Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
OX F O R D L I B R A RY O F P S Y C H O L O G Y
editor- in-chief
Peter E. Nathan
are a editors
Clinical Psychology
David H. Barlow
Cognitive Neuroscience
Kevin N. Ochsner and Stephen M. Kosslyn
Cognitive Psychology
Daniel Reisberg
Counseling Psychology
Elizabeth M. Altmaier and Jo-Ida C. Hansen
Developmental Psychology
Philip David Zelazo
Health Psychology
Howard S. Friedman
History of Psychology
David B. Baker
Industrial/Organizational Psychology
Steve W. J. Kozlowski
Neuropsychology
Kenneth M. Adams
The Oxford
Handbook of
Human Motivation
Edited by
Richard M. Ryan
1
1
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SHORT CONTENTS
Contributors xi
Contents xv
Chapters 1–564
Index 565
v
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O X F O R D L I B R A R Y O F P S YC H O L O G Y
Peter E. Nathan
Editor-in-Chief
Oxford Library of Psychology
Richard M. Ryan
Richard M. Ryan, Ph.D., is a widely published researcher and theorist in the areas
of human motivation, development, and well-being, with over 250 articles, chap-
ters, and books. He is codeveloper (with Edward L. Deci) of Self-Determination
Theory, an internationally researched theory that has been applied in hundreds
of studies within areas such as development, education, work, relationships, med-
icine, psychical activity, and cross-cultural psychology. Ryan is also an award-
winning teacher and researcher who has given addresses in over 60 universities
worldwide. He is a Fellow of several professional organizations, including the
American Psychological Association and the American Educational Research
Association, and is an Honorary Member of the German Psychological Society.
He has been a visiting scientist at the Max Planck Institute, a James McKeen
Cattell Fellow, a Leverhulme Fellow, and recipient of other grants and awards.
Recent research interests include the effects of intrinsic and extrinsic life goals on
well-being; mindfulness and self-regulation; vitality; motivation in health care,
education, and virtual environments.
ix
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CO N T R I B U TO R S
xii contributors
Tomi-Ann Roberts Stephanie Su
Department of Psychology Swarthmore College
Colorado College Swarthmore, PA
Colorado Springs, CO Robert E. Thayer
Richard M. Ryan Department of Psychology
Department of Psychology California State University,
University of Rochester Long Beach
Rochester, NY Long Beach, CA
Michael F. Scheier Todd M. Thrash
Department of Psychology Department of Psychology
Carnegie Mellon University College of William and Mary
Pittsburgh, PA Williamsburg, VA
Abigail A. Scholer Ellen L. Usher
Department of Psychology Department of Educational, School, and
University of Waterloo Counseling Psychology
Waterloo, ON, Canada University of Kentucky
Dale H. Schunk Lexington, KY
School of Education Patricia L. Waters
University of North Carolina at Greensboro Department of Psychology
Greensboro, NC Colorado College
Constantine Sedikides Colorado Springs, CO
Center for Research on Self and Identity Maureen R. Weiss
School of Psychology School of Kinesiology
University of Southampton University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
Southampton, UK Minneapolis, MN
Jihae Shin Allan Wigfield
The Wharton School Department of Human Development
University of Pennsylvania University of Maryland
Philadelphia, PA College Park, MD
Paul J. Silvia Rex A. Wright
Department of Psychology Department of Psychology
University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of North Texas
Greensboro, NC Denton, TX
xv
14. Unconscious Goal Pursuit: Nonconscious Goal Regulation
and Motivation 232
Henk Aarts and Ruud Custers
15. The Motivational Complexity of Choosing: A Review
of Theory and Research 248
Erika A. Patall
16. On Gains and Losses, Means and Ends: Goal Orientation
and Goal Focus Across Adulthood 280
Alexandra M. Freund, Marie Hennecke, and Maida Mustafić
xvi contents
29. Youth Motivation and Participation in Sport and
Physical Activity 520
Maureen R. Weiss, Anthony J. Amorose, and Lindsay E. Kipp
30. Through a Fly’s Eye: Multiple Yet Overlapping Perspectives
on Future Directions for Human Motivation Research 554
Richard M. Ryan and Nicole Legate
Index 565
Abstract
The fact that behavior is typically active, organized, and goal oriented represents one of the wonders
of animate nature. Nonetheless, the organization and integrity of behavior can be disrupted by social
contexts, implicit primes and motives, or by biological factors. There has been a strong resurgence
in empirical research on these topics, as well as recognition of the potency of psychological factors.
Three reasons for this resurgence of interest in the psychology of human motivation are reviewed in
detail: ( 1) the theoretical depth and interdisciplinary nature of the field; ( 2) methodological innovations
that have opened up new avenues of inquiry, and ( 3) the practical importance of motivation research
as a translational science and for improving individual and community wellness through empirically
supported interventions. Contributions within this volume are illustrative of all these factors, manifesting
interdisciplinary depth, sophisticated methods, and practical applicability.
Key Words: motivation, organization, goals, regnant causes, implicit motives
The most salient and noteworthy feature of the people’s motivation is explicit and conscious; at other
behavior of animate entities is that it is organized. times behavior is clearly energized and directed by
The actions of living things reflect a directed coor- nonconscious, implicit aims and attitudes. Finally,
dination of functions and processes toward specific whether motives are implicit or explicit, the behav-
ends. That behavior sequences are typically coher- ior organized by them will be variously successful.
ent and internally regulated, and thus demonstrate Effective motivation requires not only arousal or
equifinality and adaptability is one of the great won- energy but also guidance by an affective and cogni-
ders of our science. It is also the central focus of the tive system that, at least for most of us, is susceptible
field of motivation. to distraction or depletion. The authors represented
This Oxford Handbook of Motivation is concerned in this handbook collectively address all of these fac-
in particular with human motivation, with all the ets and dynamics of human motivation, grappling
complications that topic entails. Like that of other with the multiple ways in which the integral organi-
organisms, human behavior betrays an internal zation of motivated action is maintained, as well as
organization, actively operating within its environ- how akrasia, or motivational breakdowns, occur.
ment, and employing layered, interacting functions This timing of this Handbook is particularly
and processes. Humans are clearly motivated, goal- apt, given that human motivation is being more
directed, creatures. They seek out specific ends, rang- intensively studied today than ever before. Broad,
ing from concrete goals such as obtaining food and empirically based theories of motivation (many of
shelter to abstract ones such as developing a sense the major ones represented within this volume)
of meaning or attaining aesthetic ideals. Sometimes are again on the ascendance, influencing thinking
across disciplines, domains, and applications of the the power of motivated but nonconscious goals to
behavioral sciences. I say “again” because the field of entrain and direct behavior. Freund, Hennecke, and
motivation has seen some rises and falls in its brief Mustafić (Chapter 16) distinguish between process
history. and outcome-focused goals and the differential
In the early 20th century, motivational theories dynamics and influence of these goals across the life
were the major organizing forces within both experi- span. In all these cases motivation and goals are dis-
mental and applied psychologies. Theorists of moti- tinguished but interactive.
vation such as Tolman (1932) and Hull (1943) on Alongside these cognitive/goal theories, frame-
the behavioral side, and the formulations concern- works concerned with fundamental motivations have
ing motivation within psychodynamic camps (e.g., also rearisen in the past two decades to be among
Freud, 1962/1923; Hartmann, 1939) spawned con- the most actively researched topics in psychologi-
siderable empirical research that was integrated and cal science. These motivational theories replace, in a
interpreted through these paradigms. Yet following certain sense, the old drive theory accounts of Hull
White’s (1959) seminal review of the inadequa- and Freud with a different set of “drivers.” Rather
cies of both behavioral and psychodynamic drive than tracing motives to drive reduction these theo-
theories to explain active exploration, curiosity, and ries look to the evolved and acquired psychological
other phenomena associated with motivation, learn- needs and motives of individuals. Thus, within ter-
ing, and development, some major shifts happened ror management theory (TMT; see Kesebir & Pyszc-
within the discipline, and for many experimental- zynski, Chapter 4, this volume) the dynamic driver
ists, motivation faded as a focus of inquiry. of most behavior is anxiety reduction. People are
On the behavioral side, even before drive the- motivated to pursue cultural goals and projects that
ories were stumbling, the cognitive revolution help them feel esteemed and avoid awareness of vul-
was beginning to supplant them. Indeed, Hilgard nerability and mortality. Self-determination theory,
(1987) argued that cognitive approaches had pre- on the other hand, focuses on intrinsic motivations
sented a worldview in which questions of motiva- and the basic psychological needs that support them
tion as posed within drive theories were effectively as being fundamental to active behavior (see Deci
“dead.” In the cognitive tradition issues of moti- & Ryan, Chapter 6). Sedikides and Alicke (Chap-
vation could be addressed in terms of acquired ter 17) argue for self-esteem as a central motivational
valences or preferences, attributions, and expectan- force, driving behaviors across cultures. These and
cies, all used to predict the direction and persistence other broad theories within this book thus look to
of behavior. Indeed, I believe if Tolman were alive psychological needs as giving rise to cognitive goals
today he would feel vindicated in seeing the reli- and the actions they guide.
ance of behavioral theorists on those “hypothetical” As the examples illustrate, there is clearly a
intervening variables that stand between the envi- renewed energy surrounding the study of goals and
ronment and manifest behavior. motivation. There are many reasons for this, but
Without tracing the history of this movement, three are especially worth elaboration: (1) the theo-
it is no accident that this volume contains a very retical and multidisciplinary depth of motivational
significant set of contributions that derive from the questions; (2) the methodological innovations in
cognitive traditions within psychology, in particular both quantitative and experimental tools that have
the chapters on the topic of goals. As discussed by facilitated exploration of motivational phenomena;
Murayama, Elliot, and Friedman (Chapter 12, this and (3) the obvious practical and social importance
volume), goals can be defined as a form of regulation of motivation research, with its utility as a transla-
that guides behavior in the service of specific aims. tional, applicable science. Each shall be considered
Goals, they argue, help the individual to focus atten- in turn.
tion and to protect responses compatible with one’s
motives. This definition suggests how closely goals Reason 1: The Theoretical Depth
and motivation can be tied, insofar as goals are in and Interdisciplinary Nature of
many ways the servants of motives. For example, in Motivation Studies
Chapter 13, Gollwitzer and Oettingen demonstrate The study of motivation drills at core founda-
how explicitly set goals, especially when accompa- tional issues in the science. As stated earlier, what
nied by specific implementation plans, enhance the is most amazing about the behavior of organisms
likelihood that one’s intentions reach fruition. In is the fact that it is spontaneously organized: It is
contrast, Aarts and Custers (Chapter 14) marvel at both energized and directed. This is evident in what
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descriptions could never be. As Kauffman (2000) view, which depicts human nature as relatively open
underscored, “compared to a hypothetical ‘complete’ to social and cultural conditioning and learning.
physical description, the action-and-doing descrip- It also emphasizes the importance of feelings of
tion picks out the relevant features with respect to efficacy and competence, and how any factors that
the goals of the autonomous agent” (p. 126). Kauf- diminish that psychological experience undermine
mann further maintained that, once we are at the the subsequent probability of motivated action.
level of creatures that can have internal models of, Control theory is presented in Chapter 3 by Carver
and plans for, the future, we “seem to have arrived and Scheier. They would likely not, when speaking
at a level of organization in which action and goal technically, call their framework a theory of moti-
talk becomes essential” (p. 126). This is just to say vation, but rather a cybernetic model of behavior
again that reductionism is often a misplaced lan- regulation. Yet in the editor’s view, it needed to be
guage game, in which the most important features included here anyway. Their influential perspective
of a situation are obscured rather than highlighted. has generated more than three decades of careful
In this regard, psychological explanations are not research on goals and their successful, and unsuc-
only often the most causally regnant, they also often cessful, enactment. In terms of motivation, control
make the most sense among explanations. theory interprets goal-directed action as reflecting a
The fact that in this field we can plumb multiple hierarchy of feedback processes that regulate behav-
levels of analysis from the molecular to the social ior. In this model, affect and emotions are understood
and seek to coordinate them with psychological as both generated and intensified or dampened as an
phenomena reflects the dynamic nature and com- aspect of regulation, providing another set of feed-
plexity of motivation. The field thus befits the sci- back processes. This model leads to both expected
entific ideal of consilience (Wilson, 1999) in which and surprising predictions—among them that when
multiple levels of analysis mutually inform and we are feeling particularly good we are more likely
constrain the problems in focus. Because science is to reduce effort on a task and “coast.”
inherently systematic, and totalizing, coordination In Chapter 5 Scholer and Higgins discuss regula-
between levels of analysis, or consilience, is logically tory focus theory, first introduced by Higgins (1997),
demanded. Furthermore, in this reciprocal coordi- and consider two fundamental motivational sys-
nation the constraints, contours, and limits of pre- tems: the promotion system and the prevention
diction within any given level of analysis become system. The theory is introduced largely in terms
apparent. of individual differences—of the benefits and trade-
Theoretical depth leads to a richness and diversity of offs faced by people who are prevention oriented
frameworks. The volume opens with chapters summa- (i.e., vigilant and security focused) versus promo-
rizing what are among the most vibrantly researched tion oriented (i.e., eager and accomplishment seek-
and integrative theories of human motivation on the ing). The former are highly sensitive to change and
current stage. They collectively attest to the multiple more oriented to “oughts” and “shoulds”; the latter
deep psychological accounts of human motivation are more interested in change and growth, and are
that are supported by empirical research. Each of oriented toward pursuing ideals. These distinct ori-
these theories was in fact selected for this volume entations have different adaptive value as a function
because it represents a framework that is organizing of context, as Scholer and Higgins review, and each
significant scientific and scholarly inquiries around can mobilize approach or avoidance behaviors. The
the globe, and often in multiple disciplines. theory also assumes an underlying motivation for
For example social cognitive theory, as developed people to experience regulatory fit—that is, behavior
by Bandura (1986) and described in this volume that is consistent with their prevention or promo-
by Schunk and Usher (Chapter 2) emphasizes the tion orientation. Regulatory focus theory thus pres-
idea that human learning and behavior are largely ents intersecting principles that afford a specificity
shaped by social environments, including the reac- of predictions concerning people’s emotions and
tions and approval of others. As they observe and motivation in different situations.
interact within social-cultural contexts, individuals Terror management theory, presented here by
learn about their own efficacy as well as the contin- Kasebir and Pyszczynski, is a broad theory of human
gent consequences of specific behaviors. They then meaning and values derived from both existentialist
act in accordance with their beliefs about their capa- reflections on death anxiety and the work of Ernst
bilities and the expected outcomes of actions. Social Becker, who once argued that the task of a unified
cognitive theory is thus a broad and widely applied science should be “the incessant implementation of
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experimental advances in the measurement and But beyond habits, research suggests that much of
priming of implicit motivational processes; and new the time our actions are being selected or sustained
interfaces linking biology and neuropsychology to based on motivational dynamics of which we are
psychological models of behavior. unaware. Our attitudes and motives can be, to dif-
ferent degrees, implicit. Of course, as Westin (1998)
Changes in Statistical Methods points out, this is something long clear within
One of the characteristic features of behavioral psychodynamic circles, but there is a new vigor in
science is its frequent use of statistical inference in experimental studies regarding this topic.
the development of laws and principles. Although Many of the methods underlying recent research
there are clearly limits to inductive-statistical expla- on nonconscious motivational processes build off
nations of events (see classic work by Hempel, of the idea of accessibility, in which reaction times
1965), the probabilistic and multidetermined nature are used to estimate how activated a motive or atti-
of human behavior makes such methods essential tude is for a person. Related to the issue of acti-
tools of behavioral science. Yet these statistical tools vation are priming methods, in which motives or
themselves have traditionally had limitations in attitudes are potentiated by exposure to, or “prim-
what they could describe, and what covariances and ing” of, strongly associated constructs, thereby
patterns could be detected. For example, the classi- enhancing the accessibility of, and thus the like-
cal ANOVA approach to data restricts our imagina- lihood of enacting, specific motives or goals (e.g.,
tion to what accounts for mean changes in a given see Aarts, Custers, & Holland, 2007). Activating or
variable, rather than trajectories, patterns, or intra- priming a motive or goal can set in motion a rich
individual variability in change. network of cognitive, affective, and behavioral pro-
Recent methodological advances in quantitative cesses that provide both energy and direction (i.e.,
analysis have thus lent new excitement to the field. motivation) outside of conscious awareness. In fact,
In particular, multilevel modeling methods (e.g., people’s behavior can frequently be prompted by
Raudenbush & Bryk, 2002) have allowed investiga- goals primed by situational elements of which they
tors to look not only at how individuals differ from are not aware but that nonetheless make certain
one another in motives and goal, but also at how motives more accessible than others. Chapter 14 by
and why an individual waxes and wanes in various Aarts and Custers in this volume provides an excel-
motives and behavioral regulations across time or lent review of some of these methods, along with
situations. Most every classical question in the field considerable evidence that well-organized behav-
was originally posited as a “between persons” issue; iors not only can be, but frequently are, under
yet for most of us personally and practically the core “unconscious control.”
concern is at a “within-person” level of analysis, or This strong renewed interest in nonconscious
what leads to rises and falls in motivation within motivation has also opened up a dynamic new area
individuals over time, settings, or events. Describ- of investigation where we can look not just beyond
ing change over time, and what components of self-report, but at the interface of conscious (and
motivation remain stable or vary intra-individually reportable) and nonconscious motives, as Chapter 9
becomes increasingly critical as we examine trajec- by Thrash, Maruskin, and Martin in this volume
tories during or following critical events or planned reviews. As they point out, as methodological refine-
interventions. These new tools have thus allowed us ments have occurred, correlations between implicit
to at least begin to overcome the limitations of a and explicit measures of motives and attitudes have
cross-sectional psychology (see Lazarus, 2003) that increased, and these refinements have helped clarify
hampered the study of motivation for so long. more systematic individual and situational variations
in implicit/explicit discrepancies. Such discrepancies,
New Experimental Methods and the Study of in turn, appear to be related to both developmental
Implicit Motivation and proximal factors, and to predict well-being and
Current experimental methods are allowing motivational outcomes.
researchers to investigate previously underexplored At the same time as studies impress us with the
phenomena, including the ubiquitous influence of potential of nonconscious processes to organize inten-
nonconscious motivations. Clearly a great deal of tional behaviors, the same methods allow researchers
human behavior is not consciously driven. We have to demonstrate how individuals can exert tremen-
many habitual and overlearned behaviors that can be dous regulatory control over their own actions. Thus,
performed without intention or conscious control. research has shown, for example, how people high
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animating energies that organize purposive action Lazarus, R. S. (2003). Does positive psychology have legs? Psy-
that are illuminated by the authors in this volume. chological Inquiry, 14, 93–109.
Legault, L., Green-Demers, I., Grant, P., & Chung, J. (2007).
And they are shedding light on phenomena that are On the self-regulation of implicit and explicit prejudice:
not only of great practical concern to most of us but A self-determination theory perspective. Personality and
also represent one of the central scientific mysteries Social Psychology Bulletin, 33, 732–749.
in our universe. Mayer, E. (1997). This is biology: The science of the living world.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Niemiec, C. P., Brown, K. W., Kashdan, T. B., Cozzolino, P. J.,
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Hilgard, E. R. (1987). Psychology in America: A historical Toward a psychodynamically informed psychological sci-
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Hull, C. L. (1943). Principles of behavior: An introduction to White, R. W. (1959). Motivation reconsidered: The concept of
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James, W. (1892). A plea for psychology as a ‘natural science.’ The Wilson, E. O. (1999) Consilience: The unity of human knowledge.
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Abstract
Social cognitive theory is a theory of psychological functioning that emphasizes learning from the social
environment. This chapter focuses on Bandura’s social cognitive theory, which postulates reciprocal
interactions among personal, behavioral, and social/environmental factors. Persons use various vicarious,
symbolic, and self-regulatory processes as they strive to develop a sense of agency in their lives.
Key motivational processes are goals and self-evaluations of progress, outcome expectations, values,
social comparisons, and self-efficacy. People set goals and evaluate their goal progress. The perception
of progress sustains self-efficacy and motivation. Individuals act in accordance with their values and
strive for outcomes they desire. Social comparisons with others provide further information on
their learning and goal attainment. Self-efficacy is an especially critical influence on motivation and
affects task choices, effort, persistence, and achievement. Suggestions are given for future research
directions.
Key Words: social cognitive theory, vicarious processes, symbolic processes, self-regulatory processes,
goals, self-evaluations of progress, outcome expectations, values, social comparisons, self-efficacy
The next section describes the conceptual factor. With respect to the interaction of self-
framework of social cognitive theory to include efficacy and behavior, much research shows that
the key roles played by vicarious, symbolic, and self-efficacy influences achievement behaviors such
self-regulatory processes. Some key social cogni- as task choice, effort, persistence, and use of effec-
tive motivational processes are discussed, includ- tive learning strategies (person → behavior; Schunk
ing goals and self-evaluations of progress, outcome & Pajares, 2009). These behaviors also affect self-
expectations, values, social comparisons, and self- efficacy. As students work on tasks and observe their
efficacy. A separate section is devoted to discuss- learning progress, their self-efficacy for continued
ing self-efficacy, or one’s perceived capabilities for learning is enhanced (behavior → person).
learning or performing actions at designated levels The link between personal and environmental
(Bandura, 1977a, 1997), given its centrality to factors can be illustrated with students with learning
learning and motivation. We conclude the chapter disabilities, many of whom hold low self-efficacy for
with suggestions for future research. performing well (Licht & Kistner, 1986). Instruc-
tors in such environments may base their reactions
Conceptual Framework to these students on perceived attributes about the
This section discusses the conceptual framework of students (e.g., low skills) rather than on students’
social cognitive theory. Of particular importance are actual capabilities (person → social/environment).
the following: reciprocal interactions among personal, In turn, environmental feedback can affect students’
behavioral, and social/environmental factors; the dif- self-efficacy, such as when a teacher tells a student,
ferences between enactive and vicarious learning; the “I know you can do this” (social/environment →
distinction between learning and performance; and person).
the roles of vicarious, symbolic, and self-regulatory The link between behaviors and environmen-
processes in psychological functioning. tal factors is seen in many instructional sequences.
Environmental factors can direct behaviors, such as
Reciprocal Interactions when a teacher points to a display and says, “Look
A central tenet of Bandura’s (1977b, 1986, 1997, here,” which students do without much conscious
2001) social cognitive theory is that human behav- effort (social/environment → behavior). Students’
ior operates within a framework of triadic recipro- behaviors can alter their instructional environ-
cality involving reciprocal interactions among three ments. When teachers ask questions and students
sets of influences: personal (e.g., cognitions, beliefs, give incorrect answers, teachers are apt to reteach
skills, affect); behavioral; and social/environmen- the material rather than continue with the lesson
tal factors. This reciprocal network is illustrated in (behavior → social/environment).
Figure 2.1. Social cognitive theory reflects a view of human
These reciprocally interacting influences can be agency in which individuals are proactively engaged
demonstrated using self-efficacy as the personal in their own success and development (Schunk &
Behavioral
Factors
s c h un k, us h er
types of vicarious processes command better attention. Observers are more
Bandura (1986) distinguished three types of motivated to attend to models who have status and
vicarious processes: response facilitation, inhibition credibility, such as teachers. Task features can affect
and disinhibition, and observational learning (Table attention, such as when teachers use bright colors,
2.1). Response facilitation refers to modeled actions oversized features, and interactive materials. Atten-
that serve as social motivators for observers to act tion also is affected by observers’ beliefs about the
in the same fashion. Response facilitation effects functional value of the modeled behaviors. Modeled
are common in everyday life. An individual walk- activities that observers believe are important and
ing down a street who encounters a group of people likely to lead to desirable outcomes motivate them
looking in a store window may be motivated to stop to pay attention. Students’ attention should be
and look in the window. raised when teachers provide verbal markers, such
Response facilitation effects do not represent as when they announce that the material they are
learning because people already know how to per- about to cover will be on a test.
form the actions. The behaviors of others motivate Retention involves cognitively organizing,
observers’ actions. There is evidence that response rehearsing, coding, and transforming information
facilitation effects can occur without conscious for storage in memory. Relative to the other pro-
awareness (Chartrand & Bargh, 1999). cesses of observational learning, social cognitive
Inhibition and disinhibition effects result from theory devotes less attention to this process. Theo-
models strengthening or weakening observers’ ten- rists and researchers in the information process-
dencies to act in given ways. Inhibition can happen ing tradition have addressed this aspect in depth
when models are punished for their actions, whereas (Matlin, 2009).
disinhibition can result when models perform The third process—production—involves trans-
threatening or prohibited actions without nega- lating cognitive conceptions of modeled actions
tive consequences. Classroom misbehavior may be into behaviors. Especially with complex behaviors,
disinhibited when students observe other students it often is the case that observers will learn only
misbehaving without being reprimanded by the some features. Learners refine their skills through
teacher; a sudden reprimand may inhibit further practice and feedback that may include additional
misbehavior. modeling.
Like response facilitation, inhibition and disin- Motivation is a key process in observational
hibition represent motivational effects on behav- learning because onlookers are more apt to attend
ior, not new learning. A difference between these to, retain, and produce those modeled actions that
two categories is that, whereas response facilitation they believe are important. People are selective;
involves behaviors that are socially acceptable, inhi- they do not learn or perform everything that they
bition and disinhibition typically involve actions observe. Rather, they attempt to learn those actions
that have moral or legal implications (e.g., breaking that they believe will lead to desirable outcomes and
rules) or involve strong emotions (e.g., fears). help them attain their goals, and they avoid those
Observational learning through modeling occurs actions that they believe will result in dissatisfying
when observers perform behaviors that they had not outcomes. As they observe the actions of others,
learned prior to exposure to the models (Bandura, people form expectations about different outcomes,
1969). Observational learning has four component which are based on their observations of models and
processes: attention, retention, production, and their own experiences. Their learning and perfor-
motivation. mances are based in part on these expectations.
Observational learning requires that observers
attend to relevant features so that they can be per- model characteristics
ceived. Certain features of models and situations Researchers have investigated the characteris-
tics of effective models. For example, perceived
similarity between models and observers can affect
Table 2.1. Types of Vicarious Processes modeling (Schunk, 1987). Similarity in important
ways serves as a source of information for determin-
• Response facilitation
ing behavioral appropriateness, forming outcome
• Inhibition/disinhibition expectations, and assessing one’s self-efficacy. Age
similarity between model and observer is impor-
• Observational learning
tant for gauging behavioral appropriateness but
s c h un k, us h er
Table 2.2. Key Social Cognitive Motivational Processes influences the amount of effort that people expend.
In general, people work harder to attain goals per-
• Goals and self-evaluations of progress
ceived to be difficult than goals thought to be easier;
• Outcome expectations however, perceived difficulty and motivation do not
bear an unlimited positive relation to one another.
• Values
Goals that people believe are overly difficult do
• Social comparisons not motivate because people hold low self-efficacy
for attaining them. The opposite may also be true.
• Self-efficacy Although people may feel efficacious for attain-
ing goals perceived as very easy, these goals may
not motivate because people often procrastinate in
critical are goals and self-evaluations of progress, attempting them.
outcome expectations, values, social comparisons, Another distinction can be made between learn-
and self-efficacy (Table 2.2). These processes are ing and performance goals. A learning goal refers
covered in the following sections. to what knowledge, behavior, skill, or strategy stu-
dents are to acquire; a performance goal refers to
Goals and Self-Evaluations of Progress what task students are to complete. These goals can
Goals, or what people are consciously trying have differential effects on achievement behaviors
to attain, involve important symbolic and self- (Anderman & Wolters, 2006). Learning goals focus
regulatory processes that people use to instigate and students’ attention on processes and strategies that
sustain actions. Initially, people must make a com- help them acquire competence and improve their
mitment to attempt to attain goals because goals do skills. Focusing on knowledge and skill acquisition
not affect behavior without commitment (Locke motivates behavior and sustains attention to impor-
& Latham, 2002). As persons work on a task, they tant features. Students in pursuit of a learning goal
compare their current performance with their goals. are apt to feel self-efficacious for attaining it and be
Positive self-evaluations of progress strengthen self- motivated to expend effort, persist, and use effective
efficacy and sustain motivation. A perceived dis- learning strategies. Self-efficacy is substantiated as
crepancy between present performance and the goal they work toward their goal and assess their progress
may create dissatisfaction, which can raise effort. (Schunk, 1996).
Goals motivate people to expend effort necessary In contrast, performance goals focus attention
and persist at the task (Locke & Latham, 2002). on completing tasks. They may not highlight the
Greater effort and persistence typically lead to bet- importance of the processes and strategies underly-
ter performance. Goals also help to direct people’s ing task completion or raise self-efficacy for learn-
attention to relevant task features, behaviors to be ing. As students engage in a task, they may be less
performed, and possible outcomes, and they can likely to determine their progress by comparing
affect how people process information. their present and past performances. Performance
Although goals are important motivational pro- goals can lead to social comparisons with the work
cesses, their effects depend on their properties: spec- of others to determine progress. These comparisons
ificity, proximity, and difficulty. Goals that include can lower self-efficacy among students who experi-
specific performance standards are more likely to ence learning difficulties, which adversely affects
activate self-evaluations of progress and enhance motivation and learning.
motivation and learning than are general goals (e.g., Research supports these hypothesized effects
“Do your best;” Bandura, 1986). Specific goals indi- of learning and performance goals (Anderman &
cate the amount of effort needed to succeed, and Wolters, 2006). For example, Schunk (1996) con-
evaluating progress toward specific goals is straight- ducted two studies in which elementary children
forward. Goals also are distinguished by how far with low fraction skills received instruction and
they project into the future. Proximal, short-term practice on fractions over sessions. Children worked
goals enhance motivation and learning better than under conditions involving either a goal of learn-
do distant, long-term goals, because it is easier to ing how to solve problems or a performance goal
determine progress toward goals that are closer at of merely solving them. In the first study, half of
hand (Bandura & Schunk, 1981). the students in each goal condition completed
Goal difficulty, which refers to the level of task a self-evaluation at the end of each instructional
proficiency required as assessed against a standard, session in which they evaluated their progress in
s c h un k, us h er
uses in everyday life. Valuing mathematics may lead to the best learning. Schunk (1983b) showed that
them to take more mathematics courses and expend difficult goals raised children’s academic motivation
greater effort to succeed. more than easier goals, that persuasive self-efficacy
Investigations by achievement motivation feedback (e.g., “You can work 25 problems”) raised
researchers have shown that values and expectancy self-efficacy more than feedback indicating how
beliefs such as self-efficacy relate positively to stu- children’s performances compared to those of peers,
dents’ achievement. When both expectancy beliefs and that difficult goals plus persuasive feedback led
and values are used to predict achievement, expec- to the highest achievement.
tancy beliefs are significant predictors, whereas val- The effects of social comparisons on self-efficacy
ues are not. In contrast, values are better predictors and motivation depend on the abilities of the com-
of students’ intentions to take future courses and parison peers. Guay, Boivin, and Hodges (1999)
actual enrollment in those courses than are expec- found that the relation between children’s perceived
tancy beliefs (Wigfield & Eccles, 2002). Thus, values competence (analogous to self-efficacy) and achieve-
seem most important as contributors to individuals’ ment was stronger when best friends’ achievement
choices, which are key motivational outcomes. was low than when it was high. Students’ social
comparisons with close friends’ achievement may
Social Comparisons make students’ own performances look worse than
Given its emphasis on learning from the social they really are. In contrast, children may assess their
environment and reciprocal interactions among capabilities more accurately when they have low-
personal, behavioral, and social/environmental vari- achieving friends because they rely less on social
ables, social cognitive theory underscores the impor- comparison and more on objective assessments of
tance of social comparisons, which refer to the process their progress and performances.
of comparing ourselves with others (Wheeler & Suls, Thus, it seems that social comparisons can
2005). Although people often compare their perfor- enhance motivation but not necessarily self-efficacy
mances with objective standards, they also socially or learning. Social comparisons that focus students
evaluate their capabilities, especially when objective on the accomplishments of similar and average
standards are unclear or unavailable. Comparisons peers imply that they, too, are average and therefore
indicating that one is improving or more competent have no reason to feel highly self-efficacious. Self-
than others can raise self-efficacy and motivation; efficacy may decline when students socially compare
comparisons that result in negative self-evaluations themselves to high-achieving peers. Self-efficacy and
can diminish these outcomes. motivation may benefit more from providing stu-
The most accurate self-evaluations arise from dents with objective information indicating that
comparisons with others whom people believe they are making learning progress without referring
are similar to themselves in the particular ability to peers’ accomplishments.
or characteristic being evaluated. The more alike
observers are to models, the greater the probability Self-Efficacy
that similar actions by observers will produce com- Self-efficacy is a critical variable affecting learn-
parable results (Schunk, 1987). Model-observer ing and motivation (Bandura, 1997). This sec-
perceived similarity in competence can improve tion discusses how individuals develop and alter
learning (Braaksma, Rijlaarsdam, & van den Bergh, their self-efficacy, the consequences of self-efficacy,
2002). Observing similar others succeed can raise research on self-efficacy in achievement situations,
observers’ self-efficacy and motivate them to try the and collective self-efficacy.
task. Similarity may be especially influential with
persons who have experienced difficulties and pos- Sources of Self-Efficacy Information
sess self-doubts about performing well. People acquire information to assess their self-
Although social comparisons can motivate indi- efficacy from four primary sources: their mastery
viduals, their effects are not automatic. Among ele- experiences (interpretations of actual performances),
mentary school children, Schunk (1983a) found that vicarious (modeled) experiences, forms of social per-
providing children with social comparative informa- suasion, and physiological indexes (Bandura, 1997;
tion about how their performances compared with Table 2.3). One’s actual performances constitute the
those of others promoted their motivation but that most reliable information because they typically are
pursuing goals enhanced their self-efficacy. Giving interpreted as tangible indicators of one’s capabilities
children both goals and comparative information led (Schunk & Pajares, 2009; Usher & Pajares, 2008b).
s c h un k, us h er
from positive ones (Bandura, 1997). Students who The influence of these sources of self-efficacy
hear frequent messages from multiple sources that might also be multiplicative, in that two sources
they are incapable may come to believe that to be combine interactively. Students who have had few
the case. mastery experiences in a given domain may be more
People are more likely to attend to social mes- likely to rely on what others tell them than would
sages about their capabilities when they lack ade- students who have had ample opportunities for mas-
quate knowledge of what is required to succeed tery (Usher, 2009). Beliefs in one’s personal efficacy
in a particular domain. To be most effective and for learning might also follow a transformational
motivating, persuasive messages from others must experience. A meaningful individual encounter
be matched to the individuals’ current skill level. with a caring teacher might have a more profound
Students are quick to dismiss lofty praise or empty influence on one’s self-efficacy than a year’s worth of
inspirational mantras. Those who are most skilled at school. A disparaging remark can also leave a last-
building students’ self-efficacy couple positive feed- ing bruise on one’s sense of efficacy and undermine
back about students’ capabilities with scaffolded subsequent motivation. We now turn to the many
tasks that build mastery (Evans, 1989). outcomes that are influenced by these important
Individuals also can acquire self-efficacy infor- self-beliefs.
mation from physiological and emotional reactions
such as anxiety and stress (Bandura, 1997). Strong Effects of Self-Efficacy
emotional reactions provide cues about anticipated Within a social cognitive system of triadic recip-
success or failure. For example, a student who feels a rocality, self-efficacy is hypothesized to influence
crippling fear when heading to advanced chemistry behaviors and environments and in turn be affected
may interpret that fear as a sign of personal inef- by them (Bandura, 1986, 1997). Self-efficacy exerts
ficacy. When people experience negative thoughts its influence through cognitive, motivational, affec-
and fears about their capabilities (e.g., feeling ner- tive, and selection processes. Students who feel effi-
vous when thinking about taking a test), those affec- cacious about learning should engage in thoughts
tive reactions can lower self-efficacy. On the other and actions that improve their learning, such as
hand, positive affect or excitement in learning can setting goals, using effective learning strategies,
motivate. A student who feels energized by chal- monitoring their comprehension, evaluating their
lenging academic work likely enjoys a sense of self- goal progress, and creating effective environments
efficacy for succeeding. When people notice their for learning. In turn, self-efficacy is influenced by
stress abating (e.g., feeling less anxious while taking the outcomes of one’s behaviors (e.g., goal progress,
a test), they may experience higher self-efficacy for achievement) and by input from one’s environment
performing well. (e.g., feedback from teachers, social comparisons
As we noted earlier, informational sources related with peers; Schunk & Pajares, 2009).
to one’s abilities do not affect self-efficacy automati- Despite its benefits, self-efficacy is not the only
cally (Bandura, 1997). Individuals interpret the influence on behavior. No amount of self-efficacy
results of events, and these interpretations provide will produce a competent performance when indi-
the impetus for upward or downward shifts in viduals lack the needed skills to succeed (Schunk &
one’s self-efficacy (Schunk & Pajares, 2009). People Pajares, 2009). Discussed earlier was the impor-
weigh and combine information from the various tance of other motivating factors such as outcome
sources to form self-efficacy judgments. Many fac- expectations and values (Bandura, 1997; Wigfield
tors influence the ways in which students interpret et al., 2004). Even learners who feel highly effi-
and integrate this information when forming their cacious about their mathematical skills will not
self-efficacy and motivation-related beliefs. For some become mathematics majors in college if they do
individuals, the accumulation of informational not value a career as a mathematician, and they
sources enhances self-efficacy. Other people tend typically engage in activities that they believe will
to rely on information from one source more than result in positive outcomes and avoid actions that
from others. For example, in a study of the sources they believe may lead to negative outcomes. None-
of academic self-efficacy among middle school stu- theless, given requisite skills, positive values, and
dents, girls and African American students seemed outcome expectations, self-efficacy is a key deter-
more attuned to social persuasions when forming minant of individuals’ motivation, learning, self-
their self-efficacy than did boys and White students regulation, and achievement (Schunk & Pajares,
(Usher & Pajares, 2006). 2009).
s c h un k, us h er
(Usher & Pajares, 2008b). Scaffolding instruction loosely knit, collective efficacy beliefs may not pre-
to provide for frequent successes offers learners dict outcomes well; rather, individual self-efficacy
many opportunities to build a sense of self-efficacy may be a better predictor. Conversely, in more tightly
in their capabilities. The relative predictive power knit units—such as many elementary schools—the
of the other three sources has been variable across collective efficacy beliefs of teachers may be a better
studies. For example, in their study of the sources predictor of the efforts of the faculty as a whole to
of academic and self-regulatory efficacy beliefs of affect student learning (Henson, 2002).
sixth-grade students, Usher and Pajares (2006) The same four sources are important for the
found that girls and African American students development of collective self-efficacy: performance
relied on the social persuasions of others when attainments, vicarious experiences, social persua-
forming their confidence, whereas this source was sion, and physiological indicators. Group members
not a significant predictor of boys’ or White stu- rely on what they know about the capabilities of
dents’ self-efficacy. Klassen (2004) also found that each group member, as well as the group’s collective
Indo-Canadian students reported greater reliance capacity, when evaluating what they can do together
on vicarious experiences and social persuasions than (Bandura, 1997). When members work together
did Anglo-Canadian students. Investigating the successfully to implement changes, learn from one
importance of social messages, whether transmitted another and from other successful groups, receive
through vicarious enactment or verbal persuasion, encouragement for change from supervisors and
for various groups of learners remains an impor- others, and work together to cope with difficulties
tant area of inquiry for understanding how efficacy and alleviate stress, their beliefs about what they can
beliefs take root. do will be raised (Goddard, Hoy, & Woolfolk Hoy,
Experimental research has shown that instruc- 2004). Individuals who believe in their group’s col-
tional and social processes that convey information lective capabilities will be more motivated to work
to students that they are making learning progress on the group’s behalf, implement innovative ideas,
and becoming more competent raise self-efficacy, and enact systemic change.
motivation, and achievement (Schunk & Pajares, Educational research shows that collective self-
2009). Other instructional strategies for building efficacy is important for teachers’ job satisfaction and
students’ self-efficacy include having students pur- motivation to remain in teaching. Researchers have
sue proximal and specific goals, using social models found that teachers’ collective self-efficacy bears a sig-
in instruction, providing social comparative infor- nificant and positive relation to their job satisfaction
mation indicating competence, and having students in various contexts (Caprara, Barbaranelli, Borgogni,
self-monitor and evaluate their learning progress & Steca; 2003; Klassen, Usher, & Bong, 2010). Rel-
(Schunk & Ertmer, 2000). A noncompetitive class- atively less research attention has been given to the
room climate can lower students’ anxiety, which can collective efficacy beliefs of students. Klassen and
lead to a more favorable evaluation of their own Krawchuk (2009) showed that the collective efficacy
capabilities (Bandura, 1997). beliefs of early adolescents working in small groups
became more strongly related to the group’s success on
Collective Efficacy an interdependent task over time. Perceived collective
Researchers have explored the operation of col- efficacy also depends on group members believing that
lective efficacy beliefs, or individuals’ beliefs about others are working on their behalf. Consistent with
their collective capabilities to learn or produce Bandura’s (1997) contention, however, even high self-
desired actions (Bandura, 1997). Collective efficacy efficacy will not lead to performance changes unless
perceptions are not simply the sum or average of the the environment in which groups function provides
self-efficacy of individual group members; rather, appropriate avenues for success.
they reflect individuals’ perceptions of the capabili-
ties of the group as a whole. In educational settings, Future Directions
collective teacher efficacy denotes the perceptions of Social cognitive theory offers a viable account
the faculty as a whole to influence student outcomes of motivation, and researchers continue to test its
(Goddard, Hoy, & Woolfolk Hoy, 2000; Henson, predictions. But there remain several questions that
2002). should be addressed by investigators. In particular,
The role of collective efficacy beliefs on group research is recommended on the benefits of mod-
motivation may depend on the level of organiza- eled observations, developmental appropriateness,
tional coupling (Henson, 2002). In units that are and cross-cultural relevance.
s c h un k, us h er
As a research topic, self-efficacy has much interna- based college majors. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 23,
tional appeal, with the resulting increase in research 329–345.
Braaksma, M. A. H., Rijlaarsdam, G., & van den Bergh,
in different cultures. While cross-cultural research H. (2002). Observational learning and the effects of model-
has yielded differences (McInerney, 2008), overall observer similarity. Journal of Educational Psychology, 94,
the principles espoused by social cognitive theory 405–415.
have shown themselves to be cross-culturally rel- Brown, S. D., & Lent, R. W. (2006). Preparing adolescents to
evant. Additional investigations will determine make career decisions: A social cognitive perspective. In
F. Pajares & T. Urdan (Eds.), Adolescence and education,
whether the motivational processes postulated Vol. 5: Self-efficacy beliefs of adolescents (pp. 201–223). Green-
by social cognitive theory operate consistently in wich, CT: Information Age Publishing.
diverse societies. Caprara, G. V., Barbaranelli, C., Borgogni, L., & Steca, P. (2003).
Efficacy beliefs as determinants of teachers’ job satisfaction.
