit
for active participation in the great world, and, as will a p p e a r
later, they asserted t h a t the p u b l i c schools were the idéal places
for préparation for a life of affairs a n d service of the n a t i o n .
T h e y added the f u r t h e r p o i n t that even a boy who h a d b e e n
u n d u l y coddlcd cîuring his infancy could still be m a d e v i r t u o u s
if he was later sent to school a n d subjected to the severe disci-
pline of a public pedagogue, whereas if his éducation was
carried on under a t u t o r at home, his virtue was irrecoverable.
U n l i k e a schoolmaster, they said, a t u t o r in a wealthy house
was powerless to apply corrective measures to his p u p i l . Since
h e was entirely d é p e n d e n t on the fond parents for his liveli-
hood, h e feared to protest when, in the excess of their affection,
they f o r b a d e him to r e p r i m a n d or p u n i s h their d a r l i n g child.
T h e servile position of the t u t o r was m a d e clear in the following
remarks by Costeker:
Fie is generally a y o u n g Collegian on his Preferment, w h o
hardly dares exert the A u t h o r i t y he is invested with over
his P u p i l in the m a n n e r his J u d g m e n t would p e r m i t h i m ,
lest the Animadversion (when culpable) be t h o u g h t by lier
Ladyship either too strict or severe; then he endangers
his Place, a n d so necessarily lies u n d e r so great a Re-
straint betwixt the Execution of his Duty, in respect to
his Pupil, and the regard of his own Interest, t h a t o u r
l'DULIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
young N o b l e m a n falls far short of those Advantages he
m i g h t r e a p f r o m a greater A u t h o r i t y in his Praeceptor.41
Should t h e t u t o r be of a somewhat h i g h e r station than the
one described by Costeker—should he, for example, be an edu-
cator f r o m France—his place in the household was still tenuous,
so that w h e n the parents acted too leniently toward their son,
he still h a d to hold his tongue or face possible dismissal. In-
deed, critics affirmed, no gentleman e d u c a t e d at h o m e h a d
much o p p o r t u n i t y to be taught virtue unless his parents were
wise enough n o t to interfere w i t h the m e t h o d s of the tutor they
had hircd; a n d wise parents, according to these writers, were
not n u m e r o u s . C h a p m a n , bewailing " t h e d e p e n d e n c e of tutors
on the p a r e n t s of their pupils," m a d e m u c h of "the risk a boy
thus [privately] educated, r u n s of being perverted in his tem-
per . . . by u n d u e indulgence f r o m his parents." 4 2 Coventry
in Pornpey the Little used the subservience of tutors to their
employers as a n explanation for the ill n a t u r e of the b r o t h e r
and sister who, he thought, should have been sent to school.
Since their tutors "never opposed any of t h e i r Humours, for
fear of o f f e n d i n g their Parents" (pages 79-80), t h e children were
allowed to become as spoiled a n d wicked as they liked.
F o n d p a r e n t s were said to interfere n o t only with the moral
éducation of their sons u n d e r tutors, b u t also with the boys'
lessons, w i t h the resuit that y o u n g g e n t l e m e n brought u p at
home e x e m p l i f i e d the lack of l e a r n i n g a t t r i b u t e d to the genteel
orders. G a i l h a r d himself, although as a t u t o r he was devoted
to private éducation, conceded that parents w h o did not per-
mit a p r e c e p t o r u n h a m p e r e d surveillance of his pupil's studies
constituted a menace to the private system: "At h o m e often
the fondness of a M o t h e r will spoil ail, accusing the T u t o r
one time of too much severity, a n o t h e r of neglect, a n d another
time for giving too h a r d tasks; so that a y o u n g Boy who is not
willing to be tied to his Book, perceiving this, abuses it, a n d
then there is n o dealing with h i m . " 4 3 Swift, who labeled the
whole of p r i v a t e éducation " t h e g u l p h of ignorance," pictured
a fashionable mother as e n j o i n i n g the t u t o r that her son "be
not kept too long p o r i n g on his book, because he is subject
217 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
to sore eyes, and of a weakly constitution." 4 4
I t has been r e m a r k e d t h a t the n o b l e parents described by
Johnson in the Rambler N o . 109 (April 2, 1751) decided to
have their son educated at h o m e because, as the m o t h e r m a i n -
tained, p u b l i c schools p r o d u c e d bad manners. I n the r e m a i n d c r
of this essay J o h n s o n d e m o n s t r a t e d the unwisdom of the dé-
cision. T h e m o t h e r took it u p o n herself to interfere in t h e
tutor's province, a n d the tutor, perhaps even more servile t h a n
some, obeyed her ill-judged dictâtes w i t h o u t the slightest pro-
test. H e r son wrote later t h a t u n d e r the mother's directions
" 'he frequently took away my book, lest I should m o p e w i t h
too m u c h application.' " A t u t o r n a m e d Eumathes, to w h o m
J o h n s o n devoted the Rambler No. 132 (June 22, 1751), en-
countered a similar a t t i t u d e on the p a r t of the aristocratie
parents by whom h e was employed. His p u p i l was at times
markedly inattentive, b u t instances of inattention, E u m a t h e s
complained, would have occurred less f r e q u e n t l y " ' h a d n o t
his m a m m a , by e n t r e a t i n g at one time t h a t he should be excused
from a task as a r e w a r d for some petty compliance, a n d with-
holding h i m from his b o o k at another, to gratify herself or
her visitants with his vivacity, shown h i m that everything was
more pleasing a n d m o r e i m p o r t a n t than knowledge.' " Less
inclined toward obsequiousness than some tutors, E u m a t h e s
v e n t u r e d to object to the mother's intereference; b u t he m e t
with a curt reply, a n d his h a n d s were tied.
Even when i n d u l g e n t parents did not, like the m o t h e r s
portrayed by Gailhard, Swift, and Johnson, actively interfere
in their sons' learning, they could cause as m u c h h a r m by
simply n o t s u p p o r t i n g a t u t o r in his efforts to make the children
study. A young g e n t l e m a n could easily see that his t u t o r was in
a subordinate position a n d that, whatever commands or threats
the m a n might issue, p u n i s h m e n t f o r failure to learn his
lessons would not be f o r t h c o m i n g w i t h o u t his parents' approval.
"Simple Admonition, w i t h o u t Authority," Costeker e x p l a i n e d
in The Fine Gentleman, "makes h i m not dread, b u t despise
Correction at the H a n d s of h i m h e knows dares n o t
proceed to Execution." I t was because of this situation t h a t
"whilst a Youth's educated at Home, (which I by n o m e a n s
l ' D U L I C VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
approve of) instead of p u r s u i n g his Studies, a n d bringing t h e m
to that Perfection he ought, he cornes i n t o the W o r l d with the
bare N a m e of them only" (pages 11-12). A spoiled boy and girl
m e n t i o n e d by Fordyce knew t h a t they were protected by their
doting p a r e n t s against their tutor's i n j u n c t i o n s and indignation.
T h e y consequently "go to learn, as to some terrible task, are
restless a n d i m p a t i e n t till it is over, a n d m i n d their t u t o r
almost as m u c h as the maid t h a t puts t h e m to bed." I n such
a situation, Fardyce thought, a m a n " m u s t have . . . almost
the capacity of an angel, to sliape a n d i m p r o v e them into any
tolerable figure: t h o u g h with t h e genius a n d temper they have,
they m i g h t be taught any t h i n g . . . were they u n d e r the in-
fluence of p r o p e r discipline a n d a u t h o r i t y . " 4 5
Sometimes, w i t h o u t even laying the b l â m e specifically on
the foolish indulgence of f o n d parents, commentators accused
private éducation of teaching the young g e n t l e m a n much less
than the p u b l i c m e t h o d could. T h e very tutors employed, they
thought, h a d little learning or were neglectful of their duties.