Journal of Educational Psychology, 95, 821–832.
Conclusion Caprara, G. V., Fida, R., Vecchione, M., Del Bove, G., Vecchio,
Social cognitive theory stresses learning from G. M., Barbaranelli, C., & Bandura, A. (2008). Longitudi-
the social environment. The conceptual focus of nal analysis of the role of perceived efficacy for self-regulated
Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory postulates learning in academic continuance and achievement. Journal
reciprocal interactions among personal, behavioral, of Educational Psychology, 100, 525–534.
Carroll, W. R., & Bandura, A. (1982). The role of visual moni-
and social/environmental factors. Social cognitive toring in observational learning of action patterns: Making
researchers have investigated the operation of vicari- the unobservable observable. Journal of Motor Behavior, 14,
ous, symbolic, and self-regulatory processes, in the 153–167.
various ways that individuals interact with their Chartrand, T. L., & Bargh, J. A. (1999). The Chameleon Effect:
environments and one another. The perception-behavior link and social interaction. Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology, 76, 893–910.
A key point underlying social cognitive theory Eccles, J. S. (2005). Subjective task value and the Eccles et al.
is that persons are motivated to develop a sense of model of achievement-related choices. In A. J. Elliot & C. S.
agency for being able to exert a large degree of con- Dweck (Eds.), Handbook of competence and motivation (pp.
trol over important events in their lives. Among the 105–121). New York: Guilford Press.
influential variables affecting motivation are goals Evans, R. I. (1989). Albert Bandura: The man and his ideas—a
dialogue. New York: Praeger.
and self-evaluations of progress, outcome expecta- Goddard, R. D., Hoy, W. K., & Woolfolk Hoy, A. (2000). Col-
tions, values, social comparisons, and self-efficacy. lective teacher efficacy: Its meaning, measure, and impact on
Important questions remain to be addressed by student achievement. American Educational Research Journal,
researchers, which will further refine social cognitive 37, 479–507.
theory and expand its applicability to motivation. Goddard, R. D., Hoy, W. K., & Woolfolk Hoy, A. (2004). Col-
lective efficacy beliefs: Theoretical developments, empiri-
cal evidence, and future directions. Educational Researcher,
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s c h un k, us h er
CHAPTER
Abstract
This chapter describes a set of ideas bearing on the self-regulation of action and emotion that has been
given labels such as cybernetic and feedback control processes. The ideas have roots in many sources,
including the concept of homeostasis and attempts to create mechanical devices to serve as governors
for engines. With respect to motivation, these ideas yield a viewpoint in which goal-directed action is
seen as reflecting a hierarchy of feedback control processes and the creation and reduction of affect are
seen as reflecting another set of feedback processes. The portion of the model devoted to affect is of
particular interest in that it generates two predictions that differ substantially from those deriving from
other theories. The first is that both approach and avoidance can give rise to both positive and negative
feelings; the second is that positive affect leads to coasting, reduction in effort regarding the goal under
pursuit. The latter suggests a way in which positive affect is involved in priority management when
many goals are in existence at the same time. Recent interest in dual-process models, which distinguish
between top-down goal pursuit and reflexive responses to cues of the moment, has caused us to
reexamine some of our previous assumptions and to consider the possibility that behavior is triggered in
two distinct ways. The chapter closes with a brief consideration of how these ideas might be compatible
with other viewpoints on motivation.
Key Words: cybernetic, feedback loop, control theory, affect
This chapter describes several aspects of a view- systems) regulate some current condition so as to
point on the guidance of behavior that we have used stay “on course.” The idea that such systems under-
throughout our careers in psychology. This view- lie overt, intentional behavior as well as homeostatic
point has roots in several places. One of them is self-regulation is the theme of this chapter. We
the broad conception of homeostatic mechanisms, amplify on this idea shortly, but first we’ll provide a
mechanisms that regulate diverse aspects of the little more background.
body’s physiological functioning (Cannon, 1932). Cybernetic ideas had a brief heyday in motiva-
Another source is ideas about mechanical gover- tional psychology (broadly defined) in the 1950s
nors and computing machines (e.g., Ashby, 1940; through 1970s. Probably the best known example
Rosenblueth, Wiener, & Bigelow, 1943; Wiener, of this viewpoint was an engaging book by Miller,
1948). In the middle of the 20th century, Wiener Galanter, and Pribram (1960). This book intro-
(1948) coined the term cybernetic (from the Greek duced into the psychological lexicon the acronym
word meaning “steersman”) to characterize the over- TOTE, which stands for test-operate-test-exit, a
all functioning of this type of system. Cybernetic sequence of events that take place in a cybernetic
systems (whether mechanical, electronic, or living control system. Miller et al. were not the only
people to use cybernetic concepts during this period Feedback Control
(ideas with a similar character were proposed, for What are the elements of a cybernetic feedback
example, by MacKay, 1956, 1966; for review see control system? The term feedback control can seem
Miller et al., 1960), but Miller et al. received the quite forbidding. An easy point of entry into the
most attention from psychologists. To some extent logic behind it, however, is the goal concept, which
this may be attributable to the fact that the opera- is more intuitive. People have many goals, at varying
tion of a TOTE unit paralleled the operation of the levels of abstraction and importance. Goals energize
basic element of a computer. Computers (which and guide activities. Most goals can be reached in
were fairly new at the time) were starting to influ- many ways, leading to the potential for vast com-
ence people’s thinking about the nature of cogni- plexity in the organization of action. This is a view
tion. Thus, Miller et al.’s book was very much in the that is easy and familiar for most people, and it is
spirit of its time. part of the conceptual landscape of contemporary
Today when people use the word cybernetic, they psychology. From this view, the transition to think-
generally are referring either to robotics or to the ing about cybernetic control is relatively straight-
World Wide Web. It is also fairly common to asso- forward.
ciate the viewpoint we describe here with the disci-
pline of engineering, partly because of its heritage Feedback Processes
in devices that govern engines and partly because The basic unit of cybernetic control is the
of the usefulness of control theory in engineer- feedback loop. A feedback loop has four elements
ing applications. It’s important, though, to keep (MacKay, 1966; Miller et al., 1960; Powers, 1973;
in mind that these ideas have ties that extend well Wiener, 1948): an input function, a reference value,
beyond engineering. As noted earlier, they pertain a comparison process, and an output. Think of the
additionally to the homeostatic controllers of the input function as perception. The input function
body. They also pertain to diverse other complex brings in information of some sort about present cir-
systems in nature. cumstances. Think of the reference value as a goal. The
Thirteen years after Miller et al.’s (1960) intrigu- perceived input is compared to this value, to deter-
ing volume came another book that had a particularly mine whether a difference exists. A discrepancy that is
strong impact on our thinking. This book, written by detected by this comparison creates what is called an
William Powers (1973), was an extremely ambitious “error signal.” The output function is a response to any
undertaking. Powers set out to portray how human detected error (we treat the output here as equivalent
behavior might reflect a hierarchy of cybernetic con- to behavior, but sometimes the behavior is an internal
trol processes. That is, he tried to account for how signal rather than a physical movement).
the nervous system creates the physical movements If the comparison detects no discrepancy, the
by which intentions and even abstract values are output remains as it was. If the comparison detects
expressed in action. At center stage in his account was a discrepancy, the effect on output depends on
the feedback loop, the basic unit of cybernetic con- what kind of loop it is. There are two kinds. In a
trol. Powers set out to map several layers of postulated discrepancy-reducing loop (also called negative, for
feedback processes to aspects of the nervous system. negating), the output acts to reduce (or eliminate)
Perhaps even more than Miller et al. (1960), Powers the discrepancy. Homeostatic systems are examples
made a compelling case for the idea that the feed- of discrepancy-reducing systems. For example, if a
back construct was up to the challenge of accounting person’s internal temperature sensors detect that his
for the complexity of behavior. He focused not on body temperature is elevated above “normal,” pro-
one single loop, but on an interwoven network of cesses are engaged that serve to reduce body tem-
loops, dealing with regulation of diverse properties perature so that it returns to that reference value.
simultaneously. Specifically, sweat would be released, which cools
We adopted the Powers (1973) model as a con- the body as it evaporates. If the sensors detect a
ceptual heuristic (Carver & Scheier, 1981). It helped deviation below normal, rather than above, the out-
us interpret a literature in personality and social put would be shivering, which generates heat via
psychology in which we were immersed at the time muscle contractions.
(see Carver & Scheier, 2112). And it provided a ref- Discrepancy-enlarging feedback loops also exist,
erence point for us for the next 30 years. Indeed, in in which the output serves not to counter a discrep-
some ways it serves as the conceptual backbone of ancy but to enlarge it (these are also called positive feed-
this chapter. back loops). One might think of the reference value
c a rver, s c h ei er
in this kind of loop as an “anti-goal.” Discrepancy- As noted earlier, discrepancy-reducing and
enlarging loops are generally believed to be less com- discrepancy-enlarging loops may work in concert,
mon in living systems than discrepancy-reducing and it is fairly easy to point to such compound
loops, because they are unstable. Unless overridden, structures in behavior. An avoidance loop tries to
they can enlarge discrepancies without end. distance from an anti-goal. But there may exist an
Some people believe that this kind of loop is approach goal that happens to be incompatible with
always problematic and dysfunctional (Powers, 1973). the anti-goal. If the person adopts that approach
Others believe that positive loops are an important goal, the tendency to avoid the anti-goal is joined
part of complex systems (DeAngelis, Post, & Travis, by the tendency to move toward the approach goal.
1986; Maruyama, 1963; McFarland, 1971), but that The approach loop pulls the behavior into its orbit.
in living systems (and other cases in which positive This pattern of dual influence describes what behav-
feedback is adaptive), the effect of this loop is limited ioral psychologists call active avoidance. In active
in some way or other. There may be a natural endpoint avoidance an organism confronting a feared stimu-
(e.g., sexual arousal prompts further increase in arousal lus picks a relatively safe location to escape to and
to the point of orgasm, which ends the increase). actively approaches that location.
Alternatively, the discrepancy-enlarging function may Social and personality psychology also have good
be constrained by a discrepancy-reducing function. examples of discrepancy-enlarging loops being con-
To put it differently, avoidance of one reference point strained by discrepancy-reducing loops. This pattern
can give way to approach of another reference point. seems represented in Higgins’s (1996) concept of
the ought self (Carver et al., 1999) and in Ryan and
Feedback Processes in Overt Behavior Deci’s (2000) concept of introjected values. In both
A cybernetic approach to motivation generalizes of these constructs, the initial impetus to behavior
these principles to behavioral goals, in which dis- is the desire to avoid social sanction of some sort.
crepancies are reduced by overt actions (Miller et al., Thus, the starting point is an effort to create dis-
1960; Powers, 1973; Toates, 2006). Negative feed- tance from an anti-goal. However, a good way to
back processes, as applied to overt behavior, represent avoid social sanction is to locate a socially approved
the engagement of effort to reach a valued goal, main- value that is different from (or even opposite to) the
tain a desired condition, or conform to some salient disapproved value, and move toward it. By homing
standard. Goal-directed behavior entails knowing in on the positive value, one simultaneously escapes
(at some level) the desired end one wants to reach, the feared or disliked value. Thus, both ought selves
knowing what the present condition is with respect and introjects represent positive values to conform
to that desired end, and being able to decide whether to, but the motivational dynamic underlying them
the present condition does or does not match the is more complex than the dynamic underlying other
desired end. It is also necessary, of course, to be able positive values.
to create actions that will cause the present condition
to change in appropriate ways. However, that ability Further Issues
would be of little help in itself if the other functions At least a couple more issues should be noted
were not also operating. before we move on. One of them concerns a common
In a way, this is the essence of what a cybernetic misconception about the nature of feedback processes.
view brings to the motivational table: It forces the The other concerns a somewhat disconcerting reality
realization that all of those functions are necessary about the nature of feedback processes.
for successful goal pursuit, not just the capacity to As was described earlier, homeostasis is a com-
act. It forces the realization that the action occurs in mon illustration of the feedback principle, because
service to changing the input (Powers, 1973). it is so easily understood. Another common illustra-
The principle of positive feedback can also be tion is the room thermostat, which senses deviations
applied to overt behavior. What might be called from a set point and engages devices that counter
“anti-goals” for behavior are conditions that one the deviations. Because of the common use of these
wants to avoid. An example would be a feared or illustrations, some people incorrectly infer that
disliked possible self (Carver, Lawrence, & Scheier, feedback loops can act only to create and maintain
1999; Markus & Nurius, 1986; Ogilvie, 1987), steady states. Some reference values (and goals) are
which one tries hard to not-be. Another example indeed static end states or stable preferred conditions
would be a scene of public humiliation, which most (e.g., to own one’s home, to arrive at the end of the
people will try to avoid. month with a balance above zero in one’s checking
c a rver, s c h ei er
Fig. 3.1. Three-level hierarchy of Output 1 and
feedback loops. The output from Reference Reference 2 Output 2 and
the comparison in a given loop is C1 Reference 3
the reference value for the next lower C2
level, and so on. The final (motoric) C3
output creates a change in input
that is (at varying levels of
abstraction) relevant to all
Input Input Input Output
levels involved.
abstraction is a very interesting one, because it has a the incentives. Threats are avoided by systems that
high degree of parsimony. enlarge discrepancies between present conditions and
Knowledge of the nervous system has progressed the threats. The logic of feedback processes thus pro-
enormously since 1973, of course, and parts of the vides a way to think about this fundamental dichot-
picture that Powers created are doubtlessly contra- omy among motivations, a dichotomy that plays a
dicted by later evidence. However, the viability of key role in many other ideas about motivation.
the core idea that action reflects feedback processes
engaged simultaneously at multiple levels of abstrac- Feedback Processes and Affect
tion need not depend entirely on specific details. Motivation is partly about how people move
From the point of view of personality-social from one place to another. However, it is also partly
psychology, goals from the ideal self down through about the degree of urgency behind the action.
sequences can be thought of as common starting A sense of urgency or intensity implies the involve-
points for self-regulation. All of them serve as classes ment of affect, feelings that occur in the course of
of values to try to approximate or to deviate from. experience.
Any of them might be taken as the focal point for a What is affect? Where does it come from? Affect
given behavior (that is, the person could try to self- is positive or negative feelings. Affect is the core of
regulate at any of these levels). Once that value is the experience of emotion, though the term emotion
adopted, lower levels are engaged automatically by often incorporates connotations of physiological
the engagement of that one. Thus, it is easy to imag- changes that frequently accompany hedonic expe-
ine cases in which a person is behaving according to riences. A truism is that affect pertains to whether
a principle (e.g., a moral or ethical value), and it is one’s desires are being met (Clore, 1994; Frijda,
easy to imagine cases in which the person is behav- 1986, 1988; Ortony, Clore, & Collins, 1988). But
ing according to a plan or program. It is also easy, what is the internal mechanism by which feelings
however, to imagine cases in which the person is act- arise?
ing impulsively and spontaneously, without regard
to either principle or plan. In all of these cases, the Mechanism
physical movements involved are being managed Many different kinds of answers to this question
by systems automatically engaged by whichever have been offered, ranging from neurobiological
level of control is in charge. Later in the chapter we (e.g., Davidson, 1992) to cognitive (Ortony et al.,
reexamine this idea and consider some potentially 1988). We have proposed an answer that focused
important differences among these various levels of on what appear to be some of the functional proper-
abstraction. ties of affect (Carver & Scheier, 1990, 1998, 1999a,
1999b). In suggesting this answer, we used feedback
Approach and Avoidance control as an organizing principle. Now, however,
In some ways, the dual concepts of discrepancy- the control bears on a different quality.
reducing and discrepancy-enlarging loops map nicely We suggested that feelings arise as a consequence
onto the general form of approach and avoidance of a feedback loop that operates simultaneously
processes. Incentives are approached by systems that with the behavior-guiding loop and in parallel to
close discrepancies between present conditions and it. We regard its operation as automatic. The easi-
c a rver, s c h ei er
doing well at moving away from a threat. Thus, there urgent events. A person whose reactions are between
may be differences between the two positives, and those extremes responds quickly but without behav-
between the two negatives. ioral overreaction and oscillation.
Drawing on the work of Higgins (e.g., 1987, 1996), For biological entities, being able to respond
we have argued for two bipolar dimensions of affect, quickly yet accurately confers a clear adaptive advan-
one bearing on approach, the other on avoidance tage. We believe this combination of quick and
(Carver, 2001; Carver & Scheier, 1998). Approach- stable responding is a consequence of having both
related affect includes such positive affects as elation, behavior-managing and affect-managing control sys-
eagerness, and excitement, and also such negative tems. Affect causes people’s responses to be quicker
affects as frustration, anger, and sadness (Carver, 2004; (because this system is time sensitive); as long as the
Carver & Harmon-Jones, 2009). Avoidance-related affective system is not overresponsive, the responses
affect includes such positive affects as relief, serenity, are also stable.
and contentment (Carver, 2009) and such negative Our focus here is on how affects influence behav-
affects as fear, guilt, and anxiety. ior, emphasizing the extent to which they are inter-
woven. However, note that the behavioral responses
Affect and Action: Two Facets of that are linked to the affects also lead to reduction
One Event in Time of the intensity of the affects, returning them to the
This two-layered viewpoint implies a natural set point. We thus would suggest that the affect
connection between affect and action. That is, if the system is, in a very basic sense, self-regulating (cf.
input function of the affect loop is a sensed rate of Campos, Frankel, & Camras, 2004). It is undeni-
progress in action, the output function of the affect able that people also engage in voluntary efforts to
loop must be a change in the rate of progress in that regulate their emotions (e.g., Gross, 2007; Ochsner
action. Thus, the affect loop has a direct influence & Gross, 2008), but the affect system does a good
on what occurs in the action loop. deal of that self-regulation on its own.
Some changes in rate output are straightfor-
ward. If you are lagging behind, you try harder. Affect Issues
Some changes are less straightforward. The rates of This view of affect differs from most other theo-
many “behaviors” are defined not by pace of physi- ries bearing on emotion in at least two ways. One
cal action but in terms of choices among potential difference concerns the idea of dimensional struc-
actions, or entire programs of action. For example, ture underlying affect (Carver, 2001).
increasing your rate of progress on a project at work
may mean choosing to spend a weekend working Two Underlying Bipolar Dimensions
rather than playing with family and friends. Increas- In some theories (though not all) affects are seen
ing your rate of being kind means choosing to do as having underlying dimensionality (e.g., Watson,
an act that reflects kindness, when an opportunity Wiese, Vaidya, & Tellegen, 1999). Our view has
arises. Thus, change in rate must often be translated this character. It holds that affect generated through
into other terms, such as concentration or alloca- approach has the potential to range from positive
tion of time and effort. (joy) through neutral to negative (anger, sadness);
The idea of two feedback systems functioning affect generated through avoidance also has the
jointly is something we stumbled into. It turns out, potential to range from positive (relief ) through
however, that this idea is quite common in control neutral to negative (fear, anxiety). Most dimen-
engineering (e.g., Clark, 1996). Engineers have sional models, however, are quite different from this
long recognized that having two systems function- one. They are unipolar. They ascribe affects with
ing together—one controlling position, one con- positive valence to an approach system and ascribe
trolling velocity—permits the device they control affects with negative valence to an avoidance system
to respond in a way that is both quick and stable, (e.g., Cacioppo, Gardner, & Berntson, 1999; Lang,
without overshoots and oscillations. Bradley, & Cuthbert, 1990; Watson et al., 1999).
The combination of quickness and stability in There is at least some support for our view. There
responding is desirable in many of the devices engi- is evidence, albeit limited, that positive feelings of
neers deal with. It is also desirable in human beings. calmness and relief (as situationally relevant) relate
A person with very reactive emotions is prone to to avoidance motivation (Carver, 2009; Higgins,
overreact and oscillate behaviorally. A person who Shah, & Friedman, 1997). There is far more evidence
is emotionally unreactive is slow to respond even to linking sadness to failure of approach (for reviews,
c a rver, s c h ei er
a motivational theory around the argument that peo- a lower priority. Positive feelings regarding approach
ple engage only as much effort as is needed to accom- (happiness, joy) indicate that an incentive is being
plish a given task—and no more (e.g., Brehm & Self, attained and could temporarily be put on hold
1989; Wright & Kirby, 2001). because you are doing so well; thus, this goal can
A second basis for such an arrangement stems assume a lower priority (see Carver, 2003).
from the fact that people have multiple simultane-
ous concerns. Given multiple concerns, people do Priority Management and Feelings
not optimize their outcome on any one of them but of Depression
“satisfice” (Simon, 1953)—that is, they do a good One more aspect of priority management must
enough job on each concern to deal with it satisfac- be addressed, concerning the idea that some goals
torily. This permits them to handle the many con- are best abandoned. We have long held that suffi-
cerns adequately, rather than just any one of them. cient doubt about goal attainment yields a tendency
Coasting facilitates satisficing. A tendency to coast to disengage from effort, and even to disengage
with respect to some goal virtually defines satisficing from the goal itself. This is certainly a kind of pri-
regarding that particular goal. A tendency to coast ority shift, in that the abandoned goal now has an
also fosters satisficing for a broader set of goals, by even lower priority than it had before. But how does
allowing easy shift to other domains at little or no this case fit the ideas described thus far?
cost (see Carver, 2003, for detail). This case seems at first to contradict Simon’s
(1967) view that negative affect is a call for higher
Affects and Priority Management priority. But there is an important difference between
This line of argument brings up a broad function two classes of negative affect related to approach
that deserves further attention: the shifting from (Carver, 2003, 2004; in this discussion we disregard
one goal to another as focal in behavior (Dreisbach avoidance). Some of these affects coalesce around
& Goschke, 2004; Shallice, 1978). This basic and frustration and anger. Others coalesce around sad-
very important phenomenon is often overlooked. ness, depression, and dejection. The former relate to
People typically have many goals under pursuit an increase in priority, the latter to a decrease.
simultaneously, but only one has top priority at a Earlier in this section we characterized our view
given moment. People need to shield and main- as implying that approach-related affects fall on a
tain intentions that are being pursued (cf. Shah, bipolar dimension. However, the dimension is not
Friedman, & Kruglanski, 2002), but they also need a simple straight line. Progress below the criterion
to be able to shift flexibly among goals (Shin & creates negative affect, as the incentive slips away.
Rosenbaum, 2002). Inadequate movement gives rise to frustration, irri-
The issue of priority management was addressed tation, and anger, prompting more effort to over-
very creatively many years ago by Simon (1967). He come obstacles and reverse the inadequate current
proposed that emotions are calls for reprioritization. progress. But efforts sometimes do not change the
He suggested that emotion arising with respect to situation. Indeed, a loss precludes movement for-
a goal that is out of awareness eventually induces ward. In this case, the feelings are sadness, depres-
people to interrupt their behavior and give that goal sion, despondency, and hopelessness. Behaviors also
a higher priority than it had. The stronger the emo- differ in this case. The person tends to disengage
tion, the stronger is the claim that the unattended from—give up on—further effort.
goal should have higher priority than the goal that In the first case, feelings of frustration and anger
is presently focal. are a call for an upgrade in priority, an increase in
Simon’s discussion focused on cases in which a effort, a struggle to gain the incentive despite set-
nonfocal goal demands a higher priority and intrudes backs. In the second case, feelings of sadness and
on awareness. By strong implication, his discussion depression accompany reduction of effort and a
dealt only with negative affect. However, there is downgrade in priority. As described earlier, both the
another way for priority ordering to shift: The focal upgrade and the downgrade have adaptive functions
goal can relinquish its place. Perhaps positive feel- in the appropriate situations.
ings also pertain to reprioritization, but rather than
a call for higher priority, they reflect reduction in pri- Shifts in the Theoretical Landscape:
ority. Positive affect regarding avoidance (relief or Two Modes of Functioning
tranquility) indicates that a threat has dissipated, no We now turn to an entirely different issue.
longer requires so much attention, and can assume During the last two decades, changes have occurred
c a rver, s c h ei er
top-down, using effortful processing. Planfulness, an Although the self-control situation is often
element of programs, is also a common characteriza- portrayed as pitting longer and shorter term goals
tion of behavior managed by the reflective system. against each other, a somewhat different view also
It seems reasonable to map program-level control onto seems plausible. The self-control situation may pit
the deliberative, reflective mode of functioning. the two modes of processing against each other.
In contrast to this deliberative quality, well- This would be consistent with the literature on self-
learned sequences occur in a relatively automatic control failure, which tends to portray such failures
stream once they are triggered. Sequences (along as involving a relatively automatic tendency to act
with lower levels of control) are necessarily called in one way, being opposed by a planful effort to
up during the execution of programs. However, per- restrain that act. The action being inhibited is often
haps sequences can also be triggered more autono- characterized as an impulse, a desire that is automat-
mously, without being specified by efforts toward ically translated into action unless it is controlled
a higher goal. Sequences may be triggered by the (often because the action is habitual). The restraint
activation of strong associations in memory. In such is presumed to be effortful and to depend on lim-
cases, the operating characteristics would seem akin ited resources. If the planful part of the mind is able
to those of the reactive mode of functioning. to attend adequately to the conflict, the person can
In the past we have often noted that the level of resist the impulse. If not, the impulse is more likely
control that is functionally superordinate can vary to be expressed. This portrayal seems quite conso-
by situations and persons (e.g., Carver & Scheier, nant with the two-mode models of functioning.
1998, 1999a). As we said earlier, it is easy to imag-
ine cases in which a person is behaving according The How Versus the What of Motivation
to a principle (e.g., a moral or ethical value), and The cybernetic approach to motivational issues
it is easy to imagine cases in which the person is is primarily about the structure and dynamics of
behaving according to a plan or program. It is also behavior rather than the content of behavior. It is
easy, however, to imagine cases in which the person a depiction of relations among processes that occur
is acting impulsively and spontaneously, without as people negotiate the psychological and behavioral
regard to either principle or plan. space of their lives. We think these principles are
In making this case in the past, our emphasis informative both about adaptive functioning and
generally focused simply on how sequences and pro- about problems in functioning. We also believe the
grams differed. Now we are inclined to wonder if ideas described in this chapter represent a viewpoint
this particular differentiation is not perhaps more that is compatible with many other theories that
important than we had realized. Perhaps we have are described in this book, standing alongside them
underappreciated the extent to which lower levels rather than in place of them. In that sense, these
of self-regulatory structures can be triggered autono- ideas may be less a “theory” than a “meta-theory,”
mously and their outputs enter the stream of ongo- a very general way of conceptualizing interwoven
ing action, without oversight from higher levels, and functions, a declaration of belief about how com-
potentially even in conflict with values at higher plex systems work.
levels. This seems an important question for further However, this is a viewpoint that is primarily
exploration. about the how of motivated behavior rather than the
what. It bears on control of actions that are selfish
Self-Control: Impulse and Restraint as well as control of actions that are well socialized.
The idea that conflicts exist between longer term Those actions differ not in their structure but in the
and shorter term goals is also part of a literature on content of the principles and programs (and per-
self-control and self-control failure (e.g., Baumeister, haps the self ) that exist in the persons who engage
Heatherton, & Tice, 1994). This literature focuses in the actions. This view thus is very different from
on cases in which a person is both motivated to act views of motivation that address (for example) what
and motivated to restrain that action. This is essen- specific core motives may underlie human growth
tially the same case as examined by work on chil- and optimal functioning (e.g., Ryan & Deci, 2000,
dren’s effortful control, and it is also the same logical 2001). It was never the explicit goal of the feedback
structure as is in the delay of gratification paradigm. approach to speak to those issues.
A difference is that in the self-control literature On the other hand, it is also possible to stretch
the intent often is to delay indefinitely rather than these ideas a bit more, to speak to at least some of those
temporarily. issues. It is inherent in a hierarchical organization of
Sequences
c a rver, s c h ei er
approached because it is identified as a possible means feedback loops are embedded in many different
to satisfy the desire (the goal) of exploration. kinds of systems, at many levels of abstraction (e.g.,
Exploration provides an easy illustration, but Ford, 1987; von Bertalanffy, 1968). The principle
it certainly is not the only higher level desire that of feedback control has been found useful in under-
can lead to new activities. Any time someone says, standing phenomena as diverse as weather systems,
“You ought to try this—I think you might enjoy it,” the stability of ecological systems, and homeostasis.
an inference is being made that the activity will sat- The argument that the same fundamental principle
isfy a broader desire the person has. Anytime people underlies even the regulation of overt action asserts
contemplate undertaking new activities, they are a rather astonishing link between human experience
considering how the activities might fit into their and other aspects of nature, parts of nature that
current patterns of preferences. could hardly be more different from human life.
In these examples a link is prespecified between The possibility that such a link is real is at least part
the “new” goal and an existing one. Sometimes, of the fascination.
though, an activity seems to come together without
much forethought or planning, and (when it occurs) Acknowledgments
is found to be enjoyable. In such cases, the person Preparation of this chapter was supported by grants from
may actively seek to identify the activity’s essence, the National Cancer Institute (CA64710), the National Science
Foundation (BCS0544617), and the National Heart, Lung,
so as to make the positive experience repeatable
and Blood Institute (HL65111, HL65112, HL076852, and
by intention. Thus, it becomes a new goal. That HL076858).
is, in order to make the experience repeatable, the
person encodes its nature in memory in a man- References
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Abstract
The capacity for self-reflection, which plays an important role in human self-regulation, also leads people
to become aware of the limitations of their existence. Awareness of the conflict between one’s desires
(e.g., to live) and the limitations of existence (e.g., the inevitability of death) creates the potential for
existential anxiety. In this chapter, we review how this anxiety affects human motivation and behavior in
a variety of life domains. Terror management theory and research suggest that transcending death and
protecting oneself against existential anxiety are potent needs. This protection is provided by an
anxiety-buffering system, which imbues people with a sense of meaning and value that function to
shield them against these concerns. We review evidence of how the buffering system protects against
existential anxiety in four dimensions of existence: the physical, personal, social, and spiritual domains.
Because self-awareness is a prerequisite for existential anxiety, escaping self-awareness can also be an
effective way to obviate the problem of existence. After elaborating on how existential anxiety can
motivate escape from self-awareness, we conclude the chapter with a discussion of remaining issues
and directions for future research and theory development.
Key Words: terror management theory, experimental existential psychology, death anxiety, existential
anxiety, motivation
Unlike any other animal, we humans live our theory and research have revealed about existential
lives starkly aware that, despite our most fervent anxiety and its effects on human behavior and expe-
desires, death will sooner or later come to us. This rience. The main tenet of TMT is that the desire to
knowledge, combined with other uniquely human transcend the fragility of human existence by con-
sophisticated mental abilities, inevitably leads people struing oneself as a valuable contributor to a mean-
to ask questions about the meaning, value, and pur- ingful universe lies at the root of a diverse array of
pose of existence. Although writers and philosophers otherwise distinct human motives.
throughout the ages have pointed to the vital impact The research we will review in this chapter
of existential concerns on the human psyche, system- focuses on a uniquely human source of motivation.
atic empirical investigation of how existential con- Although other animals react with fear to clear and
cerns affect human motivation began only relatively present dangers that threaten their existence, only
recently. The purpose of terror management theory humans have the self-awareness that leads them to
(TMT; Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1986) realize that death is inevitable. Like other evolu-
is to explain the role that awareness of the inevitabil- tionary advances, this awareness led to changes in
ity of death plays in diverse aspects of human life. the way motivational systems operated by building
In this chapter, we review what terror management on previous evolved adaptations. Thus, existential
motivation operates on other more basic motive of comparing the self’s current state to standards
systems—co-opting them to meet new needs and and the increased effort to reduce any discrepancies
changing the way other needs are pursued. We start are viewed as the most basic process through which
by considering how the emergence of self-awareness the self regulates its own actions. Self-awareness thus
changed the human condition. adds multiple layers of sophistication and flexibility
to the simple system of comparing and matching to
Self-Awareness: A Blessing and a Curse standards through which all self-regulating systems
Awareness of self is a tremendously adaptive cog- operate.
nitive capacity that exponentially increases the flex- One of the most important innovations that
ibility of the system through which humans regulate Carver and Scheier (1981) brought to their syn-
their behavior (Becker, 1971; Duval & Wicklund, thesis of self-awareness and self-regulation was their
1972; Leary, 2004; Pyszczynski & Greenberg, conceptualization of a hierarchy of standards that
1993). Self-awareness is a distinct type of conscious- integrated concrete physical actions and the even
ness that enables the human self to become an object more concrete biological, chemical, and electrical
to itself. Although some other species are capable changes through which these actions are accom-
of a rudimentary form of self-recognition, they lack plished, with the more abstract goals, identities,
the linguistic abilities to conceive of an abstract self and sense of self-worth that these actions (and
and use it to structure their experiences and behav- their lower level components) are oriented toward
ior (Mitchell, 2003). Self-awareness enables humans achieving. From this perspective, all behavior func-
to step back, reflect on their circumstances, weigh tions to simultaneously meet multiple hierarchically
multiple options for how to meet their needs and organized goals, and this organization gives coher-
the chances of each one succeeding, and then select ence and flexibility to human action. The standard
the option they believe will be most successful for at any given level of abstraction is simultaneously
achieving their goal. It greatly expands one’s options a behavior through which the standard at a higher
for how to behave and gives greater executive control level of abstraction is met. For example, writing a
to the self over one’s actions. Accompanied by other paper for a college class is a behavior through which
uniquely human capacities, such as language and the standard of getting a good grade in the class is
symbolic thought, causal thinking, and imagination, met; getting a good grade in the class is the behavior
reflexive self-awareness has been critical to the for- through which the more abstract standard of getting
mation of complex human society and culture as we a college degree is met; getting a college degree is the
know it today. As Leary argues, “Science, philoso- behavior through which the more abstract standard
phy, government, education, and health care would of getting a good job is met; getting a good job is the
all be impossible if people could not consciously self- behavior through which the more abstract standard
reflect” (2004, p. 12). of having a successful career is met; and having a suc-
Contemporary thinking about the role of self- cessful career is the behavior through which the even
awareness in human behavior was stimulated by more abstract goal of being a valuable person is met.
Duval and Wicklund’s (1972) objective self-awareness One could also move down the hierarchy to consider
theory. They pointed out that conscious attention can the component behaviors through which writing a
be directed either externally, toward the environment, paper, gathering information, reading articles to pro-
or internally, toward the self. Objective self-awareness vide that information, moving the focus of one’s eyes
theory posits that directing attention toward the self across the words on the page are accomplished, and
instigates a self-evaluative process, in which one’s cur- so on down to the biological and chemical reactions
rent state on whatever dimension is currently salient is that underlie these actions.
compared with salient standards for that dimension. Flexibility in behavior is provided by the fact that
The detection of discrepancies between current state there are usually multiple behaviors through which
and standards produces affect that motivates the per- any given standard can be met. For example, self-
son to either reduce any discrepancies or escape the esteem can be achieved by means of success in one’s
self-focused state. Research has been highly supportive career, relationships, community activities, or family.
of these basic propositions (for reviews, see Carver & And there are many ways to succeed in any of these
Scheier, 2002; Duval & Silvia, 2001; Pyszczynski & more specific endeavors, just as there are many par-
Greenberg, 1993). Carver and Scheier (1981; Carver, ticular routes through which any particular success
1979) integrated these ideas with a very general cyber- could be attained. Self-awareness sets in motion a
netic model of self-regulation in which this process variety of executive processes through which choices
kes eb i r, p ys zc z yn s ki
conflict and violence? Becker’s ideas offered potential sections, we provide an overview of TMT findings
answers to these and many other questions. TMT that support this claim; however, we first describe
was an attempt to simplify Becker’s ideas and inte- the logic of the methods commonly employed in
grate them with existing knowledge within the fields TMT studies.
of social, personality, developmental, cognitive, and
motivational psychology in a way that would gener- The TMT Research Strategy
ate testable hypotheses about the functions of self- TMT research has been focused on three gen-
esteem and culture. TMT posited that knowledge of eral hypotheses that have been combined in vari-
inevitable mortality, when combined with the bio- ous ways to assess the basic propositions of the
logically rooted craving for life, creates a potential theory and applied to a diverse array of behaviors
for paralyzing terror. To function effectively in the and social problems to document the generality and
world, people must keep this terror at bay. Protec- generativity of the theory. The earliest TMT stud-
tion from this terror is provided by self-esteem and ies (Greenberg et al., 1990; Rosenblatt, Greenberg,
faith in one’s cultural worldview (Solomon, Green- Solomon, Pyszczynski, & Lyon, 1989) used the
berg, & Pyszczynski, 1991). These two psychologi- mortality salience hypothesis to assess the theory’s
cal entities function to buffer death-related anxiety. propositions, which has remained the most com-
Later research revealed close interpersonal relations mon approach to testing TMT. Indeed, according to
as an additional component of the anxiety-buffering a recent meta-analysis of 238 empirical TMT jour-
mechanism (Mikulincer, Florian, & Hirschberger, nal articles reporting 277 experiments, 83% directly
2003). tested this hypothesis (Burke, Martens, & Faucher,
TMT posits that awareness of the inevitability of 2010). The mortality salience (MS) hypothesis states
death is a powerful motivating force that influences that to the extent a psychological structure (e.g., self-
the human needs for meaning, self-esteem, and esteem, faith in one’s cultural worldview) provides
close relationships. The precursors of these motives protection against death anxiety, reminders of death
probably initially evolved because they solved prac- should intensify the need for this structure, and
tical problems of living that increased our ancestors’ therefore lead to more positive reactions to people
chances of passing on their genes by staying alive, and ideas that support that structure and more nega-
mating, and caring for their offspring. However, tive reactions to people and ideas that threaten it.
once human intelligence had evolved to the point In a typical MS study, the experimental group is
that awareness of death emerged, the need for pro- exposed to a reminder of death (mortality salience)
tection from the fear that this awareness created led and then compared to a control group that has not
people to develop systems of meaning and value been reminded of death on the variable hypothesized
that provided protection from this fear. From this to buffer against existential anxiety.
point on, people no longer simply needed mean- The most common mortality salience induction
ing systems that helped them procure the necessities technique entails asking participants two open-ended
of life—now, their meaning systems also needed to questions about their own mortality, as first utilized
help manage their potential for existential anxiety. by Rosenblatt et al. (1989). Specifically, participants
The value of accuracy and practical utility of the are asked to “Please briefly describe the emotions
meaning systems was usurped by the value of death that the thought of your own death arouses in you”
transcendence, and from this point on the pursuit and “Please jot down as specifically as you can what
of truth and protection were often in conflict with you think will happen to you as you physically die
each other. and once you are physically dead.” In the control
Well over 400 separate studies conducted in over condition, participants respond to similarly worded
20 countries have tested and supported hypotheses questions regarding a neutral (e.g., watching TV)
derived from TMT. These studies helped expand the or negative topic not related to death (e.g., dental
theory beyond its initial focus and applied it to top- pain). Other techniques to manipulate MS include
ics as varied as religion and spirituality, legal deci- having participants complete fear of death scales,
sion making, nostalgia, human sexuality, fascination watch car crash or Holocaust videos, read an essay
with fame, creativity, materialism, and psychopa- about cancer or the 9/11 attacks, exposing them to
thology. The fact that existential concerns have been subliminal death primes, and interviewing them in
shown to affect human behavior across so many front of a funeral home or cemetery. Findings have
domains suggests that existential anxiety is a central been highly consistent across these different mortal-
motivating force for the human psyche. In the next ity salience inductions.
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evidence obtained with these and other methods the rest of the animal kingdom ironically also leads
that reveal the role of existential anxiety in energiz- to the realization that humankind is ultimately part
ing and directing human behavior. of nature and subject to the same ultimate fate of
death and decay. The knowledge that one is “up in
Evidence for the Motivational Role of the stars and yet housed in a heart-pumping, breath-
Existential Anxiety gasping body” (Becker, 1973, p. 26), the awareness
In presenting the findings on the diverse ways of one’s common fate with all creatures, explains
that the fear of death affects human behavior, we why people are often ill at ease with their own cor-
use a taxonomy widely used by existential psycho- poreality. Indeed, research has shown that remind-
logists (van Deurzen-Smith, 1984). According to ers of death intensify the desire to distance oneself
this framework, humans experience the world on from other animals and from one’s own body.
four basic dimensions, commonly referred to with For example, Goldenberg and colleagues (2001)
their German names: physical dimension (Umwelt), demonstrated that mortality salience leads to increased
personal dimension (Eigenwelt), social dimension preference for an essay that describes humans as dis-
(Mitwelt), and spiritual dimension (Überwelt). The tinct from animals over one that emphasizes human-
first three dimensions are drawn from the work of animal similarities. These researchers also found that
Swiss psychiatrist Ludwig Binswanger (1946). Based mortality reminders increase disgust reactions to
on the writings of authors such as Buber (1923), situations involving bodily products (e.g., “seeing a
Jaspers (1951), and Tillich (1952), existential psy- bowel movement left unflushed in a public toilet”)
chotherapist van Deurzen-Smith (1984) proposed and animals (e.g., “seeing maggots on a piece of
a fourth, spiritual dimension. According to van meat in an outdoor garbage pail”). In a similar vein,
Deurzen-Smith (1997), all these dimensions have viewing pictures of bodily wastes has been found to
their own paradoxes and tensions, their own human increase the accessibility of death-related thoughts
objectives and aspirations, as well as their own ideals (Cox, Goldenberg, Pyszczynski, & Weise, 2007).
and evils. They create a complex four-dimensional Other research has shown that intimations of the
field of forces that encompass the major aspects frailty of the human body, as in the case of elderly
of the human experience. The four dimensions are people (Martens, Greenberg, Schimel, & Landau,
obviously interrelated, with the self standing at 2004) or persons with physical disabilities (Hirsch-
the center of the person’s entire network of physi- berger, Florian, & Mikulincer, 2005), spontaneously
cal, social, personal and spiritual relations. Indeed, increase the accessibility of death thoughts.
these four dimensions overlap substantially with The urge to distance oneself from one’s body in
William James’s four constituents of the self—the the face of death thoughts acquires great practical
material self, social self, spiritual self, and the pure significance in the context of health behaviors. Ironi-
ego (1950). For organizational purposes, nonethe- cally, the salience of mortality thoughts often poses
less, we will treat them separately and discuss how a barrier to health-promoting behaviors that could
the human experience on each of these dimensions actually forestall death (Goldenberg & Arndt, 2008).
is affected by existential concerns. Research has shown, for example, that when mortality
is salient, reminders of creatureliness decrease wom-
The Physical Dimension en’s willingness to conduct breast self-examinations
The physical dimension is concerned with how (Goldenberg, Arndt, Hart, & Routledge, 2008).
people relate to nature and the material world around Interestingly, thoughts of death increase health-
them. Their relationship to their bodies, physical envi- promoting behavior when they are in current focal
ronment, concrete surroundings, and material posses- attention, but they decrease such behavior when
sions makes up this dimension (van Deurzen, 2002). they are on the fringes of consciousness. This is con-
How do existential motives shape human behavior sistent with the TMT distinction between proximal
and experience on the physical dimension? defenses, which deal with the problem of death in
a rational way and emerge when one is consciously
the problem of the body thinking about death, and distal defenses, which
Human beings are condemned to a dual exis- deal with the problem of death symbolically by
tence: They are half animal and half symbolic—to boosting one’s sense of meaning and value that
use Becker’s colorful metaphor, they are “gods with emerge when such thoughts are accessible but not in
anuses” (1973, p. 51). The capacity for self-reflection focal attention. For example, Routledge, Arndt, and
that distinguishes the human race so sharply from Goldenberg (2004) found that immediately after
kes eb i r, p ys zc z yn s ki
of one’s cultural worldview; it is the sense that one Research shows, for example, that in achievement-
is a valuable contributor to a meaningful universe. related tasks, participants reminded of their mor-
Although the standards upon which self-esteem is tality are more likely to attribute positive outcomes
contingent vary across cultures and individuals, the to internal, stable, and global causes and negative
underlying need for self-esteem is universal. outcomes to external, unstable, and specific causes
A large body of research supports the notion that compared to participants in a control condition
self-esteem provides a buffer against existential anxi- (Mikulincer & Florian, 2002). Furthermore, the
ety. In the first test of this hypothesis, as we have seen, accessibility of death-related thoughts induced by
Greenberg, Solomon and colleagues (1992) showed mortality reminders is mitigated when participants
that boosting participants’ self-esteem through bogus are given the opportunity to provide causal attribu-
positive feedback leads to lower levels of self-reported tions excusing their failure.
anxiety in response to graphic depictions of death, and The body of research reviewed here highlights
lower physiological arousal when anticipating painful the role of self-esteem in buffering existential anxi-
electric shocks. Other research revealed that both arti- ety. Humans struggle for a sense of identity and
ficially enhanced and dispositionally high self-esteem significance in the world, partly as a way to shield
are associated with lower levels of worldview defense themselves from death and its attendant anxieties.
and lower death-thought accessibility in response to This search for validation and value oftentimes takes
mortality reminders (Harmon-Jones et al., 1997), as the form of expanding oneself and merging with
well as lower levels of defensive distortions aimed at something larger than oneself. The family, nation,
denying vulnerability to early death (Greenberg et al. religion, science, or art can all serve as avenues for a
1993). Studies also demonstrate that death-thought person to find meaning and value in a vast arena that
accessibility increases when participants think about will not be shattered by one’s death. These avenues
their “undesired self” (Ogilvie, Cohen, & Solomon, for self-expansion provide the person with symbolic
2008) or when their self-esteem is directly threatened, immortality—the sense that one is a valuable part
such as when they are informed that their person- of something larger, more significant, and longer
ality is ill suited for their career aspirations (Hayes, lasting than one’s individual existence. In the words
Schimel, Faucher, & Williams, 2008). Conversely, of John Steinbeck, “After the bare requisites of liv-
having participants affirm their most important val- ing and reproducing, man wants most to leave some
ues reverses the effect of self-esteem threat on death- record of himself, a proof, perhaps, that he has really
thought accessibility (Hayes et al., 2008). existed. He leaves his proof on wood, on stone, or
In addition to evidence that self-esteem buffers on the lives of other people. This deep desire exists
death anxiety, research also shows that death remind- in everyone, from the boy who scribbles on a wall to
ers increase people’s striving for self-esteem. In one the Buddha who etches his image in the race mind”
dramatic illustration of this point, Israeli soldiers (1995, p. 49). Lifton (1979) has elaborated on the
engaged in more risky driving behavior after mor- various ways in which humans strive for symbolic
tality reminders, but only to the extent they derived immortality, the most common of which seem to be
self-esteem from their driving ability (Taubman Ben- living on through one’s progeny and through one’s
Ari, Florian, & Mikulincer, 1999). Further support works.
for the notion that existential anxiety increases striv- In line with the idea that symbolic immortality
ing for self-esteem in domains one is invested in is can help to manage the threat of death, research has
provided by studies showing that mortality salience found an inverse correlation between self-reports
improved strength performance among individuals of symbolic immortality and fear of personal death
invested in strength training, but it had no impact on (Florian & Mikulincer, 1998). In the same study, a
those not invested in strength training (Peters, Green- high sense of symbolic immortality also reduced par-
berg, & Williams, 2005). Similarly, mortality salience ticipants’ tendency to respond to mortality remind-
increased identification with one’s body and interest ers with increased worldview defense, suggesting
in sex among people high in body self-esteem, but a protective, anxiety-buffering role for symbolic
not among those with low body self-esteem (Golden- immortality. Interestingly, the desire for symbolic
berg, McCoy, Pyszczynski, Greenberg, & Solomon, immortality may at times even trump the desire for
2000). life. In a study reported in The Economist, more than
Existential anxiety also amplifies self-serving half of 198 Olympic-level American athletes said
biases, which are perhaps the most commonly that they would take a banned drug if they knew
researched manifestation of the need for self-esteem. that by taking it they would win every competition
kes eb i r, p ys zc z yn s ki
The Social Dimension and values, and conversely, why they are generally
The social dimension refers to our relationships uncomfortable around, and at times hostile toward,
with other people, the culture we live in, and the those who do not.
groups that make the social fabric of daily life. The If cultural worldviews protect against the potential
need to belong to and affiliate is a powerful, fun- for terror inherent in the knowledge of one’s mortality,
damental, and extremely potent human motive then mortality reminders would intensify the need to
(Baumeister & Leary, 1995). Although this need hold on to one’s ingroup and worldview and defend
may have initially evolved because of the distinct them against the outgroup and rival worldviews.
evolutionary advantages that group living provides, In addition, threats to one’s ingroup and cultural
TMT argues that with the evolution of sophisti- worldview should increase death-related thoughts and
cated intelligence, it took on the existential function anxieties. Since the earliest days of TMT research,
of helping people manage death-related anxiety. an avalanche of studies has supported these prepo-
Here we present this literature in two major sec- sitions and demonstrated the role of these tenden-
tions; first we review how existential motivation cies in ingroup bias and outgroup hostility. The first
affects humans as they relate to the groups to which evidence of the role of death concerns in intergroup
they belong (and do not belong) and then we review conflict came from a study by Greenberg and col-
the role of existential motivation in close personal leagues (1990) which showed that after mortality
relationships. reminders, American Christians evaluated a fellow
Christian student more positively and a Jewish student
group belonging and worldview more negatively. Other studies found that mortality
validation salience increases preference for an author with pro-
According to TMT, faith in one’s cultural world- American views over an author with anti-American
view is a potent buffer against existential anxiety. views among American students (Greenberg et al.,
The term worldview comes from the German word 1994), and it increases criticism of an anti-Japan essay
Weltanschauung, meaning a view or perspective on writer among Japanese students (Heine, Harihara,
the world that encompasses one’s total outlook on Niiya, & 2002). Conversely, when participants heav-
life, society, and its institutions (Koltko-Rivera, ily invested in their Canadian identity were exposed to
2004). TMT defines cultural worldviews as per- material that derogates Canadian culture, they exhib-
sonally and culturally held assumptions and beliefs ited increased accessibility of death-related thoughts
about the nature of existence. Individuals construct (Schimel, Hayes, Williams, & Jahrig, 2007).
their own individualized worldviews as they go Further corroborating the existential function
through life by combining the beliefs and values served by the ingroup, a study conducted in Italy
of the individuals with whom they interact, the revealed that reminders of mortality increase peoples’
groups to which they belong, and the broader society identification with their ethnic identities as Italians,
that surrounds them. Cultural norms, moral values, their belief in the entitativity of this identity, and
and religious beliefs are among the most central their ingroup bias (Castano, Yzerbyt, Paladino, &
cultural worldviews. They are “theories of reality” Sacchi, 2002). These participants rated Italians as a
that explain what life is and how it should be lived. significantly more stable, coherent, and distinct eth-
As such, they imbue existence with meaning, pur- nic group after mortality reminders, while another
pose, structure, and permanence, thereby helping to study found mortality reminders to lead participants
control anxiety. to view their ingroup as more human (Vaes, Heflick,
Individuals are heavily invested in their world- & Goldenberg, 2010). Mortality reminders have
views and rely on them for navigating through life. been reported to intensify ingroup favoritism (e.g.,
Yet there is a problem with worldviews: It is impos- Castano et al. 2002; Tam, Chiu, & Lau, 2007), and
sible to definitively prove the accuracy or superiority this bias seems to occur even when the group alloca-
of one’s own worldview. As shared human construc- tion is based on minimally meaningful criteria such
tions, cultural worldviews depend on social consen- as aesthetic preferences (Harmon-Jones, Greenberg,
sus for sustenance (Hardin & Higgins, 1996). The Solomon, & Simon, 1996).
wide diversity of extant worldviews exacerbates peo- It is important to note, however, that according to
ple’s motivation to validate their own worldviews as TMT, ingroups provide existential protection only to
a protection against existential anxiety. This, from a the extent that they are a source of value and mean-
TMT perspective, is the central reason people are ing. The desire to affiliate with groups thus depends
attracted to those who share their cherished beliefs on the broader connotations and value of this
kes eb i r, p ys zc z yn s ki
in concert with faith in one’s worldview and self- a sense of security, and the hope of transcending
esteem in a dynamic, interrelated system to provide death, thereby acting as a powerful balm against
protection against existential anxiety. existential fear.
In support of the anxiety-buffering function of
personal relationships, mortality reminders have The Spiritual Dimension
been found to increase people’s willingness to ini- The spiritual dimension entails the human
tiate social interactions and decrease their sensi- proclivity to connect with something greater than
tivity to rejection (Taubman Ben-Ari, Findler, & oneself, typically involving abstract, supernatural,
Mikulincer, 2002). Research has also shown that magical, or divine beings or entities. It encom-
mortality thoughts lead to reports of increased com- passes our beliefs, values, and ideals pertaining to
mitment to one’s romantic partner (Florian, Miku- these entities as well as the experiences and altered
lincer, & Hirschberger, 2002). Conversely, inducing states of consciousness that are often part of these
participants to think about their relationship prob- relationships. From an existential perspective, the
lems (Florian et al., 2002) or about fear of intimacy spiritual dimension functions to help people tran-
(Taubman Ben-Ari, 2004) increases the accessibility scend the limitations of human existence in general
of death-related thoughts. Consistent with the idea and mortality in particular. In this section, we will
that close personal attachments serve to buffer death review research on how concerns about mortality
anxiety, writing about one’s romantic commitment affect behavior on the spiritual dimension, particu-
has been demonstrated to eliminate the need to larly when it comes to the questions of meaning,
resort to worldview defense after mortality remind- religion, and spirituality.
ers (Florian et al., 2002). Human beings require meaning, both to navi-
Research also shows that individual differences in gate through the mundane tasks of daily life and
attachment style predict differences in how people to imbue their lives with purpose and transcendent
respond to existential threats. While correlational value (Frankl, 1963). To live without meaning, val-
studies document that securely attached individu- ues, or ideals is distressing (Yalom, 1980), and many
als report less fear of death than insecurely attached people are willing to live and die for their ideals
individuals (Mikulincer, Florian, & Tolmacz, 1990), and values. TMT posits that believing that things
experiments show that chronic attachment styles are as they are supposed to be—that the mundane
moderate terror management defenses. Mikulincer ways of life make sense, and that human existence
and Florian (2000), for example, found that mortal- fits into some overall meaningful pattern—provides
ity reminders led to harsher judgments about moral the coherence, structure, and security that pro-
transgressions among insecurely attached, but not tect people against death anxiety. Indeed, cultural
securely attached, individuals. In contrast, death worldviews and personal relationships can succeed
thoughts led to an increase in one’s sense of symbolic as existential anxiety buffers only to the extent they
immortality and in the desire for intimacy among provide the individual with this sense of meaning.
securely attached persons but not insecurely attached Supporting the notion that maintaining a mean-
persons. From this body of research, close personal ingful view of reality is essential for protection
relationships emerge as an integral part of the exis- against existential anxiety, research finds, for exam-
tential anxiety-buffer system—intimately related to ple, that reminders of mortality increase distaste for
self-esteem and worldview validation needs, but dis- apparently meaningless art, particularly among those
tinct from them. It is possible that the reliance on who dispositionally prefer unambiguous knowl-
interpersonal attachments as an existential defense edge (Landau, Greenberg, Solomon, Pyszczynski,
involves more automatic and biologically based & Martens, 2006). Similarly, Vess, Routledge,
mechanisms, while worldview defense is mediated Landau, and Arndt (2009) documented that death
by cultural-symbolic processes (Wisman & Koole, reminders bolster perceptions of life’s meaning
2003). among participants with a high personal need for
The social dimension constitutes an extraordi- structure—those who are inclined to prefer simple
narily important aspect of the human experience— and unambiguous interpretations of reality. Further-
heaven, as well as hell, is indeed other people. In more, death thoughts are found to lead people to
this section, we have reviewed the role that existen- imbue everyday actions with more meaning and to
tial concerns play on this dimension. As we have judge their current actions to be more meaningfully
seen, the groups to which we belong and the people connected to their long-term goals (Landau, Kosloff,
with whom we relate can provide meaning, value, & Schmeichel, 2010). The desire to see the world
kes eb i r, p ys zc z yn s ki
immortal plane, beyond the cycles of life and death of meaning, an underlying reality that transcends
that characterize all other organisms” (p. 231). everyday life, and a sacralized, magical cosmos—a
While religions can effectively address this need for need that is, at least partially, driven by existential
some people, others prefer less clearly structured concerns. This concludes our discussion of how
forms of spirituality. Spirituality can be defined existential motivation influences the human experi-
as a “personal quest for understanding answers to ence on the four dimensions of living. Our review
ultimate questions about life, about meaning, and suggests that on all the four dimensions—the physi-
about relationship to the sacred or transcendent” cal, social, psychological, and spiritual—knowledge
(Koenig, McCullough, & Larson, 2001, p. 18). The of one’s mortality and accompanying existential
idea of the sacred is considered to be the distinctive concerns intensify people’s striving for special
core of spirituality (e.g., Pargament, 1999), and it meaning, value, and security. An inevitable fate of
has been frequently proposed that people fervently nonexistence, a realization that “our existence is but
desire to live in a “sacralized cosmos” (Eliade, 1959). a brief crack of light between two eternities of dark-
By providing a sense of transcendence, boundless- ness” (Nabokov, 1999, p. 9), is extremely difficult
ness, ultimate value and purpose, the sacred can to accept, which renders the quest for assurances
alleviate the pain accompanying one’s awareness of of invulnerability a primary human motive. As we
creatureliness, powerlessness, and ultimate finitude. have seen, a broad array of human behaviors—from
Supporting this notion, studies show that construing self-esteem striving to outgroup derogation, from
different aspects of the world (e.g., nature, children, materialism to spirituality—serve to provide pro-
music) in sacred terms can protect the individual tection against existential dread. The breadth and
against death anxiety and its possibly destructive depth of phenomena that have been subjected to
effects such as outgroup hostility and materialism research by TMT and shown to be affected by exis-
(Kesebir, Chiu, & Pyszczynski, unpublished data). tential concerns testifies to the prominent role that
The human predilection for a sacred, magical, existential motivation plays in human life. There
divinely inspired view of reality can also manifest remains, however, one last behavioral tendency that
itself in the affection for charismatic leaders, for can be induced by existential motivation we have
hero worshipping, and the fascination with celeb- not yet explored.
rities. The word charisma, for example, originates
from a Greek word meaning “divine gift,” or “talent Transcending Death by Escaping
from God,” and studies find that reminders of death Self-Awareness
intensify preference and support for charismatic As discussed earlier in this chapter, self-awareness
leaders who proclaim the superiority of one’s ingroup is a prerequisite for experiencing existential anxiety.
(Cohen, Solomon, Maxfield, Pyszczynski, & Green- In support of this claim, research shows that simple
berg, 2004). Cultural heroes, as well as famous peo- self-awareness manipulations, such as viewing one-
ple who represent individually and collectively held self in a mirror, increase the accessibility of thoughts
values, tend to be perceived as symbolically and lit- about both life and death (Silvia, 2001). This sug-
erally immortal, which might help their admirers to gests that escaping self-awareness would be one way
transcend death and insignificance by proxy. In sup- to obviate the problem of thoughts of death. Indeed,
port of the existential function of famous people, research has shown that participants induced to
Kesebir, Chiu, and Kim (unpublished data) demon- write about death spend less time on the task when
strated that after mortality reminders, participants they are made to feel self-aware (Arndt, Greenberg,
expect famous people to be remembered for a longer Simon, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1998). This indi-
time in the future, and this effect is qualified by how cates that self-awareness makes mortality thoughts
much the famous people represent cultural values. either more accessible or more threatening.
Similarly, the more a famous person was perceived According to self-awareness theory (Duval &
to represent her culture’s values, the less likely peo- Wicklund, 1972), self-focused attention triggers
ple thought that a plane she boarded would crash. evaluative processes in which people compare them-
These findings suggest that charismatic, heroic, or selves to whatever standards and values are currently
famous people might occupy a demigod status in salient. If they perceive themselves as falling short of
the eyes of their fans, and in so doing provide them these standards, they either change their behavior in
with meaning and existential stamina. the direction of the standards or attempt to resolve the
In this section, we have argued that humans distress this produces by trying to lose self-awareness
harbor a potent need for an all-encompassing sense (Carver & Scheier, 1981; Duval & Wicklund, 1972).
kes eb i r, p ys zc z yn s ki
suicide when their anxiety buffers have stopped func- Over the years, TMT studies underwent a
tioning entirely and the ensuing terror is overwhelm- number of refinements and improvements in meth-
ing. An existence devoid of any meaning, value, or odology. This allowed us to obtain converging sup-
hope would turn self-awareness into an unbearable port for the predictions of the theory through a
state and might make suicide an appealing escape. variety of operationalizations and to broaden our
After all, ironically, dying seems to be the one certain understanding of the mechanisms involved in ter-
way to rid oneself from existential anxiety for good ror management. Open-ended items about mor-
(Greenberg, Solomon, & Arndt, 2008). tality, death anxiety scales, proximity to funeral
Escape from self-awareness might also be likely homes, and subliminal death primes, for example,
when people’s self-regulatory energies are depleted have all been shown to instigate terror management
and they lack the stamina needed for actively pursu- responses—a testament to the validity of the role
ing death transcendence. Gailliot, Schmeichel, and death concerns play in human motivation. When
Baumeister (2006) reported an inverse relationship it comes to the topic of methodology, however,
between strength of self-control and the accessibility of we should remember that a whopping majority of
death thoughts—people who are good at self-control TMT studies test the mortality salience hypothe-
seem to have lower levels of chronic death-thought sis; that is, they make mortality thoughts salient to
accessibility, while reminders of mortality are shown to assess their effects on the dependent variable (Burke
lead to poorer self-regulation. When we consider that et al., 2010). While this is a powerful and indispens-
lack of self-control would be associated with behaviors able tool to test hypotheses derived from TMT, the
aimed at escaping the self, the moderating role of self- theory would benefit from new and creative meth-
control in the relationship between death thoughts ods to explore the workings of terror management.
and the demand for losing self-awareness becomes In that sense, the increasingly common use of the
apparent: If death thoughts reduce the capacity for death-thought accessibility methodology in the lit-
self-control, they would be even more likely to lead erature (Hayes et al., 2010) is encouraging, though
to self-escapist behaviors. Discovering ways to prevent not sufficient. We encourage researchers to venture
the depletion of self-regulatory resources in the face of beyond the tried-and-true methods.
existential anxiety, or to replenish them, seems thus a Perhaps the most common criticism leveled
worthy goal for future research. against TMT has been that the effects obtained in
In sum, the capacity for existential anxiety is a response to mortality salience may not be unique to
consequence of self-awareness and the existential thoughts of death per se, but are due to some other
burden is felt most deeply when we are self-aware. aversive state elicited by death thoughts (e.g., nega-
In some instances, particularly when the anxiety tive affect, arousal) or some other threat inherent in
buffer is doing a poor job in counteracting exis- the knowledge of mortality (e.g., meaninglessness,
tential anxiety, people might choose to avoid the uncertainty, lack of control). Although some stud-
self-focused state as a way to make the problem of ies have found that threats to one’s meaning system
existence disappear. We have initial evidence on the or sense of certainty produce the same effects as
role of existential anxiety in prompting the desire to those produced by mortality reminders (e.g., Proulx
escape self-awareness; however, we believe that the & Heine, 2008; van den Bos, Poortvliet, Maas,
topic needs to be explored further, given the serious Miedema, & van den Ham, 2005), the bulk of
costs associated with destructive escape strategies. empirical evidence suggests that priming alternative
topics (e.g., meaninglessness, uncertainty, cultural
Remaining Issues and Future Directions values, failure, giving a speech in public, worries
In the preceding sections, we have presented a about life after college, social exclusion, general
myriad of studies demonstrating how existential anxiety, dental pain, general pain, paralysis) typi-
concerns—and particularly death anxiety—can cally fails to produce the same defensive responses
affect human behavior in diverse life domains. While as priming mortality thoughts (Greenberg et al.,
we believe that the preponderance of evidence puts 2008). Additionally, a recent meta-analysis finds
the role of existential anxiety as a motivational force that the effects produced by mortality salience
for the human psyche beyond dispute, questions follow the unique, signature time course—death
and unexplored areas, naturally, remain. We have thoughts have more influence on distal or symbolic
touched upon some of these issues earlier in our dis- TMT defenses after a delay—consistent with the
cussion, and before concluding, we wish to briefly dual process model described by Pyszczynski and
comment on a few others. colleagues (1999). Furthermore, a growing number
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Abstract
Different kinds of motivational orientations provide distinctive ways of perceiving the world, dealing
with life’s inevitable slings and arrows, regulating challenges and opportunities, and creating success.
In this chapter, we explore these differences in the two motivational systems outlined in regulatory
focus theory: the promotion and prevention systems (Higgins, 1997). In particular, we discuss these
systems in terms of the trade-offs in each; what are the benefits and costs of a strong promotion focus?
What are the advantages and drawbacks of a strong prevention focus? We explore the trade-offs of each
system with regard to three significant aspects of self-regulation and motivation: emotional experiences,
the balance between commitment versus exploration, and performance. We conclude by discussing the
importance of constraints on these systems for effective self-regulation and by suggesting avenues for
future research.
Key Words: regulatory focus, motivation, self-regulation, emotion, commitment, performance
Air travel can provide not only logistical but fundamental motivational systems outlined in regu-
also intellectual challenges. When you tell your latory focus theory (Higgins, 1997): the promotion
seatmate that you study motivation, inevitably system and the prevention system. This chapter is
the question arises: “I’m having trouble motivat- a response to our seatmate (i.e., “It is not always
ing (substitute wife, son, employee). How can I get about increasing motivation”), albeit with perhaps
them more motivated?” Such is the typical concep- more nuance and complexity that one dares get
tion of motivation. More is better. The problem is into in Row 22.
always that people are lacking in amount. If the We begin by introducing the promotion and
maximum level of motivation can be achieved, all prevention systems. We then explore what kind of
will be right with the world. And you can never life an individual would have if each system were
have enough. totally unconstrained. In other words, what kind of
This chapter is dedicated to our fellow traveler. life would a purely promotion-focused individual
Is more motivation always better? The answer to face? What kinds of opportunities and challenges
this question, we believe, is consistent with what would a purely prevention-focused individual con-
we face (sometimes resignedly) in most aspects of front? We explore the trade-offs of the pure forms of
life: There are always trade-offs. Having a lot of a each system generally and the trade-offs in relation
good thing means having at least some of a bad to specific situations. For instance, more promotion
thing, too. Strength is intimately connected to may be useful when brainstorming a new ad cam-
weakness. Benefits come at some cost. This chapter paign (Friedman & Förster, 2001), but not so useful
is an exploration of such trade-offs within the two if overseeing the safety of one’s employees (Wallace,
Little, & Shull, 2008). We organize our discussion difference between “0” and “+1.” Promotion-focused
of trade-offs around three significant issues in moti- individuals are less sensitive to negative deviations
vation and self-regulation: emotional life, commit- from the status quo or neutral state, that is, the dif-
ment versus exploration, and performance. Lastly, ference between “0” and “–1” (Brendl & Higgins,
we discuss the importance of constraints on these 1996; Higgins, 1997; Higgins & Tykocinski, 1992).
systems in order to achieve optimal self-regulation. In other words, promotion-focused individuals are
We describe the ways in which the prevention and maximally sensitive to gains versus nongains. Impor-
promotion systems may constrain each other, as well tant gains are those related to their ideals, wishes, and
as how other motivational orientations (e.g., regula- aspirations.
tory mode; Higgins, Kruglanski, & Pierro, 2003) In contrast, the world of a prevention-focused
may also provide constraints on these systems. individual is a world filled with duty. An indi-
vidual who is chronically prevention focused has
Overview of Regulatory Focus Theory been socialized to see that what matters in life is
Building on earlier distinctions (Bowlby, 1969; maintaining satisfactory states by preventing bad
1973; Higgins, 1987; Mowrer, 1960), regulatory things from happening—ensuring the absence ver-
focus theory distinguishes between two coexisting sus presence of negative outcomes. Caretaker–child
motivational systems (promotion, prevention) that interactions that encourage the development of
serve critically important but different survival needs a prevention focus direct attention to security needs
(Higgins, 1997). The systems differ in what funda- and emphasize desired end states as oughts, duties,
mentally motivates (nurturance versus security) and and obligations (Higgins, 1987, 1997; Keller, 2008;
in what regulatory strategies are preferred (eagerness Manian et al., 1998; Manian et al., 2006). Conse-
versus vigilance). Given that each system addresses quently, prevention-focused individuals are con-
a significant survival need, it is not surprising that cerned with safety and responsibility and focus on
people need both systems to be maximally effec- the necessity of maintaining the absence of nega-
tive in the world. However, in any given moment, tive outcomes. This orientation is best served by
one system is likely to predominate over the other, using vigilant avoidance strategies in goal pursuit—
due to either chronic or situational differences in avoiding mismatches to desired end states and
accessibility. In this chapter, we imagine what life avoiding matches to undesired end states (Crowe
would be like if an individual were purely promo- & Higgins, 1997; Higgins et al., 1994; Liberman
tion or prevention focused by exploring the benefits et al., 2001; Molden & Higgins, 2005; Wang &
and costs of the extreme forms of each system. Lee, 2006). This sensitivity to the absence and
The world of a promotion-focused individual is presence of negative outcomes (nonlosses/losses)
a world filled with possibility for advancement. An is reflected in greater assigned significance to the
individual who is chronically promotion focused difference between “0” and “–1” than to the dif-
has been socialized to see that what matters in life is ference between “0” and “+1” (Brendl & Higgins,
making good things happen—seeking the presence 1996; Higgins, 1997; Higgins & Tykocinski, 1992).
versus absence of positive outcomes. Caretaker–child Important nonlosses are those related to duties,
interactions that support the development of a pro- oughts, and responsibilities.
motion focus direct attention to nurturance needs Importantly, although the promotion and pre-
and emphasize desired end states as ideals (Higgins, vention systems are concerned with the regula-
1987, 1997; Keller, 2008; Manian, Papadakis, Strau- tion of different needs, promotion and prevention
man, & Essex, 2006; Manian, Strauman, & Denney, orientations each involve the approach and avoid-
1998). Consequently, promotion-focused indi- ance systems of self-regulation—each involve both
viduals are concerned with growth, advancement, approaching desired end states (e.g., approaching
and accomplishment that are served by using eager nurturance or safety, respectively) and avoiding
approach strategies in goal pursuit—approaching undesired end states (e.g., avoiding nonfulfillment
matches to desired end states and approaching mis- or danger, respectively). In other words, although
matches to undesired end states (Crowe & Higgins, at the strategic level promotion and prevention
1997; Higgins, Roney, Crowe, & Hymes, 1994; relate differentially to eager approach and vigilant
Liberman, Molden, Idson, & Higgins, 2001; Molden avoidance strategies, at the system level each sys-
& Higgins, 2005; Wang & Lee, 2006). Advance- tem is involved in both approach and avoidance
ments that count are those that result in positive (Scholer & Higgins, 2008). These differences mean
deviations from the status quo or neutral state—the that some desired end states will be more valuable
s c h oler, h i g g i n s
because it would represent a nongain, a removal of failure is an extremely painful state precisely because
the previous progress, whereas the satisfactory state its low motivational intensity reflects having no
of “0” would still count as a success for a prevention- interest in engaging with life, a very painful psycho-
focused person. logical condition.
Molden, Lucas, Gardner, Dean, and Knowles The distinct quality of prevention failure impacts
(2009) provide intriguing evidence for how different how individuals anticipate and respond to failure.
kinds of social losses “count” as promotion versus For example, prevention-focused individuals appear
prevention failures. When asked to describe a time to be more susceptible to self-handicapping than
that they “did not belong,” prevention-focused indi- promotion-focused individuals (Hendrix & Hirt,
viduals were more likely to describe a time in which 2009), presumably because self-handicapping is
they were actively rejected (“–1” or an unsatisfac- a tactic for maintaining a current satisfactory state
tory state), whereas promotion-focused individuals (e.g., the belief that you have high ability). In addi-
were more likely to describe a time in which they tion, after experiencing an unfavorable outcome that
had been more passively ignored (no opportunity is represented as an unsatisfactory state, prevention-
to advance from “0” or a nongain). Similarly, Sas- focused individuals are more upset if the process
senberg and Hansen (2007) have shown that social yielding that outcome was fair than unfair (Cropan-
discrimination based on “–1” unsatisfactory states zano, Paddock, Rupp, Bagger, & Baldwin, 2008).
increases distress for prevention-focused, but not Cropanzano et al. (2008) suggest that because the
promotion-focused, participants. fair process does not allow one to easily attribute
In addition to differences in what counts as suc- failure to external causes, it is particularly threat-
cess or failure, the intensity of the experience also ening for prevention-focused individuals (see also
differs for promotion and prevention individuals. Brockner, 2010). As we’ll explore in more depth
For a prevention-focused individual who is sensi- later, however, prevention failure, while painful, can
tive to negative unsatisfactory states, “–1” failure is also energize the system. Promotion failure gener-
unacceptable in a way that it is not for a promotion- ally provides no such benefit.
focused individual, and it is experienced more As described earlier when discussing the plea-
intensely by prevention-focused than promotion- sures and pains of promotion and prevention,
focused individuals (Idson, Liberman, & Higgins, the quality of emotional response to success and
2000). In contrast, “+1” success is more meaning- failure also differs within the promotion and pre-
ful and experienced more intensely for promotion- vention systems. Success in the promotion system
focused than prevention-focused individuals (Idson, reflects the presence of a positive outcome (a gain
Liberman, & Higgins, 2000). This means that the or advancement) and results in cheerfulness-related
potential for positive emotional intensity would be emotions like happiness and joy. In contrast, suc-
greater in the promotion system than the prevention cess in the prevention system reflects the absence of
system, that is, a promotion gain of “+1” is more a negative outcome (maintaining a satisfactory
intense than a prevention nonloss of “+1,” whereas state) and results in quiescence-related emotions like
the potential for negative emotional intensity would peacefulness and calm. Failure in a promotion focus
be greater in the prevention system than the promo- reflects the absence of a positive outcome (nongain
tion system, that is, a prevention unsatisfactory state or nonadvancement) and results in dejection-related
of “–1” is more intense than a promotion nongain emotions like sadness and disappointment. Because
of “–1.” failure in a prevention focus reflects the presence of
It should be emphasized, however, that emo- a negative outcome (an unsatisfactory or dangerous
tional intensity is not the same as level of pleasure state), it results in agitation-related emotions like
or pain. The feeling of peace and calm from preven- anxiety and worry (Higgins, 1997; Shah & Higgins,
tion success is not as intense as the feeling of joy 2001). Consistent with these distinct emotional
and elation from promotion success, but this does sensitivities, individuals in a promotion focus are
not mean that the former is necessarily less pleasant faster at appraising how cheerful or dejected a given
than the latter. Similarly, the feeling of sadness and object makes them feel, whereas individuals in a
discouragement from promotion failure is not as prevention focus are faster at appraising how quies-
intense as the feeling of anxiety and worry from pre- cent or agitated an object makes them feel (Shah &
vention failure, but this does not mean that the for- Higgins, 2001). Furthermore, these distinct emo-
mer is necessarily less painful than the latter. Indeed, tional responses to failure mean that promotion and
the feeling of depression from severe promotion prevention individuals are differentially motivated
s c h oler, h i g g i n s
Vieth et al., 2003) and suicidal ideation (Cornette, which the client was under the mistaken impression
Strauman, Abramson, & Busch, 2009). that attaining prevention goals would lead to the
While promotion-focused individuals may be happiness and satisfaction that she dearly wanted.
particularly susceptible to depression, coping styles Part of the usefulness of the therapy for her (and for
and implicit beliefs about the nature of the failure other clients) appears to be learning that succeeding
may moderate the vulnerability (Cornette et al., or failing at promotion versus prevention goals has
2009; Jones et al., 2009; Papadakis et al, 2006). In distinct emotional consequences.
two studies, individuals who engaged in rumination Less work has been done to examine the link
and who had failures in the promotion system were between the prevention system and anxiety disor-
more likely to show depressive symptoms. Individu- ders (for a recent review, see Klenk, Strauman, &
als who had a more reflective coping style appeared Higgins, 2011). However, some empirical evidence
to be buffered from the link between promotion does suggest that chronic actual-ought discrepan-
failure and depression (Jones et al., 2009; Papadakis cies do predict certain patterns of anxiety (Scott &
et al, 2006). Additionally, individuals who believed O’Hara, 1993; Strauman, 1989; Strauman et al.,
that their promotion failures (actual-ideal discrep- 2001). For instance, Strauman (1989) reported that
ancies) were stable and unchanging were most likely social phobics had higher actual-ought discrepancy
to show a relation between promotion failure and scores relative to depressed or control participants.
suicidal ideation (Cornette et al., 2009). Like reflec- Furthermore, social phobics exhibited increased
tive coping, belief in transitory failure appeared to agitation in response to actual-ought discrepancy
provide a buffer against depression (Cornette et al., priming relative to depressed or control partici-
2009). Together, these studies suggest that it is the pants. Scott and O’Hara (1993) extended this work
“chronic and catastrophic” promotion failures that to show that university students diagnosed with any
are likely to push individuals toward depression one of a number of anxiety disorders (generalized
(Vieth et al., 2003, p. 249). anxiety disorder, panic attacks, agoraphobia, social
Self-system theory (SST) is a recently developed phobia, or obsessive-compulsive disorder) also had
structured psychotherapy to treat the depression higher actual-ought discrepancy scores than nonanx-
that is associated with individuals who have chronic ious or depressed students.
promotion goals and are failing (Vieth et al., 2003). There is no doubt that failure in both the pre-
SST incorporates many principles from other forms vention and promotion systems is painful, albeit
of therapy such as cognitive therapy, interpersonal in different ways. However, as noted earlier, failure
psychotherapy, and behavioral activation therapy. within the prevention system is not only painful but
However, SST uses these principles in service of also unacceptable in a way that promotion failure is
helping patients to identify their promotion and not, in the sense that prevention-focused individu-
prevention goals, their strategies for attaining them, als experience returning to a satisfactory “0” state
the obstacles they have encountered in goal pur- as being a motivational necessity. This has significant
suit, and how they can do things differently and/or implications for the actions that prevention-focused
more effectively. In a randomized trial comparing individuals are willing and motivated to take when
SST with cognitive therapy (Beck, Rush, Shaw, & in an unsatisfactory negative state. For prevention-
Emery, 1979), SST, for individuals with a poor pro- focused individuals, a state of “–1” is intolerable;
motion effectiveness, was found to lead to reduced they should be willing to do whatever is necessary to
symptoms for depression and decreased dysphoric get back to “0” or the status quo. “0” does not hold
responses to promotion goals compared to cognitive the same significance for promotion-focused indi-
therapy (Strauman et al., 2006). The effectiveness of viduals. While ultimately they are motivated to get
SST speaks to the importance of understanding the to “+1,” any progress away from “–1” is in service
trade-offs and vulnerabilities within a given motiva- of that end; the status quo (“0”) holds no special
tional system. meaning as the state they want to reach. Conse-
The success of SST also supports the idea that quently, when individuals are in an unsatisfactory
some awareness of the trade-offs within systems may state of “-1,” it is prevention-focused individuals,
also be beneficial. As part of the educational and rather than promotion-focused individuals, who
goal-setting aspects of the theory, therapist and cli- have been found to be especially motivated to take
ent discuss the implications of the different concerns risks that have the possibility of returning them to
of the promotion and prevention systems. Interest- the status quo (Scholer, Zou, Fujita, Stroessner, &
ingly, Vieth et al. (2003) describe a case study in Higgins, 2010). For prevention-focused individuals
s c h oler, h i g g i n s
the preferred strategy, leaving the individual even are the benefits and costs of a system that pushes
more vulnerable to the potential downsides. for commitment versus a system that embraces
Promotion-focused individuals may, at times, be exploration?
overly optimistic and overeager (even manic), when
a dose of realism would serve them well. Promotion- If It’s Not Broke, Don’t Fix It
focused individuals may be less attentive to failure A number of aspects of the prevention system
and areas that need improvement, which has the converge to make prevention-focused individuals
potential to reduce the effectiveness of learning. more likely to stay committed to a current course of
Promotion-focused individuals, for instance, are action and less open to change in general. Increased
more likely to develop illusions of control regarding prevention focus is associated with increased valu-
uncontrollable outcomes (Langens, 2007). While ation of security and decreased valuation of open-
these illusions of control can help buffer them against ness to change (Higgins, 2008; Leikas, Lönnqvist,
the harsh realities of the world (Taylor, Lerner, Sher- Verkasalo, & Lindeman, 2009; Vaughn, Baumann,
man, Sage, & McDowell, 2003), such illusions can, & Klemann, 2008). Prevention-focused individuals,
at times, be problematic. Eagerness carried too far concerned with duties and obligations, are particu-
simply leaves them untethered to reality. larly likely to construe goals and actions as neces-
Promotion-focused individuals are also vulner- sities (Shah & Higgins, 1997). To the extent that
able to the strategic nonfit of failure to their system. existing goals and loyalties are perceived as duties
Accumulated failures deliver such a punch of non- that must be upheld, prevention-focused individu-
fitness to the system from reduced eagerness that it als should cling more tightly to what they have (cf.
can begin to break down, producing the anhedonia Brickman, 1987). Furthermore, duties and obliga-
of depression (no interest in anything) discussed tions often involve responsibility to others. A num-
earlier (Strauman, 2002; Strauman et al., 2006). ber of studies have found support for an association
Prevention-focused individuals, on the other hand, between prevention focus and interdependent self-
may be overly attentive to negative signals, when construals, such that prevention-focused individu-
a dose of optimism would serve them well. They als are more likely to view themselves within the
may not give themselves or others enough credit for context of a broader social network (Aaker & Lee,
success and may be less likely to adopt those posi- 2001; Lee, Aaker, & Gardner, 2000) and are more
tive illusions that can buffer against a number of motivated by leadership styles that emphasize a
negative health outcomes (Taylor et al., 2003). Fur- sense of organizational duty and self-sacrifice (Choi
thermore, while strategic vigilance generally serves & Mai-Dalton, 1999). Additionally, the prevention
them well, taken too far it may be problematic, even individual’s acute sensitivity to loss and preference
to the extent of producing pathological generalized for vigilant strategies creates reluctance to take leaps
anxiety disorder (Higgins, 2006; Klenk et al., 2011). that might expose him or her to potentially greater
Thus, while strong promotion and prevention sys- losses (Crowe & Higgins, 1997; Idson & Higgins,
tems both provide many benefits, the strengths do 2000).
not come without the possibility of downsides in Several studies support the idea that prevention
life experiences as well. focus is associated with commitment to the status
quo (Chernev, 2004; Crowe & Higgins, 1997; Jain,
Trade-offs in Commitment Versus Lindsey, Agrawal, & Maheswaran, 2007; Liberman,
Exploration Idson, Camacho, & Higgins, 1999). For instance,
Effective self-regulation requires both an ability prevention-focused participants are more likely to
to stay the course (even when sometimes difficult) want to continue working on an interrupted task
as well as an openness to change course when nec- rather than begin a new one (Liberman et al.,
essary. Staying the course involves commitment, 1999). The endowment effect, in which people
whether that is commitment to a goal, individual, value an object more simply because they possess it,
or group. Openness to changing courses involves is uniquely associated with the prevention, but not
exploration, whether that is exploring other goals, promotion, system (Liberman et al., 1999). When
other products, or other relationships. The preven- prevention-focused individuals’ initial preference in
tion system, all else being equal, excels at com- a consumer choice paradigm is framed as the status
mitment. The promotion system, all else being quo, they are particularly likely to stick with their
equal, excels at exploration. In this section, we initial choice (Chernev, 2004). Prevention-focused
explore the trade-offs of each system in turn; what people’s commitment to “the way things are” is also
s c h oler, h i g g i n s
& Higgins, 1997). When the world is construed unacceptable state. For instance, when individuals
in terms of duty and obligations, a relatively low have fallen below the status quo, as in a stock invest-
expectancy does not necessarily diminish com- ment paradigm, prevention-focus strength, but not
mitment for an important goal. If a goal is really promotion-focus strength, predicts a willingness
valuable, such as maintaining a certain GPA being to take risks that have the possibility of returning
experienced as a necessity, then expectancy becomes participants to the status quo (Scholer et al., 2010).
irrelevant. And, again, there is a trade-off. While Thus, when change allows an individual to avoid
this prevention-focused orientation can support losses, prevention-focused individuals should be
greater commitment to significant goals, the poten- especially motivated to take action.
tial downside is that preferences and choices might The dynamics discussed in the previous para-
not be optimized. graph highlight an important issue. Prevention-
Nonetheless, greater commitment to important focused individuals are not arbitrarily committed
goals does have a number of benefits. Prevention- to embracing the status quo and eschewing risk
focused individuals who are chronically or tempo- and change. It is not a love affair with the status
rarily concerned about health issues are more likely quo itself, but with what the status quo represents.
to engage in health care–taking behaviors, such as These preferences serve their underlying motiva-
monitoring their health or signing up for cancer tion to achieve security and act in accordance with
screenings (Uskul, Keller, & Oyserman, 2008). duties and obligations. When things are going well
Fuglestad et al. (2008) also found that prevention- and the world appears relatively safe, conservative
focused individuals were more successful at main- biases in action (i.e., avoiding errors of commission)
taining changes after successful initiation (weight support the prevention system (Crowe & Higgins,
loss and smoking cessation) than were promotion- 1997; Friedman & Förster, 2001). However, when
focused individuals. Because successful behav- things are not going well, the tactics that support
ior maintenance for changes like weight loss and the system may shift (Scholer & Higgins, 2008).
smoking cessation requires being vigilant against For instance, while erring on the side of misses in
backslides (Rothman, 2000), prevention-focused a signal detection paradigm supports prevention
individuals may be particularly equipped for these motivation when the targets are neutral or positive,
kinds of challenges. Indeed, prevention-focused this tactical approach is folly when the targets are
individuals outperform promotion-focused indi- negative. Under these circumstances, prevention
viduals under conditions in which they must resist focus is associated with a risky bias (i.e., avoiding
distraction in order to stay focused on a focal task errors of omission); missing a negative signal (e.g.,
(Freitas, Liberman, & Higgins, 2002). the potential mugger across the street) would be
It is important to note that commitment to duties a serious threat to safety (Scholer, Stroessner, &
and obligations sometimes means that prevention- Higgins, 2008).
focused individuals will actually initiate action or The concern with missing negative signals and
change more quickly than promotion-focused indi- a desire to “play it safe” has a number of upsides
viduals. If the current state is deemed to be an unac- for prevention-focused individuals. Prevention-
ceptable, unsatisfactory state or if change itself is focused individuals are more likely to fiercely
represented as a duty or responsibility, prevention- defend that to which they are committed, whether
focused individuals may be especially likely to take that is a favorite product, their goals, or their close
action. Necessities and duties cannot be put away relationships. Prevention-focused individuals are
for another day. Individuals who are told that a likely to vigilantly monitor against potential health
product can prevent something negative (versus threats and to maintain health changes because of
achieve something positive) remember more about their vigilance against potential slippage. Because
the product and are more likely to sign up to test prevention-focused individuals are less likely to
the product, as long as goal relevance is high (Poels even consider how green the grass is on another hill,
& Dewitte, 2008). Prevention-focused participants they are more likely to be content with the hill on
initiate work on important goals (e.g., applying for which they stand, which is a definite plus for their
a fellowship) earlier than promotion-focused par- marital partners.
ticipants (Freitas, Liberman, Salovey, & Higgins, However, putting aside the issue of marriage for
2002). Furthermore, because prevention-focused a moment, sometimes other hills do offer better
individuals are sensitive to loss, they will be moti- grass or better vistas. Prevention-focused individuals
vated to do whatever it takes to get out of a current may miss opportunities to improve their situation
s c h oler, h i g g i n s
prevention-focused individuals. Even when in a long- individuals are less likely to miss opportunities
term relationship, promotion-focused individuals and more likely to extract all that they can from
show more positive evaluations of romantic alterna- what the world has to offer (Galinsky, Leonardelli,
tives than prevention-focused individuals. Although Okhuysen, & Mussweiler, 2005). Yet promotion-
it is generally the case that individuals evaluate focused individuals run the risk of always being
romantic alternatives less positively when they are on the make and never being satisfied with what
committed to their current relationship, this effect they have. At times, promotion-focused individu-
is attenuated for promotion-focused individuals als may have trouble committing to relationships,
(Finkel et al., 2009). While the promotion-focused goals, or objects because of the nagging possibility
individual might be more likely to initially see the that still more could be gained. Promotion-focused
good in someone, he or she is also more likely to turn individuals may also run into trouble because they
away and see the better in someone else. have not paid enough attention to negative signals.