" T h e y o u n g gentleman has a t u t o r , " Defoe said, " t h a t is, a
playfellow." W h i l e the boy was yet a child, his preceptor m i g h t
"learn h i m his letters and to read English, a n d indeed, this
but sorryly too sometimes, a n d very seldome to spell it." Later
on, "with some difficulty, he is t a u g h t his accidence, which he
can r a t h e r say than u n d e r s t a n d , a n d this carryes h i m on to 12
or 13 years old, perhaps farther, according as he is dull or
quick." 4 6 Such training obviously i n c l u d e d less t h a n the b a r e
m i n i m u m of what a gentleman o u g h t to know, b u t Defoe
considered it characteristic of éducation at home. In Pompey
the Little Coventry described a t u t o r who, for somewhat dif-
férent reasons, taught his p u p i l almost n o t h i n g . T h i s individual,
Mr. Jackson by name, " h a d been dragged o u t of a College-
Garret at T h i r t y , " a n d he "soon grew to despise the Books h e
h a d read at the University, a n d affected a Taste for polite
Literature—that is, for no L i t e r a t u r e at ail." His pupil's m o t h e r ,
a very i g n o r a n t woman, readily believed the ill-qualified pre-
ceptor's extravagant asseverations that the boy was m a k i n g great
strides in his studies and was, in fact, something of a prodigy.
T h e results were ludicrous. W h e n company came to the home,
218 T H E EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
the m o t h e r a t t e m p t e d to p a r a d e her son's l e a r n i n g in f r o n t of
the guests, saying: " ' W h a t is the Syntax, my Dear? T e l l the
Ladies what the Syntax is, Child!' 'Why, M a m m a , cries the Boy,
the Syntax is—it is at the E n d of the As in Praesenti, a n d teachcs
you how to parse.' 'Ay, ay, said the Mother, I t h o u g h t so, my
dear; 'tis some very good Book I make n o d o u b t , a n d will
improve your Morals as well as your U n d e r s t a n d i n g . Be a good
Boy, Child, and m i n d w h a t Mr. Jackson says to you, a n d 1
dare say, you'll make a great Figure in Life' " (pages 80-82).
Clarke unwillingly a d m i t t e d that adverse criticisms of tutors
had some validity. T r y i n g to ascertain why gentlemen ever
sent their sons to p u b l i c schools, he suggested: " T h e Induce-
ment to this odd k i n d of Conduct in G e n t l e m e n . . . is, I
suppose, a Presumption, t h a t such Schools are the best provided
with able Masters: a n d it m u s t be acknowledged, they generally
are so." As a defender of private éducation, h e went o n to say
that even if "a y o u n g G e n t l e m a n could n o t get so m u c h L a t i n
and Greek in his Father's House, or a Boarding-School," as h e
could at a public school, the more i m p o r t a n t considération was
virtue, which only a p r i v a t e training could supply. H e a d d e d
that if parents were willing to pay larger salaries to tutors,
there by encouraging the best-qualified educators to enter the
private field, "they m i g h t have their Sons m u c h better i n s t r u c t e d
in a private way, t h a n it is possible they should be in a great
School." 4 7 T h e implication, however, was that such was rarely
the case.
It was often said that a p u b l i c éducation p r e p a r e d a y o u n g
gentleman for an active participation in the world, especially
in politics. Even w h e n theorists were not writing w i t h the
spécifié intention of disparaging private éducation, we recall,
they remarked that a boy whose parents were guilty of over-
fondness would not be likely to distinguish himself in m a t u r i t y .
W h e n commentators were d e m o n s t r a t i n g the advantages of the
public system, they carried the a r g u m e n t f a r t h e r t h a n this,
availing themselves of the belief that a knowledge of the w o r l d
was to be gained only t h r o u g h experience in society. At h o m e ,
they declared, a y o u n g gentleman was to a considérable e x t e n t
secluded from society a n d could thus acquire little u n d e r s t a n d i n g
l'DULIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
ol Iniman n a t u r e , so that he emerged "vastly u n k n o w i n g in the
World." 4 8 H e relied o n his parents to a deleterious degree if
iliey p a m p e r e d and protected him, a n d to a n u n f o r t u n a t e
degree even if they did not. H e learned little about how to
ileal cleverly and successfully w i t h others.
O n the o t h e r hand, by m i n g l i n g with scores of students at
nchool he received an early i n d o c t r i n a t i o n i n t o the ways of the
world. H e lost his former bashfulness a n d gained self-confidence,
lill he could act with bold assurance a m o n g his fellows and m a k e
his own décisions; a n d his ability to do these things would be
Invaluable to h i m in later life. " I have perceived a certain
hardihood a n d manliness of character," M o o r e aflirmed, "in
boys who have had a public éducation, superior to what ap-
pears in those of the same âge educated privately." T h e school-
master's inability to look a f t e r his p u p i l s individually, so
lamented by proponents of private tutelage, was called an
advantage by Moore, since it threw a boy o n his own resources
and forced h i m to learn how to act in the world: " H i s réputa-
tion a m o n g his companions d e p e n d s solely o n his own conduct.
T h i s gradually strengthens the m i n d , inspires firmness a n d
décision, a n d prevents that wavering imbecility observable in
those who have been long accustomed to rely u p o n the assist-
ance a n d o p i n i o n of others." 4 9 Since C h a p m a n wished the pro-
portion of masters to students to be increased, he could n o t
offer Moore's argument, b u t h e did m a k e the p o i n t in his
Treatise on Education that "if a boy is accustomed to associate
with others of the same âge, a n d u n d e r the same régulations
with himself, he will more effectually get the better of that
rawness, a n d that aukward bashfulness, which are so remarkable
in those w h o have been late in e n t e r i n g i n t o society." A school,
l u r t h e r m o r e , taught that p r i m a r y lesson of the world, essential
to ail successful dealings in it—an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of h u m a n
nature. "Boys who are educated at a p u b l i c school," C h a p m a n
said, " b e i n g placed in circumstances similar to what they will
experience in their progress t h r o u g h life, will learn to examine
the characters of their companions, a n d dérivé advantage f r o m
the experience of others, as well as their o w n " (pages 46-47).
T h e likelihood t h a t training at h o m e would not provide
221
THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
a d e q u a t e p r é p a r a t i o n for the world was o n e of the factors
i n d u c i n g Clarke a n d B u r g h , both of w h o m were firmly opposed
to the public schools, to recommend a small private b o a r d i n g
school r a t h e r t h a n t u i t i o n u n d e r the p a r e n t a l roof. " I t is . . .
obvious," Burgh t h o u g h t , " t h a t by a home-education youth
misses ail the advantage of being accustomed to the company
of his equals, a n d b e i n g early h a r d e n e d by the little r u b s he
will f r o m time to time m e e t with f r o m t h e m . " H a v i n g faced
those "little rubs," he w o u l d later be able to face the greater
hardships of the world at large, eventualities "which a youth,
who goes directly out of his mother's lap into the wide world,
is by n o means p r e p a r e d to grapple with." T h i s latter youth,
B u r g h a n n o u n c e d in extravagant terms, was not even able
"to bear the sight of strange faces, n o r to eat, drink, or lodge
differently f r o m the m a n n e r he has been used to at his father's
house." 5 0 Clarke was aware that in the eyes of some people,
even éducation at a small private school d i d n o t f u r n i s h
a d e q u a t e worldly experience; " W h a t , will some say, are young
Gentlemen to be entirely sequestred from the W o r l d , a n d not
suffered to converse w i t h any b u t such as themselves, a small
n u m b e r of School-fellows, till they arrive at the Years of Man-
hood? W h a t strange k i n d of aukward ill-fashioned Creatures
must they needs bé, w h e n they come first to make their Ap-
pearance in the W o r l d , a n d how u n f i t either for the Business
or Conversation of it?" B u t Clarke defended the private school
against these charges. Y o u n g gentlemen educated at such an
institution were n o t "wholly sequestred f r o m C o m p a n y , " he
said, a n d therefore " w o u l d n o t come into the W o r l d , such meer
Novices a n d Strangers to i t . " A master at a private school, more-
over, was able to select virtuous, innocent company f o r his
pupils, so that they w o u l d n o t be exposed to the contagion of
vice. " T h e r e is, I p r é s u m é , " Clarke remarked, " m o r e useful
Knowledge of the W o r l d . . . to be learnt, f r o m such k i n d of
Company, than any, Y o u t h educated in a p u b l i c k Way, have
usually the Advantage of, or care m u c h to converse with, if
they have." 5 1
T h e knowledge of the world acquired at a p u b l i c school was
thus, according to Clarke, t h e wrong k i n d of knowledge, since
l'DULIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
it did n o t provide virtue. C l a r k e m a y have a d o p t e d this view
from Locke, whose educational writings h e so admired. Locke
admitted t h a t there was some justice to t h e claim t h a t t r a i n i n g
at a p u b l i c school gave a y o u n g gentleman a knowledge of h o w
to get a l o n g in the world. " B e i n g abroad, it is true," h e con-
ceded, "will make h i m bolder, a n d b e t t e r able to bustle a n d
shift amongst boys of his own âge." B u t h e emphasized that this
ability was not virtue-forming—"that those misbecoming a n d
disingenuous ways of shifting i n the world m u s t be unlearned,
and ail t h e tincture washed o u t again, to make way for better
principles, a n d such manners as m a k e a truly worthy m a n . " Forc-
ing a boy t o fend for himself by t h r o w i n g h i m among school-
lellows could only i n j u r e his m o r a l character. Anyone who took
into considération the "malapertness, tricking, or violence, learnt
among schoolboys," ail of which were "opposite the skill of
living well, and managing, as a m a n should do, his affairs in
the world," would prefer a private éducation f o r his son. Bold-
ness a n d self-confidence, f a r f r o m b e i n g valuable products of
public éducation, were i n a p p r o p r i a t e to boys of school âge.