Because promotion-focused individuals are more For instance, promotion-focused individuals may
likely to make decisions in accordance with potential minimize accrued losses by focusing on the gains.
gains, they may open themselves up to unintended Furthermore, because they are less concerned with
losses. Again, there is a trade-off. At times, an igno- the difference between “–1” and “0,” promotion-
rance or inattention to losses can be beneficial. For focused individuals may be less likely to take action
instance, promotion-focused individuals are more when things, in fact, are not satisfactory.
successful at initiating certain health changes such
as weight loss and smoking cessation, and Fuglestad Trade-offs in Performance
et al. (2008) suggest that this is because successful Both promotion and prevention-focused indi-
initiation of such behaviors is often motivated by viduals are motivated to perform well. As we’ve
the perception of substantial gains (Foster, Wadden, discussed previously, the systems are differentially
Vogt, & Brewer, 1997). Thus, promotion-focused sensitive to a number of factors that have the poten-
individuals may rise to the initiation challenge more tial to influence performance—different kinds of
eagerly than prevention-focused individuals. desired end states (nurturance versus safety), out-
Yet seeing the world through gains-colored comes (success versus failure), and strategies (eager-
glasses can also get promotion-focused individuals ness versus vigilance). In this section, we discuss
in trouble. When one is focused on possible gains additional differences between the systems that
(e.g., getting to enjoy this divine torte), it can be impact productivity and performance. While the
easy to miss the possible losses (e.g., not fitting promotion system values speed, the prevention sys-
into one’s favorite jeans tomorrow). For example, tem values accuracy (Förster, Higgins, & Bianco,
promotion-focused individuals who tend to be 2003). A promotion-focused individual is more
chronic thrill-seekers are more likely to engage in likely to see the big picture, whereas a prevention-
health-detrimental behaviors, such as using stimu- focused individual is more likely to see the dots of
lants to “push through” an illness (Uskul et al., paint (Förster & Higgins, 2005; Semin, Higgins,
2008). If good health is seen as just another posi- de Montes, Estourget, & Valencia, 2005). Promo-
tive outcome (and not a necessity), it may be more tion focus facilitates creativity, while a prevention
likely to be overridden by other, conflicting goals. focus facilitates performance on analytical tasks
Promotion-focused individuals may not as easily (Friedman & Förster, 2001; Seibt & Förster, 2004).
resist tempting distractions (Freitas et al., 2002). As we develop later, these differences have distinct
Sengupta and Zhou (2007) have also shown that advantages and disadvantages within each system.
impulsive eaters, relative to nonimpulsive eaters, are Furthermore, unlike some of the trade-offs that
more likely to show promotion system activation we’ve discussed in earlier sections, these trade-offs
upon exposure to a tempting food; this activation are often more closely tied to specific situations;
mediates the effect of impulsivity on choice of the for example, whether enhanced creativity will be
tempting food. a boon or a bust typically depends on the demands
Promotion-focused individuals hold the world of a given task.
on a string. It can be a beautiful world, full of hope, The promotion system is associated with greater
possibility, and promise. Any peak experience may creativity (Crowe & Higgins, 1997; Friedman
be topped tomorrow and the promotion-focused & Förster, 2001) and a tendency to engage in
individual believes that you should never stop look- more global processing (Förster & Higgins, 2005),
ing. Because of this worldview, promotion-focused including the use of more abstract language
s c h oler, h i g g i n s
This motivational concern with accuracy is also what matters most is that a task is done right, even
reflected in the prevention system’s greater con- if that requires more time. When task complexity is
cern with safety (Henning et al., 2009; Van Noort, high, promotion focus is associated with increased
Kerkhof, & Fennis, 2008; Wallace & Chen, 2006; productivity performance and decreased safety per-
Wallace et al., 2008). Whether or not this focus on formance (Wallace et al., 2008). Being less con-
accuracy and safety is beneficial for performance cerned about safety can have potentially devastating
depends on the demands of the situation. In many impacts on overall production if a serious mistake is
situations, accuracy and thoroughness in perfor- made or a significant accident occurs.
mance is valued. At times, however, in order to
manage multiple demands, it is better to simply get Constraining the Systems
a task done adequately, rather than complete only Being “more” motivated, in terms of increased
part of it well. Additionally, while high produc- promotion or prevention system activation, is
tion and safe production can often coexist, there not unequivocally a good thing. While increased
are times when one must be sacrificed for the other. strength of either the promotion system or the
Wallace et al. (2008) found that under normal con- prevention system can have beneficial effects for
ditions, prevention focus was related to good safety well-being and self-regulation, one system is not
performance and was unrelated to productivity per- better than the other, nor does increased motiva-
formance. Under high task complexity, however, tion within a system come without costs. Rather,
the trade-offs between these concerns became hard as we’ve explored in this chapter, with the increased
to avoid, with prevention also becoming related benefits of more motivation come distinctive vul-
to decreased productivity performance (the classic nerabilities. Some weaknesses/costs exist regardless
quality vs. quantity trade-off). of an individual’s situation. For instance, in general,
In contrast to the prevention system, the promo- increased promotion focus is related to increased
tion system values speed in performance (Förster risk of depression (Strauman, 2002). Some costs
et al., 2003). The more quickly a task can be com- emerge only under specific conditions. For example,
pleted, the more quickly an individual can move on the prevention system’s concern with accuracy will
to the next potential gain. A job well done is a job be particularly problematic in situations that value
done quickly and efficiently. Promotion-focused speed or output quantity, not thoroughness or out-
individuals generally perform faster and with less put quality. Additionally, some vulnerabilities may
accuracy than prevention-focused individuals, with emerge when individuals are out of step with the
these effects intensifying the closer participants get dominant motivational orientation in their culture,
to a goal (Förster et al., 2003). Similarly, promotion as when well-being is reduced for individuals high
focus is associated with increased productivity per- in promotion focus who live in a culture such as
formance (Wallace & Chen, 2006; Wallace et al., Japan that is low in promotion as an aggregate (Ful-
2008). mer et al., 2010) or for individuals high in preven-
The promotion system is also associated with tion focus who live in a culture such as Italy that
increased reliance on affective information when is low in prevention. These individuals can “feel
making decisions and forming evaluations, which wrong” in and disengage from the situations within
may be due, at least in part, to the fact that affect- their culture that are a nonfit for them (cf. Higgins,
based heuristics tend to less effortful and faster 2008). In many different ways, then, it is clear that
(Pham & Avnet, 2009). Under the right conditions, the pure, unconstrained forms of each system pres-
this emphasis on speed can serve the promotion- ent challenges.
focused individual very well, sometimes not even Because of these challenges, constraints on
at the cost of accuracy. For instance, Förster et al. the systems are important, both for effective self-
(2003) found that, as predicted, promotion-focused regulation and optimal well-being (Higgins, 2011).
individuals were faster at finishing a proofreading Constraints allow for the systems to be kept in
task compared to prevention-focused individuals. check. Constraints allow for flexible responding,
This speed, however, was actually associated with such that promotion or prevention moments can
better performance for finding “easy” mistakes; while shine brighter, less tarnished by potential down-
promotion-focused individuals were less likely to sides. Idealism can be reigned in by reminders of
spot tricky or difficult errors, they were more likely duties or possible dangers. Performance can be opti-
to catch the obvious problems. At other times, how- mized when one balances the need for speed with
ever, the trade-offs are more evident. Sometimes a concern for accuracy. Constraints can come in
s c h oler, h i g g i n s
is not whether individuals are in a prevention- versus 2011). Future research will need to investigate how
promotion-focused state, but whether individuals promotion, prevention, locomotion and assessment
are in a state of regulatory fit, that is, pursuing goals motivations function together effectively. It is this
using means that fit their underlying motivational full organization of motivations, working together,
orientation (Higgins, 2000). For instance, while in that is critical.
some situations prevention-focused individuals may
be better at exhibiting self-control (e.g., resisting References
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Abstract
Self-determination theory maintains and has provided empirical support for the proposition that all
human beings have fundamental psychological needs to be competent, autonomous, and related to
others. Satisfaction of these basic needs facilitates people’s autonomous motivation (i.e., acting with a
sense of full endorsement and volition), whereas thwarting the needs promotes controlled motivation
(i.e., feeling pressured to behave in particular ways) or being amotivated (i.e., lacking intentionality).
Satisfying these basic needs and acting autonomously have been consistently shown to be associated with
psychological health and effective performance. Social contexts within which people operate, however
proximal (e.g., a family or workgroup) or distal (e.g., a cultural value or economic system), affect their
need satisfaction and type of motivation, thus affecting their wellness and effectiveness. Social contexts
also affect whether people’s life goals or aspirations tend to be more intrinsic or more extrinsic, and
that in turn affects important life outcomes.
Key Words: self-determination, autonomy, motivation, control, autonomy support, social contexts,
intrinsic motivation, life goals, autonomous motivation, embedded social contexts
To be autonomous means to behave with a sense and creativity in their life activities, relationships,
of volition, willingness, and congruence; it means and life projects.
to fully endorse and concur with the behavior one Yet autonomy is not just an individual affair.
is engaged in. Autonomy—this capacity for and Across history, groups of people have struggled to
desire to experience self-regulation and integrity—is protect or gain autonomy, and to be free of coer-
a central force within both the life span develop- cive forces from their own dictatorial governments
ment of individuals and in the movement of history or from invasions by other collectives. They have
toward greater freedom and voice for citizens within fought, and often died, to be free of oppression, as
cultures and governments. well as to express and actualize their valued aims
In healthy individual development, people and ideals. These struggles continue today, with
move in the direction of greater autonomy. This respect to both totalitarian regimes and the con-
entails internalizing and integrating external trolling forces of wealth and power wherever they
regulations over behavior, and learning to effec- subjugate or disenfranchise individuals or cultural
tively manage drives and emotions. Additionally, subgroups.
it means maintaining intrinsic motivation and Although autonomy is clearly a central issue in
interest, which are vital to assimilating new ideas both individual and collective development and
and experiences. When people are more autono- wellness, it is nonetheless a complex construct,
mous, they exhibit greater engagement, vitality, manifest in different ways. Within self-determination
theory (SDT), the concept of autonomy is, at The majority of research within SDT has focused
different times, used to refer to a motivational state, on people’s proximal social contexts and the salient
to an enduring motivational orientation, and to people within them: parents, teachers, coaches,
a fundamental psychological need, depending on managers, friends, physicians, and partners, for
what problem is being addressed. Each of these example (e.g., Deci & Ryan, 2008). Yet it is not
more specific concepts relates to the formulations just these immediate social connections that affect
of autonomy and autonomy support within SDT, people’s development and functioning, because
and the purpose of this chapter is to discuss these each proximal interpersonal context is embedded in
multiple aspects of the construct and their mean- various other more distal ones. For example, class-
ings within theory and practice. room teachers create the interpersonal climate that
A central function served by the concept of affects the motivation of students on a daily basis,
autonomy within SDT is to differentiate types yet the classrooms are embedded within schools
of motivation with their corresponding qualities where key administrators also create broader cli-
of functioning. Many historical and contemporary mates, affecting the teachers’ motivation, goals, and
theories of motivation have treated motivation as a behaviors (Deci, Spiegel, Ryan, Koestner, & Kauff-
unitary concept, either by not specifying types of man, 1982; Pelletier, Séguin-Lévesque, & Legault,
motivation or by specifying types but then add- 2002). Schools in turn are embedded within school
ing them together to form total motivation (e.g., districts, and the key administrators of the districts
Bandura, 1996; Hull, 1943). Such theories have affect the behaviors, motivations, and experiences
sometimes been able to effectively predict amount of principals, and then onward down to teachers
of behavior, but they have been much less effective and students. District administrators, in turn, are
in predicting qualities of behaviors. SDT maintains impacted by local, state, and national government
that knowing whether people’s motivation is more policies, which themselves will tend to be either
autonomous or more controlled is far more important autonomy supportive or controlling.
for making predictions about the quality of people’s Ryan and Weinstein (2009) discussed an exam-
engagement, performance, and well-being than is ple of embedded effects, detailing how government
the overall amount or intensity of motivation. And policies concerning high-stakes testing have had
even more refined predictions can be made from the a coercive influence on educational administra-
subtypes of either autonomous or controlled moti- tors’ objectives and in turn on classroom practices.
vation, as we will explain in the pages ahead. This has resulted in more teaching to tests, and less
teacher and student autonomy, engagement, and
Motivation Within Embedded Contexts satisfaction at the bottom of this chain of embedded
Motivated individuals exist within social con- contexts. In short, increasingly distal contexts such
texts, and research indicates that contexts vary in as government policies can affect individuals (in this
the degree to which they support the individuals’ example, the students), primarily via mediation by
autonomy versus control their behaviors, thoughts, the important intervening contexts (viz., state gov-
and feelings. Furthermore, at any given time peo- ernments, district administrators, principals, and
ple are under the influence of numerous embedded teachers). This is true not only in relation to educa-
contexts (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Connell & Well- tion; one sees similar embedded context affects in
born, 1991). Both proximal interpersonal contexts relation to work organizations, sport teams, health
(e.g., the behavior of people’s parents or managers) care practices, and in many other domains.
and distal contexts (e.g., the cultural norms and At the most distal levels of analysis, considerable
economic structures of their society) can variously research has examined how cultural contexts and
support or undermine intrinsic motivation and the values (e.g., individualism and collectivism) affect
integrative tendency, which together are the bases and characterize individual motivation and behav-
of autonomous behavior. Thus, SDT uses the qual- iors (e.g. Chirkov, Ryan, Kim, & Kaplan, 2003).
ity of the social contexts within which people exist, Typically, the research focuses only on how various
as well as the individuals’ own motivational states, cultural dimensions describe individuals within
orientations, and experiences of need satisfaction, a culture, but presumably much of the effect of the
to make predictions about such outcomes as the culture ripples through different embedded con-
quality of behaviors, emotional experiences, cog- texts at both distal and proximal levels. Parents
nitive structures, and psychological and physical and schools, for example, serve to transmit their
health. cultures’ values to the young people within those
d ec i , rya n
tendency toward integration and organization of people will often be eagerly engaged in activities
psychic material. This process includes taking in because they enjoy the process of accomplishing
or internalizing various types of information from some task or goal. At work or in sport, for example,
the external world (e.g., values, attitudes, contin- people may be very immersed in doing a task well
gencies, and knowledge), as well as integrating the and experience deep satisfaction of competence and
regulation of internal forces (e.g., drives and emo- autonomy needs as they do.
tions). These two fundamental assumptions are In contrast to intrinsic motivation, extrinsic moti-
extremely important for our discussion of autono- vation involves doing an activity because it leads to
mous motivation, because autonomous motiva- a separable consequence—the goal is separate from
tion comprises two broad categories of motivation: the activity itself. Carrots (rewards or accolades) and
intrinsic motivation, which is a manifestation of sticks (punishments or threats) are the classic extrin-
our active nature and is the prototype of autono- sic motivators. Extrinsic motivation, when driven
mous motivation; and well-internalized extrinsic by such classic contingencies, is often experienced
motivation, which develops because of the natu- as controlled—that is, people often feel pressured,
ral integrative tendency that is the basis of healthy through the seduction of rewards or the coercion of
development. Thus, nonintrinsic, socially transmit- threats, to do a task. Their behavior tends to become
ted motivations and regulations can become fully dependent on the contingencies, so they do not do
internalized and form the basis for autonomous or the behaviors if the contingencies are not opera-
self-determined extrinsically motivated behavior tive. To the extent that people do feel controlled by
(e.g., Ryan & Deci, 2003). extrinsic motivators, their need for autonomy will
Intrinsic motivation involves doing an activity be thwarted and some negative motivational, per-
because it is interesting and enjoyable. It is often said formance, and well-being consequences are likely to
that when people are intrinsically motivated, doing follow. Extrinsic motivation is not invariantly con-
the activity is its own reward. However, although trolled, however, and to account for this phenom-
it may be heuristically useful to think about it that enon, SDT has differentiated extrinsic motivation
way, a more precise way of defining intrinsic motiva- using the concept of internalization.
tion is in terms of the inherently satisfying internal
conditions that occur when doing an intrinsically Differentiation of Extrinsic Motivation
motivated behavior, thus helping to sustain it. These As noted, the classic example of being extrinsi-
inherent satisfactions (experienced directly as inter- cally motivated is acting in the pursuit of rewards
est and enjoyment) derive primarily from experi- or the avoidance of punishments. Within SDT
ences of competence and autonomy as well as, in we refer to this as external regulation, which is the
some cases, from relatedness. type of regulation emphasized in operant psychol-
One typically delightful example of intrinsically ogy (Skinner, 1953). External regulation is a highly
motivated behavior is children playing. In play, chil- controlling form of motivation. Here the focus is on
dren are often wholly absorbed in activities, experi- contingencies that are controlled by external agents,
encing a sense of interest and joy as they manipulate along with the resulting outcomes. However, Ryan,
objects and explore their environments. As this Connell, and Deci (1985) argued that people have
occurs, their basic psychological needs for compe- an inclination, as part of the inherent integrative
tence and autonomy are likely being met, as they process, to internalize the regulation of behaviors
self-organize their actions and experience effectance. that are valued by important others in their envi-
And through play, the children are learning. With ronments. Parents may convey to their children
adults as well, learning can be intrinsically moti- that they value an activity by doing it themselves,
vated; people sometimes learn simply because they and the children may thus internalize the value of
find the material or activity interesting. This is espe- the behavior. Ryan and colleagues further argued
cially important because studies have shown that, that although internalization is typically treated as
when children (Grolnick & Ryan, 1987) or college a dichotomous concept—that is, as being either
students (Benware & Deci, 1984) are intrinsically external to the person or internal (Sears, Maccoby,
motivated to learn, their learning tends to be deeper & Levin, 1957)—it is useful to recognize that val-
and more conceptual, and they tend to remember ues or behavioral regulations can be internalized to
it longer, than when the learning is extrinsically differing degrees.
motivated by grades or rewards. Similarly, accom- Specifically, Ryan et al. described three different
plishment can be intrinsically motivated; that is, types of internalization that differ in the degree to
d ec i , rya n
intrinsic motivation to learning in an Eastern 2008). Stated differently, autonomy facilitates inte-
culture. Boiché, Sarrazin, Grouzet, and Pelletier grated action, need fulfillment, and wellness.
(2008) assessed autonomous motivation (both To summarize, we have reviewed just a few of the
intrinsic and identified) of high school physical hundreds of studies, done in multiple domains and
education students and found that students who cultures and with participants of varied ages, that
were more autonomously motivated performed have shown that more autonomous motivations
better in the course activities than those who were are more effective than controlled motivations with
lower on autonomous motivation. Lévesque, Zue- respect to learning, performing effectively, behaving
hlke, Stanek, and Ryan (2004) found that autono- in healthier ways, and other important outcomes.
mous motivation (as well as perceived competence)
in both German and American college students Causality Orientations
positively predicted their well-being. Pelletiere, For- The autonomous and controlled motivations
tier, Vallerand, and Brière (2001) found that elite being addressed thus far have been either (1)
swimmers who were more autonomously motivated state-level motivations that people experience at
persisted at their sport longer than those who were a particular time and that might be prompted by
more controlled in their motivation. a particular situation, or (2) domain-specific moti-
Studies have also shown that when people are vations—motivations in school, at home, or at
more autonomously motivated for changing their work, for example—that are somewhat more stable
health-compromising behaviors—for example, than state motivations but apply just to specific
stopping smoking, eating a healthier diet, or exer- areas of life. Yet autonomous functioning can also
cising more regularly—they are more successful be studied at a more global, or individual difference,
in changing such behaviors and maintaining the level, as specified within Vallerand’s (1997) hierar-
changes over time. Such findings have been verified chical model of motivation. Individual differences
in multiple ways, including through physiological (i.e., between-person differences) in personality can
indicators such as decreases in glycosylated hemo- have influences across domains and over time. We
globin and LDL cholesterol (e.g., Williams, Freed- refer to this level of analysis of motivational types as
man, & Deci, 1998; Williams, McGregor, Sharp, causality orientations, and SDT specifies three such
Kouides, et al., 2006). In a similar vein, studies have orientations—autonomous, controlled, and imper-
shown that when clients are more autonomous in sonal orientations—and maintains that all people
their motivation for participating in psychotherapy, have each orientation to some degree.
they experience more successful outcomes, such as The autonomy orientation is defined as the degree
decreased depression (Pelletier, Tuson, & Haddad, to which people tend to be generally autonomous
1997; Zuroff et al., 2007). Other research has shown and also to interpret the environment as both being
that people who are more autonomously motivated supportive of their autonomy and providing infor-
behave in healthier ways, such as consuming alcohol mation relevant to choices they are making. When
responsibly (Pavey & Sparks, 2009). autonomy oriented, people regulate behavior on the
Research has further shown that autonomous basis of interests and abiding values. The controlled
motivation promotes not only behaviors that are orientation indexes the level to which people are
personally healthy, but it also leads to behaviors that controlled across domains of their lives and inter-
promote well-being of the collective. For example, pret environments as being pressuring and coer-
Séguin, Pelletier, and Hunsley (1999) found that cive. When control oriented, people are focused on
people who were more autonomously motivated to rewards or punishments, both tangible and social, in
engage in pro-environmental behaviors sought out the regulation of behavior. The impersonal orienta-
more information about environmental health risks tion refers to a general sense of not being intentional
and acted more pro-environmentally. or motivated and of seeing the environment as pro-
Furthermore, across these and other domains, viding obstacles to getting desired outcomes. When
research suggests that people who are more autono- impersonally oriented, people feel little agency, and
mously motivated display greater psychological often fail to regulate their behavior effectively.
wellness (e.g., Ryan et al., 1993; Sheldon, Ryan, Considerable research has shown that the auton-
Deci, & Kasser, 2004). This is important because omy orientation is positively associated with self-
SDT assumes that when afforded autonomy people actualization, self-esteem, ego development, and
are more apt to behave in ways that further their the tendency to support autonomy in others; it is
own capabilities and thriving (Vansteenkiste et al., also negatively associated with many indicators of
d ec i , rya n
Pursuing Intrinsic and Extrinsic Aspirations The SDT interpretation of the results for aspi-
Especially studied in this regard are aspirations or rations is that the intrinsic goals are quite directly
life goals that people value, pursue, and sometimes related to satisfaction of the basic psychologi-
attain. Kasser and Ryan (1996) found that, when cal needs. Personal growth, for example, is closely
participants reported how much importance they related to becoming more integrated and autono-
placed on a variety of life goals, the goals separated mous, as well as somewhat more competent and,
into two factors that the investigators referred to as most likely, more related to others because personal
extrinsic and intrinsic aspirations or life goals. The growth tends to make satisfying relationships easier.
extrinsic aspirations that have been studied most Furthermore, both meaningful relationships and
are accumulating wealth, becoming famous, or hav- community involvement are strongly tied to satis-
ing an attractive image. The intrinsic ones that have faction of the relatedness need and they are likely
gotten considerable empirical attention are personal to relate to people feeling more autonomous and
growth, developing meaningful relationships, con- competent to the extent that the goals are pursued
tributing to the community, and being physically volitionally (e.g., see Weinstein & Ryan, 2010). In
fit and healthy. contrast, the extrinsic aspirations are typically at
Much of the research has examined the associa- best only indirectly related to basic need satisfac-
tion between the relative strength of the extrinsic tion, and they may in many cases be antagonistic
versus intrinsic life goal pursuits and their relations to satisfaction of the basic needs. For example, the
to various indicators of psychological health and pursuit of wealth is likely to leave people feeling less
well-being. Consistently, the studies have shown autonomous, as acting in the service of monetary
that when people’s aspirations for pursuing extrinsic rewards has been shown to undermine autonomy,
outcomes are relatively stronger than their aspira- and, furthermore, the time devoted to the pursuit
tions for pursuing intrinsic outcomes, individuals of wealth is likely to interfere with relatedness sat-
tend to have lower self-esteem and self-actualization, isfaction. Similar kinds of arguments can be made
as well as higher depression, anxiety, narcissism, and for fame and image when they are highly valued as
Machiavellianism, among other outcomes (e.g., life goals.
Kasser & Ryan, 1993; McHoskey, 1999). They also
engage more in high risk behaviors (Williams, Cox, Attaining Intrinsic and Extrinsic
Hedberg, & Deci, 2000). Aspirations
Some commentators (e.g., Carver & Baird, 1998) Recently, Niemiec, Ryan, and Deci (2009)
have suggested that the reason pursuing extrinsic goals examined how the attainment (rather than the pur-
is related to poorer psychological health than is pursu- suit) of intrinsic versus extrinsic aspirations contrib-
ing intrinsic goals is that extrinsic goals are likely to be utes to wellness versus distress in early adulthood.
pursued for controlled motives, whereas intrinsic goals The study followed young adults beginning 1 year
are likely to be pursued for autonomous motives. In after they had graduated from college (Time 1) and
other words, they argued that the problem is not in ending 1 year after that (Time 2). At the beginning
“what” was being pursued (the extrinsic goal) but in and end of that year four important concepts were
“why” it was being pursued (the controlled motive). assessed: (1) the personal importance of intrinsic
Sheldon et al. (2004) tested this reasoning in three and extrinsic goals, (2) the level of attainment of
studies. They found that there was indeed a correla- intrinsic and extrinsic goals, (3) the degree of sat-
tion between the “what” and the “why” of behavior— isfaction of the basic psychological needs, and (4)
people more oriented toward extrinsic goals did tend indicators of both well-being and ill-being. Results
to be more controlled and those oriented toward showed first that the importance people place on
the intrinsic goals did tend to be more autonomous. goals at Time 1 strongly predicted attainment of
However, when both the goals and the motives were those goals at Time 2, and this was true for both
entered simultaneously into regression analyses to intrinsic and extrinsic goals. People tended to
predict well-being, results showed that both the what attain that which they considered important. Sec-
and the why accounted for independent variance. ond, increases in the attainment of intrinsic goals
That is, what people pursue and why they pursue it over the year related to increases in well-being and
both make a significant difference in their psycho- to decreases in ill-being over that period. In con-
logical well-being. In short, being controlled in one’s trast, increases in attainment of extrinsic goals did
motivation and pursuing extrinsic aspirations are not predict increases in well-being but did predict
both negative predictors of well-being. symptoms of ill-being. Finally, the research showed
d ec i , rya n
to end up thwarting autonomy and undermining the individuals are encouraged to experiment and
intrinsic motivation. are provided some choice; and the use of control-
Other research revealed that threats of punish- ling language and contingencies is minimized. In
ment, deadlines, evaluations, surveillance, and contrast, controlling contexts are ones that pres-
pressured competition also decreased intrinsic sure people to think, feel, or behave in specific ways
motivation because they too are often experienced (Deci & Ryan, 2000) through the use of coercive
as thwarting the autonomy need (see Ryan & Deci, or seductive pressures and demands. The concept of
2000a for a review). Like rewards, these other an autonomy-supportive versus controlling climate
specific aspects of social environments tend to be has been assessed with several methods, including
experienced as pressuring rather than supportive. In self-reports from the authority figures in the situ-
contrast, offering choice and acknowledging people’s ations (e.g., teachers, managers, parents, coaches,
feelings enhanced intrinsic motivation and facili- physicians, or therapists); reported perceptions of
tated fuller internalization because they prompted the authorities’ autonomy supportiveness from
an internal perceived locus of causality and satisfied people for whom the authority is responsible; inter-
people’s need for autonomy (e.g., Deci, Eghrari, views with the authorities that are rated or coded for
Patrick, & Leone, 1994; Koestner, Ryan, Bernieri, autonomy support; and direct observations that are,
& Holt, 1984; Oliver, Markland, Hardy, & Pether- similarly, rated or coded.
ick, 2008; Patall, Cooper, & Robinson, 2008). As mentioned earlier, autonomy-supportive con-
Experiments have also examined the effects of texts of course support satisfaction of the autonomy
feedback on autonomous motivation. In general, need. It turns out, furthermore, that these contexts
these studies indicate that positive feedback tends to also tend, to some degree, to support the other basic
enhance intrinsic motivation and facilitate internal- psychological needs—the needs for relatedness
ization, because such feedback provides satisfaction and competence. First, when an authority takes
of the competence need and may also support auton- another’s perspective, the other typically feels like
omy. That is, when people get positive feedback that he or she has been related to in a genuine way, thus
is authentic, they are likely to infer that they are providing support for relatedness (e.g., La Guardia,
responsible for their good performance, thus expe- Ryan, Couchman, & Deci, 2000). In addition,
riencing autonomy as well as competence satisfac- because autonomy support includes perspective tak-
tions. Situations that provide positive feedback and ing, autonomy-supportive authorities will be more
are accompanied by some support for autonomy are mindful of obstacles to satisfaction of the people’s
referred to as informational, and they have consis- other needs—that is, of frustrations to competence
tently been shown to enhance autonomous motiva- and relatedness needs. Finally, when people are in
tion (see Deci & Ryan, 2000). Yet when positive situations where their autonomy is supported, they
feedback is given in a controlling way—for exam- are likely to feel freer to do what is necessary to get
ple, in a form such as, “Good, you did just as you their other needs satisfied.
should”—it tends to be detrimental to autonomous
motivation and to shift the perceived locus of cau- relational supports and structure
sality toward external (Ryan, 1982). When feedback It is important to note that there are factors other
is negative, the message tends to convey “incompe- than autonomy support that specifically facilitate
tence” and decreases autonomous motivation. If the satisfaction of the basic needs for relatedness and
negative feedback is persistent, and especially if it is competence. For example, direct expressions of car-
demeaning, it will tend to result in amotivation. ing, time spent together mutually sharing feelings,
and involvement of one person in the life of another
Autonomy-Supportive and Controlling are examples of factors likely to promote satisfac-
Climates tion of the relatedness need (e.g., Grolnick, Benjet,
Other studies have examined autonomy- Kurowski, & Apostoleris, 1997). Furthermore, pro-
supportive versus controlling social environments as viding noncontrolling structure and informational
concepts that capture the quality of an interpersonal feedback are factors likely to promote satisfaction
climate or the ambience of a situation—be it, say, a of the competence need (e.g., Jang, Reeve, & Deci,
home, classroom, workgroup, or clinic. Autonomy- 2010; Ryan, 1982). In other words, research in SDT
supportive environments are ones in which the suggests specific nutriments that can enhance each
perspectives of individuals in that environment are of the basic need satisfactions, beyond the general
acknowledged (typically by an authority figure); facilitating impact of autonomy support.
d ec i , rya n
for others can be very positive for both the giver and perpetuating a cyclical negative dynamic of need
the receiver so long as the giver is autonomous in his thwarting, causing a stronger extrinsic orientation
or her actions. and that in turn causing greater need thwarting.
d ec i , rya n
in macro-structures—from the direct deprivations capitalist system. Perhaps no other economic system
of autonomy and competence often witnessed in in history has prompted so much productivity, both
central planning economies, to the economic and constructive and wasteful.
social oppression that can be experienced within SDT research makes a compelling case for the
market capitalisms also differentially support or significant role played by autonomy in fostering
diminish human wellness. SDT uses the construct both creative development and amplifying “human
of basic psychological needs as mediating factors to capital” within an economic system. Within the
link these distal structures to the experiences and workplace we know, for example, that autonomy
outcomes of particular individuals and communi- maximizes creativity and flexible problem solving
ties. Although we have interest in varied economic (Gagné & Deci, 2005). Similarly, at a systems level
systems (e.g., Deci et al., 2001), in what follows, provision of choice and opportunities to develop
we focus primarily on features found in modern competence (e.g., education, training) allow indi-
corporate capitalism to illustrate how the standard viduals to cultivate and apply more preferred talents
market economy can affect individuals’ motivation and passions, which overall makes the system more
and well-being (e.g., Frey, 1997). effective and generative (e.g., Sen, 1999). Autonomy
Corporate capitalism is most notable in part too is evident in the freedom to pursue innovation
because of its increasing global reach and its capac- and expression, and it is enriched by shared ideas
ity to transform the other cultures it reaches (Kasser and flow of information. Autonomy, that is, is an
et al., 2007). Still, the capitalist system has variations, engine of growth in its own right.
in part because cultures have varied in the degree to Accompanying these advantages, however, SDT
which they have also embraced social-welfare poli- highlights a number of less positive motivational
cies. It is clear, for example, that these additions and implications associated with capitalism. Perhaps
variations to an unbridled or laissez-faire economic most salient is capitalism’s capacity to externally
approach modify and constrain some of capitalism’s regulate people’s behavior. The outcomes of pay and
influences on need satisfactions. other tangible rewards are viewed as the primary
Briefly, capitalism is characterized by private motivators of behavior and are offered with contin-
ownership of capital and sale of goods and services gencies that are either directly (e.g., commissions,
at the highest price attainable. The basic idea is that piece-rate payments, stock-option bonuses) or indi-
people are acting in terms of their “self-interests” in rectly (salaries) related to people’s performance on
a competitive system, so they are “free to choose” the job. As outlined by Deci et al. (1999), the con-
(Friedman & Friedman, 1990) how to act in an tingencies widely used within the capitalist system
assumed attempt to maximize their earnings and are nearly always either engagement-contingent
wealth, whether they own capital or merely work (pay depends on doing the job) or performance-
for others who do. One’s own labor, ideas, time, and contingent (pay depends on the quality of the work
products of effort are thus all commodities that can produced) with most of the people whose pay is
be exchanged or sold to others. From the perspec- performance-contingent not receiving the maxi-
tive of SDT, capitalist systems are complex and have mum amount possible. These contingencies are
elements that both support and thwart autonomy. considered the key motivators of the principal-agent
First, modern corporate capitalism, relative to theory of the modern market economy (Petersen,
other styles of economic organization, provides 1993), and yet they are the ones that have been
a multitude of choices, and, when coupled with found to be most detrimental to human autonomy.
democracies, it also manifests as a relative absence Specifically, research has shown that these reward
of direct external control over lifestyles and voca- contingencies have the negative consequences of
tions. Of course, choices may be highly constrained undermining autonomy and intrinsic motivation
for some individuals or groups within capitalist (Deci et al., 1999) and can lead to poorer quality
societies, especially those without access to educa- performance as reflected in more superficial learn-
tion or resources and who thus have few options to ing, less flexible problem solving and heuristic
develop competencies or the autonomy to pursue processing, and less creativity (e.g., Ariely, Gneezy,
valued ends. Yet the array of opportunities for many Loewenstein, & Mazar, 2009; McGraw & McCull-
and the relative freedom to pursue preferred voca- ers, 1979). Thus, the controlling use of rewards,
tions and projects are in large part responsible for which is common within capitalism, can interfere
the high levels of entrepreneurial activity, produc- with effort and quality of engagement, and, as we
tivity, and creativity evidenced within sectors of the shall see later, can even lead people to distort or
d ec i , rya n
of Educational Progress exams) that do not have intrinsic values, that they support interventions that
teacher- or school-level stakes associated with them. are likely to fail or backfire. Beyond obvious calcu-
This simply highlights that a “teach to the test” cul- lations of incentive or loss, external contingencies
ture has been realized and appears not to be improv- impact outcomes in part by thwarting versus sat-
ing achievement. isfying people’s basic psychological needs. To make
Erroneously, backers of high stakes in education effective predictions outside of formal exchange
and elsewhere often suggest that their strategies are situations requires a focus on human psychologi-
supported by behaviorist (i.e., operant) principles cal needs and on the conditions that support versus
(Skinner, 1953). But in fact operant theory advo- undermine them. That focus provides SDT with a
cates rewarding behaviors and not outcomes (see critical lens through which to view both micro- and
Ryan & Brown, 2005; Ryan & Weinstein, 2009). In macro-economic factors.
contrast, SDT predicts that making rewards contin-
gent on outcomes typically has the functional effect Political Systems
of reinforcing any route to the rewarded end (e.g., In addition to an economic system, each coun-
Shapira, 1976). In addition, because the approach try has a political system that tends toward either
is controlling in nature, such rewards inspire a totalitarianism or democracy. Totalitarian systems
shortest-route mentality. This contamination effect are centered on individual dictators who hold abso-
is manifest in counterproductive activities intended lute power over the lives of their citizens. Through
to increase reward attainment, including “gaming” the use of propaganda via state-controlled media
outcome data, sacrificing long-term organizational and the support from the military, most aspects of
goals to reach short-term targets, and even out- citizens’ lives are subjugated to the dictates of gov-
right cheating. SDT attributes such contamination ernment. Typically, totalitarianism is accompanied
effects to the controlling nature of outcome-focused by central planning economies, although modified
rewards, and thus has anticipated many of the unin- totalitarian systems may have some degree of capital-
tended negative results of high-stakes approaches, ism. Totalitarianism is straightforwardly antagonis-
including how they undermine intrinsic motivation tic to satisfaction of the basic psychological needs.
and internalization of values in students and teach- There is little opportunity for autonomy, except per-
ers alike, and drive out best practices. haps if one is working under the political umbrella
As we noted, high-stakes reward structures are of the dictator, but even then there is always the
not limited to schools. High-stakes bonus structures implicit or explicit threat of serious consequences
have been widely implemented to “drive results” on if one offends someone higher in the hierarchy. As
Wall Street, Tokyo, and other stock markets or to noted earlier, more vertical or hierarchical systems
reap short-term profits. Where implemented, they have been found to be more difficult to internalize,
have also driven myriad “bad behaviors” by execu- and this may be because the more hierarchical sys-
tives, from excessive risk taking to outright “cooking tems tend to be associated with at least some degree
the books.” Indeed, the aforementioned contami- of totalitarianism.
nation effect (Ryan & Brown, 2005) in which all Democracies, in contrast, are inherently oriented
routes to stock inflations or profits are reinforced has toward giving individuals some say in the processes
recently been the source of much economic stress that govern their lives. Through direct voting and by
and human misery across the globe, as well as selfish having representatives in all levels of government,
profit taking by the players at the top of many cor- individuals can, ideally, have the opportunity to
porations, including failing ones. Here we see the contribute to the political process and to experience
direct relation between a distal structure involving freedom from constraints other than those necessary
controlling rewards that ultimately thwarts human to keep the system functioning effectively. There can
need satisfaction and wellness on a broad scale. As be little doubt that, in general, the democratic sys-
high-stakes contingencies are imported into other tem has great advantages relative to the totalitarian
spheres of life from health care to the coaching of system in terms of human autonomy and satisfac-
sports, SDT suggests that there are strong, evidence- tion of the needs for competence and relatedness,
based reasons for concern. which also tend to be diminished within a totalitar-
It is precisely because economists, policy mak- ian system.
ers, politicians, and pundits often ignore the nega- Nonetheless, democracies are vulnerable to dis-
tive consequences associated with the controlling tortion by forces within the countries. For exam-
use of rewards, and the interplay of extrinsic and ple, in democratic systems individuals or groups
d ec i , rya n
display enhanced well-being although they did given moment (Brown & Ryan, 2003). Research
display greater ill-being. The important point for has shown that mindfulness is associated with
the present discussion is that these effects on well- enhanced autonomous functioning—that is, people
being and ill-being were mediated by satisfaction of are more likely to act in accord with abiding values
the basic psychological needs for autonomy, compe- and interests when they are mindful (e.g., Niemiec
tence, and relatedness. et al., 2010). Moreover, mindfulness is associated
Although need satisfaction supplies the essential with less focus on extrinsic values, more effective
nutriments for growth, integrity, and wellness, active coping, and greater wellness, again in part because
thwarting of needs produces a range of negative out- of its enhancement of autonomous functioning and
comes, from defensiveness and aggression to psy- fulfillment of the basic psychological needs (Wein-
chopathology (Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, Ryan, & stein, Brown, & Ryan, 2009). As such, awareness or
Thøgersen-Ntoumani, 2011; Ryan, Deci, Grolnick, mindfulness represents a very important means to
& LaGuardia, 2006). Indeed, from an SDT view, take greater responsibility for oneself and thus to be
behaviors such as aggression and violence are not less vulnerable to the controlling and amotivating
themselves inherently motivated (Przybylski et al., forces that are all too prevalent in our social envi-
2009) but are instead consequences of need thwart- ronments.
ing. That is, people are prone to aggression whenever In this chapter, we have devoted considerable
basic functioning concerned with autonomy, com- attention to social-environmental influences for
petence, or relatedness is frustrated or threatened, two primary reasons. First, knowledge about the
rather than because it is an inherent drive or interest. effects of social environments on the motivation,
More generally, the “dark sides” of human behavior performance, and well-being of individuals pro-
can typically be traced to persistent or severe need vides a basis for creating systems—ranging, for
thwarting and the substitute needs or compensatory example, from families, to corporations, to politi-
activities related to it (Ryan & Deci, 2000b). cal policies—that conduce toward satisfaction of
the basic psychological needs of individuals within
Awareness As an Important Part of those systems. Second, when people understand
Autonomy and Well-Being how social environments affect individuals, those
Reviewing the powerful effects of proximal and people are more able to avoid or resist having the
distal contexts on human motivation, effective potentially negative effects impact them. Although
performance, and wellness, as mediated by basic we have emphasized social-contextual effects, we
psychological need satisfaction, might suggest to are equally as interested in people expanding their
many a very deterministic and even passive view of own awareness, for example, though mindfulness
human nature. But that is not the SDT viewpoint. training, psychotherapy, and other such methods,
It bears repeating that SDT assumes that people in order to be more autonomous in managing their
have an active, growth-oriented, challenge-seeking own lives and to be more autonomy supportive
nature unless they experience pervasive conditions with others.
of threat and need thwarting, in which case defen-
sive behaviors, need substitutes, and controlled and Summary and Conclusions
impersonal orientations can be catalyzed. When Herein, we have provided an overview of self-
needs are satisfied, the inherent, active, and growth- determination theory, arguing that the distinc-
oriented processes flourish. Part of the active nature tion between autonomous and controlled forms of
that is supported by need satisfaction involves the motivation are crucial for making predictions about
development of integrative awareness (Hodgins & the quality of performance, well-being, and other
Knee, 2002). important outcomes. We discussed the intrinsic,
According to SDT, autonomy is facilitated by integrated, and identified forms of autonomous
awareness, which entails the authentic attempt to motivation, as well as the external and introjected
experience and become conscious of what is occur- forms of controlled motivation. Autonomous and
ring within and around oneself. It is a relaxed and controlled motivations were discussed in terms of
interested attention to what is happening within the state level, the domain level, and the personal-
and without. One concept closely aligned with ity level, the last being referred to as causality ori-
awareness is mindfulness, which refers to an open, entations. Considerable research has verified that
receptive stance regarding what is occurring in any more autonomous motivation, both situationally
d ec i , rya n
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PA RT
3
Motivational Processes
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CHAPTER
Abstract
Self-control all too often fails. Despite people’s best intentions and considerable negative outcomes,
people often find themselves at the losing end of resisting temptation, combating urges, and changing
their behavior. One reason for these failures may be that exerting self-control depletes a limited
resource (ego depletion) that is necessary for the success of self-control. Hence, after exerting
self-control individuals are less able to resist temptations, fight urges, or stop a behavior, which results
in a loss of self-control. This chapter reviews the evidence for this theory in a wide variety of domains
and examines what behaviors appear to deplete ego strength and how depletion affects behavior.
A comprehensive theory that examines how depletion operates is put forth and this theory is used
to examine some factors that might moderate the depletion effect.
Key Words: self-control, ego depletion, willpower, motivation
requires inhibition, it demands self-control. This dis- argued that it was not the noise per se that affected
tinction is important, because tasks that may seem performance, but rather the process of adapting and
effortful, like memorizing a list of words or solving coping with the noise that depleted the individual
simple arithmetic problems only require self-control so that he or she was less able to deal with future
to the extent that the individual has to override an demands.
impulse. Such a depletion model can be contrasted with
The ability to exert self-control is one of the criti- a constant resource or skill model. These models
cal features that differentiate humans from other would predict that self-control should not be affected
organisms (Baumeister, 1998, 2005). Although other by previous demands, or it may even get better as
animals can exert self-control (for instance, squirrels the individual warms up and gains knowledge of the
burying nuts for the winter), it is clear that the self- tasks. The depletion model specifically predicts an
control demands on humans is much greater than the aftereffect of exerting self-control. That is, even after
self-control demands on these other animals. Indeed, the initial self-control demand has been removed
it has been argued (Sedikides & Skowronski, 1997) and a new situation introduced, there should be
that the growth in the ability to exert self-control a carryover effect that leads to poorer self-control.
drove the development of human cognition, society, Moreover, in order to be a unique prediction,
and the development of the self. Hence, understand- this decline in performance should not arise from
ing how self-control operates can give us insight into changes in mood, arousal, frustration, self-efficacy,
many critical features of the human experience. or other well-established psychological processes.
Moreover, of course, understanding self-control Extensive research has strongly suggested that
has immense practical benefits as well. Self-control the depletion model is the best fit for the observed
is critical to both preventing the initiation as well data on self-control. In experimental studies, indi-
as the cessation of addictive behaviors (e.g., Brown, viduals who exert self-control perform more poorly
1998; Wills, Sandy, & Yaeger, 2002). Other research on subsequent tests of self-control as compared to
has illustrated the importance of self-control in individuals who initially worked on a task that did
dieting (Heatherton, Striepe, & Wittenberg, 1998), not require self-control. For example, Muraven,
overspending (Faber, 1992), relationship prob- Collins, and Nienhaus (2002) had social drinkers
lems (Finkel & Campbell, 2001), violence (Stucke either suppress the thought of a white bear (a diffi-
& Baumeister, 2006), and crime (Gottfredson & cult thought inhibition exercise; Wegner, Schneider,
Hirschi, 1990). Given that many health problems Carter, & White, 1987) or solve addition problems.
can be linked to a lack of exercise, smoking, and These tasks did not differ in perceived unpleasant-
poor eating habits, it is apparent that a lack of self- ness, effort, or difficulty; the only reported dif-
control is a major contributor to morbidity and ference was the amount of self-control required.
mortality. Likewise, because many economic prob- Subsequently, participants were given the chance to
lems at both the personal and societal level follow drink alcohol, with the caveat that afterward they
from overspending, lack of consideration of future would take a driving simulator test and those who
demands, and educational underachievement, a bet- did well would win a prize. As compared to those
ter understanding of how self-control operates is who solved addition problems, individuals who had
critical to our prosperity as well. to suppress their thoughts drank more and become
more intoxicated. This suggests that the exercise of
Ego Strength suppressing thoughts leads to poorer control over
An examination of past research on self-control alcohol intake subsequently. Indeed, participants’
(Muraven & Baumeister, 2000) suggested that self- reports of the amount of self-control they exerted
control worsens over time. That is, after exerting self- on the first task were related to the amount of alco-
control, subsequent attempts at self-control suffer. hol they consumed. On the other hand, reports of
For instance, research on the effects of environmen- mood, arousal, frustration, and displeasure were not
tal stress (Glass, Singer, & Friedman, 1969) found related to the amount consumed. This strongly sug-
that individuals who were exposed to uncontrol- gests that the loss of control over alcohol intake is
lable or unpredictable noise subsequently performed being driven by the amount of self-control exerted
more poorly on a test of persistence and frustration in the first part of the experiment.
tolerance, after being moved to a quiet location, as The initial exertion of self-control only affects
compared to individuals who had been exposed to a tasks that require self-control, further giving evi-
controllable or predictable noise. These researchers dence to the specificity of the depletion model. For
Flow
8
Susan A. Jackson
Abstract
The concept of flow is one that is central to understanding human motivation and the capacity of
humans to function optimally in the psychological realm. In this chapter, the concept of flow is defined
and described from its dimensional perspective. An overview of some of the research that has been
conducted on flow is provided, measurement options are explored, and the critical question of how
to facilitate this optimal psychological state is addressed.
Key Words: flow, optimal experience, flow measurement, facilitating flow
motivation and enjoyment. Complete involvement work together effortlessly, so that there is an intrin-
in a task at hand—for the sake of the absorbing sic experience of harmonious enjoyment (Jackson
experience itself—defines flow. This “immersion for & Csikszentmihalyi, 1999). This leads to a feeling
the sake of doing it” links flow with intrinsic moti- of being so involved in the activity that nothing
vation, and the initial name given by Csiksentmi- else seems to matter and we continue in it “. . . even
halyi for flow (i.e., autotelic experience) translates at great cost, for the sheer sake of doing it”
as doing something for its own sake, and hence the (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990, p. 4).
links with intrinsic motivation are strong.
Flow can occur at different levels of complex- Dimensions of Flow
ity but, by definition, flow is intrinsically reward- Csikszentmihalyi (e.g., 1990) has conceptual-
ing, regardless of whether it involves a simple game ized the flow construct in terms of a number of
of throw and catch or a complicated and danger- dimensions. Nine dimensions have been articulated,
ous gymnastics routine. Csikszentmihalyi (1975) with more recent descriptions (e.g., Nakamura &
referred to the different levels of flow experience as Csikszentmihalyi, 2002) separating three of these
micro and macro flow. Micro flow experiences are dimensions into what have been described as pre-
those that occur in everyday life, whereas macro flow conditions for flow. The nine dimensions are, with
are those experiences associated with higher levels of the three preconditions listed first: challenge–skill
complexity and demand on the participant. balance, clear goals, unambiguous feedback, action-
Macro flow experiences are similar to the con- awareness merging, concentration on task, sense
cept of peak experience, first described by Abraham of control, loss of self-consciousness, time transfor-
Maslow in the 1960s. Maslow (1968, 1970, 1973) mation, and autotelic experience. Together, they
asked groups of people such questions as what was “the represent the optimal psychological state of flow;
single most joyous, happiest, most blissful moment of singly they signify conceptual elements of the flow
your life” (1973, p. 182). Maslow detailed the peak experience.
experience into 14 characteristics that reflected a vari-
ety of emotional and cognitive changes. These changes Challenge–Skill Balance
included a feeling of being detached from concerns, During the experience of flow, a dynamic bal-
strong concentration, an egoless and unselfish percep- ance exists between challenges in the situation and
tion, disorientation in time and space, and a feeling of a person’s skills. Challenges can be thought of as
life being meaningful, beautiful, and desirable. opportunities for actions, or goals, while skills are
Research has suggested that flow and peak expe- the capacities the individual has to produce desired
rience are overlapping constructs and can co-occur outcomes (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). Both the chal-
(Jackson, 1996, 2000; McInman & Grove, 1991; lenge of the situation and our skills to meet the chal-
Privette & Bundrick, 1997). Notwithstanding, the lenge need to be at personally high levels in order for
notion of peak experience is conceptually distinct us to be in a position to experience flow: “ . . . it is not
from the optimal experience model of flow. For enough for challenges to equal skills; both factors
example, the flow model consists of not only an need to be extending the person, stretching them
affective component but also several important cog- to new levels” (Jackson & Csikszentmihalyi, 1999,
nitive components, as described in the following sec- p. 16). Critical to finding this balance is “what you
tion. Furthermore, the flow construct is grounded believe you can do” (p. 17) and how you perceive
in a multidimensional theory of optimal experience the situation, rather than the actual demands or an
with a substantive empirical base drawn from a vari- objective level of abilities per se. It is the perception
ety of life domains, such as work, school, leisure, and of the defined challenge that is critical to the occur-
sports (Kowal & Fortier, 1999). rence of flow.
Flow is an internal, conscious process that lifts
experience from the ordinary to the optimal. It is Action-Awareness Merging
the simultaneous experiencing of several positive This dimension involves a feeling of being “at
aspects that makes the flow experience so special one” with the activity being performed. It is through
(Jackson & Csikszentmihalyi, 1999). Some of these total absorption in what one is doing (see later for
aspects, or dimensions of flow as they have come total concentration dimension of flow) that percep-
to be known, include total focus, involvement, and tion of oneness with the activity results, bringing
absorption in what one is doing, to the exclusion of harmony and peace to an active engagement with
all other thoughts and emotions. Mind and body a task. When people are asked to describe what it
flow
feels like to be in flow, commentary on the merg- Sense of Control
ing of action and awareness is often central to their Another frequently mentioned flow characteristic
descriptions, exemplified in statements such as a is a feeling of being in control. Sometimes described
sense of ceasing to be aware of themselves as sepa- as a sense of infallibility, this empowering feeling frees
rate from their actions and experiences. This is often one from the all-too-frequent fear of failure that can
accompanied by a sense of effortless ease and flu- so easily creep into performance. Failure thoughts
ency in movement. are nowhere to be found during flow, enabling the
individual to positively approach the challenges at
Clear Goals hand.
Individuals describe the flow state as involving a Control, like the challenge–skills relationship, is
clear sense of knowing what it is they are supposed a delicately balanced component of flow. Although
to do. When in flow, this clarity of purpose occurs the perception of control is inherent to the experi-
on a moment-by-moment basis, keeping the per- ence, it is actually a finely balanced equation where
former fully connected to the task and responsive perceived skills are at a high level, but one com-
to appropriate cues. In flow, it is clear, moment by mensurate with the challenge. One must experience
moment, how one is doing. Goals provide a blue- challenge to experience flow; it is the possibility
print for what we need to do; then, while engaged of being in control that can keep flow alive. If the
in the activity, there is an ongoing awareness about feeling of being in control keeps going indefinitely,
what to do next as actions and goals become seam- then the scales have tipped in favor of skills over
lessly intertwined (Jackson & Csikszentmihalyi, challenge, and flow is lost.
1999).
Loss of Self-Consciousness
Unambiguous Feedback We can think of flow as non-self-conscious
Hand in hand with clear goals comes the pro- action. In flow, one is so totally absorbed in the
cessing of information on how performance is activity that there is no room for worry about self
progressing relative to these goals. When in flow, or about the evaluations of others. It is liberating to
feedback information is unambiguous and effort- be free of the voice within our head that questions
lessly processed in producing actions consistent whether we are living up to the standards that we
with the actor’s desires. perceive are important to be met. The losing of self-
Unambiguous feedback while undertaking an consciousness is thus one of the “hidden” benefits of
activity can be internal, such as kinaesthetic aware- flow, emanating from being fully present.
ness, or it can come from external sources. Both
types of feedback tell us how we are going and allow Time Transformation
us to appraise the successfulness of our actions in an Deep moments of flow seem to transform our
ongoing manner during the performance process. perception of time. For some, the experience is that
The unambiguous feedback provides a clear idea of time stops. For others, time seems to slow. Or it
the next action and enables us to know we are on may be that time seems to pass more quickly than
track and headed toward achieving our goals. expected. Because nothing else is entering our
awareness during flow, we can be surprised to find
Concentration on Task at Hand that significant time has passed while in this state.
Being totally connected to the task at hand epit- The intensity of focus may also contribute to per-
omizes the flow state, and it is one of its most fre- ceptions of time slowing, with a feeling of having
quently mentioned characteristics. When in flow, one all the time in the world to execute a move that is,
is totally focused in the present moment. There are no in reality, very much time limited. It is through the
extraneous thoughts, and the distractibility that often total absorption that occurs in flow that the pas-
accompanies involvement on any task is wonderfully sage of time can become perceptually transformed
absent. “In flow, there is no room for any thoughts in some way.
other than what you are doing and feeling right
at the moment, the ‘now’ ” (Jackson & Csikszentmi- Autotelic Experience
halyi, 1999, p. 25). Full and sustained concentration, Csikszentmihalyi (1990) coined the term “auto-
including the ability to exclude irrelevant or unhelp- telic experience” to describe the intrinsically rewarding
ful thoughts from consciousness, and tune into the encounter that flow is for the individual. As described
task at hand, characterizes this dimension. by Csikszentmihalyi, the word is derived from two
jac ks on
Greek words that describe doing something for its According to this model of flow, first devel-
own sake: “auto” = self, and “telos” = goal. Flow is oped by Csikszentmihalyi (1975) when he initially
such an enjoyable experience that one is motivated to began investigating flow, it is the relative balance of
return to this state. Once experienced, flow becomes challenges and skills that defines whether an indi-
much sought after. Csikszentmihalyi described this vidual experiences flow, anxiety, apathy, relaxation,
dimension as the end result of the other eight flow or another psychological state. When the individual
dimensions. For many, flow is the defining motiva- perceives that he or she has the skills to match a
tion to keep pushing toward higher limits. It is gener- challenge, flow can occur. It is the person’s percep-
ally upon reflection that the autotelic aspect of flow is tion of the level of challenge and degree of skill—
realized and provides high motivation toward further and the balance between them—that is essential to
involvement. flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). When our perceived
Considered together, these nine dimensions of challenge of the activity is in balance with our
flow provide an optimal experience. Considerable perceived skill, we are setting ourselves up for an
consistency of flow experience has been found across experience of flow.
many different domains (see Csikszentmihalyi,
1990, 1997; Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi, Growing the Knowledge Base on Flow:
1988a). The dimensions of flow provide a conceptu- Research Examples from 1975 to 2010
ally coherent framework for understanding optimal From enquiries into subjective experience, at
experience. times when everything “came together” during per-
formance of one’s chosen activity, Csikszentmihalyi
The Critical Balance of Challenges (1975) developed the concept of flow. He coined the
and Skills term flow to describe these experiences because of
A central consideration to facilitating an envi- the use of this word in the descriptions of absorb-
ronment conducive to flow is the existence of a ing encounters by research participants. From art-
challenging situation. Flow is defined by the appro- ists to rock climbers, surgeons to musicians, a sense
priate mix of challenges and skills in a situation, as of actions flowing from one moment to the next
described earlier in the dimension of challenge–skill prompted Csikszentmihalyi to adopt the term flow
balance. When the challenges of an activity are bal- for what he initially described as autotelic experi-
anced with the skills of the participant, flow can ences. Despite considerable diversity in settings where
occur. It is a delicate balance, as other relative levels people were interviewed about being in flow, there
of challenge and skill can bring about quite differ- was considerable consistency of responses regarding
ent experiential states. These relationships between what was felt during these moments that stood out
challenge and skill, and experience, are depicted in as being special, above-average experiences.
Figure 8.1. After the release of Beyond Boredom and Anxi-
ety in 1975, Csikszentmihalyi and colleagues began
exploring the flow concept at theoretical and empir-
CHALLENGE AXIS High
ical levels. There was interest in flow from a variety
Anxiety Quadrant of domains, and the research of these formative early
FLOW QUADRANT years is presented in Csikszentmihalyi and Csikszent-
mihalyi (1988a). One of the critical developments
during this period of research was the development
Low Average Hi h
High
SKILLS AXIS
of the Experience Sampling Method, a tool to sam-
ple everyday experience, which is described in the
section on “Measurement of Flow” in this chapter.
Apathy Quadrant Relaxation-
Boredom Quadrant Drawn to the flow concept after reading
Csikszentmihalyi’s (1975) portrayal of his early inves-
Low
tigations into this experience, and relating these expe-
riences to her best moments as an athlete, Jackson’s
Fig. 8.1. Model of the flow state. (Adapted with permission early research into flow was also primarily interview
from S.A. Jackson & M. Csikszentmihalyi, 1999, Flow in based, but focused on athletes, to assess the relevance
sports, Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics, p. 37. Adapted from
M. Csikszentmihalyi & I. Csikszentmihalyi, 1988, Optimal
of flow to sport experiences. Elite athletes were the
experience: Psychological studies of flow in consciousness, with per- initial focus, because of their expected familiar-
mission of Cambridge University Press.) ity with optimal performance and flow experiences
flow
(Jackson, 1996). More generally, sport has been consistency in flow experience descriptions with
recognised as an excellent setting in which to Csikszentmihalyi’s model and with the figure skat-
examine flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990; Jackson & ing sample from the 1992 study. Antecedent and
Csikszentmihalyi, 1999). preventative flow factors were consistent with the
Sport offers the opportunity to do something skaters’ experiences. These factors influencing flow
better than it has been done before (Csikszentmi- are described in a later section of this chapter.
halyi, 1990), and so, once having made a choice to Grove and Lewis (1996) studied a noncompeti-
engage in a sport activity, a focused mindset gen- tive sport sample of circuit training participants and
erally results. Furthermore, the experience of sport found an association between hypnotic susceptibil-
is generally one of enjoyment—people engage in ity and “flow-like” states. Highly hypnotic suscep-
sport for the quality of experience it provides, as tible participants showed greater changes in their
explained by Jackson and Csikszentmihalyi (1999, flow-like states than those with low susceptibility.
p. 4), “Contrary to what happens in most of life, Catley and Duda (1997) tested psychological
sport can offer a state of being that is so rewarding states both before and during a golf round and found
one does it for no other reason than to be a part of consistency with Jackson’s (1995) qualitative find-
it.” Thus, sport can be considered an autotelic activ- ings of factors influencing flow. Catley and Duda
ity, and this also makes it an environment condu- found confident readiness, positive focus, and pes-
cive to flow. A third advantage to studying flow in simism had the strongest relationships with flow.
sport is that challenges and skills are in-built to the In a confirmation of the findings of Jackson
domain, are easily observable, and can be modified. and Roberts (1992) with regard to flow and task
Thus, in this chapter, the research that has investi- orientation, Kowal and Fortier (1999) found ath-
gated flow in sport, and other performance-based letes motivated by intrinsic, self-determined reasons
settings, will be a focus, to demonstrate what has experienced flow more readily than those not intrin-
been learned about flow in these settings. sically motivated. Their sample of 203 masters-level
Jackson and Roberts (1992) examined the asso- swimmers were described as either being motivated
ciation between peak performance and flow with in a self-determined way, by engaging in swimming
200 elite athletes from a wide-ranging sample of for their own pleasure, satisfaction, or benefit; ver-
sports that included gymnastics, swimming, golf, sus those motivated for more external reasons. They
track and field, cross-country running, tennis, and also found that the situational determinants of per-
diving. Flow was related to athletes’ peak perfor- ceived competence, autonomy, and relatedness were
mances. Furthermore, athletes high in orientation positively related to flow experiences.
toward mastery of the task experienced flow more Jackson and colleagues (Jackson, Kimiecik, Ford,
frequently than athletes low in mastery orientation. & Marsh, 1998) examined the flow experience in
An opportunity to interview a subsample of this nonelite, older athletic participants in World Mas-
group of competitive athletes demonstrated clearly ters Games participants in swimming, triathlon,
that the flow state was not only relevant to athletes; cycling, and track and field. Using an early version
it was a treasured experience. This led Jackson to of the Flow Scale (Jackson & Marsh, 1996; Marsh
investigate flow experiences in athletes in greater & Jackson, 1999), their findings gave support to
depth. Csikszentmihalyi’s (1990) concept of an autotelic
Jackson (1992) interviewed U.S. national cham- personality—where participants choose to under-
pion figure skaters to learn how performers in take an activity for its own sake and where the
this graceful sport experience flow. A close agree- activity provides its own reward. Factors found to
ment between the skaters’ perceptions of flow and be predictive of flow were perceived ability, intrinsic
the theoretical descriptions of the flow construct motivation, and anxiety.
(Csikszentmihalyi, 1990) was found. Jackson identi- Interest in flow as a research concept has con-
fied factors perceived as important for attaining flow tinued to grow and flourish in the 21st century.
and those perceived to prevent flow from occur- Concurrent with this growing interest has been an
ring. In an extension of this qualitative research interest in development and application of research
of flow, Jackson (1995, 1996) interviewed elite tools to investigate what is by nature a somewhat
athletes from seven sports, to assess whether their elusive concept. One approach to the assessment of
descriptive accounts of their optimal sport experi- flow for research purposes has been the development
ences would also match Csikszentmihalyi’s (1990) of self-report instruments. These developments are
dimensional model of flow. Results showed a strong described in a subsequent section of this chapter.
jac ks on
One approach to assessing flow that has been of 271 junior athletes. The results showed that trait
developed has been the Flow Scales (state and dis- confidence, imagery use, and action control were
positional) by Jackson and colleagues (e.g., Jackson significantly related to dispositional and state flow,
& Eklund, 2002; Jackson & Marsh, 1996). Using whereas no significant links emerged between absorp-
the original versions of the flow scales, Jackson et tion and flow. In studying U.S. Division I college ath-
al. (2001) found that four of the flow dimensions letes, Wiggins and Freeman (2000) observed higher
assessed by the Flow Scales—challenge–skill balance, flow scores (i.e., global, unambiguous feedback, con-
concentration on the task at hand, sense of control, centration, loss of self-consciousness) among athletes
and clear goals—were found to be most strongly perceiving their anxiety as facilitative compared with
associated with psychological skill proficiency and those who perceived it as debilitative.
self-concept in a study of 236 competitive orien- As has been discussed, sport, and more generally,
teers, surf life savers, and road cyclists Moreover, performance-based domains, provide ideal contexts
athletes with greater psychological skill proficiency in which to research flow. Csikszentmihalyi (1975)
and more positive self-perceptions were more likely initially began investigating flow through interview-
to experience flow. ing performers in varied domains—and was struck
Karageorghis et al. (2000) investigated relation- by the consistency of the flow experience across
ships between subjective feelings of enjoyment domains. Research continues to unfold in different
and flow in exercise. Using Jackson’s flow scale, contexts, including various domains of the perform-
they found in their sample of 1,231 aerobic dance ing arts (e.g., Jackson & Eklund, 2004; Martin &
exercise participants a positive and significant asso- Cutler, 2002; Wrigley, 2005). For example, Wrigley
ciation between levels of flow and the postexercise (2005) using the FSS-2 and his music performance
feelings of revitalization, tranquility, and positive rating scale derived from live evaluations of over
engagement. This suggested that the experience of 30 teaching staff, measured the effect of the flow
flow might play also a role in encouraging adher- state on the performances of more than 200 tertiary
ence to physical activity regimes through the experi- music students from five instrument families—
ence of positive postexercise feelings. strings, piano, brass, woodwind, and voice—during
A group of Italian researchers investigated the their live performance examinations. Most of the
flow experience across a variety of sport settings, and students experienced flow infrequently during their
an edited book (Muzio, 2004) summarizes find- performance and with a very similar pattern of sub-
ings from an array of research into aspects of flow. scale scores across instrument families. Those that
Included are reports on differences on an Italian ver- did experience flow achieved significantly higher
sion of the Flow State Scale (FSS; Jackson & Marsh, global and specific performance ratings from their
1996) between fencers, skiers, swimmers, cyclists, examiners.
and track and field athletes. The fencers were the Perry (1999) studied creative writers, another
most different from the other groups, which the activity conducive to flow. Perry’s descriptions of
researchers explained in terms of the high impor- the writers’ experience of flow provide an in-depth
tance assigned to immediate feedback cues in fenc- analysis of the experience of writing in flow, as well
ing bouts. There was close similarity between the as suggestions about how to make flow happen
swimming, cycling, and track and field groups. while writing.
Vea and Pensgaard (2004) examined the relation- Computer-mediated environments have also
ship between perfectionism and flow in young elite been a setting in which flow has been examined,
Norwegian athletes. Perfectionism has been shown especially Web instruction and design (e.g., Chen,
to have some negative repercussions, and the authors Wigand, & Nilan, 1999; Novak, Hoffman, & Yung,
were interested in understanding the performance 2000). Given the growing importance of computer
and well-being implications of perfectionism. Flow technology, this is a timely direction in which the
was selected as an indicator of potential to perform study of flow can move. Novak and colleagues
at optimal levels, as well as an indicator of subjective (Novak, Hoffman, & Yung, 2000; Novak, Hoffman,
well-being. As expected, most of the perfectionism & Duhachek, 2003) found support for their propo-
dimensions correlated negatively with flow dimen- sition that compelling online experiences are depen-
sions, although there were a couple of unexpected dent on facilitating flow state. The experience of flow
positive associations. for Web users (Chen, Wigand, & Nilan, 1999) has
Koehn (2007) investigated the frequency and been found to be similar to flow experiences in other
intensity of flow in tennis competition in a sample settings.
flow
Measurement of Flow the experience sampling method
Flow is a subjective, experiential phenomenon The Experience Sampling Method (ESM) involves
and approaches to its measurement face the chal- the systematic measurement of individuals’ experi-
lenge that go with assessing a subjective state of ences as they are interacting in their daily environ-
consciousness. Csikszentmihalyi has presented a ment (Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1987; Hormuth,
convincing argument that any measure of flow is 1986). Participants carry some sort of paging system,
only a “partial reflection” of the human experience which provides them with a randomly occurring sig-
(Csikszentmihalyi, 1992, p. 183). A multimodal nal several times during their day. Each time they
approach that incorporates both qualitative and receive the signal, they complete a questionnaire
quantitative methods of measurement is likely to about their momentary experiences in the situation
yield the greatest gains. A diversity of methodolo- at the time. These measures are generally taken over
gies will offer the greatest potential to explain the a period of 1 week.
“what” and “how” questions posed by the unique Analysis of the ESM data provides a descrip-
phenomenon of the flow experience. The measure- tion of the patterns of respondents’ daily experi-
ment approaches that are described next are tools to ences. Compilation of many individuals’ responses
tap into the flow experience, and they are presented in particular situations can lead to development
with the understanding that no one empirical tool of patterns of commonality in experience in sam-
can fully capture flow. pled settings (Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1987).
Csikszentmihalyi and Larson (1987) stated, “ESM
Qualitative Methods data allow examination of the magnitude, duration,
Csikszentmihalyi’s (1975) early research, which and sequences of states, as well as an investigation
brought to light the flow concept, involved quali- of correlations between the occurrences of different
tative interviews with people from a variety of life experiences” (p. 533).
domains. Simarly, initial research of flow in sport The ESM is a reliable and valid tool for assess-
(Jackson, 1992, 1995, 1996) used qualitative meth- ing flow (Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1987), which
ods to assess the flow experience. Jackson developed has been used in many varied life settings (see
in-depth interviews with elite athletes and inductive Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi, 1988b). The
content analysis of their descriptions led to iden- ESM offers several advantages that are particularly
tification of factors inherent in their experiences. useful in the study of flow. Measures of momentary
A qualitative approach was adopted in this early thoughts and feelings and their effects can be taken
research because it was felt that this would facilitate in the person’s naturalistic environment, without too
the understanding of athletes’ flow experiences, par- much disruption. It is ecologically valid and offers
ticularly as little prior research had been conducted a fine-grained assessment of temporal relationships
in the area. By interviewing athletes about their flow between affects and changeable antecedents (Cerin,
experiences, it was possible to explore the under- Szabo, & Williams, 2001).
standing and meaning of flow from the perspective There are obvious difficulties with implement-
of the elite athlete. ing the ESM approach in sport settings and in
other settings where performance is of a continu-
The Development of Quantitative Methods ous nature and evaluated. Creative ways of apply-
Csikszentmihalyi (1975) developed his model ing the ESM approach will enable the benefits of
of flow through the use of experience sampling this type of assessment to be realized in sport and
(Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1987). A concomitant other performance settings. A study by Cerin et al.
quantitative approach has been developed in sport (2001) demonstrated that the ESM can be used in
by Jackson (e.g., Jackson & Marsh, 1996; Jackson performance-based settings. These authors randomly
& Eklund, 2002), through the development of assigned 62 male competitive tae-kwon-do practi-
both the dispositional and flow state scales. These tioners into three different measurement groups to
self-report scales were developed to facilitate the ascertain their emotional states. While this study
examination of the flow experience among sport did not measure the flow experience, it provided
and exercise participants and to assist with teasing strong evidence that the ESM can be used to assess
out those factors that may be associated with its dynamic psychological states during competitive
occurrence. Both the Experience Sampling Method sport. Continuing to develop creative and effective
(ESM) and Jackson’s Flow Scales are described in ways to adapt and apply the ESM approach to per-
the following sections. formance-based settings has the potential to open up
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greater understanding of flow through this dynamic All versions of the scales have been validated
measurement approach. through confirmatory factor analyses, and the scales
have demonstrated good psychometric properties.
Each of the scales is briefly described next.
the flow scales
Jackson and colleagues (Jackson & Eklund, 2002;
The LONG Flow Scales
Jackson & Marsh, 1996; Jackson, Martin, & Eklund,
Flow State Scale-2 (FSS-2). The FSS-2 is a 36-item
2008; Martin & Jackson, 2008) have, over a num-
self-report questionnaire designed to measure the
ber of years, developed a suite of scales—the LONG,
state of flow when participating in a specific activ-
SHORT, and CORE Flow Scales—providing a range
ity. The FSS-2 was a revision of the original Long
of self-report instruments to suit a diversity of research
Flow scale developed by Jackson and Marsh (1996).
and applied purposes. One general characteristic of
It is designed to be given immediately or soon after
this approach to assessing flow has been to do so at
a participant has completed an activity. The ques-
two levels: (a) the dispositional level, or frequency of
tionnaire has nine subscales each with four items, to
flow experience across time in particular domains (e.g.,
assess the nine flow dimensions. Respondents in-
sport, work, school), and (b) the state level, or extent of
dicate the extent to which they agree with each
flow experienced in a particular event or activity (e.g.,
statement on a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1
a race, a work project, or a test). The dispositional and
(Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree).
state flow scales are parallel forms, with wording differ-
ences reflecting whether the disposition to experience
Dispositional Flow Scale-2 (DFS-2). A disposition-
flow, or a specific flow experience, is being assessed.
al version of the flow scale was developed to measure
By designing two versions of the scales, it is possible
the frequency with which one typically experiences
to assess both a general tendency to experience flow, as
flow in a specific activity or setting (Jackson et al.,
well as particular incidence (or nonincidence) of flow
1998). The dispositional flow scale was developed to
characteristics during a particular event.
help understand the autotelic personality (see, e.g.,
There are three main flow instruments (each of
Csikszentmihalyi, 1990), or individual differences in
which has a dispositional and a state version):
propensity to experience flow (Jackson et al., 1998).
1. LONG Flow Scales: These are 36-item Jackson and Eklund (2002) developed the DFS-2,
instruments, designed to assess the nine dimensions a revision of the original Long Flow scale developed
of flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). The Long Flow by Jackson and Marsh (1996). The DFS-2 is essen-
Scales (i.e., Dispositional & State) are particularly tially a parallel version of the FSS-2. It has 36 items,
useful when a detailed picture of flow experience which are designed to assess to what degree an in-
is important for research or applied purposes. The dividual generally experiences the flow state while
Long Scales provide a multidimensional approach participating in a specified activity. It is therefore
to assessing flow. These scales are the instruments designed to be answered away from an immediate
of choice for targeted interventions, and/or when involvement in one’s activity. The questionnaire has
a detailed understanding of the flow dimensions is nine subscales with four items each, corresponding
important. to the nine flow dimensions. Respondents indicate
2. SHORT Flow Scales: These are 9-item the frequency of each statement on a 5-point Likert
(Dispositional and State) scales, which are scale, ranging from 1 (Never) to 5 (Always).
abbreviated versions of Long Flow. One item is
used to represent each of the nine flow dimensions. Psychometric Characteristics of the Long Flow Scales.
The Short Flow Scales provide a brief assessment A comprehensive construct validation approach
useful when research or practical constraints has been undertaken for the purpose of evaluating
prevent use of a longer scale. the psychometric characteristics of the FSS-2 and
3. CORE Flow Scales: These are 10-item DFS-2. Using confirmatory factor analyses (CFA),
(Dispositional and State) scales, designed to Jackson and Marsh (1996) demonstrated accept-
assess the global phenomenology of flow. The able fit values for the FSS, as did Marsh and Jack-
Core Flow Scales provide an assessment of the son (1999) for the FSS and DFS. In both studies,
central subjective experience and complement a nine-factor, first-order model and a hierarchical
the dimensional assessments afforded by the model with one global flow factor were evaluated.
Long and Short Flow Scales. The first-order model received stronger support
flow
due to the slightly weaker fit of the hierarchical construct is not the central focus and can be reason-
model. ably estimated with a short measure. It was for practi-
Across two large psychometric studies (i.e., cal reasons such as these that Jackson and colleagues
Jackson & Eklund, 2002; Jackson, Martin, & (Jackson et al., 2008; Martin & Jackson, 2008)
Eklund, 2008), the FSS-2 and DFS-2 have dem- developed two short scales to assess flow: the Short
onstrated good reliability, with FSS-2 alphas rang- Flow Scales and the Core Flow Scales.
ing between .76 to .92, and the DFS-2 range being The Short flow scales are abbreviated versions of
.78 to .90. their predecessors, the FSS-2 and DFS-2. Both the
The DFS-2 and/or FSS-2 have been translated Short Flow State Scale and the Short Dispositional
into several languages, including Greek (Stavrou Flow Scale contain nine items, one for each of the
& Zervas, 2004), French (Fournier et al., 2007), nine flow dimensions. The rating scales of the abbre-
Japanese (Kawabata, Mallett, & Jackson, 2007), viated instruments are the same as those used in their
Finnish (Pekka Hämäläinen & Veli-Pekka Räty, per- parent scales. They provide succinct measures of the
sonal communication, 2008), Spanish (Martínez- higher order dimensional flow model described in
Zaragoza, Benavides, Solanes, Pastor, & Martin del CFA research with the 36-item scales. Initial psycho-
Rio, personal communication, 2008), Hungarian metric support for the Short Flow Scales is promising.
(Bimbo, personal communication, 2009), and Hindi Being new scales, there is a need for research to assess
(Singh, personal communication, 2009) versions, their validity and utility across domains. Both dispo-
with more translations presently underway. sitional and state forms have demonstrated good reli-
Research has been conducted with the Long flow ability in initial validation studies (Jackson, Martin,
scales in a range of activities in settings including sport & Ekluund, 2008; Martin & Jackson, 2008).
(e.g., Jackson et al., 1998), exercise (e.g., Karageorghis
et al., 2000), yoga (Penman, Cohen, Stephens, & The CORE Flow Scales
Jackson, 2006), music performance (Wrigley, 2005), The rationale behind the Core flow scales was to
and Web-based instructional activity (Chan & Rep- devise a somewhat different approach to assessing
man, 1999). The author has communicated with flow to the Long and Short Flow Scales. The Core
researchers from diverse areas (such as gifted educa- flow scales contain 10 items that are descriptions
tion, work addiction, yoga, and business) regarding of what it feels like to be in flow during a target
application of the flow scales to their research setting. activity. The items were derived from qualitative
Moreover, there is considerable interest in examining research, specifically, elite athlete descriptions of the
flow in relationship to other psychological constructs experience of being in flow (Jackson, 1992, 1995,
across diverse settings. Relationships with concepts 1996). Expressions used by athletes to describe what
such as hope, cohesion, personality type, intrinsic it is like to be in flow were adapted into short state-
motivation, burnout, self-efficacy, self-esteem, and ments that are rated on similar rating scales to the
anxiety have all captured the interest of flow research- other flow scales. Model fit and reliability for these
ers. There is considerable interest in examining flow scales have been strong in initial validation studies
across a range of settings and in relation to a diverse (Martin & Jackson, 2008).
set of psychological constructs. With the recent intro-
duction of two new brief measures of flow, research- the potential uses of the flow scales
ers have several options for including flow as a focal, The triad of flow scales developed by Jackson and
ancillary, or outcome measure. colleagues (e.g., Jackson & Eklund, 2002; Jackson
et al., 2008; Martin & Jackson, 2008) provides
The SHORT Flow Scales researchers and practitioners with a choice of mea-
Despite the psychometric advantages to longer, surement instruments to assess flow. The 36-item,
multidimensional instruments, practical consider- or Long flow, scales have solid research evidence
ations may dictate the need for shorter versions. For indicating they are robust instruments that can
example, during a sports event, athletes and coaches provide a detailed assessment of the dimensional
may be willing to complete a 10-item scale, but flow model. When a fine-grained description of flow
not one four times that length. In large-scale proj- characteristics according to the dimensional flow
ects involving many measures, short forms may be model of Csikszentmihalyi (1990) is desired, then
preferable to keep a questionnaire package to a rea- the Long flow scales are the best option. The Long
sonable size for participants, or because a particular scales are also ideally suited to intervention-based
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research, providing assessment of modifiable flow attitude, experienced positive precompetitive and
characteristics in the nine-dimensional approach. competitive affect, maintained appropriate focus,
The Short flow scales provide a practical tool for a felt physically ready, and experienced a unity with
brief assessment of flow from the nine-dimensional their dance partner. Skaters’ experience of flow was
conceptualization. Grounded in a solid psychomet- more likely to be prevented or disrupted if they expe-
ric base, the nine-item Short Flow Scales provide an rienced physical problems and made mistakes, had
aggregate measure of the nine flow dimensions. The an inability to maintain focus, held a negative atti-
equally short (10-item) Core Flow Scales provide a tude, or experienced a lack of audience response.
valid and reliable assessment of the central, or core, In an extension of her 1992 study, Jackson (1995)
subjective experience of being in flow. These two considered the factors that facilitated, disrupted,
brief flow instruments offer different but comple- and prevented the experience of flow—together
mentary ways of assessing flow and open up possi- with the perceived controllability of flow—with a
bilities for including flow as a focal construct across larger and more diverse range of elite athletes across
a range of settings. The items in Short and Core seven sports. Results showed considerable consis-
Flow Scales are applicable across domains, and the tency with results from the earlier study with figure
initial CFA research conducted with these scales has skaters (Jackson, 1992). Ten factors (see Box 8.1)
demonstrated good fit indices in sport, work, aca- were described by the athletes to influence their
demic school work, and extracurricular activities. development of flow and included physical, psycho-
In summary, Jackson and colleagues have devel- logical, nutritional, and situational variables. Sup-
oped a suite of self-report scales that provide mul- port for the multidimensional nature of antecedent
tiple ways of tapping into flow. All of the current and preventive flow factors was provided by these
versions of the scales, and a manual detailing their findings. In relation to the question on perceived
use, are described in Jackson, Eklund, and Martin controllability of flow, athletes reported a range of
(2010). responses, from perceiving little control to perceiv-
ing considerable control. A large percentage of the
Facilitating Flow factors seen to facilitate or prevent flow were seen as
Understanding factors that facilitate flow has controllable, whereas the factors seen as disrupting
been a focus of Jackson’s research (e.g., 1992, 1995, flow were largely perceived as being uncontrollable.
1998, 2001), with the goal of developing the knowl- Karageorghis et al. (2000) made some sugges-
edge base of what can increase the likelihood of tions to facilitate the flow experience among school
achieving this rewarding optimal experience. students, which are equally applicable to other indi-
In a qualitative study with U.S. national cham- viduals interested in attaining flow. They suggested
pion figure skaters, Jackson (1992) found that there that students “set personal goals that are attain-
were certain factors that helped or hindered the able, challenging and well-defined”; “give pupils
achievement of this state. Skaters were more likely a choice from time to time in the activities they
to achieve flow when they held a positive mental engage in” to increase their autotelic experience; and
flow
“use skill-learning techniques” to encourage persis- The small sample size of four increased their service
tence in mastering the tasks to increase their sense of and groundstroke performance, and three partici-
control (p. 243). pants attained higher flow levels following the inter-
Jackson and colleagues (Jackson, 1995; Jackson vention phase (Koehn, 2007).
et al., 1998, 2001; Jackson & Roberts, 1992) have Understanding the factors that facilitate flow has
found that a high perception of their sporting ability obvious important applied implications. While it
was a crucial factor facilitating flow. This led Jackson is not possible to engineer a flow experience, it is
(Jackson et al., 2001) to suggest that the perceived possible to increase its occurrence, as Jackson and
skills component of the challenge–skill balance that Csikszentmihalyi (1999, p.138) argued: “It is not
defines flow is a critical aspect in the acquisition of possible to make flow happen at will . . . and attempt-
the flow state in sport or other performance-based ing to do so will only make the state more elusive.
domains. However, removing obstacles and providing facili-
Perceptions of skill and challenge in a situation, tating conditions will increase its occurrence . . .”
as described in the flow model (see Fig. 8.1) also (Jackson & Csikszentmihalyi, 1999, p. 138).
help to explain when the experience of anxiety,
rather than flow, is likely to occur. When the chal- Future Directions
lenges are greater than perceived skills, anxiety is the The pioneering efforts of Csikszentmihalyi (e.g.,
predicted outcome, according to the flow model. 1975, 1990, 1997, 2003) has opened a new level
There has been considerable research support for of understanding of what is involved when people
anxiety as a factor preventing flow (Jackson, 1995; become totally absorbed in what they are doing.