"Boys will unavoidably be t a u g h t assurance," Locke main-
tained, "by conversation with m e n , w h e n they are b r o u g h t i n t o
it; and t h a t is time enough. Modesty a n d submission, till then,
better fits t h e m for instruction; a n d therefore there needs n o t
any great care to stock t h e m with confidence b e f o r e h a n d . " 5 2
Locke did not even m e n t i o n a private b o a r d i n g school as a
compromise; he approved only of u p b r i n g i n g at home, w h e r e
a boy w o u l d n o t learn reprehensible m e t h o d s of making his
way in t h e world.
A l t h o u g h Budgell agreed w i t h Locke t h a t the ways of t h e
world acquired at a public school were n o t virtue-forming, h e
believed they were a necessary p a r t of éducation because their
very cynicism and utilitarianism e q u i p p e d a y o u n g gentleman
for playing a successful rôle in the active life which he would
enter as an adult, particularly p u b l i c service. Locke's view
was, in Budgell's opinion, unrealistic. I n the Spectator No.
.313 (February 28, 1712), he said t h a t whereas a private éduca-
tion " 'would furnish out a good subject for Plato's r e p u b l i c , ' "
a public one would furnish " 'a m e m b e r f o r a community
222 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
overrun with artifice a n d corruption.' " Since the actual world
contained a great deal of artifice a n d corruption, an i n t r o d u c t i o n
to it through the m i n i a t u r e world of the p u b l i c school was most
practical. " 'A boy who f o r m s parties, and makes himself p o p u l a r
in a school or college,' " Budgell suggested, " 'would act the
same p a r t with equal ease in a senate or a privy council.' " H e
cited the observation of the C o m m o n w e a l t h courtesy writer
Francis Osborn " ' t h a t t h e well-laying a n d carrying on of a
design to rob an orchard trains u p a youth insensibly to caution,
secrecy, a n d circumspection, and fits h i m for matters of greater
importance.' " T h u s the very reason for which Locke c o n d e m n e d
the schools, their effect on character, led Budgell to r e c o m m e n d
them. Budgell also contested Locke's claim t h a t a d e q u a t e as-
surance or acquaintance with the world could be gained f r o m
conversation with f r i e n d s of one's parents. " 'Conversation is
not the only t h i n g necessary,' " he pointed o u t . Unless a boy
conversed with others of his own âge, his social intercourse
would be of little practical advantage to h i m .
N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g his respect for " t h e judicious Locke," Sheri-
dan too questioned his views on these matters. Young gentlemen
b r o u g h t u p u n d e r the private tutelage which Locke advised,
he thought, " m i g h t be m a d e sober, peaceable, a n d inoffensive
members of society, b u t they would not be q u a l i f i e d f o r the
active sphere of life." L i k e Budgell, he stressed the gentleman's
duty of serving the state. Privately educated youths " m i g h t make
good men, b u t n o t good citizens. A n d as there is no constitution
in the world which requires more activity in its m e m b e r s [than
the British], n o t h i n g could be more u n s u i t a b l e to it t h a n such
a m o d e of éducation." 5 3
In addition to the practical préparation for an active life
afforded by the p u b l i c schools, there were o t h e r reasons, ac-
cording to p r o p o n e n t s of public éducation, why their system
best equipped a g e n t l e m a n to serve the state. Fordyce, for
example, believed t h a t as a school was a society, it endowed
a boy with p u b l i c spirit. Students at a great school looked u p o n
themselves as m e m b e r s of a definite community, a n d their social
feelings gradually b r o a d e n e d into "a zeal f o r their c o m m o n
country, or even to a m o r e extensive philanthropy."54 I t may
l'DULIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
be recalled from C h a p t e r I I t h a t at the icleal academy which
Fordyce envisioned, m u c h a t t e n t i o n was p a i d to instilling p u b l i c
spirit i n t o the youths. C h a p m a n , also viewing a school as a
society, suggested that such an institution would make a boy
"see the necessity of government, in order to cure the ignorance,
a n d to check the disorders, of m a n k i n d . " A n o t h e r of its benelits,
according to him, was that of t r a i n i n g i n oratory, so desirable
for the servant of the state. " B e i n g accustomed to deliver ora-
tions at t h e public examinations of the school," C h a p m a n said,
" a n d to declaim more f r e q u e n t l y in English before his com-
panions," a boy would "be better q u a l i f i e d for a more p u b l i c
appearance, if he aspire after the h o n o u r of serving his country
at the bar, in the pulpit, or in the senate." 5 5
T h e claim that private tuition, f r o m various causes, left a
gentleman r a t h e r ignorant was also b r o u g h t f o r t h as proof t h a t
the p u b l i c schools provided t h e best p r é p a r a t i o n for service of
the state. I n order to fill a p u b l i c office well, we remember,
a g e n t l e m a n was to have a considérable degree of learning.
Defoe's conviction that tutors t a u g h t their pupils very little led
h i m to say in his Compleat English Gentleman that whereas
men educated at schools "have been the glory of their country,
the o r n a m e n t of the court, the supports both of prince a n d
people," those educated in private "have been the meer outsicles
of gentlemen, useless in their generacion, retreated from the
State" (page 8). Acording to Swift, British n o b l e m e n no longer
took a p r o m i n e n t p a r t in n a t i o n a l affairs because private tute-
lage, which he termed "the f r e q u e n t , c o r r u p t , a n d sottish meth-
ods of e d u c a t i n g those, who are b o r n to wealth or titles," left
gentlemen of twenty-eight w i t h " t h e same understanding, the
same compass of knowledge" as they h a d h a d a t eight. 5 6
O n e of the arguments i n t e n d e d to show the superior intel-
lectual t r a i n i n g rcceived at p u b l i c schools has been reserved for
m e n t i o n here. It was a well-established theory in éducation t h a t
a boy learned more if he s t u d i e d f r o m a desire to excel his
fellows. E m u l a t i o n acted as an incentive to mastering his lessons.
Obviously, this compétitive spirit occurred m o r e frequently at
the p u b l i c schools than in the privacy of a home. If a boy was
his tutor's sole pupil, it was impossible; if two or three o t h e r
224 225 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
young gentlemen were u n d e r the same tutor, it perhaps existed,
b u t only to a limited degree. O p p o n e n t s of p u b l i c éducation
fully recognized that é m u l a t i o n was a m e r i t of the system. " T h e
advantages of schools are great," B u r n e t aclmitted; " f o r since
émulation is that which presseth children most effectually to
their studies in schools, they have many provocations t h a t way."