Jackson & Roberts, 1992; Jackson et al., 1998; Csikszentmihalyi has examined flow across settings
Stein, Kimiecik, Daniels, & Jackson, 1995; Taylor, ranging from daily living (e.g., Csikszentmihalyi,
2001) and, furthermore, that the cognitive, rather 1997) to research endeavor leading to major scien-
than the physiological, components of anxiety are tific discoveries (e.g., Csikszentmihalyi, 1996). As
seemingly more detrimental to the flow experience. was observed in Csikszentmihalyi’s (1975) initial
As would be expected, self-determined, intrinsic investigations, remarkable consistency has contin-
motivation is the best type of motivation to facili- ued to be encountered across the broadening array of
tate flow. A study by Jackson et al. (1998), using a activities and settings examined.
multidimensional measure of intrinsic motivation, The way forward for research into the optimal
showed that only an intrinsic motivation factor experience of flow is promising and exciting. The
demonstrated substantive relationships with flow; measurement tools thus far developed to help assess
the extrinsic factors were unrelated to flow. Further flow provide much scope for researchers interested
research in this area will increase understanding of in furthering understanding of flow. The ESM, as
how different forms of motivation are related to had been discussed, has been the central method
flow. used by Csikszentmihalyi and colleagues for over
There has been some research suggesting that flow 20 years (e.g., Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi,
may be enhanced by hypnotic capacity and training 1988a; Csikszentmihalyi & Nakamura, 1989) to
in psychological skills. The results of a study by Grove assess flow, and it continues to provide an innova-
and Lewis (1996) showed that the flow state can be tive way to tap into experiential states as they are
enhanced by the capacity for hypnotic susceptibil- occurring.
ity. They found that high-susceptibility exercisers The Flow Scales developed by Jackson and col-
had greater increases in flow than low-susceptibility leagues (e.g., Jackson & Marsh, 1996; Jackson &
participants. Case studies by Pates and Maynard Eklund, 2002; Jackson, Martin, & Eklund, 2008)
(2000) and Pates, Cummings, and Maynard (2002) provide valid and reliable tools for assessing specific
found that hypnotic interventions using imagery, experiences, as well as assessing general tendency
relaxation, hypnotic induction, regression, and trig- to experience flow, respectively. The dispositional
gers enhanced their experience of, and personal con- versions of the flow scales facilitate investigation
trol over, flow. Using an imagery-based intervention of correlates of flow, while the state versions pro-
in combination with relaxation techniques, Koehn, vide assessment of experience of flow characteristics
Morris, and Watt (2006) and Koehn (2007) used within an event. The brief flow measures discussed
an imagery script that aimed to increase athletes’ in this chapter provide opportunity to assess flow
confidence and action control in order to facilitate during, or immediately after, performance, without
flow state and performance in tennis competition. imposing a time demand on participants. Both Short
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and Core flow can be completed in less than 2 min- contexts, do organizational cultures or administra-
utes and could be used to gain multiple assessments tion style impact on flow?
of experience across time. Other advantages of the One of the most important research pursuits for
brief flow measures have already been highlighted, the future will be the unravelling of the complex
such as the inclusion of flow in multimeasure studies interplay between person and situational variables
investigating a large number of constructs, gaining such as these. How do certain dispositional char-
self-other ratings, and their generic item format that acteristics of an individual interact with situational
makes them easily applicable to many domains. variables to affect the experience of flow? Further-
Knowing what is occurring at a neuro- or psycho- more, do different individuals, or different settings,
physiological level during flow has long been regarded influence the relative endorsement of the nine flow
as a critical area for furthering understanding of dimensions that have been described in this chapter?
this concept. Csikszentmihalyi (Csikszentmihalyi & Future research is required to tease out the interplay
Csikszentmihalyi, 1988a) referred to early neurologi- between the nine dimensions to flow and the pattern
cal studies conducted by Hamilton (e.g., Hamilton, of relationships between these dimensions within dif-
1976, 1981), where attentional patterns associated ferent contexts and individuals (Jackson et al., 1998,
with flow were first described. Mental effort, as mea- 2001). For example, the loss of self-consciousness and
sured by cortical activation, was shown to decrease in time transformation dimensions have been found to
individuals with good ability to concentrate deeply receive lower endorsement and lower factor loadings
on a task. The challenges of assessing internal, physi- in sport research (Jackson, 1996; Jackson & Marsh,
ological states during flow have meant this area of 1996; Kowal & Fortier, 1999; Vlachopoulos et al.,
research has moved ahead slowly. A promising study 2000). One future research direction would be to
by de Manzano, Theorell, Harmat, and Ullen (2010) investigate how these two dimensions are experienced
examined several psychophysiological parameters in different settings, and across different levels of per-
and flow state. With piano players as the participants, formers. An exploratory study of the dimensions
they found significant associations between flow and of flow using Rasch analyses (Tenenbaum, Fogarty,
heart rate, blood pressure, zygomaticus muscle activ- & Jackson, 1999) suggested that the loss of self-
ity, and respiratory depth. With continuing techno- consciousness and time transformation dimensions
logical advances, new levels of understanding of what might only be experienced in deeper levels of flow.
happens when people are in flow will be possible. Another interesting direction for future research
Standard psychological measures, such as self- is to continue to examine the challenge–skill bal-
report, also hold promise for advancing under- ance model of flow, how person and/or situational
standing of factors influencing flow. Although there variables might influence the balance of challenges
has been considerable research already conducted, and skills, and whether there is individual variation
future research could continue to explore disposi- in relative levels of challenge and skill for flow to
tional characteristics that may make it more or less occur. Although the operational definition of flow
likely that flow will be experienced. Some individ- describes flow as occuring when challenges and skills
ual difference factors that researchers could explore are balanced, and extending the individual, there
include such areas as general level of capacity to may be specific situations where the relative levels
experience enjoyment and fun; emotional and per- of challenges and skills vary from this standard defi-
sonality characteristics, such as the autotelic person- nition. This potential variability has been discussed
ality trait; motivational orientations; cognitive styles by Csikszentmihalyi (e.g., Moneta & Csikszent-
and processes, including the capacity to concentrate mihalyi, 1996), and a recent empirical study by
and immerse oneself in an activity; and experience Engeser and Rheinberg (2008) demonstrated that
with, and use of, psychological skills. the challenge–skill relationship was moderated by
In addition to individual difference factors, perceived importance of the activity and by achieve-
there are a host of situational factors that can help ment motivation. As measurement tools are refined,
to extend understanding of flow. For example, do and creative ways of tapping into flow developed,
competitive or noncompetitive environments facili- understanding of the concept of flow will continue
tate flow better? How does flow operate in group or to evolve.
team settings? Social factors, such as the impact of
teaching and coaching styles, are likely to influence Conclusion
flow. Can we design programs that help to facilitate Flow is a critical area to continue to research in
flow in learning environments? In organizational order to help with finding out more about fostering
flow
the positive side of people’s lived experience. In the Engeser, S., & Rheinberg, F. (2008). Flow, performance, and
end, our experience of life is what matters most, as moderators of challenge-skill balance. Motivation and Emo-
tion, 32, 158–172.
Csikszentmihalyi so eloquently expressed when he Fournier, J., Gaudreau, P., Demontrond-Behr, P., Visioli, J.,
wrote, “Subjective experience is the bottom line Forrest, J., & Jackson, S. A. (2007). French translation of
of existence” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1982). Or, as an the Flow State Scale-2: Factor structure, cross-cultural invari-
elite athlete interviewed about his flow experience ance, and associations with goal attainment. Psychology of
described, “I strive to get to that state of perfec- Sport and Exercise, 8, 897–916.
Grove, J. R., & Lewis, M. A. (1996). Hypnotic susceptibility and
tion” (Jackson, 1996). The concept of flow provides the attainment of flow like states during exercise. Journal of
researchers and practitioners with the lofty goal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 18, 380–391.
understanding those moments in time that make life Hamilton, J. A. (1976). Attention and intrinsic rewards in the
worth living. control of psychophysiological states. Psychotherapy and
Psychosomatics, 27, 54–61.
Hamilton, J. A. (1981). Attention, personality, and self-
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CHAPTER
Abstract
This chapter reviews the literature on congruence (consistency) between implicit (unconscious) and
explicit (conscious) motives. The prevailing wisdom that implicit and explicit motives are uncorrelated
is shown to be incorrect. When methodological shortcomings of past research (e.g., unreliability of
measurement) are overcome, implicit and explicit motives are positively correlated. Nevertheless, the
relation is weak enough that the discrepancy between implicit and explicit motives carries important
information about personality congruence. The relation between implicit and explicit motives has been
found to vary systematically and meaningfully as a function of substantive moderator variables, such as
self-determination and self-monitoring. Motive congruence is predicted distally by satisfaction of basic
needs during childhood and proximally by stress among individuals who have difficulty regulating affect.
Motive congruence predicts important outcomes, including volitional strength, flow, and well-being.
The chapter closes with a discussion of future research directions, such as the distinction between
congruence and integration constructs.
Key Words: motive congruence, incongruence, implicit motives, explicit motives, moderators,
self-determination, self-monitoring, well-being, personality, motivation
individuals report valuing achievement on a ques- ment is much higher or lower than the level of
tionnaire is often unrelated to the level of concern concern with achievement that they reveal through
with achievement that they reveal indirectly through their stories. These individuals display a low level
the stories that they tell. of motive congruence (or, equivalently, a high level
Most contemporary researchers interpret the of incongruence). Motive congruence in important
lack of correlation between questionnaire and PSE life domains, such as achievement, affiliation, and
measures as a substantive fact about underlying power, is regarded as a fundamental indicator of
constructs. PSEs and questionnaires are thought to personality coherence and has been posited to have
assess different kinds of motive constructs that are important implications for well-being (McClelland,
conceptually and statistically independent. Ques- Koestner, & Weinberger, 1989; Weinberger &
tionnaires assess explicit motives—verbally encoded McClelland, 1990).
values that are consciously accessible. PSEs assess This interpretation of the lack of correlation
implicit motives—spontaneously expressed con- between PSE and questionnaire measures pro-
cerns or preferences that are not verbally encoded or vides a rather unflattering portrait of the human
directly accessible to consciousness. condition—it suggests that the conscious sense of
An important implication of the substantive self is fundamentally divorced from underlying
interpretation of statistical independence is that unconscious motivations. However, an alternative
individuals differ markedly in motive congruence— possibility is that PSEs and questionnaires are
the extent to which an individual’s levels of implicit uncorrelated due to methodological shortcomings
and explicit motives are aligned. For the sake of of one or both assessment methods. Thus, it may
illustration, we have depicted a correlation of r = .00 be the assessment methodology, rather than the
between implicit and explicit need for achievement human psyche, that is in disarray. Of course, these
(nAch) in Figure 9.1, based on hypothetical data. two possibilities are not mutually exclusive. Our
Each data point represents the implicit nAch and objective in this chapter is to review the literature
explicit nAch scores for a particular individual. Some on the substantive and methodological factors that
individuals—those whose scores fall near the line influence the relation between PSE and question-
y = x (which runs from the lower left corner to the naire motive measures, as well as the literatures on
upper right corner)—have similar levels of implicit the antecedents of motive congruence and the con-
and explicit achievement motives; that is, the extent sequences of congruence for well-being and other
to which they value achievement is comparable to outcomes. In the following, we begin by providing a
the level of concern with achievement that they more detailed historical overview of traditional and
reveal spontaneously through the stories that they contemporary perspectives on the relation between
tell. These individuals display a high level of motive PSE and questionnaire motive measures.
congruence. Other individuals—those whose scores
fall far from the line y = x (those near the upper
left corner or lower right corner)—have dissimilar The Relation Between PSE and
levels of implicit and explicit achievement motives; Questionnaire Measures of Motives
that is, the extent to which they value achieve- In their classic book The Achievement Motive,
McClelland et al. (1953) described a study in which
their PSE measure of nAch was found to be uncor-
related with a three-item questionnaire concern-
ing effort to achieve. Although significant positive
Explicit nAch
a. c. PSE Que
Implicit Explicit Motive
PSE Que
b.
Implicit Explicit
d. g.
Imp/PSE Exp/Que Imp/PSE Exp/Que
PSE Que
h.
Implicit Explicit
PSE Que
Fig. 9.2. Models that have been used to explain the lack of correlation between implicit and explicit motives (right); models depicting
the tacit assumptions that underlie the explanatory models (center); and general models that are relatively free of assumptions (left).
Explicit nAch
Explicit nAch
Implicit nAch Implicit nAch Implicit nAch
r = .74 + r = .00 r = .35
Fig. 9.3. Hypothetical data showing how a relatively weak correlation may be the net result of combining two subgroups, one in
which the correlation is strong and one in which the correlation equals zero.
traits) among whom the implicit–explicit relation is chance if these individuals internalize values regard-
weaker or stronger. We focus our review on studies less of their fit with implicit motives.
of implicit and explicit motives per se. For recent More recently, Hofer, Busch, Bond, Kärtner,
reviews of studies of congruence between motives Kiessling, and Law (2010) tested the generalizabil-
and goals, some of which preceded the motive con- ity of the self-determination finding across cultures,
gruence studies reviewed here (e.g., Schultheiss & using data from Cameroon, Germany, and Hong
Brunstein, 1999), see Brunstein (2010) and Thrash Kong. Consistent with the finding reported by
et al. (2010). Thrash and Elliot (2002), Hofer et al. reported that
self-determination moderated the relation between
Self-Determination implicit nAch and explicit achievement goals, such
The topic of personality congruence has been of that implicit nAch and explicit achievement goals
interest not only in the motive literature but also in were positively related among individuals high,
humanistic theories, including traditional theories, but not low, in self-determination. This moderation
such as that of Rogers (1959), and contemporary effect was found to be invariant across cultures.
theories, such as Deci and Ryan’s self-determination
theory (Deci & Ryan, 1991). Thrash and Elliot Private Body Consciousness,
(2002) sought to integrate motive and humanistic Self-Monitoring, and Preference
approaches by showing that individuals who are more for Consistency
self-determined display greater motive congruence. Thrash et al. (2007) argued that at least three
Self-determination refers to self-regulation in distinct processes contribute to motive congruence:
accord with one’s authentic or true self. Individuals access to one’s implicit motives, integration of one’s
differ in self-determination, such that some individ- explicit motives with one’s implicit motives, and
uals live according to their core interests and values, resistance to competing sources of values. Regarding
whereas others live according to others’ expecta- access to implicit motives, Thrash et al. argued that
tions or controlling influences in the environment. motive congruence may be greater among individuals
Thrash and Elliot (2002) argued that the experience higher in private body consciousness; these individu-
of self-determination may reflect (at least in part) als are sensitive to bodily states and therefore may per-
the integration of explicit values with one’s preexist- ceive the effects of implicit motive arousal. Regarding
ing and deep-seated implicit motivational tenden- integration, Thrash et al. argued that congruence may
cies, as opposed to the internalization of explicit be greater among individuals higher in preference for
values arbitrarily from the environment regardless consistency; these individuals would be particularly
of their fit to one’s implicit motives. As expected, motivated to reconcile their explicit motives with any
self-determination was found to moderate the rela- rudimentary knowledge of their implicit motives.
tion between implicit and explicit nAch. Among Regarding resistance to competing sources of values,
individuals high in self-determination, implicit Thrash et al. argued that congruence may be greater
nAch robustly predicted explicit nAch, r = .40, among individuals lower in self-monitoring; these
p < .01; in other words, self-determined individuals individuals are less likely to monitor others’ expecta-
tended to be congruent. Among individuals low in tions and to internalize others’ values arbitrarily. As
self-determination, implicit and explicit nAch were predicted, implicit nAch was found to predict explicit
largely unrelated, r = –.07, ns; in other words, indi- nAch among individuals high but not low in private
viduals low in self-determination tended to be either body consciousness, high but not low in preference for
congruent or incongruent, as would be expected by consistency, and low but not high in self-monitoring.
Abstract
Curiosity is an old, intriguing, and vexing construct in the psychology of motivation. This chapter reviews
the major strands of thought on curiosity and motivation: (1) curiosity as a motive to reduce negative
states, such as uncertainty, novelty, arousal, drive, or information gaps; (2) curiosity as a source of
intrinsic motivation that fosters learning and exploring for their own sakes; and (3) curiosity as a stable
motivational difference between people that leads to differences in knowledge, goals, achievement, and
experience. The scope of psychological thought on curiosity defies a simple integration, but it offers
inspiration for researchers curious about why people learn and explore in the absence of obvious
external rewards.
Key Words: curiosity, interest, intrinsic motivation, personality
The joys of history are many. Some are guilty modesty is called for. Instead, we’ll aim to cultivate
joys, like snickering at the weird use of semicolons a sense of perspective—some of psychology’s prob-
and em-dashes in old scholarly books, but some are lems should be appreciated rather than solved—and
more noble, like recognizing that most of the major a sense of interest in the diverse, wide-ranging, and
problems in psychology were identified prior to the occasionally weird body of thought on curiosity.
invention of air conditioning, paperback books, or This chapter extracts and explores the three
hierarchical linear modeling. Curiosity is an old major strands of thought on curiosity’s motivational
concept in the study of human motivation, and nature. The first strand proposes that curiosity is a
like many of psychology’s venerable problems, the kind of deficit motivation: It motivates people to fill
problem of curiosity seems tractable enough to be gaps in knowledge, reduce unpleasant uncertainty,
intriguing but too complicated to ever solve. The and minimize aversive states of drive. The second
history of psychology thus offers modern research- strand proposes that curiosity is a kind of intrinsic
ers a lot of interesting takes on curiosity: Most of motivation: It motivates people to explore and learn
the major schools of thought in motivation science for their own sakes. The third strand proposes indi-
have had something to say about what curiosity is, vidual differences in curiosity: Variation in curiosity
how it works, and what it does, if anything. translates into big differences in behavior and life
In this chapter, we’ll consider some of the major outcomes, although the models disagree about the
themes that have emerged in the history of thought motivational nature of between-person variation.
on curiosity and motivation. Our goal isn’t to
develop a unified model of curiosity by reinterpret- Curiosity Is Motivation to Reduce Novelty
ing past work in terms of a modern theory. History and Uncertainty
provides many such models, and the fact that there Our first major strand of thought on curiosity’s
are so many suggests that some history-induced motivational nature proposes that curiosity and
exploratory behavior represent attempts to reduce research that showed that drive-increasing stimuli—
novelty and uncertainty. In such models, gaining such as novelty and intense stimulation—could
knowledge and exploring the world are instrumen- reinforce learning. For example, the opportunity to
tal acts, not ultimate goals in themselves. Instead, view a novel maze compartment or complex display
learning and exploring allow people to reduce or to manipulate puzzles can reinforce other behav-
something unpleasant, such as feelings of uncer- iors (e.g., Butler, 1953; Harlow & McClearn, 1954;
tainty, ignorance, information deprivation, arousal, Myers & Miller, 1954).
or drive. Curiosity is thus akin to scratching a men- Eventually, it became clear that the classical
tal itch or filling a mental hole. drive-reduction model simply couldn’t accom-
Motivation psychology’s grandest drive- modate the many demonstrations of curiosity and
reduction model comes from Clark Hull’s body exploration. Motivation psychologists thus searched
of work, which had a tremendous influence in its for extensions and modifications of Hull’s approach.
time. Hull certainly wasn’t the first psychologist to The earliest models simply proposed a new drive,
propose a hydraulic approach to motivation, but such as a curiosity drive, an exploration drive, or a
his model of drive and reinforcement was probably boredom drive (see Fowler, 1965). These new drives
the first major scientific theory of motivation to didn’t stick, but they were an ironic development—
inspire extensive empirical research. We can’t cover the behavior theorists had often mocked instinct
the complexity and development of Hull’s model theories of motivation for proposing new instincts
here—for the details, curious and motivated read- to deal with challenging findings.
ers can consult Hull’s (1943, 1952) own books or Berlyne (1960) proposed a particularly clever
reviews by his contemporaries (Atkinson, 1964; revision of drive theory in his first major model of
Bolles, 1967). curiosity. He suggested that organisms do indeed
In broad strokes, Hull formalized several ideas prefer a low level of arousal, but arousal is non–lin-
that had been proposed during the early writings early related to the novelty, complexity, uncertainty,
on psychological drives. First, organisms experience and conflict of stimuli in the environment. He
a state of drive due to internal deficits or strong suggested a U-shaped relationship between actual
stimulation from the environment. Second, reduc- arousal and novelty: Arousal is high when stimuli
ing the state of drive is rewarding, so behaviors are very low and very high in novelty. Understim-
that result in drive reduction are reinforced and ulation and overstimulation thus both increase
hence more likely to happen during later periods arousal, which then motivates arousal reduction.
of drive. This model thus accommodated both the Understimulation promoted diversive exploration,
intensity and direction aspects of motivation, and in which bored organisms search for anything that
it integrated problems of motivation with prob- would boost arousal potential; overstimulation pro-
lems of learning. But from the outset curiosity and moted specific exploration, in which activated organ-
exploratory behavior seemed hard to explain. Seek- isms examine the arousal-producing stimulus to
ing stimulation and approaching unfamiliar stimuli reduce its novelty and arousingness. The nonlinear
increase drive; within Hull’s model, it’s not obvious function relating arousal and arousal potential was
why an organism at rest would cease resting and clever, but it didn’t catch on (Berlyne, 1967).
start exploring. Another modification of Hull’s approach was the
Unfortunately, the accumulation of facts inter- optimal arousal approach, a family of models that
fered with Hull’s elegant theory, a common occupa- proposed that the ideal level of arousal was moderate
tional hazard in science. One peculiar phenomenon, instead of low (Fiske & Maddi, 1961; Hebb, 1955;
and one predating Hull’s work, was spontaneous Hunt, 1965; Leuba, 1955; Zuckerman, 1969). As
alternation. Rats in T-mazes will often alternate a result, many classic Hullian findings could be
between arms of the maze, presumably for no real retained—organisms will act to reduce drive when
reason apart from the variety afforded by the arm arousal exceeds the optimal level—while accom-
less traveled (Montgomery, 1951, 1952). Harlow modating curiosity. This is a neat idea, but optimal
showed similar findings with primates. When given arousal models never inspired much research despite
puzzles to work with, the primates often worked the broad interest in them in their time. As Hull’s
on them vigorously in the absence of food rewards; model ebbed and alternative models of motivation
if anything, food rewards and prior food depriva- emerged, researchers moved away from the notion
tion seemed to interfere with learning these com- that reinforcement depends on arousal (Atkinson,
plex tasks (Harlow, 1953). Most fatal, however, was 1964). Once this notion was dropped, optimal
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cognitive—interest evoked mental images related to depended on arousal reduction. As an alternative,
the object of interest and the actions and goals it he proposed that several brain systems interacted
entailed. to promote exploratory behavior or avoidance.
John Dewey (1913), the better known of the pair, Figure 10.1 depicts how two of these systems relate
set forth a model of interest in Interest and Effort in to positive and negative affect. The first system, the
Education, a small book that was overshadowed by primary reward system, generates positive affect as
his many later landmark works. Dewey contended stimuli become more novel, complex, and uncertain.
that educators typically used one of two methods to The positive affect motivates and rewards engage-
motivate students, neither of which worked well. In ment with new things, so this model qualifies as a
the effort method, instructors use self-discipline and for-its-own-sake model of curiosity and motivation.
willpower as the main mechanisms of learning—if A second system, the primary aversion system, gen-
the material is tedious, students must simply slog erates negative affect as stimuli become more novel,
through it. In the interest method, instructors use complex, and uncertain. The aversion system, how-
diverting, novel, and flashy elements to attract stu- ever, has a temporal offset—it takes higher levels of
dents’ attention to basically boring material—“when stimulation for it to kick in—so the combined effect
things have to be made interesting, it is because of the two systems is to create positive approach and
interest itself is wanting,” he quipped (p. 11). engagement and then eventual aversive withdrawal
As an alternative, Dewey proposed connecting as stimuli increase in intensity.
material to students’ own interests. Children already Berlyne’s (1971) reward–aversion model is
had important interests, and new activities could important for historical reasons. Berlyne developed
become interesting in their own right if they fur- the model as part of a shift into the psychology
thered or connected to an existing interest. Dewey of aesthetics (e.g., Berlyne, 1972, 1974), and his
argued that interest was a developmental process research team profoundly affected how the small but
rather than a momentary state—it motivated people valiant community of aesthetics researchers thought
to immerse themselves in the activity, and it made about aesthetic preference and experience (Silvia, in
the process valuable and self-relevant. Dewey’s con- press). The model itself, however, never stuck, per-
ception of interested action probably represents psy- haps because behavior theory was obviously waning
chology’s first fleshed-out treatment of interest and in the 1970s and emerging approaches to curios-
intrinsic motivation: Interested actions are internal- ity and to the neuroscience of reward seemed more
ized and autonomous, and over time they cultivate fresh and exciting.
competence and successful development. Within emotion psychology, research on curios-
In the modern era, the notion of curiosity as a ity and interest got its start with the work of Silvan
source of intrinsic, for-its-own-sake motivation Tomkins (1962), who gave much of early emotion
emerged in many areas of psychology. Within social science its start. Tomkins argued that emotions
and personality psychology, the rise of models of were the organism’s primary motivational system.
intrinsic motivation in the 1970s (Deci, 1975)— First, at the level of action dynamics, emotions
particularly the line of work that developed into made some events significant and thus gave them
self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985, priority. Tomkins proposed a central assembly that
2000)—is probably the best known example of a
model of curiosity as a source of intrinsic motiva-
tion. Deci and Ryan (2000, p. 233) have argued
that “intrinsically motivated behaviors are those that
are freely engaged out of interest without the neces-
Positive
s i lvi a
(a motivational urge to act), and an affective aspect thus tolerate more uncertainty and novelty before
(an emotional feeling). withdrawing.
McDougall proposed an instinct of curiosity, For the most part, recent research has focused on
which was the instinct associated with exploratory global curiosity as a source of intrinsic motivation.
behavior—the impulse “to approach and examine Kashdan (2004, 2009), for example, approaches
more closely the object that excites it” (p. 49)—and individual differences in curiosity from the per-
with the emotional state of wonder. He argued that spective of positive psychology. In Kashdan’s work,
“the native excitant of the instinct would seem to be curiosity is a tendency to notice, seek, value, and
any object similar to, yet perceptibly different from, embrace novelty, uncertainty, and challenge. The
familiar objects habitually noticed” (p. 47), while Curiosity and Exploration Inventory, a brief self-
recognizing that higher levels of novelty and uncer- report scale, was developed to capture this model
tainty evoked fear. It is tempting to make fun of poor of curiosity (Kashdan et al., 2009; Kashdan, Rose,
McDougall and his many instincts, but for many & Fincham, 2004). The model is explicitly moti-
decades the notion of a curiosity instinct was the pre- vational, in that curious people respond to novelty
vailing model of the motivational basis of curiosity, with an appetitive, approach-oriented response.
and it had a big influence (e.g., Cameron, 1922). As a consequence of exploring new and challeng-
McDougall (1908/1960) thought that the curi- ing things across the life span, curious people are
osity instinct was less important to humans, so he expected to have a wide range of positive outcomes
believed that it was more variable as a result: (Kashdan & Silvia, 2009; Silvia & Kashdan, 2009).
For example, curious people typically have better
This instinct, being one whose exercise is not of
academic achievement (Kashdan & Yuen, 2007),
prime importance to the individual, exhibits great in-
higher subjective well-being (Gallagher & Lopez,
dividual differences as regards its innate strength; and
2007), and a stronger sense that their daily lives and
these differences are apt to be increased during the
goals are meaningful (Kashdan & Steger, 2007).
course of life, the impulse growing weaker for lack
Another model of trait curiosity, Litman’s
of use in those in whom it is innately weak, stronger
(2005) I-D model, combines the drive reduction
through exercise in those in whom it is innately
and intrinsic motivation traditions of curiosity
strong. In men of the latter type it may become the
research. Litman proposes that curiosity consists of
main source of intellectual energy and effort; to its
two major facets: curiosity as a feeling of interest
impulse we certainly owe most of the disinterested
(I-curiosity) and curiosity as a feeling of deprivation
labors of the highest types of intellect.
(D-curiosity). Interest is curiosity motivated by a
(p. 50)
desire to seek information for its own sake, whereas
This passage is doubly intriguing: It proposes deprivation is curiosity motivated by a desire to
individual differences in curiosity, a topic that has reduce the uncertainty and frustration caused by
since been widely studied, and it suggests that these knowledge gaps. The I-D model is thus a compro-
differences become exaggerated across the life span, mise between the two competing traditions. Most
a topic that hasn’t. of the work testing Litman’s model has used mea-
Modern individual differences research got sures of individual differences (Litman & Jimerson,
started a long time after McDougall’s work, and 2004). Curiosity scales seem to sort into these two
models of trait-like curiosity represent both themes I and D factors (Litman & Silvia, 2006), which are
we have considered so far. It’s hard to organize the highly correlated, and the I and D traits predict
hurly-burly world of self-report curiosity scales— different kinds of knowledge seeking in response
there are a lot of scales and a lot of constructs. to knowledge gaps (Litman, Hutchins, & Russon,
Some models have their roots in Berlyne’s mod- 2005).
els of curiosity. Researchers have developed scales Most research on individual differences in curios-
to measure individual differences in epistemic, ity has been conducted as part of research on openness
sensory, specific, and diversive forms of curiosity to experience, a higher order trait that encompasses
(e.g., Collins, Litman, & Spielberger, 2004; Lit- curiosity and related constructs. McCrae and Sutin
man & Spielberger, 2003), and Spielberger and (2009) describe open people as “imaginative, sen-
Starr (1994) proposed that trait curiosity corre- sitive to art and beauty, emotionally differentiated,
sponds to Berlyne’s (1971) primary reward system behaviorally flexible, intellectually curious, and lib-
and that trait anxiety corresponds to the primary eral in values” (p. 258). Closed people, in contrast,
aversion system. People high in trait curiosity can are “down-to-earth, uninterested in art, shallow
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intrinsic motivation and drive reduction. Such Berlyne, D. E. (1967). Arousal and reinforcement. Nebraska
bridges would shift what the field means by Symposium on Motivation, 15, 1–110.
Berlyne, D. E. (1971). Aesthetics and psychobiology. New York:
curiosity, but they could illuminate the broader Appleton-Century-Crofts.
workings of cognitive motives. Berlyne, D. E. (1972). Ends and means of experimental aesthet-
2. How do curious traits influence curious ics. Canadian Journal of Psychology, 26, 303–325.
states? Many models of individual differences Berlyne, D. E. (1973). The vicissitudes of aplopathematic and
invoke motivational mechanisms, largely along the thelematoscopic pneumatology (or the hydrography of
hedonism). In D. E. Berlyne & K. B. Madsen (Eds.), Plea-
lines of drive reduction, intrinsic motivation, or sure, reward, preference (pp. 1–33). New York: Academic
both. Despite this conceptual overlap, there isn’t Press.
much integration between the state and the trait Berlyne, D. E. (Ed.). (1974). Studies in the new experimental
approaches to curiosity—with many interesting aesthetics: Steps toward an objective psychology of aesthetic
exceptions, naturally—perhaps because self-report appreciation. Washington, DC: Hemisphere.
Bolles, R. C. (1967). Theory of motivation. New York: Harper &
assessment and cross-sectional designs dominate Row.
individual differences research. Future work on Butler, R. A. (1953). Discrimination learning by rhesus monkeys
curious people ought to tackle the paradigms to visual-exploration motivation. Journal of Comparative and
used in state research, particularly the measures Physiological Psychology, 46, 95–98.
of experience, cognition, and behavior used to Cameron, E. H. (1922). Psychology and the school. New York:
Century.
illuminate knowledge seeking and exploration. Carson, S. H., Peterson, J. B., & Higgins, D. M. (2005).
3. What does the midrange level of curious Reliability, validity, and factor structure of the Creative
motivation look like? Most work on curiosity Achievement Questionnaire. Creativity Research Journal, 17,
has explored situational aspects or stable 37–50.
individual differences. The midrange—the level of Chamorro-Premuzic, T., & Furnham, A. (2007). Personality and
music: Can traits explain how people use music in everyday
idiosyncratic personal goals—remains obscure. In life? British Journal of Psychology, 98, 175–185.
everyday curiosity, people are probably exploring Collins, R. P., Litman, J. A., & Spielberger, C. D. (2004). The
activities and domains that they have engaged measurement of perceptual curiosity. Personality and Indi-
with before and know a lot about (Prenzel, vidual Differences, 36, 1127–1141.
1992)—their hobbies and interests are important Darwin, C. (1872/1998). The expression of the emotions in man
and animals (3rd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.
to understanding how curiosity influences their Deci, E. L. (1975). Intrinsic motivation. New York: Plenum.
behavior. So far, most of the work on hobbies and Deci, E. L. (1992). The relation of interest to the motivation
interests has been done in educational research, of behavior: A self-determination theory perspective. In
which emphasizes a distinction between situational K. A. Renninger, S. Hidi, & A. Krapp (Eds.), The role of
interest and individual interest (Chapter 11, this interest in learning and development (pp. 43–70). Hillsdale,
NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
volume; Schiefele, 2009). Future work should Deci, E. L. (1998). The relation of interest to motivation and
examine how interests relate to situational states human needs—The self-determination theory viewpoint.
and enduring traits (e.g., Durik & Harackiewicz, In L. Hoffman, A. Krapp, K. A. Renninger, & J. Baumert
2007) and how idiosyncratic interests develop (Eds.), Interest and learning (pp. 146–162). Kiel, Germany:
(Hidi & Renninger, 2006; Silvia, 2006). IPN.
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determination in human behavior. New York: Plenum.
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Abstract
This chapter focuses on interest as a cognitive and affective motivational variable that develops and can
be supported to develop. Interest and interest development as described by Hidi and Renninger’s (2006)
Four-Phase Model of Interest Development are (a) defined and then (b) contextualized in light of other
conceptualizations that focus on specific aspects of interest (such as emotion, experience, task features,
value, and vocational interest) and issues pertaining to the operationalization and measurement of
interest. Following this, research addressing the development of interest is overviewed, with particular
attention to (a) the triggering of interest in both earlier and later phases of interest, (b) maintaining
interest once it has been triggered, (c) fluctuations in interest, and (d) shifts between phases in the
development of interest. Finally, a Punnett square is employed to suggest next steps and open questions
in the study of interest development.
Key Words: achievement, affect, interest, interest development, knowledge, metacognition, value
and its effect on other people. Anne did not approve until the incident with the water. Even at that
of the way that Helen grabbed food from various point, it is not clear that she would have described
people’s dinner plates and broke things during finger spelling, or communication more generally,
temper tantrums. Anne disciplined, and Helen as something in which she was personally invested
fought back both physically and with pranks. and that would hold her interest.
Anne recognized that Helen was bright and Third, Helen’s interest developed in a context
decided to teach her how to finger spell, thinking where her strengths and needs were accounted for
that this might help her to communicate with others. and she was not being graded or assessed: Anne
Anne would put an object in one of Helen’s hands, worked with her so that she would understand and
and in the other quickly spell the name for the ob- be able to think and explore. She was extremely suc-
ject. Even though Helen could imitate well, she did cessful by any number of measures, once her inter-
not understand what Anne was trying to teach her. est began to develop.
Her patience ran out quickly, and the lessons would Fourth, Helen’s interest continued to develop
end in tears and yelling. because, once she made the connection between
Everything changed one day when Anne pumped finger spelling and communicating, she then had
water into Helen’s hands and spelled “water.” The curiosity questions for which she wanted answers—
event appeared to trigger Helen to make a connec- curiosity questions are questions that are novel to the
tion between the fluttering movement in her hand learner but may not be novel to others (Renninger,
and the cold liquid spilling over her skin. All of a 2000). Finding answers to these questions led her to
sudden, Helen realized what Anne had been trying continue to stretch her own understanding.
to show her as she had doggedly spelled word after Fifth, once she began asking curiosity questions,
word into her hand all those weeks. From then on, Helen also began to self-regulate and to explore and
Anne could hardly keep up with Helen, who dragged seize opportunities to learn—opportunities that
her around demanding a word for everything she were ostensibly present before but that she was not
encountered, everything that had been there before. in a position to see.
It is not until Helen makes the connection
Anne’s efforts to help Helen make connections between finger spelling and communication that
between signs and what they represent could be she begins to pose her own curiosity questions, seek
described as potential triggers for interest, and the answers, and reflect on them—a point when her
incident with the water was a trigger that worked interest is clearly developing. However, as Helen’s
because with it she discovered the connection case reveals, the development of interest has phases
between the sign and water. We do not know why that precede what to the outside observer would be
or how the trigger of the water served as a catalyst. identified as “interest.” Her interest also continues
In fact, Helen thought at first that this was some to develop beyond the phase that is detailed here.
kind of game. It seems likely that many factors con- The present chapter focuses on the development of
tributed to her revelation. interest, from the point of potential triggering that
We know, however, that a few elements of Helen’s “takes” to the point when the learner begins to ask
story are particularly important to the description his or her own curiosity questions, and then follows
and understanding of interest development. First, through to reflect on these and seek answers.
the development of her interest involved extended,
seemingly ineffective, external support before she Misunderstood Aspects of Research on
made a connection between the finger spelling and Interest Development
the water and then engaged the challenge of revis- We next call attention to two often misunder-
iting the prior lessons that had been so very frus- stood aspects of research on the development of
trating to her. She did not make a decision to be interest: awareness of interest (the learner’s ability to
interested in communication. Rather, it seems that cognitively evaluate engagement), and the essential
she needed to encounter the connection in order to role of knowledge, in addition to feelings and value,
communicate, and it was the connection that trig- as an indicator of interest, especially in later phases
gered her eventual interest in communication more of interest development.
generally.
Second, Helen was not aware that she was devel- Awareness of Interest
oping an interest as her tutor worked with her. The As Helen’s case illustrates, the development of
potential triggers of finger spelling did not “take” interest does not necessarily involve metacognitive,
Definition
• Psychological state • Psychological state that • Psychological state and • Psychological state and
resulting from short-term involves focused atten- the beginning of relatively a relatively enduring
changes in cognitive and tion and persistence over enduring predisposition predisposition to
affective processing extended period, and/or to seek reengagement reengage particular
reoccurs and persists with particular classes of classes of content
content
Learner Characteristics
• Attends to content, if • Reengages content • Is likely to indepen- • Independently reengages
only fleetingly that previously triggered dently re-engage content content
• Needs support to attention • Has curiosity questions • Has curiosity questions
engage from others and • Is supported by others that leads and seeks • Self-regulates easily to reframe
through instructional to find connections answers questions and seek answers
design among their skills, • Has positive feelings • Has positive feelings
• May experience either knowledge, and prior • Has stored knowledge • Can persevere through
positive or negative experience and stored value frustration and challenge in
feelings • Has positive feelings • Is very focused on his order to meet goals
• May or may not be • Is developing knowledge or her own questions • Recognizes others’
reflectively aware of the of the content contributions to the
experience • Is developing a sense of discipline
the content’s value • Actively seeks feedback
over time. It was suggested that situational interest of the water and the finger signing: It represented
could develop into individual interest, but it was the presence of a new concept, communication. Her
also suggested that situational interest could occur interest for communicating using finger spelling
simultaneously with individual interest. was maintained following the triggering provided
As described in Table 11.1, the four phases of by the water, and although she first engaged com-
interest are considered to be sequential and discrete, munication as a game, it began to take on mean-
but as Hidi and Renninger (2006) also noted, they ing for her. It also led her to ask questions because
are phases rather than stages because the length and she wanted to understand, marking a shift in her
character of a given phase may vary among indi- phase of interest. Based on what Helen tells us in
viduals based on, among other factors, experience her autobiography, she appears to have transitioned
and temperament. The first phase in the develop- through the phase of maintained situational interest
ment of interest is conceptualized as being initiated almost immediately, possibly because she had Anne
by a triggered situational interest. If sustained, this to respond and work with her to find answers to the
first phase evolves into the second phase, main- curiosity questions she posed, as they emerged. As
tained situational interest. The third phase of inter- her autobiography also indicates, Helen continued
est, emerging individual interest, may develop out to want to ask questions that allowed her to develop
of the second phase and may then lead to the fourth her knowledge. Her emerging individual interest
phase, a well-developed individual interest. rapidly developed into a well-developed individual
Helen’s experience with finger signing provides interest.
an illustration of triggered and eventually main- The example of Helen demonstrates that once
tained situational interest that evolved almost interest is triggered, it can be maintained and then
immediately into an emerging interest. Helen’s progress as an individual interest. Her interactions
interest was triggered it seems by the juxtaposition with others were critical, a characteristic of inter-
Learner Characteristics
• Attends to content, if • Reengages content that • Is likely to • Independently reengages
only fleetingly previously triggered independently content
• Needs support to attention re-engage content • Has curiosity questions
engage • Is supported by others • Has curiosity • Self-regulates easily to
o From others to find connections questions that reframe questions and seek
o Through between skills, lead to seeking answers
instructional knowledge, and prior answers • Has positive feelings
design experience • Has positive feelings • Can persevere through
• May experience either • Has positive feelings • Has stored frustration and challenge in
positive or negative • Is developing knowledge knowledge and order to meet goals
feelings of the content stored value • Recognizes others’ contribu-
• May or may not be • Is developing a sense of • Is very focused tions to the discipline
reflectively aware of the content’s value on his/her own • Actively seeks feedback
triggered interest questions
Fig. 11.1. Punnett square of the possible relations among learner phase of interest, metacognitive abilities, and achievement
demands of the learning environment.
Achievement Goals
12
Kou Murayama, Andrew J. Elliot, and Ron Friedman
Abstract
In this chapter, we describe the achievement goal construct’s origin and highlight noteworthy
developments in the literature. We then use this historical overview to provide the context for several
key theoretical and empirical issues surrounding the current achievement goal approach, including the
precise definition of achievement goals, the possible inclusion of additional goals into the achievement
goal approach, the measurement of achievement goals, the debates surrounding performance-approach
and performance-avoidance goals, contextual effects on achievement goals, and the consideration of
methodological expansion.