A l t h o u g h B u r n e t p r e l e r r e d private t r a i n i n g f o r other reasons,
he stipulated t h a t the privately educated boy should be b r o u g h t
u p in company with a n o t h e r child, in order to p r o m o t e a com-
pétitive spirit. 5 7 Locke himself granted t h a t " t h e é m u l a t i o n of
school-fellows o f t e n p u t s life a n d industry i n t o y o u n g lads." 5 8
Supporters of p u b l i c éducation cried u p é m u l a t i o n as a
shining advantage of t h e i r system. Knox invitecl his readers to
look at the boy relegated to private tuition, " w h o w i t h languid
eye is poring, in solitude, over a lesson which h e n a t u r a l l y con-
siders as the b a n e of his enjoyment; a n d consequently feels n o
other wish than to get it over as soon as h e can with i m p u n i t y . "
Such a youth could p r o f i t little f r o m his lessons. O n t h e other
h a n d , émulation s p u r r e d students to study diligently at school.
Since the boy at the h e a d of his class was regarded as a hero
by his classmates, h e w o u l d "spare n o pains to m a i n t a i n his
h o n o u r a b l e post; a n d his competitors, if they have spirit, will
be n o less assiduous to s u p p l a n t h i m . " 5 9 I n his Treatise on
Education, C h a p m a n based his praise of the schools f o r foster-
ing émulation on his conception of a school as a society in
m i n i a t u r e . " T h e r e is i m p l a n t e d in the h u m a n m i n d , " h e be-
lieved, " a n a r d e n t desire to excel. T h i s desire, o p e r a t i n g with
greater force in society, proves a strong motive w i t h t h e gen-
erality of boys, a n d keeps some awake, w h o would otherwise
languish in sloth." W i t h an oblique slur o n private u p b r i n g i n g ,
he a n n o u n c e d : " T h i s émulation, this virtuous rivalship for
knowledge, o u g h t never to be checked" (pages 43-44). Moore
t h o u g h t just as highly of it: " T h e active principle of émulation,
when allowed f u l l play, as in the chief schools in England,
operates in various ways, and always w i t h a good effect." 6 0
Some commentators said that the e m p l o y m e n t of praise and
censure, which was generally viewed as a useful m e t h o d for
inducing students to industry, h a d better results in p u b l i c than
l'DULIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
in private training because at the schools it encouraged a com-
pétitive spirit. A pupil, Maidwell explained, "reaps an Ad-
vantage, by the Shame of this L a d s Idleness, a n d the Praise of
the Others Industry. C o m m e n d a t i o n provokes ./Emulation, and
he wil t h i n k it dishonourable to yield to his zEquals, and
glorious to excel his Seniors." 6 1 Sheridan demonstrated in his
Plan of Education that a schoolboy, seeing t h e master repri-
m a n d some children a n d l a u d others, w o u l d strive to be a m o n g
those praised. " T h e love of glory will serve h i m as an incentive
to take pains. H e will b e a s h a m e d to give place to his equals,
a n d will take pains to excel t h e most forward. A good scholar
will use his utmost endeavours to be t h e first in his form, a n d
carry the prize." By using praise a n d censure with a single
pupil, a t u t o r could perhaps stir h i m to some diligence, b u t
before the application of this t e c h n i q u e could be really effective
a whole class was needed, in which the emulative spirit was
strong. I n Sheridan's own p r o p o s e d school, é m u l a t i o n was to
be f u r t h e r e d as m u c h as possible. T h e prospect of rising f r o m
class to class on the basis of progress in studies, and the com-
pétitive examinations held once a week to d e t e r m i n e such prog-
ress, were calculated to p r o m o t e in the boys a desire to excel
(pages 75-76, 68-69).
Still a n o t h e r advantage of p u b l i c éducation, occasionally men-
tioned along with its other merits, was t h e contraction of friend-
ships at school. T h e y h a d their practical side, for they could
be of great service in later life. I n illustration of this, Budgell
in the Spectator No. 313 (February 28, 1712) related the story
of two gentlemen w h o h a d been friends a t Westminster b u t who
f o u n d themselves in opposite camps d u r i n g the Civil Wars, one
being a j u d g e u n d e r Cromwell, the other a Royalist officer.
T h e latter was taken prisoner a n d b r o u g h t before the judge,
who, r e m e m b e r i n g his old school friend, pleaded to Cromwell
on his bchalf a n d thus saved h i m f r o m the f a t e of the o t h e r
captives. Similarly, Burgh declared in The Dignity of Human
Nature t h a t the "useful and valuable friendships a youth m i g h t
have contracted at school . . . o f t e n hold t h r o u g h the whole
of it, a n d prove of the most i m p o r t a n t advantage" (page 122).
Knox was aware that "the f o r m a t i o n of connections which
226 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
may con tribu te to f u t u r e advancement . . . has al ways been a
p o w e r f u l a r g u m e n t in support of the preference of public
schools," b u t h e a d d e d t h a t connections f o r m e d solely with an
eye toward personal advantage were n o t c o m m e n d a b l e . 6 2 Al-
t h o u g h C h a p m a n realized that friendships b e g u n at school were
" o f t e n the means of advancing a man's f o r t u n e in t h e world,"
he, like Knox, valued t h e m chiefly for their less tangible merits:
"Friendship, by the t e n d e r sympathies which it produces, is
known to heighten o u r joys, and to soften o u r cares. . . . W h e n
begun in youth, it has been f o u n d to grow u p gradually, a n d to
last as long as life itself. Public éducation furnishes the best
means of f o r m i n g this amiable tie: it accustoms us to live in
society; it calls f o r t h t h e social affections; it gives k i n d r e d soûls
a better o p p o r t u n i t y of meeting while they are most susceptible
of friendship, a n d of ail the generous passions." 6 3
T h e n u m b e r of opposing points m e n t i o n e d in this chapter
makes a brief r e c a p i t u l a t i o n aclvisable. N o conclusion is pos-
sible as to w h e t h e r p u b l i c or private éducation was m o r e favored
for gentlemen in the Restoration a n d eighteenth century. O n
the whole, R e s t o r a t i o n commentators p r e f e r r e d t h e private
method, whereas in t h e eighteenth century the balance of ap-
proval shifted to p u b l i c training. Aristocrats themselves f o u n d
private u p b r i n g i n g m o r e to their taste; yet m a n y were brought
u p publicly, at least i n part. Some theorists, such as Burnet,
Gailhard, Locke, a n d Stockdale, exclusively s u p p o r t e d private
tutelage; others, such as Maidwell, Swift, Defoe, Costeker, Chap-
man, a n d Knox, just as exclusively c h a m p i o n e d the p u b l i c
schools. Still others, notably Walker, Clarke, a n d Burgh, recom-
m e n d c d a small p r i v a t e boarding school r a t h e r t h a n a public
school or tuition at h o m e . T h e r e was very little willingness to
compromise; Budgell a n d Sheridan, a n d possibly those w h o
advised a private b o a r d i n g school, were a m o n g the few writers
w h o could see the advantages a n d defects of b o t h systems.
Adherents of the private m e t h o d m a i n t a i n e d t h a t it led to
virtue whereas the p u b l i c schools p r o m o t e d vice by exposing
the boys to the i n f l u e n c e of ill-assorted company a n d by allow-
ing the master scant o p p o r t u n i t y to oversee the conduct of
l'DULIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
individual pupils. Instruction could n o t be a d a p t e d to particu-
lar students at the populous schools, defenders of private éduca-
tion a f f i r m e d ; ail the boys were subjected to the same lessons
regardless of individual genius, ail were p u t in the same classes
regardless of mental capacity, a n d ail were submitted to the
same pedagogical technique regardless of différences in person-
ality. As a rcsult, they learned less t h a n they could have at h o m e .
H i g h c r salaries f o r schoolmasters a n d an increase in the propor-
tion of masters to pupils were occasionally proposed as remedies
for these disadvantages.
T h e corporal p u n i s h m e n t c o m m o n at schools was c o n d e m n e d
for its cruelty, for h a r d e n i n g boys against persuasion to virtue,
a n d for breaking the spirits of y o u n g gentlemen. Objections to
the emphasis o n L a t i n and to modes of teaching Latin, treated
in C h a p t e r III, were often directed specifically at public éduca-
tion. Private training was said to assure good breeding, in con-
trast to public training, which p r o d u c e d only rowdincss a n d ill
manners. Fashionable parents o f t e n disapproved of the p u b l i c
school for this reason, as well as because it obliged their well-
born sons to mingle with social inferiors.