Key Words: achievement motivation, achievement goals, approach-avoidance
University of Illinois. In the fall of 1977, they began suggests that children experience helplessness when
meeting regularly in a series of seminars on motiva- they attribute failure to insufficient ability, but it
tion at the Institute for Child Behavior and Devel- does not explain what factors cause this maladap-
opment in the Children’s Research Center (Elliot, tive attribution pattern. The achievement motive
2005; Roberts, 2001). Shortly thereafter, a series of tradition, on the other hand, overemphasized dis-
papers emerged (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980; Nicholls positions without sufficiently addressing the role
& Dweck, 1979) articulating the foundational ideas of cognitions in predicting achievement behavior
of the achievement goal approach. (Dweck & Wortman, 1982). In her work, Dweck
It should be noted that research on achievement sought to address these limitations and proposed
motivation in the 1970s was heavily influenced that children’s responses to failure were related to
by the causal attribution tradition (Weiner, 1985; the goals they held for completing the task (Dweck,
Weiner, Heckhausen, & Meyer, 1972; Weiner & 1986, 1999; Dweck & Leggett, 1988).
Kukla, 1970) and the achievement motive tradition According to Dweck’s theorizing, children who
(Atkinson & Raynor, 1978; McClelland, Atkinson, adopt learning goals view achievement pursuits as
Clark, & Lowell, 1976). The combined efforts of opportunities to learn and increase their compe-
Ames, Dweck, Maehr, and Nicholls can be viewed, tence. Children with learning goals also view fail-
in part, as an attempt to overcome the weaknesses ure as important feedback on their progress, rather
and limitations of the causal attribution and achieve- than an indictment of their ability. Consequently,
ment motive traditions. The achievement goal con- the experience of failure leads children with learning
struct was, therefore, not created ex nihilo. goals to redouble their efforts, which is consistent
A common feature of early work on the achieve- with a mastery response pattern. In contrast, chil-
ment goal construct is the usage of a dichotomous dren who hold performance goals view achievement
model, which distinguishes between two types of pursuits not as opportunities to learn but as oppor-
achievement goals. These distinctions typically cen- tunities to demonstrate their competence (Elliott &
ter on the different foci an individual might bring Dweck, 1988; Smiley & Dweck, 1994). To these
to a given achievement activity (Dweck & Elliott, children, failure is a signal that they do not pos-
1983; Nicholls, 1984). Two dichotomous models sess the ability to succeed. After experiencing fail-
that were highly influential in the development of ure, children with performance goals reduce their
the achievement goal construct are Dweck’s frame- efforts, which is consistent with a helpless response
work, grounded in the learning-performance distinc- pattern.
tion, and Nicholls’s model, grounded in the task-ego Dweck further posited that the adoption of
distinction. The following section reviews these different achievement goals is influenced by one’s
models and outlines the influence of each approach implicit theories of ability. Implicit theories rep-
on later work. resent a person’s beliefs about the relative stability
or malleability of objective forms of competence.
dweck’s conceptualization A belief that ability is a stable entity and not ame-
Dweck’s achievement goal conceptualization nable to change (called entity theory) was posited to
emerged from her research with late grade-school- lead to performance goal adoption, while a belief
age children (Diener & Dweck, 1978, 1980; that ability is malleable and highly amenable to
Dweck, 1975; Dweck & Reppucci, 1973). Dweck change (called incremental theory) was posited to
found that after experiencing failure on a task, some lead to learning goal adoption (Bempechat, Lon-
children exhibited “helpless” responses (character- don, & Dweck, 1991). Taken together, Dweck’s
ized by decrements in persistence and performance, work characterizes achievement goals as proximal
the onset of negative affect and expectancies, the predictors of failure responses that are influenced by
attribution of failure to insufficient ability, and the a person’s implicit theories of competence.
avoidance of subsequent challenge), while others
exhibited “mastery” responses (characterized by sus- nicholl’s conceptualization
tained or enhanced persistence and performance, Nicholls’s work on achievement goals emerged
continued positive affect and expectancies, the attri- from his research on the way children conceptualize
bution of failure to insufficient effort, and the pur- ability. Nicholls argued that both the achievement
suit of subsequent challenge). Dweck was interested motive and causal attribution traditions had failed
in identifying the underlying root of these distinct to recognize that ability may be construed in differ-
response patterns. The causal attribution tradition ent ways (Nicholls, 1983). According to Nicholls
Goal Pursuit
13
Peter M. Gollwitzer and Gabriele Oettingen
Abstract
We start out with describing how the goal concept emerged in the history of the psychology of
motivation to better understand the important role it plays in current research on motivation. We then
suggest a differentiation between studies targeting the setting of goals versus the implementation of goals
to get a grip on the host of empirical work the goal concept has triggered. With respect to goal setting,
we first discuss studies that explore determinants affecting the content and structure of set goals (e.g.,
entity vs. incremental theories of intelligence influence the setting of performance vs. learning goals).
We then turn to studies on the self-regulation of goal setting and discuss in detail how a self-regulation
strategy called mental contrasting of future and reality facilitates strong commitment to feasible goals but
dissolves commitment to unfeasible ones. With respect to goal implementation we first refer to studies
on the determinants of effective goal striving (e.g., the framing of the set goal in terms of approach vs.
avoidance) and then turn to analyzing the effective self-regulation of goal implementation. Here we focus
on the strategy of forming implementation intentions (i.e., if-then plans) and explicate in detail how
such planning helps in overcoming classic hurdles to goal attainment (e.g., distractions). We will end the
chapter by reporting the results of recent intervention studies that successfully enhanced goal attainment
in the health, academic, and interpersonal domains by combining the self-regulation strategy of mental
contrasting with that of forming implementation intentions.
Key Words: goal setting, goal implementation, goal commitment, obstacles, mental contrasting,
implementation intentions, self-regulation, self-control, willpower, behavior change interventions
Based on learning theory advanced by early ani- Spence (1956) as the concept of need and the con-
mal psychologists (Hull, 1943; Spence, 1956), the cept of incentive. With respect to need, the cogni-
strength of the tendency to make a response was at tively inspired psychology of motivation ventured
first considered to be a function of an organism’s skills into the concept of motives (for a summary, see
(or habit strength), its needs, and the incentive value McClelland, 1985a), defined as the class of incen-
of the desired outcome. For example, how fast an tives that a person finds attractive (e.g., achieve-
animal runs toward a box containing food depends ment, power, affiliation, intimacy). More important,
on its habit strength, its hunger, and the quality and McClelland (1985b) discovered that depending on
quantity of food. However, with the advance of the whether this preference for certain classes of incen-
cognitive revolution in psychology, these determi- tives was measured implicitly (as assessed by the
nants of motivation as well as the concept of motiva- Thematic Apperception Test; TAT) or explicitly
tion itself became more elaborated. Tolman (1932) (as assessed by attitude questionnaires), it predicts
postulated various mental processes “which interme- the execution of different types of motive-related
diate in the causal equation between environmental responses: actions peoplespontaneously engage in
stimuli and . . . overt behavior” (Tolman, 1932, p. 2). versus actions people decide to engage in after
These intermediate processes entailed concepts of thoughtful deliberation.
purpose (ends and means) as well as expectations It was also found that whether an incentive is
(e.g., means-expectations, end-expectations, and hoped for versus feared matters. For instance, a
means-end-expectations). A few years later, Festinger person with a strong achievement motive, longing
(1942) and Atkinson (1957) drew on that work in for the pride associated with success, will choose
their research on what motivates humans to select a task of medium difficulty to pursue; this level
and perform tasks of varying difficulty. They sug- of difficulty provides the most information about
gested that people weight the incentive value of the achievement level. However, a person who abhors
desired outcome with the expectancy that it would the shame associated with failure (Atkinson, 1958)
actually occur. will choose either a very easy or a very difficult task,
Social cognitive learning theorists (e.g., Bandura, which is an effective strategy to avoid shame (as
1977) went a step further, factoring in whether very easy tasks are likely to be solved, and failure on
one could successfully perform the necessary too-difficult tasks can easily be explained). Finally,
behavior required to arrive at a desired outcome researchers have differentiated among types of
(so-called efficacy or control beliefs). These theo- incentives as well (Heckhausen, 1977). For instance,
rists also alluded to further relevant expectancies, in the realm of achievement, anticipation of positive
such as whether the situation by itself would pro- self-evaluations (e.g., “I did really well!”), positive
duce the desired outcome (Heckhausen, 1977; evaluations by others (e.g., praise by the teacher),
Mischel, 1973), whether performing a given behav- higher order positive consequences (e.g., success-
ior would lead to the desired outcome (Bandura, ful professional career), and consequences that go
1977), whether achieving the desired outcome beyond achievement (e.g., having a good time with
would be instrumental to accruing further posi- coworkers) can all motivate people to do well on
tive consequences (Vroom, 1964), whether the given tasks.
desired outcome could be brought about somehow Given this increasing differentiation in think-
by one’s actions (Oettingen, 1996), and whether ing about the determinants of motivation (i.e.,
the future in general would be bright (Abramson, needs, incentives, and expectancies), one may won-
Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978; Scheier & Carver, der whether the concept of goals is at all needed.
1987). In our opinion, the concept of goals helps the cog-
Adding these expectancy-related variables helped nitive explication of the readiness to make a certain
to explicate in more detail the can-aspect (or feasi- response. Importantly in this regard, Ajzen and
bility aspect) of the motivation to make a certain Fishbein (1969) suggested that this readiness should
response: Can the desired outcome be brought be assessed in terms of a person’s intention to make
about? But the cognitive revolution also helped to the response. Mischel (1973) went a step further
explain the want-aspect (or desirability aspect) of and argued that such intentions can be conceived
the motivation to make a certain response: Do I as self-imposed or assigned goals that imply stan-
really want the desired outcome? This desirability dards that the person intends to meet (with respect
issue was originally captured by Hull (1943) and to quality and quantity criteria). Doing so allows
Abstract
Experimental research in psychology has discovered that human goal pursuit originates and unfolds in
the unconscious. Our behavior is directed and motivated by goals outside of conscious awareness in the
current situation or environment. In this chapter we review past and current research that examines
these goal-priming effects. Our review is organized around two themes. The first theme deals with
research that analyzes how people control their goal pursuit in the absence of conscious awareness, and
it examines goal pursuit as automated behaviors resulting from habits as well as flexible behaviors that
occur when habitual responding is not adequate to attain goals. The second theme concerns the quest
to understand the unconscious source of human goal pursuit, and it explores recent work that considers
the fundamental role of positive affect in reward processing and implicit motivation.
Key Words: priming, goal pursuit, unconscious processes, motivation, regulation
Observing other people’s and one’s own behavior Obviously, the environment plays a crucial role
sometimes may lead to the conclusion that the in directing behavior. However, acting on fixed
human behavioral system throws in responses to stimulus-response rules—such as smashing a beep-
situations by trial and error. Our behavior can be ing alarm clock in the morning—is not the whole
fairly unpredictable and even chaotic. However, story. A substantial part of human behavior seems to
whereas human behavior occasionally appears to be directed at desired outcomes that reliably control
consist of a random selection of responses, often it and motivate the behavioral system in a dynamic
is not. Our behavior is very sensitive to learning and world. This flexibility to produce the same desired
strongly influenced by past experiences, and it tends outcomes under varying circumstances comes from
to be highly organized and structured in the service our capacity to mentally represent what we want
of future action. Indeed, research in the tradition and do: to build and store representations of goals.
of behaviorism has shown that human behavior fol- These goal representations function as beacons for
lows from rigid responses to environmental stimuli behavior, motivating action and guiding its course.
that are learned and reinforced by rewards (Skinner, The idea that our behavior is directed by goals is
1953; Watson, 1925). When chained together—it explicitly articulated in different models and theo-
is reasoned—such responses can even make up ries of human behavior (e.g., Bandura, 1986; Deci
complicated patterns of action, setting each other & Ryan, 1985; Locke & Latham, 1990). Impor-
off like toppling domino stones. According to this tantly, in most of these models and theories peo-
view, the environment organizes and determines ple’s goal pursuit is assumed to be governed by a
human behavior. kind of inner agent such as “consciousness” or “the
will.” There is common agreement that goal setting of positive affect in reward processing and implicit
is accompanied by conscious awareness, and that motivation to offer insight into the unconscious
goal pursuit is associated with conscious intent. sources of our goal pursuit. Before we discuss this
For Descartes, the role of consciousness in goal work in more detail, we will briefly address some
pursuit even provided proof of our very existence. general issues pertaining to the conceptualization of
It is we who consciously decide what we want and unconscious goal pursuit.
do; and it is up to us to consciously act upon it.
It does not come as a surprise, then, that the sci- The Concept of Unconscious Goal Pursuit
entific investigation of human behavior—heavily At first glance, the notion that goal pursuit occurs
influenced by Descartes—has assigned a key role to nonconsciously and is controlled by the environ-
consciousness. ment brings us back to behaviorism. However, the
However, whereas the causal status of conscious- modern conceptualization of unconscious goal pur-
ness in human behavior is often taken for granted, suit is different in one important way (e.g., Aarts &
over the last 15 years or so several lines of experimen- Dijksterhuis, 2000; Bargh, 1990). It follows the
tation have discovered that our goal-directed behav- modern view on human functioning that analyzes
iors can be under “unconscious control” (Custers & the involvement of mental processes and the role
Aarts, 2010). This large body of evidence for the of knowledge acquisition and utilization in non-
occurrence of nonconscious social behavior reso- conscious learning and environmental control over
nates well with prevailing views on the limited role behavior. For instance, several studies on the role of
of consciousness in human functioning. According reinforcement in classical and instrumental condi-
to these views, our thinking and doing is produced tioning have stressed the importance of incentives
by mental processes that are not open to intro- or goals in motivating and directing behavior of ani-
spection, and hence, in essence all our behaviors mals, humans included, in the absence of conscious
start and unfold in the unconscious (Libet, 1985; awareness (Berridge, 2001). Furthermore, basic and
Nørretranders, 1991). In other words, human applied work on preference learning suggests that
behavior is not (always) governed by a social agent humans implicitly form mental representations of
that motivates and directs behavior consciously and rewarding goal-objects when these objects co-occur
intentionally (Bargh, 1997; Wegner, 2002; Wilson, with affective (e.g., rewarding) stimuli (De Houwer,
2002). Instead, our behavior is directed and moti- Thomas, & Baeyens, 2001; Hofmann, De Houwer,
vated by goals outside of conscious awareness in the Perugini, Baeyens, & Crombez, 2010). In addition,
current situation or environment, even though we people have been shown to learn rules that predict
share the experience and belief that we consciously the occurrence of complex sequences of stimuli and
set and pursue goals. This notion not only pertains responses without their ability to consciously verbal-
to simple motor movements and skills such as flex- ize these rules (Reber, 1993). Accordingly, research
ing an index finger, pushing keys on a computer on unconscious goal pursuit goes beyond behavior-
keyboard, or driving a car but also to social behav- ism (Bargh & Ferguson, 2000) by scrutinizing the
ior resulting from higher cognitive processes such as mental processes that underlie the influence of the
our goal pursuit. environment on the activation and operation of
In the present chapter, we discuss social cogni- goal-directed behavior.
tion research that examines the possibility that Analogous to research on conscious goal pursuit,
human goal pursuit emerges in the absence of con- the study on unconscious goal pursuit assumes that
scious intent and without awareness of the cause of goals are mentally represented as desired behaviors or
the goal pursuit. This chapter is organized around outcomes (e.g., Carver & Scheier, 1998; Gollwitzer
two themes. The first theme deals with research & Moskowitz, 1996). These goal representations
that analyzes how people are able to control and can differ in their level of abstractness. For instance,
regulate their goal pursuit in the absence of con- while socializing or earning money are representa-
scious awareness. Therefore, we examine goal pur- tions of complex goals that usually require a series
suit as automated behaviors resulting from habits as of actions to be achieved, using a phone or produc-
well as flexible behaviors that occur when habitual ing matching symbols on a slot machine are results
responding is not adequate to attain goals. The sec- which can be attained by a few button presses or a
ond theme concerns the question of what motivates simple hand movement. Thus, human goal-directed
goal pursuit unconsciously. Specifically, we discuss behavior is commonly understood to evolve from
recent work that considers the fundamental role more simple movement goals to more complex
Abstract
Years of research have implicated a complex set of motivational causes and consequences of choice.
Psychological theory has often prescribed the benefits of choosing, though limitations to this view
of choice as being ubiquitously positive are apparent. In this chapter, the relation between choice
and motivation is examined. Conceptualizations of choice as both an outcome of motivation and a
motivational experience are described. The benefits and determinants of receiving and perceiving choice
for motivation are then discussed according to various psychological theories. Next, the complex
and often contradictory findings regarding the relation between choice and motivation are discussed
in light of various factors (e.g., characteristics of choices, persons, and situations) that may influence
those effects. Issues that have yet to be adequately addressed in the research on choice effects and the
directions that future research might take are briefly discussed.
Key Words: provision of choice, perceived choice, decision making, autonomy, motivation
The Motivation to Choose not always conform to conventional assumptions of
Over time, choice has been conceptualized and rational choice. Rather, people are often engaging in
operationally defined in a variety of different ways satisficing, accepting a choice that is good enough,
in theories of human behavior. Consequently, the due to their cognitive limitations, limited informa-
study of choice and its relation with motivation tion, and the complexity of environment that limits
reflect this variability. In much theory and research, their ability to make a perfect choice (Simon, 1982,
choice is an outcome that can be explained by some 1987). Likewise, irrational choices may be a func-
motivational process. That is, choice is the end result tion of a number of judgment heuristics and biases
of a decision-making process in which an individual that influence the way people assess probabilities
has some freedom regarding whether to engage in under uncertain conditions and, thus, influence the
one behavior or not or one behavior over another. decisions they make (Kahneman & Tversky, 1979;
When looking at choice as a behavioral outcome, Tversky & Kahneman, 1974, 1981).
virtually any theory of human behavior might be A great deal of research and theory has high-
conceived to have something to say regarding the lighted the important role that expectancies about
relation between motivation and choice. Likewise, one’s abilities or the outcomes of behaving, as well
the research on what motivates people to choose as as one’s values for a particular object or behavior,
they do provides a long list of influential factors. play in influencing the choices an individual makes
For example, from the standpoint of early drive (Ajzen, 1985; Atkinson, 1964; Bandura, 1977; Eccles
theories (Maslow, 1954; Murray, 1938), people & Wigfield, 2002; Edwards, 1954; Feather, 1988;
choose one object or activity over another to the Lewin, 1936; Rotter, 1954; Tolman, 1932; Vroom,
extent that it satisfies one or more of many basic 1964). Self-efficacy or expectations regarding one’s
physiological and psychological needs (i.e., hunger, ability to adequately execute a specific behavior or
thirst, love, or achievement). According to Maslow sequence of behaviors relative to a particular goal or
(1954), needs exist in a hierarchical organization, criterion influence which behaviors one chooses to
such that lower level “deficit” needs (physiological engage in (Bandura, 1977, 1986, 1997). For exam-
and safety needs) are required to be satisfied before ple, students with higher mathematical self-efficacy
higher level “growth” needs (belongingness, esteem, were found to be more likely to choose to engage
and self-actualization needs). As such, when faced in the math task compared to other types of tasks
with a situation in which an individual has the (Bandura & Schunk, 1981), and measures of self-
choice of objects and activities that satisfy existing efficacy have been found to correlate significantly
needs at varying levels in the hierarchy, the object with career choices and students’ choice of majors
or activity that satisfies lower level needs will be in college (Betz & Hackett, 1981, 1983; Hackett
chosen. & Betz, 1981, 1989). Going further, maladaptive
A number of theories suggest that people simply choices may be made as a result of expectancies for
choose the best or most rewarding option among failure and self-presentational concerns. For exam-
the alternatives and avoid options that lead to unde- ple, Berglas and Jones (1978) demonstrated in their
sirable outcomes. From a traditional behaviorist research on self-handicapping that compared to
standpoint, a particular behavior will be chosen undergraduate students that were led to believe they
and initiated over another behavior to the extent had performed well on a series of analogy problems
that it has been frequently paired with a stimulus due to their high aptitude, students who were led
or followed by a reinforcing consequence in the to believe they had performed well on the task due
past (Skinner, 1953; Thorndike, 1913). Similarly, to lucky guessing (and thus would be unlikely to
according to rational choice theory, an influential do well on future tasks) were more likely to choose
theory in social sciences such as sociology, econom- to take a performance-inhibiting drug rather than
ics, and political science, individuals are motivated a performance-enhancing drug for a second round
to choose the best option given their goals and of problems.
information they have about the conditions under Expectancy-value theories of motivation suggest
which they are acting (Scott, 2000). Rational indi- that the choices an individual makes are a function
viduals must anticipate the outcome of each alterna- of the interaction between an individual’s beliefs
tive course of action and will choose the alternative about his or her ability to produce a particular out-
that will lead to the greatest satisfaction (Carling, come and his or her value for the task or attain-
1992; Coleman, 1973; Heath, 1976). Despite this ing a particular outcome (Ajzen, 1985; Atkinson,
hedonic assumption, the decisions people make do 1964; Edwards, 1954; Feather, 1988; Lewin, 1936;
pata ll
Rotter, 1954; Vroom, 1964). For example, Vroom’s immediately or in the future and the extent to which
expectancy theory (1964), Atkinson’s theory of an activity is valued. Although early expectancy-value
achievement motivation (1964), and Rotter’s social theory and research (e.g., Atkinson, 1964; Vroom,
learning theory (1954) all predict that an indi- 1964) suggested that expectancies were related to task
vidual’s choices are a function of the product of choices, more recent research has suggested that value
an individual’s beliefs about his or her ability to beliefs are a better predictor of students’ academic
produce a particular outcome or consequence and choices than expectancies (Eccles, 1987; Eccles et al.,
the desirability or his or her value for attaining 1983; Eccles et al., 1984; Feather, 1988; Meece, Wig-
that particular outcome. The greater the product of field, & Eccles, 1990; Wigfield & Eccles, 1992). For
these elements, the more likely an individual will example, Eccles (1984) showed that fifth- through
be to choose a particular option or course of action. twelfth-grade students’ valuing of math predicted
Research has been consistent with these notions. For their intentions to keep taking more math courses
example, the combination of expectancies and val- more strongly than their expectancies for success.
ues has been found to predict occupational choice Likewise, Eccles, Adler, and Meece (1984) showed
(Mitchell, 1974; Van Eerne & Thierry, 1996) and that eighth- through tenth-grade students’ valuing
students’ academic choices (Feather, 1988) rather of math strongly predicted their decisions to enroll
well. Feather (1988) found that college students in advanced high school math courses. Whereas for
who had a higher value and perceptions of their younger students, interest may be the strongest pre-
ability in math were more likely to enroll in science dictor of academic choices, for older students, both
courses, whereas students who had higher value and interest and perceived usefulness may both be strong
perception of their ability in English were less likely predictors (Wigfield & Eccles, 1989).
to enroll in science courses and more likely to enroll A number of theories emphasize how one’s goals
in humanities. motivate choices in the context of self-regulation
Similar predictions are made according to the (Carver & Scheier, 2002; Markus & Nurius, 1986).
theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1985). Spe- For example, according to Carver and Scheier’s
cifically, outcome expectancies and values lead to a (1982, 2002; also see Chapter 3, this volume) con-
favorable or unfavorable attitude toward a behavior trol theory, people monitor the discrepancy between
and influence one’s intentions to perform a particu- their current state and a goal and will try to move
lar behavior, along with perceptions of the social toward a desirable goal (or away from a goal with an
pressure to engage or not engage in a behavior undesirable outcome) as a way to reduce the discrep-
and perceptions of one’s ability to perform a given ancy (or enlarge it in the case of goals to avoid unde-
behavior. Consequently, one behavior will be cho- sirable outcomes). Thus, a person’s choice to engage
sen over alternatives to the extent that the intention in one behavior over another is the result of the abil-
to perform that behavior is stronger than the inten- ity of a behavior to reduce the discrepancy between
tion to perform alternative behaviors and when an one’s current state and ideal state or goal. Similarly,
individual has a sufficient degree of actual control individuals’ positive and negative visions of them-
over the behavior (Ajzen, 1988, 2002; Sheppard, selves in the future or their possible selves (Markus
Hartwick, & Warshaw, 1988). For example, people’s & Nurius, 1986; Oyserman & James, 2008) may
voting intentions, assessed a short time prior to a influence the choices an individual makes. Possible
presidential election, tend to correlate with actual selves can act as a guidepost and orient an individual
voting choice in the range of .75 to .80 (see Fishbein to make choices that bring them closer to desired
& Ajzen, 1981). Mothers’ choice of feeding method possible selves and farther from undesirable pos-
(breast versus bottle) for newborn babies has been sible selves (Hoyle & Sherrill, 2006; Oyserman &
found to have a strong correlation with intentions Fryberg, 2006; Oyserman & James, 2008).
expressed several weeks prior to delivery (Manstead, Various personal orientations that people have
Proffitt, & Smart, 1983). will influence their choices. For example, in Atkinson’s
Contemporary expectancy-value theories within (1957, 1964) early expectancy-value theory, an indi-
the academic domain (Eccles, 1987; Eccles et al., vidual’s choice of tasks was hypothesized to be a
1983; Eccles & Wigfield, 2002; Wigfield & Eccles, function of relatively enduring motives to approach
1992, 2001) also assert that the choices that individ- success and avoid failure, in addition to expectan-
uals make when given some autonomy in their deci- cies and value for success. People high in the motive
sion making are influenced by expectancy-related to approach success were expected to choose tasks
beliefs about how well they will do on a task either of intermediate difficulty because motivation was
pata ll
Dissonance theory suggests that people dislike a counterattitudinal essay, participants who felt they
inconsistency between the beliefs they have about had a great deal of choice compared to those who per-
themselves and the behavior they engage in, and ceived having little choice regarding whether to write
therefore, people will strive for their thoughts to be the essay demonstrated greater physiological arousal
consistent with other thoughts and with their behav- construed as a dissonant motivational state. Likewise,
ior (Aronson, 1969, 1992, 1999; Brehm, 1962; individuals who perceived having chosen to write an
Festinger, 1957). When a person’s thoughts are essay that was contrary to their personal beliefs sub-
inconsistent with one another or inconsistent with sequently changed their attitudes, while individuals
one’s behavior, an aversive motivational state of dis- who felt they were forced to write the counterattitu-
sonance is aroused (Elliot & Devine, 1994) in which dinal essay did not change their attitudes (Cooper &
an individual will be motivated to resolve dissonance Fazio, 1984). Similarly, participants who were given a
(Gerard, 1992; Harmon-Jones & Mills, 1999) by one choice compared to no choice as to whether to write
of a number of strategies: (1) removing the dissonant that they liked an unpleasant-tasting drink or that
belief, (2) reducing the importance of the dissonant they thought a boring passage was interesting shifted
belief, (3) adding new beliefs that are consonant with their attitudes in the direction of what they wrote.
behavior, or (4) increasing the importance of the new Furthermore, the more choice participants felt they
consonant belief (Festinger, 1957; Harmon-Jones & had over what they wrote, the more they shifted their
Mills, 1999; Simon, Greenberg, & Brehm, 1995). attitudes (Harmon-Jones et al., 1996).
Choice making plays an important role in cogni- Choice is also at the core of attribution theory
tive dissonance in several ways. First, the experience (Kelley, 1967, 1973) and self-perception theory
of making a difficult choice is one important source (Bem, 1967). According to attribution theory, peo-
of dissonance and motivates strategies to reduce dis- ple will assign dispositional meaning to behavior
sonance (Festinger, 1964). For example, in Brehm’s after a careful assessment of the possible explanatory
(1956) classic study examining the role of choice power of controlling influences in the environment.
making, after receiving a chosen household appli- Thus, if a person feels that a behavior was freely cho-
ance among several options, participants who chose sen, he or she will be more likely to infer from that
between appliances similar in desirability accord- behavior information about the actor’s traits and
ing to their own initial ratings were found to sub- attitudes (Jones & Harris, 1967; Jones, Worchel,
sequently rate the chosen object as more desirable Goethals, & Grumet, 1971).
and the unchosen object as less desirable. However, Self-perception theory makes a similar claim.
participants who were assigned to receive a particu- Challenging the notion that people experience an
lar appliance or who were asked to choose between aversive motivational state known as dissonance, self-
appliances that they initially viewed as highly dis- perception theory suggested that rather “individuals
crepant in desirability, showed little change in their come to know their own attitudes, emotions, and
attitudes toward the appliances after receiving the other internal states partially by inferring them from
one they were assigned or had chosen. Subsequent observations of their own overt behavior and/or the
studies provided additional support for the notion circumstances in which this behavior occurs” (Bem,
that choice making itself can motivate an individual 1972, p. 2). Like dissonance theory, self-perception
to shift his or her attitudes in an effort to reduce dis- theory maintained the notion that that in order for
sonance (Brehm & Cohen, 1959; Gerard & White, individuals to be motivated to form attitudes that
1983; Lyubomirsky & Ross, 1999; Shultz, Léveillé, reflect their overt behavior, they must believe that they
& Lepper, 1999). freely chose to engage in the behavior self-observed
Second, refinements of dissonance theory sug- (Bem, 1972; Bem & McConnell, 1971). That is,
gested that dissonance and corresponding dissonance- individuals who experienced a choice as to whether
reducing strategies will only occur when people to engage in a particular behavior will observe that
perceive that they have freely chosen to engage in a overt behavior and conclude that they must have an
behavior and can therefore accept responsibility for an attitude in line with that behavior. In contrast, indi-
action (Cooper & Fazio, 1984; Goethals & Cooper, viduals who did not experience a choice will observe
1972; Harmon-Jones, Brehm, Greenberg, Simon, & their behavior and evaluate the conditions in which
Nelson, 1996; Helmreich & Collins, 1968; Linder, they acted and conclude that their behavior was
Cooper, & Jones, 1967; Scher & Cooper, 1989; Sher- the result of not having a choice, rather than their
man, 1970). For example, Croyle and Cooper (1983) internal beliefs. Subsequent research attempting to
found that when participants were asked to write resolve the discrepancies between dissonance theory
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In addition to being an important antecedent of even in the wake of initial failure (Mikulincer,
feelings of autonomy, subsequent motivational and 1988). Consistent with these notions, Henry
performance benefits of choice may lie in its ability (1994) found that allowing male participants to
to support the perception or experience of having choose between two sets of almanac questions pro-
control (Langer, 1975; Rotter, 1966; Taylor, 1989) duced enhanced perceptions of competence prior to
and the need for competence (Cordova & Lepper, engaging in the task, though the only information
1996; Henry, 1994; Henry & Sniezek, 1993; Katz provided was uninformative labels for the questions
& Assor, 2007; Monty & Perlmuter, 1987; Patall (i.e., Set A or Set B). Similarly, Langer (1975) found
et al., 2008; Perlmuter & Monty, 1977; Perlmuter, that expectancies for success were greater when par-
Scharff, Karsh, & Monty, 1980; Tafarodi, Milne ticipants were given a choice of ticket in the lottery,
& Smith, 1999; Tafarodi, Mehranvar, Panton, & even though outcomes in a lottery are determined
Milne, 2002). Based on a series of studies showing by chance.
that choice of either stimulus or response words in In line with self-determination theorists and
a paired-associates memory task led to enhanced others, the importance of providing choices has also
performance outcomes (Monty & Perlmuter, 1975; been emphasized in theories of academic achieve-
Monty, Rosenberger, & Perlmuter, 1973; Perlmuter ment motivation. For example, achievement goal
& Monty, 1973; Perlmuter, Monty, & Kimble, orientation theorists have suggested that to the
1971), Perlmuter and Monty (1977) argued that extent that it is a way to support students’ feelings of
the performance benefits of choice are a result of autonomy and control and emphasizes the process
increased motivation in the form of enhanced per- of learning, the provision of choice may be one of a
ceived control and subsequent increased arousal number of key instructional practices that differen-
and cognitive engagement with the task (Monty & tiate mastery compared to performance classroom
Perlmuter, 1987; Perlmuter et al., 1980). Similarly, goal structure (Ames, 1992; Ames & Archer, 1988;
Henry (1994; Henry & Sniezek, 1993) argued that Epstein, 1989; Maehr & Midgley, 1991; Meece,
the benefits of choice lie in its ability to increase Anderman, & Anderman, 2006). In particular, pro-
perceived control and subsequent self-efficacy. Fur- viding students with options and opportunities to
thermore, the power of choice to enhance percep- make choices regarding tasks, materials, learning
tions of control and perceived competence has been methods, or pace of learning in the classroom has
found to be independent of its effect on either actual been theorized to be an important part of imple-
performance or intrinsic motivation. For example, menting a mastery goal structure (e.g., an emphasis
in two studies examining the effects of choice, col- on developing skills and learning), whereas restrict-
lege students were asked to read and understand a ing options and choices may be consistent with a
short story. Those who selected names to be used in performance goal structure (e.g., an emphasis on
the story reported enhanced perceived control and demonstrating competence and performing better
felt more confident about their performance than than others). Though few empirical examples exist
did those who were assigned names, although the to support the supposition, the provision of choice
groups in fact performed equally and did not dif- in the classroom is expected to encourage students
fer in reports of interest for the task (Tafarodi et al., to adopt a personal mastery goal orientation when
1999). engaging in achievement behaviors (Ames, 1992;
In fact, so strong is the relationship between Epstein, 1989; Maehr & Midgley, 1991; Meece,
choice, perceived control, and feelings of compe- Anderman, & Anderman, 2006) and, in turn, sup-
tence, that choice may have a motivational quality port a constellation of adaptive motivational and
even when the choices one makes have no rela- performance outcomes that mastery goal orienta-
tion with outcomes (Langer, 1975). Langer (1975) tions have generally been found to be positively
argued that as a result of people’s cumulative experi- associated with (e.g., increases in effort, persis-
ence in which having choice allows one to perform tence, self-efficacy, intrinsic motivation, and self-
better on a task by picking options that are tailored regulation; see Ames, 1992; Harackiewicz, Barron,
to one’s preferences and abilities, even providing Pintrich, Elliot, & Thrash, 2002; Linnenbrink-
choices that have no relation with the outcomes Garcia, Tyson, & Patall, 2008; Meece et al., 2006;
obtained can lead to heightened expectations of Midgley, Kaplan, & Middleton, 2001 for relevant
success. Furthermore, the cue that choice provides reviews).
of an increased probability of success (Estes, 1976) Also building on the notion that the provision
may support motivation and increased resilience and/or perception of having choices will support
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of the task spent less time studying and performed According to the self-regulatory perspective
more poorly on cognitive measures compared to stu- proposed by Baumeister, Muraven, and colleagues
dents whose pace was dictated by the experimenter (Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Muraven, & Tice, 1998;
(Flowerday & Schraw, 2003). In two additional Muraven & Baumeister, 2000; Muraven, Baumeis-
studies, no-choice participants were found to write ter, & Tice, 1999), all acts of choice or self-control
higher quality essays compared to students who are effortful and draw on a limited resource that
were given choice. Choice had no effect on a sub- can be depleted, analogous to a source of energy or
sequent test to assess learning (Flowerday, Schraw, strength. Since all acts of volition or self-regulation
& Stevens, 2004). In models exploring the nature draw on the same resource, any act of volition or self-
of perceived autonomy (or self-determination) and regulation will have detrimental effects on subsequent
its relation to intrinsic motivation, Reeve, Nix, and acts that continue to require self-regulation. Conse-
Hamm (2003) found that internal locus of causality quently, engaging in a choice can result in a state of
(e.g., an individual’s perception that his or her actions fatigue called ego depletion, in which the individual
are initiated and controlled by the individual rather experiences a decrement in the capacity to initiate
than by external forces; deCharms, 1968) and voli- activity, make choices, or further self-regulate.
tion (e.g., sense that individuals feel free rather than Baumeister and colleagues (1998) have proposed
forced to engage in a behavior), but not perceived that making choices is one form of self-control that
choice or the external event of provision of choice, can result in ego depletion. In particular, the pro-
constituted valid indicators of self-determination. cess of deliberation among the options and making
Through structural equation models, the authors a specific choice produces depletion (Vohs et al.,
compared a series of models containing one, two, 2008; Vohs, Finkenauer, & Baumeister, 2011). Sev-
or all three qualities of perceived self-determination eral studies have demonstrated the depleting effect
to find the best-fitting model. The inclusion of per- of choice. Baumeister and colleagues (1998) found
ceived choice or provision of choice was consistently that participants who were given a choice of which
found to reduce the fit of the model and reduced side to take in a debate persisted for less time and
the strength of the relationship between perceived made fewer attempts at solving subsequent puzzles
self-determination and intrinsic motivation. Similar compared to participants who were not asked to
findings were reported by Assor, Kaplan, and Roth make a debating choice. In other studies, partici-
(2002) when they distinguished between three forms pants who made choices among household prod-
of teacher practices meant to support the need for ucts, among college courses, or about the content of
autonomy among students: fostering relevance by courses demonstrated a reduced ability to exert self-
articulating the importance of a task for students’ control on a subsequent task (Vohs et al., 2008).
personal goals, allowing students to express dissat- Specifically, participants who made choices drank
isfaction with learning tasks, and providing oppor- less of a bad-tasting beverage, showed reduced per-
tunities to make choices. They found that while sistence on a cold water pressure task, procrasti-
allowing students to express their concerns if they nated more on a math task, showed less persistence
do not like a task and fostering the relevance of a in the face of failure on an unsolvable tracing task or
task promoted engagement, perceptions of provi- solvable math task, and performed worse on a math
sion of choice had little impact. test. In yet another study, people who reported mak-
In line with null and negative findings, some ing more choices during a shopping trip performed
psychologists have suggested that choice may have more poorly on a subsequent math task (Vohs et al.,
disadvantages. Schwartz (2000) argues that Ameri- 2008).
cans now live in a world in which the ability to Burger (1989) proposed a variety of circum-
choose everything from breakfast cereal to the way stances under which the provision of choice may
one wants to live is greater than ever before, though lead to maladaptive outcomes due to the relation-
depression and unhappiness are on the rise. That is, ship between having choice and perceptions of con-
although some choice may have benefits, as the num- trol. In particular, having a choice can also increase
ber of options and opportunities for making choices self-presentational concerns or feelings of responsi-
becomes excessive, motivation and well-being suffer bility about making the correct choice or perform-
due to the cost of giving up alternatives and regret ing well. This concern over self-presentation may
with the choices made. Accordingly, Schwartz (2000, lead to various negative outcomes. For example, in
2004) and colleagues (2002) argue that constraints a series of studies, participants were given a choice
on choosing may often be beneficial. of three tasks to work on during a 20-min testing
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the provision or perception of choice (and each Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978; Maier &
other) that they are sometimes viewed as synony- Seligman, 1976; Peterson, Maier, & Seligman, 1993;
mous with choice. Although increased perceptions Peterson & Seligman, 1984; Seligman, 1975). When
or experiences of control, competence, autonomy, choice does not support perceptions of control
volition, or locus of causality may often result as a because the chooser feels insufficiently informed or
function of having or perceiving opportunities to overly rushed to make decisions, choice may be expe-
choose, the provision or perception of having an rienced as stressful and can diminish self-confidence
opportunity to select an option among alternatives (Paterson & Neufeld, 1995; Rodin, Rennert, &
is separable from each of these related constructs. Solomon, 1980). Similarly, Tafarodi and colleagues
That said, a survey of the literature would suggest (1999) showed that perceptions of competence in
that when choice is divorced from some or all of understanding a story and performing well on a sub-
these related constructs, it may lose its power to sequent test were heightened only when participants
motivate. chose names used in the story relative to those who
Control may be conceptualized as the oppor- made no choices or those who chose names not used
tunity or perception that (1) an individual has the in the story. Similarly, choice may be less benefi-
ability to perform a particular behavior, (2) the cial when divorced from the need for competence.
particular behavior will be likely to lead to a desir- For example, Burger (1987, 1989) showed that
able end, and so ultimately, (3) the individual will having choice was more beneficial when it provided
obtain a particular outcome (Bandura, 1977, 1997; an opportunity to demonstrate competence. Under-
Burger, 1989; Skinner, 1996). As previously dis- graduate students allowed to select the response
cussed, some research and theory suggests that the word for a paired-associate memory task performed
effects of choice may be owed at least partly to the better when told that the experimenter would know
power of choice to enhance perceptions of control about their choice and performance compared to
(Burger, 1989; Henry, 1994; Langer, 1975; Monty participants who did not choose or chose but were
& Perlmuter, 1977). Work on reactance theory (see not told the experimenter would know about their
Brehm, 1966; Wortman & Brehm, 1975) has sug- choice and performance (Burger, 1987).
gested that when people expect to be able to con- According to self-determination theory, percep-
trol important outcomes, explicitly eliminating an tions of choice are conceptualized as being an impor-
option in the context of giving choice will cause a tant condition to the experience of autonomy, and
state of psychological reactance in which they will in turn, this experience of autonomy supports other
be highly motivated to regain and defend their per- adaptive outcomes (Deci & Ryan, 1987). How-
sonal freedom. This threat of restriction or elimina- ever, perceived choice is just one of several aspects
tion of the individual’s ability to choose will cause of autonomy. Specifically, autonomy is experienced
the individual to evaluate more positively the alter- when actions are perceived as (a) stemming from
natives he or she was not allowed to choose, while an internal locus of causality or individuals’ percep-
the remaining alternatives are evaluated more nega- tions that their actions are initiated and controlled
tively. People will continue to experience a moti- by them rather than by external forces (deCharms,
vational state of reactance and engage in coping 1968) and (b) volitional, or the sense that indi-
behaviors designed to regain their personal freedom viduals feel free rather than forced to engage in a
as long as behaviors associated with this reactance behavior (Rogers, 1969). Choice is viewed as the
are perceived to affect outcomes. condition needed to induce the experiential shift
In fact, it would seem that when choice does not “from pawn to origin” and “from forced to free”
support the experience of control, it may have no or (Deci & Ryan, 1985).
negative effects. For example, work on learned help- However, not all choices (or perceptions of
lessness has demonstrated that motivation to engage choices) facilitate an internal locus of causality or
in a behavior and learning are impaired when people volition. Reeve and colleagues (2003) suggested as
experience outcomes as independent of their choice much based on a review of existing literature and
of actions and consequently feel they have no con- their own series of studies in which it was shown
trol over a situation (Seligman, 1975). Furthermore, that when choice was designed in such a way that
mental health suffers under conditions of learned it enhanced perceptions of an internal locus of
helplessness; in particular, depression and anxiety causality and volition (e.g., participants were given
result when an individual experiences life choices as ongoing action choices in which the initiation and
irrelevant (e.g., Abramson, Metalsky, & Alloy, 1989; regulation of their behavior could be freely chosen),
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truly express his or her personal preferences from given two equally preferred activities to choose from
choosing and thus increases feelings of autonomy. compared to when just one preferred activity was
All in all, these examples serve to illustrate the point offered. Likewise, when required to choose among
that more powerful choices are those that effectively unwanted options (as opposed to choosing to do
enhance feelings of autonomy. something undesirable or nothing at all, as is com-
mon in dissonance research), the effort needed to
level of effort make a decision may be greater (Higgins, 1998;
In addition to the extent to which choices Janis & Mann, 1977; Lewin, 1951), diminishing the
provided enhance perceptions of control, compe- benefits of choosing. In one study (Botti & Iyengar,
tence, or autonomy, the extent to which a choice is 2004), participants were asked to either choose or
effortful may also play a role in determining when not choose among either appealing or unappealing
choice may lead to motivational benefits or decre- yogurt flavors. Although all of the subjects preferred
ments. That is, in line with a self-regulatory strength to choose for themselves, choosers reported greater
model, making a choice has a cost for expenditure satisfaction than nonchoosers only when the yogurt
of effort. The greater the extent to which making a options were appealing. When the yogurt options
choice is an effortful process, the less likely it will be were unappealing, choosers were less satisfied than
to afford motivational benefits. Given that choos- nonchoosers. Furthermore, when the yogurt flavors
ing may simultaneously support feelings of control, were unappealing, choosers ate less yogurt than
autonomy, and competence, while being an effort- nonchoosers.
ful process, it seems reasonable that positive and Wang and colleagues (Wang, Novemsky, Dhar,
negative consequences can both occur under vari- & Baumeister, in press) found that the structure
ous conditions and can even occur together. of the options influenced whether making choices
There is some research to support this assertion was depleting. In one condition, participants made
that there are limited benefits to choosing when a choice in which there was a fairly linear trade-off
greater effort is needed to make choices. For exam- between cost and quality across options, so that
ple, in one study designed to investigate the role of each increase in price yielded a roughly proportional
inner effort, Vohs and colleagues (2008) found that increase in quality. In another condition, however,
making choices about a computer and associated the trade-offs were not linear, and one of the choices
services, support options, and accessories required yielded the best value in the sense that it offered much
more effort and resulted in less persistence on a higher quality for only a slight increase in price. Par-
subsequent anagram task than the process of just ticipants who made the latter choice were more likely
thinking about and forming a preference regard- to make more virtuous future decisions compared to
ing the options or implementing choices previously participants who made the former choices, presum-
made by others. Similarly, Vohs, Finkenauer, and ably because the nonlinear trade-off choices pro-
Baumeister (2011) had participants either execute duced greater depletion by requiring greater effort to
preordained choices without thinking about them, make a good decision.
deliberate between options without choosing, or On the flip side, it is often noted that studies in
both deliberate and choose. The last condition was which seemingly trivial choices presumably requir-
the most depleting on subsequent tasks, whereas ing little effort in order to make decisions provide
executing choices without deliberating produced significant motivational, performance, and well-
little depletion. Deliberating without choosing still being benefits. A rather dramatic example is pro-
depleted some resources, but not as much as delib- vided by Langer and Rodin (1976) who conducted
erating and choosing. a field study in a nursing home in which a group
The extent to which options are similar or attrac- of patients were given choices to make relatively
tive may influence the effort needed to make a deci- inconsequential decisions, such as choosing when to
sion and the benefits of choosing. For example, watch a movie or how to arrange their bedroom fur-
choosers make suboptimal choices and delay mak- niture, or had these same decisions made for them
ing choices when confronted with equally attractive by the nursing home staff. The results showed an
or highly risky options (Luce, 1998; Mischel & increase in choosers’ happiness and activity levels
Ebbesen, 1970; Shafir, Simonson, & Tversky, 1993; relative to nonchoosers, as well as better health con-
Shafir & Tversky, 1992; Yates & Mischel, 1979). ditions and even lower death rates in the long run.