Advocates of public éducation, like advocates of the p r i v a t e
system, m a i n t a i n e d that v i r t u e was t h e resuit of their m e t h o d .
T h e y declared that tutors encouraged vice i n their pupils a n d
that association with schoolfellows was virtue-forming. O n e of
the greatest arguments against u p b r i n g i n g at home was t h a t
it held the danger of indulgence f r o m doting parents. A tend-
ency o n the p a r t of parents to spoil their children was generally
decried d u r i n g the Restoration a n d eighteenth century, as it
m a d e the children vicious by s u b j u g a t i n g their reason to their
passions a n d as it disabled t h e m f r o m s u r m o u n t i n g the problems
they w o u l d meet in a d u l t h o o d . Even champions of private
éducation a d m i t t e d that the likelihood of p a r e n t a l indulgence
was the spécial defect of their m e t h o d . Those proposing p u b l i c
éducation a d d e d the f u r t h e r p o i n t t h a t since a tutor received
his income f r o m his pupil's parents, he was helpless if t h e
parents interfered with his province. According to critics of
private éducation, f o n d m o t h e r s o f t e n did so, r e n d e r i n g in-
effectuai his efforts to give the boy an a d e q u a t e degree of learn-
228 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
ing as well as m o r a l discipline. Sometimes, however, t h e tutors
themselves were b l a m e d for i m p a r t i n g little knowledge; they
were depicted as négligent or otherwise ill-qualified.
Public éducation was extolled because it p r e p a r e d a y o u n g
gentleman f o r an active participation i n t h e affairs of the
world, teaching h i m h o w to deal with others a n d developing his
self-reliance. F o r this reason a n d others, it was said to c q u i p
h i m for serving the state in a p u b l i c capacity m u c h better t h a n
tutelage at h o m e could do; the gentleman b r o u g h t u p in his
parents' house, where h e was shielded f r o m the world a n d where
his intellect was p e r h a p s poorly trainecl besides, was pictured
as incapable of b e n e f i t i n g the nation. T h e é m u l a t i o n charac-
teristic of schoolboys was also considered an advantage of p u b l i c
éducation, since it spurrecl them on to greater progress in their
studies. Friendships e n t e r e d into at school were m e n t i o n e d as
still a n o t h e r m e r i t of t h e public system.
I t may be noted t h a t the controversy as to t h e superiority of
public or private t r a i n i n g involved ail t h e p r i n c i p a l ideals in
gentlemanly éducation—virtue, ability to serve the n a t i o n , book
knowledge, a knowledge of the world, a n d good breeding.
Notes to C h a p t e r V I I
1. See Furnivall, EETSOS, X X X I I , vi-xxvi, lii-lxii.
2. Francis Coventry, The History of Pompey the Little: Or,
The Life and Adventures of a Lap-Dog ( L o n d o n , 1751), p. 80.
3. Compleat English Gentleman, p. 55.
4. Ibid., p. 7. J. W . Adamson, in the Cambridge History of
English Literature, I X (Cambridge, 1920), a f f i r m e d : " T h e well-
known décliné in the n u m b e r of boys at p u b l i c schools d u r i n g
the greater part of the eighteenth century to some extent con-
firais Defoe" (p. 398). But this décliné in a t t e n d a n c e did n o t
have reference entirely to boys of genteel parentage.
5. Course of Libéral Education, pp. 6-7.
6. Plan of Education, p. 52.
7. See Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen, pp. 23-
24; Essay upon the Education of Youth in Grammar-Schools, p.
204; a n d Dignity of Human Nature, p p . 121-125.
8. Thoughts on Education, p. 21.
l'DULIC VERSUS PRIVATE EDUCATION 207
9. Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, pp. 17-18.
10. Some Thoughts Concerning Education, p p . 50-53.
11. P. 193. For quotations f r o m Locke, see pp. 212-219. See
also the anon. Essay on Modem Education, p. 22, and Burgh,
Dignity of Human Nature, p. 125.
12. Some Thoughts Concerning Education, p p . 49-50.
13. An Examination of the Important Question, Whether
Education, at a Great School, or By Private Tuition, Is Prefer-
able? (London, 1782), p. 7.
14. Plan of Education, p p . 74, 63, 67, 71.
15. Treatise on Education, p p . 50-51, 231, 226.
16. See Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, p p . 64-70.
17. Examination, p. 2.
18. See Treatise on Education, p p . 52-54, 230-232.
19. Plan of Education, p p . 79, 51.
20. Examination, pp. 15-16. See also the a n o n . Essay on Mod-
em Education, p. 22.
21. Essay on Modem Education, in Prose Works, XI, 52.
22. See Uses of Foreign Travel, p. 44.
23. See Some Thoughts Concerning Education, pp. 49 a n d
52, a n d Spectator No. 313 (Feb. 28, 1712).
24. Letters, IV, 1494, 1516.
25. See his Essay on Modem Education, ed. cit., p. 52.
26. Essay Upon the Necessity and Excellency of Education,
pp. 14-15.
27. Libéral Education: Or, A Practical Treatise on the Meth-
ods of Acquiring Useful and Polite Learning (London, 1781),
pp. 33-35. See Stockdale's attack on these remarks i n his
Examination, p p . 34-36.
28. Compleat English Gentleman, p. 56.
29. Essay on Modem Education, ed. cit., p. 54.
30. Examination, pp. 13, n., a n d 12. See also pp. 22-24, where-
in Stockdale laid down strict m o r a l ancl religious r e q u i r e m e n t s
for the tutor, w h o was to inculcate virtue beyond ail else.
31. See Essay on Modem Education, ed. cit., pp. 55-56.
32. Viezv of Society and Manners, I, 293-294.
33. See Gentlemans Cornpanion, p p . 7-8.
34. See Of Education, Especially of Young Gentlemen, pp. 13-
25. See also Osborne, Advice to a Son, p. 35; Ayres, Vox Claman-
tis, p p . 42-43; a n d Grenville, Counsel and Directions, pp. 85-86.
35. See Compleat Gentleman, lst Treatise, p. 14.
230 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN

36. See More Fruits of Solitude, in T h e H a r v a r d Classics,

ed. Charles W . Eliot, I (New York, 1909), 402-403.
37. See, for example, Fordyce, Dialogues Concerning Educa-
tion, II, 289, a n d C h a p m a n , Treatise on Education, p. 25.
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that a schoolboy's boldness represented a n undesirable k i n d
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234 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
II
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T h i s list does not include well-known works, such as Sir Charles
Grandison, She Stoops to Conquer, and the Dunciad, to which I
may have referred once or twice. It does include certain promi-
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r
Index
Abercromby, Alexander, 182
Academies, French, 59, 187-189
Accomplishments, polite, 90-93, 165
Addison, Joseph, 144-145
Allestrec, Richard, 15-17, 25, 34-35,
38, 172
Amhurst, Nicholas, 47-48, 56, 61
Ancients-Moderns controversy, 82, 84
Animal hnsbandry, 76, 93-94
Anti-intellectual attitude of gentry
and nobility, 57-59, 65-66, 73-74
Antiquities and works of art, seen
on grand tour, 163-165
Argyle, Archibald Campbell, lst Mar-
quis of, 58
Arrny, préparation for career in, 96-
97, 99, 100
Arran, Lord, 46
Arundel, Earl of, 163
Astell, Mary, 53 and n. 3, 54 and n.
7, 61 and n. 25, 72 and n. 43
Astronomy, 76
Athletic exercises, 75
Ayres, Philip, 14, 38, 40, 67, 123-124
Bacon, Francis, 121
Beattie, James, 7, 82-83, 89
Bellegaide, 147
Bentham, Edward, 7, 47-49, 94-95,
114, 126-127
Bible, 19, 44, 74
Birth, less important to gentlemanly
idéal than virtue, 13
Blacow, Richard, 46
Boarding schools, private, 197, 201,
213, 218, 219-220
Botany, 76
Boyer, Abel, 27, 28, 53, 54, 61, 69, 72,
167
Brathwait, Richard, 15
Breton, Nicholas, 15
Britaine, William de, 68, 121
Brokesby, Francis, 16, 43, 73, 76, 80,
81, 124
245
Brooke, Henry, 7, 37, 39, 40, 42-43, 44
Brown, the Rev. Dr. John, 7, 18, 26,
27, 28, 29-30, 55, 173-174
Budgell, Eustace, 21, 197, 199, 201,
202, 206, 221-222, 225 , 226
Burgh, James, 28-29 , 37 , 77 , 78, 84,
87, 89, 91, 93, 95, 96, 116, 157, 161-
162, 197, 213, 219-220, 225, 226
Burlcigh, William Cecil, Lord, 118
Burnet, Bishop Gilbert, 7, 20, 26, 44-
45, 77, 78, 80, 81, 83, 87, 115, 119,
178-179, 196, 198, 199, 213, 224, 226
Cambridge University, 56-57
Carriage, graceful, 149-154; dancing
lessons contributory to, 92-93
Ceremony, 136-138; ranked below ci-
vility, 140; training in, 140-142
Chapman, George, 7, 27, 130, 200,
202-203, 205, 209, 213, 215, 219, 223,
224, 226
Charity, 37-41
Chesterfield, Philip Donner Stan-
hope, 4th Earl of, 7, 8, 23-24, 37, 41,
44, 54, 59-60, 61, 62, 66, 69-70, 76,
77, 78-79, 81, 90, 92, 93, 95, 116,
118-123, 124, 125-126, 134, 135, 136-
137, 138, 140-144, 147-153, 156, 157,
158-159, 162-163, 165, 166, 168-170,
171, 177, 187, 195, 206-207, 211
Chronology, 44, 75, 84
Civility, 136-138; related to univer-
salist doctrine, 138-139; related to
cosmopolitanism, 139-140; ranked
above ceremony, 140; associated
with virtue, 144-146; éducation in,
142-149
Clarcndon, lst and 2nd Earls of, 66
Clarke, John, 7, 36, 78, 81, 84, 89,
197, 198, 203, 204, 218, 219-221, 226
Classical studies, reaction against em-
phasis on, 82-85
Clavius, Christoplier, 201
Cleland, James, 15, 58
246 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
Colman, George, the elder, and Bon-
nel Thornton, 56-57, 61, 71, 114,
127, 128-129
Common sense, and civility, 143, 148
Company, choice of, 123-127; abroad,
169-170, 172-180; at public school,
197-198, 207-209, 210-211
Connoisseur, 23, 56-57, 61, 71, 114,
127, 128-129
Conversational method of teaching
Latin, 86-87
Cork, Earl of, 23
Corporal punishment, 203-205, 210
Cosmopolitanism, related to civility,
139-140; as object of grand tour,
165-166, 168-170, 180-189
Costeker, John Littlcton, 41, 175, 214-
215, 216-217, 218-219, 226
Country gentleman, accused of igno-
rance, 53-54; récréations for, 94;
studies for prospective, 99-100;
called deficient in polish, 153-154
Courts, as schools for good breeding,
141-142, 143, 148-149
Coventry, Francis, 7, 196, 210, 215,
217-218
Coverley, Sir Roger de, 40
Cowper, William, 24
Croft, G., 8, 71
Curriculum, 74-76
Dalton, the Rev. John, 7, 25-26, 36-37
Dancing, 75, 90-91, 92-93
Darrell, William, 15, 17, 53, 90-91
Davies, Dr. Richard, 188
De-Anglicization 180-189
Defoe, Daniel, 7, 13, 14, 19, 36, 43-44,
54, 57, 61, 65, 67, 72-73, 74, 83-84,
196, 207, 209, 217, 223, 226
Demeanor, pleasing, 149-154; dancing
lessons contributory to, 92-93; as
object of travel, 157-159, 180-184
"Dialogue between a Beau and a
Scholar," 164
Digby, Sir Kenelm, 163
Dissimulation, 121-122
Divinity, préparation for career in,
95, 97, 99, 100
Drake, Judith, 53 and n. 3, 54 and
n. 7, 61 and n. 25, 72 and n. 43
Drawing, 75, 90-92
Du Refuge, 118
Ducci, Lorenzo, 118
Dueling, 16
Dunciad, 173
Dykes, Oswald, 19, 28, 38-39, 77, 124,
125, 179-180, 212
Eldest sons, theory that they needed
little learning, 65
Ellis, Clement,' 15, 17, 23, 57-58
Elyot, Sir Thomas, 58
Emulation, at public schools, 203,
223-225
English language, training in, 85, 87
English literature, training in, 75,
76, 99
English style, training in, 75, 83, 88
Enquiry into the Plan and Preten-
sions, 85, 99-100
Essay on Modem Education, An
(1747), 56, 70, 127
Essay upon Education, An, 87, 88-89
Ethics, 75
Evelyn, John, 66
Farquhar, George, 135
Fathcrs, and teaching virtue to chil-
dren, 22-24
Fellow countrymen abroad, 169-170,
177
Fencing, 75
Fielding, Henry, 53, 119, 126, 135,
137, 142, 153, 177, 182 184
Fool of Quality, The, 37, 39, 40,
42-43, 44
Fordyce, David, 7, 42, 45, 62, 63, 73,
115-116, 116-117, 120, 122, 140, 162,
164, 165-166, 171, 175-176, 183, 186,
214, 217, 222-223
Foreigners, young travelers' prejudice
against, 168-170; considered vi-
cious, 177-180; considered danger-
ous to British character, 180-189
Forrester, Col. James, 7, 135, 147-148
Fox ton, Thomas, 15, 39-40
France, 167, 168; admired for good
breeding, 158-159; considered vi-
cious, 178-180; its freethinking
feared, 180; its influence on trav-
elers deplorcd, 180-189
INDEX
French language, 74-75, 75-76; learned
on grand tour, 159
Frenchification, 180-189
Friendship, and public éducation,
225-226
Gailhard, Jean, 7, 13-14, 16, 22-23,
25, 27, 35, 38, 41, 43, 76, 92-93,
95, 115, 119-120, 141, 146, 157-161,
169, 174, 177, 181, 196, 197-198, 201,
202, 211, 215, 226
Genius, individual, not encouragcd at
public schools, 200-201
"Genteel" vices, 16, 18
Gentleman's Library, 60, 71
Gentleman's Magazine, 24, 164
Geography, 44, 75, 84
Goldsmith, Oliver, 54, 65, 138, 139-
140, 144
Good breeding, 134-136; as object of
grand tour, 157-159, 182-184; not
provided by public schools, 205-
207; see also Carriage, Ceremony,
Civility, Demeanor, Manner
Gordon, Thomas, 47, 54-55, 168, 185
Grammatical method of teaching
Latin, 85-87, 208
Grand tour, genteel endorsement of,
156; conducive to knowledge of the
world, 156-157; conducive to good
breeding, 157-159; conducive to
learning modem languages, 159-
160; practical information acquired
on, 160-163; viewing antiquities
during, 163-165; as cosmopolitan-
izing gentleman, 165-166; abuses of,
167-176; condemnation of for ado-
lescent, 171-176; attacks on, 176-
189
Gray, Thomas, 67
Greek, 75, 76, 99; reaction against the
stress on, 82-85
Grenville, Archdeacon Denis, 7, 13,
17, 56, 126, 174, 179
Guardian, 60, 134, 157-158, 165
Gulliver's Travels, 140
Haie, Sir Matthew, 7, 93
Halifax, lst Marquis and lst Earl of,
66
247
Hardwicke, Earl of, 157, 161, 163,
170-171, 172
Hawkesworth, Dr. John, 161-162
Hebrew, 76
Heroic virtues, 14, 35
Higford, William, 80, 08
History, 19, 44, 45, 58, 75, 76-80, 84,
95, 99
Home, J. A., 70-71, 77, 82-83, 128
Honeycomb, Will, 55
Howard, Clare, 52, n. 1, and 59, n. 20
Hurnphrey Clinker, 214
Hurd, Bishop Richard, 7, 26, 42, 45,
81, 83, 114, 117, 128, 130-132, 150,
156, 158, 159-160, 166, 170, 174, 176,
179, 180, 183-184, 186-187, 188-189,
205, 206, 207-208
Ignorance, gentry and nobility ac-
cused of, 52-57, 59; gentleman in
politics accused of, 71-73; public
schools accused of fostering, 200-
203; private éducation accused of
fostering, 215-218
Indulgence toward children, dangers
of, 211-217, 218-219
Information, factual, acquired on
grand tour, 160-163; failure to ac-
quire on grand tour, 168-170, 172
Italian, 74-75
James I, 15
Jenyns,, Soame, 72, 180, 184
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 7, 40, 60, 62-
64, 94, 129, 135-136, 137, 153-154,
206, 216
Joseph Andrews, 184
Kelso, Ruth, 8, 14
King, Dr. William, 46-47
Knowledge, practical, acquirement of
on grand tour, 160-163, 168-170, 172
Knox, Vicesimus, 82-83, 90, 208, 209,
224, 225-226
Lancaster, Nathaniel, 116, 138-139,
142, 150, 153
Languages, modem, learned on grand
tour, 159-160; see also French, Ital-
ian
248 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN
Latin, 74, 75, 76; reaction against em-
phasis on, 82-85, 208; opposition to
grammatical method of teaching,
86-87, 208; opposition to theme-
writing and verse-writing, 21, 87-
90, 208
Law, study of, 44, 45, 75, 80-82; for
prospective lawyers, 97, 99; as prc-
requisitc to travel, 170-171
Law, William, 7, 16, 19-20, 196-197
Learning, as contributing to virtue,
19; ranked inferior to virtue, 19-
20; ranked last among aims of gen-
tlemanly éducation, 20-21; demand
that it promote virtue, 21-22; as
prerequisite to performing public
and private duties, 43-44, 71-73; its
place among gentlemanly attri-
butes, 52, 73-74; as incompatible
with gentility, 57-59; associaled
with pedantry, 60-61; as incapaci-
tating gentleman for social inter-
course, 61-64, 66, 67; ranked with
or below knowledge of world, 68-
70; ranked above knowledge of
world, 70-71, 128-129; as ornament
or spiritual ennobling, 71; as bring-
ing intellectual potentialities to
fulfillment, 71; practical advan-
tages of, 73; as promoting virtue
at public school, 210; as not pro-
vided by private éducation, 215-
218, 222-225; see also Studies
Leigh, Edward, 160, 174
Letter to a Young Gentleman upon
his Admission into the University,
A, 124
Lingard, Dr. Richard, 60, 68, 158, 183
Locke, John, 7, 20-21, 22, 25, 26-27,
28, 59, 68-69, 70-71, 80, 83, 86-87,
88, 89, 90, 94, 145, 151, 152, 157,
174, 175, 196, 198, 199, 206, 212,
221, 222, 224, 226
Logic, 75, 76
Loveybond, 60
Lumpkin, Tony, 54, 65, 74
Mackenzie, Sir Ceorge, 7, 35
Maidwell, Lewis, 98, 208-209, 225,
226
Mandeville, Bernard, 136
Mankind, knowledge of, 117-123; as
important to good breeding, 148;
as best provided by public éduca-
tion, 218-222
Manner, well-bred, 149-154; dancing
lessons as contributing to, 92-93;
as object of travel, 157-159, 180-184
Mar, l ï t h Earl of, 45, 91-92
Mathematics, 58, 75
Mcadowcourt affair, 46
Metaphysics, 75
Military service, 34, 36; see also
Army, Navy
Miller, James, 56
Milton, John, 88
Mirror, 71, 77, 128, 182
Moore, Dr. John, 170, 181, 182, 183,
189, 210-211, 219, 224
Music, 75, 90-92
Nevelon, 141
Observations on the Present State of
the English Universities, 188
Of Education, 19, 28, 93, 96, 197
Oratory, 44, 75, 99
Orntond, Duke of, 46
Osborn, Francis, 123, 125, 169, 222
Oxford University, 56, 60; accused of
Jacobitism, 46-49; choice of com-
pany at, 126-127; see also Univer-
sities
Ozell, John, 135
Pampering, dangers of, 211-217, 218-
219
Panton, Capt. Edward, 7, 13, 14, 60-
61, 70, 146
Passions, subjugation of to reason,
25-27, 211-212
Patriotism, 34; as heroic virtue, 14;
views on in Renaissance, 41; in-
culcation of, 44-49; as cause of at-
tacks on travel, 180-189
Pedagogical techniques, for inculca-
tion of virtue, 22; criticism of at
public schools, 200-205, 219; ému-
lation, praise, and censure, 223-225
Pedantry, genteel fear of, 59-61
Penn, William, 38, 93-94, 212
INDEX
Penton, Stephen, 7, 38, 86, 212
Petrie, Adam, 122, 141, 145-146, 149-
150
Pietistic idéal, 14-16
Plato, 25
Pleasing, good breeding as art of,
134-136
Pleasing Instructor, The, 145
Polish of manner, as aim of travel,
157-159, 180-184
Polite accomplishments, 90-93, 165
Political beliefs, fcar of foreign in-
fluence on, 186-187
Political service, in Renaissance, 34,
58; décliné in emphasis on, 35-36,
122-123; advocacy of, 36-37; learn-
ing a prerequisite for, 43-44, 71-
73; history as préparation for, 78-
80; law as préparation for, 81-82;
polite accomplishments as prejudi-
cial to, 91; modem languages as
useful toward, 159; information
gaincd on grand tour as useful to-
ward, 160-161; public éducation as
préparation for, 218-225
Politics, study of, 44, 45
Pope, Alexander, 118, 173
Praise and censure, as pedagogical
techniques, 224-225
Préjudices, national, grand tour as
corrective for, 165-166; young tour-
ists criticized for, 168-170; against
foreigners as vicious, 178-180; re-
moval through travel disapproved
of, 180-189
Pretty Gentleman, The, 54
Priestley, Dr. Joseph, 41, 45, 77-78,
79-80, 81, 97, 98-99, 162, 196
Private capacity, services performed
in a, 37-41; légal training helpful
in fulfilling duties in a, 80-81
Private éducation, fashionable pref-
erence for, 195-196; conducive to
virtue, 197-200; permits individual
training and intellectual progress,
200-203; permits good breeding,
205-207; permits freedom with re-
gard to teaching Latin, 208; en-
courages viciousness through bad
tutors, 209-210, or through paren-
247
tal indulgence, 211-212, 213-215;
discourages self-sufficiency, 212-213,
214; provides little learning be-
cause of parental indulgence 215-
217, or inadéquate tutors, 217-218;
provides little knowledge of human
nature or prudential conduct, 218-
222; provides insufficicnt learning
for political career, 222-225; lacks
compétitive spirit, 223-225
Professional training, advocacy of, 95-
100
Proposais For the Reformation of
Schools è1 Universities, 67, 98, 175
Provincialism, grand tour as remedy
for, 165-166; removal of rejected
as aim of travel, 180-189
Prudential conduct and policy, treat-
ments of, 14-15, 24, 34, 35-36, 41,
68, 117-118, 120, 122-123
Public capacity, services performed in
a, 34-37; see also Political service
Public éducation, fashionable preju-
dice against, 195-196; produces vi-
ciousness, 197-200; does not en-
courage intellectual progress, 200-
203; criticized for corporal punish-
ment, 203-205; does not provide
good breeding, 205-207; makes gen-
tlemen mingle with social inferiors,
207-208; criticized with regard to
Latin instruction, 208; produces
virtue, 208-212, 214-215; préparés
gentleman for participation in
world, 212-213, 214, 218-222; en-
courages intellectual progress, 215-
218; préparés gentleman for na-
tional service, 218-223; permits
compétitive spirit and use of praise
and censure, 223-225; encourages
f r i e n d s h i p , 2 2 5 - 2 2 6 ; see also
Schools, public
Public spirit, training in, 41-49; at
schools, 222-223
Puckle, James, 37, 121-122, 124, 125,
134, 152, 161-162, 165, 167
Quintilian, 208-209
Ralcigh, Sir Walter, 58, 118
250 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMAN INDEX 247

Rambler, 40, 60, 62-64, 94, 129, 135-
136, 137, 153-154, 206, 216
Ramesey, William, 7, 17, 43, 156, 160,
211
Ramsay, the Chevalier Andrew Mi-
chael, 7, 91
Reactions, personal, as determining
civility, 142-143
Reading, 74
Reason, subjugation of passions to,
25-27; as determining civility, 143;
pampering prejudicial to, 211-212
Récréations, useful, 93-95
Religion, in childhood éducation, 16;
corruption of ascribed to travel,
180
Renaissance, views on virtue for gen-
tleman, 13, 14; views on gentleman's
national obligations and political
service, 34, 35, 41; views on liber-
ality, 37-38; anti-intellectual at-
titude of gentry and nobility, 58-59;
views on érudition, 61, 68; views
on history, 77, 78; views on légal
training, 80; opposition to empha-
sis on classical studies, 82; oppo-
sition to grammatical method, 86;
advocacy of polite accomplish-
ments, 90; views on knowledge of
man, 117; importance of travel,
156; practical information an aim
of travel, 160; viewing antiquities
an aiin of travel, 163; adverse criti-
cism of travel, 166; prejudice
against foreigners, 178; Italian in-
fluence feared, 181; public schools
foundcd, 195
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 138
Rhetoric, 44, 75
Richardson, Samuel, 173, 177, 181,
182
Riding, 75, 76
Roderick Random, 177, 183
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 29-30
Ruling passion, 120-121, 123
Running, 75
Scholar, his allcged awkwardncss in
society, 62-64, 67; versus gentle-
man, 67, 83, 86-87, 118-119, 153
Schoolfellows, association with, said
to corrupt virtue, 197-200; said to
promote virtue, 208-211
Schoolmasters, multifarious duties of,
198-203; pedagogical techniques
criticized, 200-205, 219; higher sal-
aries for, 200, 202, 203, 209
Schools, public, criticized for Latin
theme-writing and verse-writing,
21, 87-90; preference for grammati-
cal method, 86; lack of specialized
training, 96; see also Public éduca-
tion
Sciences, natural, 75, 76, 99
Sense, common, as determining civil-
ity, 143, 148
Sermonetta, Cardinal, 118
Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashlcy Cooper,
3rd Earl of, 16, 21, 66, 142
Shaw, Peter, 21
She Stoops to Conquer, 54, 65, 74
Sheridan, Thomas, 18, 19, 21-22, 78-
79, 83, 84-85, 89, 94, 97-98, 99, 100,
171, 172, 176, 179, 197, 199-200, 202,
203, 222, 225, 226
Sidney, Sir Philip, 58
Sir Charles Grandison, 173, 177, 181,
182
Smollett, Tobias, 177, 183, 214
Society, advantages of participation
in, 115-124; participation in as con-
ducive to vice, 123-132; as tutor in
ceremony, 141-142; as tutor in ci-
vility, 146-149; as productive of
polislied manner, 152-154; early ex-
posure to through travel con-
demned, 172-176; participation in
as useful aspect of public édu-
cation, 218-222
Specialized training, advocacy of, 95-
100
Spectator, 39, 40, 53, 55, 62, 88, 143,
144-145, 153, 157, 161, 163, 170-171,
172, 199, 201, 202-203, 204, 206, 221-
222, 225
"St., C. L.," 18
Steele, Sir Richard, 7, 39, 40, 53, 55,
60, 62, 88, 134, 143, 145, 153, 157-
158, 165, 204
Stewardship of wealth, 37-39
Stockdale, Percival, 199, 201-202, 204-
205, 207, 208, 210, 213-214, 226
Studies, as aids to virtue, 19; as pre-
rcquisitcs to pcrforming public
and private duties, 43-44; idéal
curriculum outlined, 74-76; insist-
ence that they be useful, 84-100;
see also Learning
Study versus world, 61-64, 67, 68-71,
115-117, 118-119, 128-129, 153
Swift, Jonathan, 7, 36, 43, 63, 65, 72,
137, 140, 143, 144, 148, 205, 207,
210, 215-216, 223, 226
Swimming, 75
Tabula rasa theory, 28
Talent, not encouraged at public
schools, 200-201
Temple, Sir William, 66
Tenants and servants, care of, 37, 40
Themes and verses, composition of
in Latin, 87-90
Theology, 75, 76
Thornton, Bonnel, and George Col-
man the eldcr, 56-57, 61, 71, 114,
127, 128-129
Tickcll, Thomas, 53
Torn Jones, 53, 126, 177, 182
Town gentleman, accused of igno-
rance, 54-55; useful récréations for,
94; studies for prospective, 99-100;
polish, 153-154
Travel, see Grand tour
Tutors, required to be virtuous, 22;
preference for conversational meth-
od, 86; considered négligent abroad,
172-173; attention to individual pu-
pils commended, 199, 201-202; need
use no whipping, 204-205; accused
of encouraging viciousness, 209-210;
dépendent on pupils' parents, 214-
217; said to communicate little
learning, 215-218; higher salaries
for, 218; difficully of encouraging
émulation, 223-224
Tutors, French, 210, 215
Universities, 45, 53; students called
ignorant, 55-57; as promoters of
pedantry, 60; lack of specialized
training at, 96; choice of company
at, 126-127, 197-198, 208; shortcom-
ings of, 188; as part of public édu-
cation, 195; see also Cambridge,
Oxford
Usefulness of gentleman's studies, in-
sistcnce on, 84-100; of his éduca-
tion, 115
Ustick, W. L. 8, 14
Vices, "genteel," 16, 18
Viciousness, gentleman accused of,
16-18
Virtue, as source of nobility and gen-
tility, 13; pedagogical techniques
for inculcation of, 22; training in
as early as possible, 27-30; history
contributory to, 77-78; virtuous
company contributory to, 123-124;
worldly experience prejudicial to,
123-132; early introduction to
world prejudicial to, 128-132; as
résultant in civility, 145-146; travel
during adolescence prejudicial to,
172-176; foreign countries prejudi-
cial to, 177-180; private éducation
favorable to, 197-200; public édu-
cation favorable to, 208-212, 214-
215; corporal punishment prejudi-
cial to, 204; pampering prejudicial
to, 211-212, 214-215; discouraged at
public schools, 220-222
Virtues, heroic, 14, 35
Vocational training, advocacy of, 95-
100
Walker, Obadiah, 35, 38, 67, 92, 124,
138, 141, 142, 147, 160, 161, 172,
173, 197, 211, 226
Walpole, Horace, 66, 136
Waterland, Daniel, 95
West, Gilbert, 185-186, 203-204
Western, Squire, 53, 153
Whipping, 203-205, 210
Wilson, Bishop Thomas, 17
World, 55, 60, 85, 136, 153, 168, 169-
170, 180, 184-185, 186, 187-188
World, fear that learning incapaci-
tatcd gentleman for, 61-64, 66-67;
as fashionable company, 114, 124;
252 THE EDUCATION OF A GENTLEMANINDEX247
early cxposure to, 114-115, 128-132,
172-176; as providing useful infor-
mation, 115-117; participation in
as conducive to virtue, 123-124, to
vice, 123-132; as tutor in ceremony,
141-142, in civility, 146-149, in the
polished manner, 152-154; pamper-
ing as incapacitating gentleman
for, 212-213, 214, 218-219; public
éducation as préparation for, 218-
222; see also Company, World,
knowledge of
World, knowledge of, important for
gentleman in public affairs, 41;
ranked with or above learning,
68-70; ranked below learning, 70-
71, 128-129; as knowledge of man-
kind, 117-123; as knowledge of
vice, 127-132; grand tour as in-
troduction to, 156-157; not pro-
vided by travel, 176-177; best pro-
vidcd by public éducation, 218-222
World versus study, see Study versus
world
Wotton, Sir Henry, 58
Wrestling, 75