Higgins, Trope, and Kwon (1999) found that chil- Cordova and Lepper (1996) examined the effects
dren demonstrated less intrinsic motivation when of choices over “instructionally irrelevant aspects
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is extensive. For example, providing categories may conditions. Specifically, the effect of choice was
allow choosers to clearly perceive the variety avail- strongest in comparison to no-choice conditions in
able in extensive choice sets and reduce the effort which participants’ lack of choice was made salient
needed to differentiate among options and make a by explicitly denying choice. Similarly, the effect of
choice. Consequently, grouping options into cat- choice on intrinsic motivation was greatest in com-
egories appears to alleviate the detrimental effects of parison to control conditions in which participants
having an extensive set of options to choose among were aware that there were alternatives not open to
(Mogilner et al., 2008). them versus control conditions in which partici-
Furthermore, in addition to the number of pants were not aware of alternatives. Under these
options one has, the number of discrete choices one conditions, participants likely experienced a decre-
makes in a limited time frame may also have limited ment in intrinsic motivation. Consequently, the dif-
benefits. The meta-analysis by myself and colleagues ference in intrinsic motivation between the choice
(Patall et al., 2008) suggested that, indeed, there conditions and these most controlling no-choice
were an optimal number of choices to be made. Spe- conditions was greater than the difference between
cifically, studies in which participants made between the choice condition and less controlling no-choice
two and four choices produced the greatest effect on conditions, such as when participants were ran-
intrinsic motivation compared to when participants domly assigned an option, were assigned an option
made more or fewer choices. Similarly, Vohs and by an individual who was not significant to the par-
colleagues (2008) found that as the amount of time ticipant in any way (e.g., the experimenter), or were
engaging in a choice-making task (choosing items unaware that options other than their assignment
for a wedding registry) and therefore the number of existed.
choices made increased, the more depletion partici-
pants demonstrated. Specifically, participants asked summary
to engage in the choice-making task for a longer Clearly, choices vary in form and type. Not all
compared to shorter duration waited more time to choices are equally motivating and in fact some
tell the researcher that there was a technical prob- choices may be depleting. A review of existing
lem occurring on a subsequent task that prevented research suggests several underlying themes may
them from continuing. All in all, it would seem that explain when choice has positive, negative, or no
making more choices requires more effort expendi- effects. In particular, while choice need not be
ture and there is likely a point at which the balance explicit, individuals need to perceive that they have
among motivational effects of choosing are tipped the freedom to choose in order for effects (whether
from beneficial to null or even deleterious. beneficial or detrimental) to be experienced. Choices
that effectively enhance feelings of autonomy, con-
frame of reference trol, and competence are likely to successfully moti-
Clearly, there are a variety of factors that influ- vate behavior and facilitate adaptive outcomes.
ence the motivational effects of choice. However, Likewise, choices that lack the ability to support
it also matters how one is treated when choices are feelings of autonomy, control, or competence, or
intentionally restricted. The assumptions of theories are experienced as controlling, are unlikely to lead
previously mentioned have attested to this. Accord- to beneficial effects and may even diminish motiva-
ing to self-determination theory, conditions that are tion or lead to detrimental outcomes. The previous
experienced as controlling will diminish intrinsic review also highlights that choices may often come
motivation (Deci et al., 1989). Similarly, reactance with a cost. That is, choice can be an effortful pro-
theory (Brehm, 1966) suggests that when an option cess. A look at the literature on various types and
or alternative course of action is explicitly elimi- forms of choice suggests that when choice is made
nated, people will evaluate whatever options are left to be a more effortful process (e.g., choices require
more negatively, and those they were not allowed to greater deliberation, more complex cognitive evalu-
choose more positively. ation in order to determine the best option, reflect
In line with both theories, the meta-analysis of greater similarity between options, or the number
empirical studies on the impact of choice on intrin- of options and choices are extensive), the benefits of
sic motivation I conducted with colleagues (Patall choosing become more unlikely and the detriments
et al., 2008) suggested that the effect of choice was of choosing become more likely. Given that choice
stronger when participants given choice were com- may vary both in the level of effort required as well
pared to the most controlling forms of no-choice as the extent to which feelings of autonomy, control,
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who perceive themselves to lack competence on a task (Baumeister & Vohs, 2007; Deci & Ryan, 1985;
may feel overwhelmed by having to make choices. Katz & Assor, 2007; Reeve, Nix, & Hamm, 2003;
Furthermore, when the number of options or choices Ryan, 1993; Williams, 1998). Conversely, when an
to be made becomes excessive, individuals with low individual has little value for the options provided,
perceived competence for the task at hand may be choice making may be experienced ambivalently or
particularly likely to feel overwhelmed, given their even negatively. This assertion seems probable in light
perception of having more limited expertise. There is of the evidence previously reviewed suggesting that
some evidence to suggest possibilities. For example, choices that are intentionally constructed to facili-
exploratory analyses in one series of experimental tate preference matching and that allow individu-
studies repeatedly revealed a trend in which the effect als to experience a greater sense of autonomy (i.e.,
of choice appeared to be more beneficial for individu- through personalization, variety, or unconstrained
als with low perceived competence and the effect of options) often yield impressive benefits. However,
restricting choice appeared to be more detrimental to even in situations in which choices are intention-
individuals with high perceived competence (Patall, ally created to allow individuals to freely choose and
2009). Another study suggested that among college express their preferences among options, individuals
students who were given feedback to lead them to may still vary in their value for the options avail-
believe they would perform very well on an upcoming able or the choice-making process. There is some
task, choice had a positive effect on motivation for the evidence to suggest that indeed, experiencing the
task. However, for college students who were led to choice-making process as enjoyable may protect
believe that they would perform poorly on an upcom- individuals from experiencing costs associated with
ing task, choice had a negative effect on motivation choice making, at least within limits. For example,
(Patall, Dacy, & Han, unpublished data). Further, in one study (Vohs et al., 2008), participants were
Chua and Iyengar (2005) found that an individual’s asked to make a series of choices in the context of
level of self-efficacy may moderate when an extensive creating a bridal registry (i.e., selecting wedding
set of options becomes overwhelming and when it is presents to receive). Some participants enjoyed the
motivating. That is, in one experiment, participants choice-making task, whereas others found it aver-
were assigned to either a high-choice condition, in sive. Results suggested that individuals who liked
which they were given six types of ribbon and four the bridal registry task did not experience deple-
types of wrapping paper for a gift-wrapping task, or a tion on subsequent activities as long as the task was
low-choice condition in which they were given only brief, that is, only a moderate number of choices
two types of ribbon and two types of wrapping paper. were made. When the bridal registry task was long,
For each of the choice conditions, half of the subjects that is, many decisions had to be made, participants
were told that the goal was to come up with as cre- experienced depletion on subsequent tasks, regard-
ative a gift wrap as possible (creativity goal) while the less of whether they liked the task or detested it.
other half of the subjects were simply told to do their While little direct evidence exists on the topic as
‘‘best’’ in the gift-wrapping task (performance goal). of yet, an individual’s personal choice-making strat-
Results showed that there was no difference in diver- egy may be one factor likely to influence the motiva-
gent thinking (i.e., use of more unusual materials tional benefits and detriments of choosing. According
in gift wrapping) among subjects with high creative to Simon (1955, 1956, 1957), choice-making strat-
self-efficacy as a function of choice set provided. egies can be distinguished as either ‘‘maximizing’’
However, participants with low creative self-efficacy versus ‘‘satisficing.’’ For the individual who engages
were more likely to think divergently when given in a maximizing choice-making strategy, the strat-
fewer as opposed to greater options. More specifically, egy is to seek out the best alternative by engaging
for subjects with high creative self-efficacy, a greater in an exhaustive search of all possibilities (Schwartz
number of options led to more divergent thinking et al., 2002). For the individual who engages in a
when the goal was to be as creative as possible. satisficing choice-making strategy, the strategy is to
Once in the choice-making situation, if an indi- determine an acceptable option or option that is
vidual personally values the options and enjoys the “good enough.” Thus, a satisficing strategy requires
process of making a choice, he or she may be more only that the individual search until an option is
likely to experience the benefits and less likely to encountered that crosses the threshold of accept-
experience the costs of choice making due to an ability. Research has suggested that individuals who
increased sense of autonomy from making choices engage in maximizing choice-making strategies may
reflective of the self and his or her personal autonomy make better decisions. For example, in one study,
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in Asian countries) agency may have less importance. employees in nine different countries ranging in
Instead, non-Westerners may have more interdepen- levels of individualism (Iyengar, Lepper, Hernan-
dent self-concepts in which the goal of belonging- dez, DeVoe, & Alpert, 2001 (unpublished data); see
ness is achieved by acting in accordance with one’s Chua & Iyengar, 2006), results suggested that per-
social obligations to others (Markus & Kitayama, ceptions of choice predicted job satisfaction, intrin-
1991). Consequently, making personal choices with- sic motivation, perceptions of fair treatment at work,
out reference to significant others may not hold as and job performance (as reported by the employees
much importance for individuals from interdepen- managers) significantly better for employees in the
dent cultures as it does for those from independent United States as compared to employees in Asian
cultures. In fact, evidence suggests that individuals countries. Furthermore, comparisons among vari-
from more interdependent cultures construe fewer ous ethnic groups in the United States indicated that
actions of themselves and others as choices, are more the perception of choice was a stronger predictor of
likely to construe actions as choices when it involved these outcomes for European, African, and Hispanic
a response to another person, and are less likely to Americans as compared to Asian Americans.
choose based on their own personal preferences Experimental evidence has further teased apart
(Savani, Markus, & Conner, 2008; Savani, Markus, cultural variation in the effects of choice on motiva-
Naidu, Kumar, & Berlia, 2010). Furthermore, under tion. Iyengar and Lepper (1999) found that intrinsic
circumstances in which significant others are con- motivation was enhanced for students of all cultural
sidered, not choosing may support important psy- backgrounds when a personal choice was made com-
chological needs, including autonomy, and enhance pared to when an unfamiliar person (i.e., the experi-
subsequent motivation for individuals from interde- menter) made a choice for the individual. However,
pendent opposed to independent cultures. among Asian American students, intrinsic motiva-
In line with this reasoning, previous research tion, performance, learning, and other related out-
has suggested that one’s cultural background may comes were enhanced most when trusted authority
influence the extent to which a motivational state figures or peers made choices for them compared to
of dissonance is experienced as a function of choos- when a personal choice was made. For Caucasian
ing. For example, Heine and Lehman (1997) found American students, motivation and performance
that after choosing among similarly desirable CDs, were most enhanced when making a personal choice.
Canadians demonstrated the classic dissonance find- Similarly, in another study (Katz & Assor, 2003),
ing, expressing increased liking for chosen CDs and the provision of choice was found to undermine the
decreased liking for unchosen CDs. However, Japa- intrinsic motivation of collectivistically oriented Bed-
nese participants demonstrated no such spreading ouin children. Somewhat in contrast, Bao and Lam
of alternatives. Similarly, Kitiyama, Snibbe, Markus, (2008) found that Chinese students reported greater
and Suzuki (2008) showed that the standard disso- motivation for a word task or a school course and
nance paradigm did not produce dissonance reduc- greater task performance for a word task when they
tion among Japanese participants. However, when had made a personal choice compared to when their
asked to estimate the preference of the average col- mothers or teachers had made the choice for them.
lege student before making choices, Japanese par- However, this effect was moderated by the level of
ticipants demonstrated a spreading of alternatives, closeness Chinese students felt toward their mother
whereas American participants demonstrated a sig- or teacher. For Chinese students who were close to
nificant spread of alternatives regardless of whether their mothers or teachers, having a choice made for
they were primed to think of others or not. That is, them by their mother or teacher enhanced motiva-
for European American participants, choosing pro- tion for the target task just as well as making a per-
duces dissonance to the extent that one is worried sonal choice. But for students who were not close to
about his or her own competence. However, for Jap- their mothers or teachers, making a personal choice
anese participants, choosing produces dissonance to enhanced motivation more than when mothers or
the extent that one is worried about possible rejec- teachers chose for the student. Finally, Bao and Lam
tion by others. (2008) showed in an additional study that unlike
Furthermore, the effect of choice on intrinsic their findings regarding choosing, students’ level of
motivation, learning, and performance-related out- autonomous motivation positively related to self-
comes may vary depending on the culture of the reported behavioral engagement regardless of how
individual. For example, in a field study in which close students felt to their teacher. Together these
an extensive questionnaire was given to Citigroup findings suggest a point made previously, namely,
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individual has a clear conception of his or her pref- indeed lead to motivational and performance ben-
erences, values the options available, and enjoys the efits through its impact on perceptions of control.
process of choosing and its outcomes. Likewise, one’s For example, in one experiment (Burger, 1987),
initial level of interest and feelings of competence for undergraduates either were or were not allowed
the tasks involved may influence the extent to which to select the response words for a paired-associate
choice is perceived to afford advantages or not and memory task. In addition, half the subjects were led
thus have a motivating effect. Due to its relation to believe that the experimenter who knew of their
with one’s construal of the self and the importance choice would also know of their performance on the
of personal choice to the self, an individual’s cul- task. The other half thought that the experimenter
tural or socioeconomic background may influence would not know of their choice or their perfor-
the experience and effects of choice. In particular, mance. It was found that choice improved perfor-
agency may be less central and social connected- mance on the task only when subjects also believed
ness more central to the self-concepts of individuals the experimenter would know of their choice and
from more interdependent cultures or lower socio- performance. In a second experiment, participants
economic backgrounds. Consequently, the benefits given a choice of which cognitive aptitude test to
and detriments of making personal choices or lack- take did better on the test than the no-choice partic-
ing personal choice may be different depending on ipants, but only when they believed their choice and
one’s cultural or socioeconomic background and the performance would be known by the experimenter
social conditions under which choices are provided and other participants.
or limited. Finally, given the cognitive complexity of However, while the intensification of self-
choosing and the extent to which choosing is avail- presentational concerns at moderate levels may
able to children compared to adults, the effects of often facilitate the benefits of choice on motiva-
choice may vary depending on one’s developmental tion and performance, motivation may be hindered
age. Limited evidence has suggested thus far that when choice is accompanied by factors that raise
choosing may be particularly beneficial for chil- awareness of public evaluation to distracting or
dren compared to adults, possibly due to children anxiety-provoking levels (Burger, 1989). For exam-
having fewer opportunities for choice. This review ple, Burger (1988) found that participants who
of existing research pointed to a number of poten- were given a choice of words in a paired-associates
tially influential characteristics of the individual that task and a told that both the experimenters and
may explain when choice is more or less motivating. the professor supervising the project would return
However, additional research is needed. to discuss their performance did worse on the
memory task than those who anticipated the same
Characteristics of the Situation discussion but did not choose the words. That is,
Finally, in addition to characteristics of the when self-presentational concerns were high, choice
choices provided and characteristics of the individ- had few motivational and performance benefits.
ual doing the choosing, various characteristics of the However, consistent with choice findings in which
situation may also influence the effects of choice. In only a moderate level of self-presentational concern
particular, the extent to which the situation empha- was created, participants who believed their perfor-
sizes self-presentational concerns and the level of mance would be known only to one undergraduate
realism within which choices are provided may be experimenter showed an increase in performance
situational factors that influence when choice leads when allowed to select the words compared to those
to motivational benefits or detriments. Although who were not given a choice.
little evidence is available in order to examine
their impact, several additional situational factors level of realism
may also be important, including type of the tasks The context in which choice is administered may
involved, the desirability of subsequent outcomes, also affect its impact on motivation. That is, choice
and the correspondence between the choices made may be particularly beneficial in settings in which
and the target for which motivation is measured. it makes intuitive sense to have choices, seems
most realistic, or is most meaningful. For example,
situations that enhance choice may be expected to have a larger effect when
self-presentational concerns it is administered in a classroom with students or
Burger (1989) suggested that at moderate levels in a workplace with workers as opposed to in a
of self-presentational concern, providing choice may contrived laboratory setting in which choice may
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assessed for targets unrelated to the choice-making The Role of Preferences
activity. It seems reasonable to suggest that choice One such issue is that of the role of preference
making may provide motivational benefits for those matching in the effect of choice. That is, it remains
activities and objects related to the choices previ- in question as to whether there is any motivational
ously made and simultaneously incur undesirable effect of choosing beyond that of having one’s pref-
motivational and self-regulatory costs for activities erences. This issue has recently emerged in the cog-
and objects unrelated to the choice made. While the nitive dissonance literature (Chen, 2008; Chen &
correspondence between choice content and moti- Risen, 2009; Sagarin, & Skowronski, 2008). Specif-
vational target has yet to be the focus of study in ically, Chen (2008) has argued that a methodology
understanding the effects of choices, the preponder- central to the cognitive dissonance literature (the
ance of evidence supporting both self-determination free-choice paradigm in which participants’ rank
and self-regulatory depletion perspectives (as previ- several options, choose or do not choose between
ously reviewed) suggest that this is likely to be an two approximately equally attractive options, then
important factor. rerank the items) has suffered from an inability to
separately measure how much choices affect peo-
summary ple’s preferences and how much they simply reflect
In this section, the roles of various situational those preferences. The argument is that the tradi-
characteristics in choice effects were described. tional paradigm cannot properly test for dissonance
Though existing evidence is limited, several factors because it fails to account for revealed preferences.
may help to explain variation in the effects of choice. That is, preranking only ensures that the choices are
First, choices may be less beneficial when self- approximately equal in attractiveness, not exactly
presentational concerns are heightened to anxiety- equal and that people simply choose the option
producing levels or when outcomes are undesirable that they prefer, even if the difference is minimal.
despite having been chosen. Second, settings which Thus, even without the motivating effect of cogni-
promote the perception that choosing is a mean- tive dissonance, a subject’s choices among objects
ingful and authentic experience are more likely to will change subsequent rankings. This is because if
produce strong effects of choice. Benefits of choos- the initial ranking is an imperfect measure of pref-
ing may also be particularly likely when the tasks erences, then a subject’s choice is new information
involved are not interesting to begin with. That is, about his or her preferences; choices reflect how
actors may be more likely to benefit from having subjects feel about the goods they are choosing
choices for dull tasks because choosing allows them between. The option chosen is not random, and
to make the task more personally interesting, rel- comparisons which use that option must take this
evant, or meaningful. Finally, it seems important into account. In defense of the traditional para-
to consider the methodological underpinnings of digm, other scholars have argued that people do not
studies looking at the effects of choosing in order always choose the option most preferred (Sagarin
to explain variation in effects. In particular, there & Skowronski, 2008). Even so, it seems reasonable
may be little reason to expect a motivating effect to suggest that when testing for choice effects, it is
of choosing when there is little correspondence necessary to begin with an experimental design that
between the subject of the choice and the motiva- explicitly controls for revealed preferences (Chen,
tional target. 2008).
A similar issue exists in the literature looking
Lingering Issues in Determining the at the effects of choosing on intrinsic motivation,
Motivational Effects of Providing Choices effort, persistence, performance, learning, and related
As the previous review suggests, the experience outcomes. In fact, few if any studies designs have suc-
and effects of choice are not uniform across out- cessfully addressed the confounding between choos-
comes, settings, and people. A look at the cumulative ing and having one’s preference. A common design
evidence suggests that in many cases, opportunities among studies looking at the effects of choosing on
for choosing may motivate behavior in various ways intrinsic motivation and related outcomes is to use
and through a variety of mechanisms. However, yoking or matching in order to control for the par-
there appear to be many limits to the benefits of ticular task or options that the individual receives.
choosing. That said, a number of lingering issues Specifically, in a yoked design, the experimenter
continue to obfuscate our understanding of the matches a control participant with an experimental
effects of choosing. participant so that in both conditions there are an
pata ll
even be detrimental. However, as has been high- implicated in numerous psychological theories, as
lighted throughout, many of these factors have yet well as in social science theories more broadly. The
to be the systematic focus of study in single experi- motivational factors implicated to influence choice
mental designs. Rather, in this narrative review (as making are numerous—too numerous in fact to even
is often the case, even in quantitative reviews using adequately review here. However, perhaps equally
meta-analysis), many important factors have been complex is the influence of the experience of choice
identified using patterns that emerge across studies on motivation. The cumulative evidence suggests that
rather than within studies. For example, much of the under most circumstances, the presence of choice
evidence drawn on to conclude that choice effects may have powerful motivating effects, helping to
vary with the extent to which choosing is an effortful shape attitudes, enhance perceptions of control and
process makes assumptions about particular kinds of competence, intrinsically motivate behavior, as well
choices being more or less effortful and draw com- as enhance a variety of adaptive outcomes (e.g., learn-
parisons across studies. Research in which the effort ing, performance, effort, satisfaction, and creativity,
exerted in making a choice is systematically varied in a among others). However, choosing is likely not equal
single experimental design is needed to explicitly test across all types of choices, people, and circumstances,
these assertions. Similarly, though an initial look at and the benefits of choosing are not had without cost.
the existing research suggests that factors such as the Whether for bad or good, choosing is a necessity in
frame of reference, initial levels of value, interest, or most people’s lives. Furthermore, the potential ben-
perceived competence for options and tasks, develop- efits and limits of choice suggest that there are prac-
mental age, type of task, or correspondence between tical implications of understanding choice effects for
the choice options and motivational target are likely classroom, workplace, and therapeutic settings. As
to be important factors, there is limited evidence on such, it is important for both theory and practice that
which such claims are made. Furthermore, influen- future research continue to provide a firm founda-
tial factors are likely to interact in complex ways. The tion on which to base conclusions about the circum-
burden falls on future research to systematically inves- stances under which choice is more or less beneficial.
tigate factors suggested here and elsewhere in well- Although simplicity is always desirable, an accurate
controlled experimental designs. Additional research understanding of choice effects requires this more
is needed to reveal which factors are truly influential complex analysis of the phenomena.
moderators as well as examine the complex relation-
ships that may exist among these moderators. Finally, Future Directions
as can be garnered by this review, choice has been 1. Few of the choice-, person-, and situation-
linked to a variety of motivation-related outcomes. related characteristics proposed to moderate the
It seems reasonable to suggest that various outcomes effect of choice on motivation are well established
may be differentially related to choice when vari- based on existing literature. As such, what are
ous moderators are taken into consideration. As one the most important factors in determining when
example, some choices may more effectively enhance choosing will lead to motivational benefits or
feelings of control, while other forms of choice may decrements, and stronger or weaker effects?
more effectively enhance feelings of autonomy. Vari- 2. How do important choice-, person-, and
ous motivational consequences, such as intrinsic situation-related factors moderating the role of
motivation or perceived competence, may be dif- choice interact to affect the relation between choice
ferentially impacted to the extent that choices are and motivation?
intentionally designed to satisfy each of these various 3. How do the effects of choice vary from one
needs. Likewise, the interaction of choice making motivational outcome to the next (e.g., intrinsic
with other important moderators may lead to differ- motivation versus perceived competence versus
ent effects depending on what motivational outcome task value) when considering the role of important
is considered. Future research is needed to tease apart choice-, person-, and situation-related
the differential pathways by which choice may lead moderating factors?
to various motivational outcomes. 4. What is the effect of choice on motivation after
accounting for the role of preference matching?
Conclusions
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CHAPTER
Abstract
Personal goals guide behavior toward a desired outcome, motivate behavior over time and across
situations, provide direction and meaning, and contribute to the acquisition of skills and subjective
well-being. The adaptiveness of goals, however, might vary with dimensions such as their orientation
toward the achievement of gains, maintenance of functioning, or the avoidance of losses. We argue that
goal orientation is most adaptive when it corresponds to the availability of resources and the ubiquity of
losses. In line with this argument, younger adults show a predominant orientation toward the promotion
of gains, whereas goal orientation shifts toward maintenance and avoidance of loss across adulthood.
This shift in goal orientation seems adaptive both regarding subjective well-being as well as engagement
in goal pursuit. A second goal dimension that has been largely overlooked in the literature is the
cognitive representation of goal pursuit primarily in terms of its means (i.e., process focus) or its ends
(i.e., outcome focus). This chapter investigates the antecedents and consequences of goal focus.
In particular, it highlights the importance of factors related to chronological age (i.e., the availability
of resources, future time perspective, goal orientation, motivational phase) for the preference for
and adaptiveness of an outcome or process focus. Finally, we posit that a process focus leads
to more adaptive behavioral and affective reactions when people encounter failure during
goal pursuit.
Key Words: adult development, goal orientation, goal focus, means, ends, resources, time perspective,
failure
shape and her overall fitness. In contrast, her grand- Such goal dimensions influence the adaptiveness
mother might think primarily about how she can of goals. Various goal dimensions have been distin-
exercise regularly in a manner that even makes her guished, such as approach—avoidance (e.g., Elliott
feel good while she is exercising. In this chapter we & Friedman, 2007), promotion—prevention (e.g.,
aim at integrating these two dimensions of personal Higgins, 1997), intrinsic—extrinsic (e.g., Deci,
goals and discuss their change across adulthood. Koestner, & Ryan, 1999), and mastery—perfor-
First, however, we want to highlight the importance mance (e.g., Dweck & Leggett, 1988). This chapter
of personal goals throughout the life span. centers around two goal dimensions that we believe
to change systematically across adulthood: (1) Goal
The Importance of Goals for Adult orientation: the orientation of personal goals toward
Development gains, maintenance, or the prevention of losses
Laypeople as well as motivation researchers seem (e.g., Freund & Ebner, 2005), and (2) Goal focus:
to agree that setting and pursuing goals has positive whether a person focuses on the outcome of goal pur-
consequences. Goals give life meaning, direction, suit (short-term and long-term consequences) or on
and contribute to happiness and subjective well- the process of goal pursuit (means of goal attainment)
being (e.g., Emmons, 1996; Klinger, 1977; Little, (e.g., Freund et al., 2010; Sansone & Thoman, 2005;
1989). Goals have been defined as cognitive repre- Zimmerman & Kitsantas, 1997).
sentations of personally desired (or dreaded) states The importance of personal goals for adult devel-
to be approached (or avoided) through action, such opment has been acknowledged by different action-
as becoming a nurse (or not becoming like one’s theoretical approaches (e.g., Brandtstädter & Renner,
parents). More specifically, they encompass means 1990; Freund & Baltes, 2000; Heckhausen &
of goal pursuit and desired outcomes of it (e.g., Schulz, 1995). In particular, the model of selection,
Kruglanski, 1996). The activation of goals affects the optimization, and compensation (SOC model, Bal-
encoding, storage, and retrieval of information and tes & Baltes, 1990) has stressed the importance of
guides attention as well as behavior (e.g., Wyer & setting, pursuing, and maintaining personal goals
Srull, 1986). As goals are comprised of means and for successful development.
ends, goals might channel and organize information
in terms of means and ends (e.g., Woike, Lavezzary, Successful Development Through Personal
& Barsky, 2001). Each time a goal is activated, the Goals
associated means and ends (as well as their emo- One of the central propositions of lifespan psy-
tional correlates such as enjoyment or fear) are also chology is the multidirectionality of development.
activated. Consequently, the activation of goals That is, development comprises not only trajecto-
enhances the likelihood of engaging in goal-relevant ries of growth but also trajectories of decline (Baltes,
behaviors (i.e., means), which can occur even auto- 1987; Labouvie-Vief, 1981). Successful development
matically (e.g., Bargh & Ferguson, 2000; Bargh has often been defined as the maximization of gains
& Gollwitzer, 1994). Goals, then, direct attention and the simultaneous minimization of losses (see
and information processing and motivate behav- Freund & Riediger, 2003, for a review of definitions
ior. Thereby, goals organize behavior over time and of successful development). According to the SOC
across situations, and provide a sense of direction model (Baltes & Baltes, 1990), an optimal ratio of
and purpose in life (Freund, 2007). Moreover, gains to losses can be achieved by the orchestrated
research suggests that goal pursuit enhances perfor- use of three processes of developmental regulation,
mance (e.g., Austin & Vancouver, 1996; Emmons, namely selection, optimization, and compensa-
1989, 1996; Freund, 2007). Therefore, it is not sur- tion. As elaborated in more detail elsewhere (e.g.,
prising that the goal concept seems particularly well Freund, 2006; Freund & Baltes, 2000; Freund, Li,
suited for understanding how people develop suc- & Baltes, 1999), the action-theoretical specification
cessfully over time. of the SOC model posits that developing and com-
However, as Ryan and colleagues put it: Not all mitting to a hierarchy of personal goals (i.e., elective
goals are created equal (Ryan, Sheldon, Kasser, & selection) and engaging in goal-directed actions and
Deci, 1996). Goals differ in their content, concrete- means (i.e., optimization) are essential for achieving
ness, difficulty, time frame, and their orientation higher levels of functioning (i.e., maximizing gains).
toward gains and losses (e.g., Austin & Vancou- To maintain a given level of functioning in the face
ver, 1996; Freund & Ebner, 2005; Little, 1989; of inevitable losses in resources people encounter
Locke & Latham, 2002; Wiese & Freund, 2005). throughout their lives, people need to compensate
contextualized decontextualized
Orientation of
goal focus
Process focus
Outcome focus
Adulthood
Young Middle-Aged Older
Fig. 16.1. Hypothesized relation of the development of goal focus across adulthood.
Table 16.2. Difference Between Change and Stability Goal Orientation with Respect to Approach and Avoidance
Motivation
Goal Orientation
Decision Action
(intention formation) initiation Deadline
Fig. 16.2. Integrating goal focus into H. Heckhausen’s model of action phases.
Self-Enhancement and
17 Self-Protection Motives
Abstract
People desire to maximize the positivity, and minimize the negativity, of their self-views. The tendency
to exalt one’s virtues and soften one’s weaknesses, relative to objective criteria, manifests itself in many
domains of human striving. We focus illustratively on three strivings: the self-serving bias (crediting
the self for successes but blaming others or situations for failures), the better-than-average effect
(considering the self superior to the average peer), and selective self-memory (disproportionately poor
recall for negative self-relevant information). Nonmotivational factors (e.g., expectations, egocentrism,
focalism, individuated-entity versus aggregate comparisons) are not necessary for the emergence of these
strivings. Instead, the strivings are (at least partially) driven by the self-enhancement and self-protection
motives, as research on self-threat and self-affirmation has established. The two motives serve vital
functions: They confer benefits to psychological health and psychological interests (e.g., goal pursuit).
Key Words: self-enhancement, self-protection, self-serving bias, better-than-average effect, self-memory,
psychological health
and protection of psychological interests (e.g., goals; unbridled pursuit of pleasure rather than by a failure
Alicke & Sedikides, 2009). to grasp a priori truths. “Men [are] vehemently in
We begin our excursion into self-enhancement and love with their own opinions” (p. 48), he proclaimed.
self-protection with a brief historical overview. We then The position that humans have an excessively positive
provide key examples of motive instantiation, what view of themselves and of the objects (e.g., persons,
we call self-enhancement and self-protection strivings possessions) associated with them was reflected in
(Alicke & Sedikides, 2011b; Sedikides & Gregg, 2008). the utilitarianism of Bentham (1789/1982) and John
These striving are the self-serving bias, the better-than- Stuart Mill (1863/2004), the forewarning of Nietz-
average effect, and selective self-memory. In discuss- sche (1886/1972) for the power of pride to rewrite
ing each of these strivings, we consider the perennial memory (Maxim 68, p. 72), and the contemplations
“cognition-motivation” debate. We acknowledge, of of La Rochefoucauld (1678/1827), Schopenhauer
course, that cognition and motivation are closely inter- (1844/1996), and Freud (1905/1961a) on the curi-
twined (Kruglanski, 1989; Kunda, 1990; Pyszczynski ous human capacity for self-deception.
& Greenberg, 1987). Yet we aim to provide evidence William James (1890) was the first psychologist to
that the strivings are motivated and, in particular, that systematize various philosophical accounts and pro-
they cannot be exclusively accounted for by the vaga- pose a unifying principle. He observed that thinking
ries of information processing (Sedikides, 2012). Next, about one’s self gives rise to the emotions of “self-
we discuss the functional benefits of the two motives: complacency and self-dissatisfaction” (p. 305). He also
promotion of psychological health and psychological remarked on “social self-seeking,” people’s persistent
interest. We conclude with a consideration of issues concern with the achievement of tangible successes
worthy of further empirical attention. and public acclaim. “Each of us,” James stated, “is
animated by a direct feeling of regard for his [self]”
A Historical Overview (p. 308). He proceeded to define the self (empirical
The seeds for modern theorizing on self- “me”) as a repository of ego-relevant matters. James’
enhancement and self-protection motivation were key animating principle, self-enhancement, found
sown in classical times. The Cyrenaics (founder: fertile ground in Gordon Allport’s (1937) theoriz-
Aristippus; Tatarkiewicz, 1976) and Epicureans ing. He advocated that humans have a need for self-
(founder: Epicurus; De Witt, 1973) thought that positivity, and he also regarded self-protection as
hedonism drives human action. They observed “nature’s eldest law.” Heider (1958) similarly argued
that people want to feel good, or avoid feeling bad, that subjective needs, desires, and preferences partially
about themselves, and they further proposed that serve to maintain an individual’s positive outlook.
humans want and pursue pleasurable experiences, Rogers (1961) proposed the construct of positive
while detesting and eschewing unpleasant ones. self-regard, a form of self-appreciation achieved by
Notably, Demosthenes, the orator of antiquity, satisfying one’s own, rather than others’, standards
remarked insightfully on self-deception: “Nothing and expectations. In the meantime, Sigmund Freud
is so easy as to deceive oneself; for what we wish, we (1915/1961b, 1923/1961c, 1926/1961d) and Anna
readily believe.” Freud (1936/1946) were pioneering the analysis of
The role of hedonism as the master motive receded defense mechanisms. The scientific study of self-
while rationalism was in ascendance. This philosoph- enhancement and self-protection was born.
ical school, building on Plato’s ideas (Bloom, 1991),
depicted an objective reality that all individuals with Instantiations of Self-Enhancement and
correct understanding (“orthodoxy”) could readily Self-Protection
discern (Kenny, 1986; Loeb, 1981). Continental How have scientists approached self-enhancement
rationalists (Descartes, Leibniz, Spinoza), for exam- and self-protection? They have done so through
ple, opined that selfish, irresponsible, or malicious experimental and correlational investigations of over
behavior was due to flawed knowledge. Erudition 60 instantiations (or implementations) of the motives.
would cure personal and social ills such as immorality These marks of self-enhancement and self-protection
or the prioritization of personal over societal goals. have recently been summarized through factor-analytic
The pendulum swung back with Renaissance phi- techniques, with both Western (Hepper, Gramzow, &
losophers (Macfarlane, 1978) and the British empiri- Sedikides, 2010) and East-Asian (Hepper, Sedikides,
cists. Mandeville (1705) argued that humans overvalue & Cai, in press) samples, into four factors: positivity
themselves and expect others to do the same. Hobbes embracement, defensiveness, favorable construals, and
(1651/1991) believed that behavior was driven by the self-affirming reflections.
s ed i ki d es , a li c ke
participants) did not do so. In all, this meta-analysis scale corresponding to their most important value.
illustrated that, the more threatened individuals Each item consisted of two statements, one describ-
feel, the more likely they are to resort to the SSB. ing a facet of the relevant value, the other being neu-
This conclusion is bolstered in research by tral (i.e., filler). Participants proceeded to rate their
Kernis, Cornell, Sun, Berry, and Harlow (1993) agreement with each statement. Participants in the
and by Crocker, Voelkl, Testa, and Major (1991). control condition displayed the SSB. However, par-
Undergraduate students are quick to find flaws in a ticipants in the self-affirmation condition refrained
test when they fail it but quick to stress its validity from it. In all, self-affirmation eclipsed the procliv-
when they pass it (Wyer & Frey, 1983). This pat- ity to respond defensively to self-threat, a pattern
tern is especially pronounced among individuals tracked by the vanishing of the SSB.
with unstable self-esteem, suggesting that these indi-
viduals use the SSB when threatened to shore up a nonmotivational explanations
fragile sense of personal worth (Kernis et al., 1993). We will now turn to the nonmotivational explana-
Black American students experience a drop in self- tions of expectancies and impression management.
esteem when the negative feedback is administered
by a White evaluator believed to be unaware of their Expectancies
race; however, their self-esteem is unaffected when It has been argued that differential expectancies
the evaluator is believed to be aware of their race. for success and failure account for the SSB (Miller
In the latter case, participants attribute their failure & Ross, 1975). Based on prior experience (Kelley &
to racial prejudice, thus denying the validity of the Michela, 1980; Tetlock & Levin, 1982), individu-
test (Crocker et al., 1991). Here, the SSB is not only als expect success more frequently than failure. As
a mode to respond to self-threat but also a means such, they make internal attributions for expected
to alleviate the consequences of threat (i.e., drop in outcomes and external attributions for unexpected
self-esteem). outcomes (i.e., SSB).
There is evidence that expectations can influ-
self-affirmation ence the SSB. For example, individuals with chronic
As discussed earlier, self-threat intensifies the SSB. expectations of superior task performance (e.g., high
It follows that the SSB will be attenuated or cancelled self-esteemers, normals) manifest strongly the SBB
when the self-threat is assuaged. One way of reduc- relative to individuals with chronic expectations
ing self-threat is via self-affirmation (Sherman & of inferior task performance (low self-esteemers,
Hartson, 2011). Here, individuals affirm a domain depressed; Blaine & Crocker, 1993; Tennen &
(e.g., values) irrelevant to self-threat. For example, Herzberger, 1987). Similarly, participants who regard
they explain in writing, before or after they receive a task as important (and hence likely have chronic
negative feedback, why some values are important to expectations of superior performance) demonstrate
them. This self-affirmation procedure reduces defen- the SSB to a greater degree than participants who
siveness (and even buffers neuroendoctrine and psy- regard a task as unimportant (Miller, 1976).
chological responses to stress; Creswell et al., 2005) Nevertheless, expectations are not a neces-
by making individuals feel more secure in their self- sary component of the SSB (Weary, 1979; Weary
worth. Self-affirmation, then, would reduce, if not Bradley, 1978; Zuckerman, 1979). Of the various
eliminate, the SSB. moderators in the Campbell and Sedikides (1999)
Sherman and Kim (2005) tested these ideas in field meta-analysis discussed earlier, expectations did
experiments with volleyball and basketball athletes. not play a substantial role. Actors and observers
The experiments were conducted at the conclusion approach the experimental situation with the same
of a game, with positive feedback operationalized as expectations, yet only actors display the SSB. Fur-
a win and negative feedback as a loss. Immediately thermore, it is not clear why a momentary state of
after the game, athletes were escorted into a confer- self-focused versus other-focused attention, or a
ence room and undertook a self-affirmation manipu- state of competitive versus cooperative interpersonal
lation. They rated and ranked five values (aesthetics, orientation, would influence task expectancies. Yet
religion, social, political, theoretical) in terms of per- the SSB was manifested by some of these partici-
sonal importance. Then, participants in the control pants (i.e., actors, state-self-focused persons, com-
condition received a 10-item scale corresponding petitive persons) but not others. Finally, the SSB is
to their least important value, whereas participants observed even when controlling for task importance
in the self-affirmation condition received a 10-item (Sedikides, Campbell, Reeder, & Elliot, 1998).
s ed i ki d es , a li c ke
(Schulz & Fritz, 1987). The BTAE has also been likely to assert their self-superiority on their impor-
found among preschoolers (Weiner, 1964), elemen- tant (e.g., trustworthy) than their unimportant
tary school children (Albery & Messer, 2005), high (e.g., punctual) attributes (Sedikides & Strube,
school students (Kurman, 2002), and representative 1997). This principle is illustrated in recent work
community samples (Andrews & Whitey, 1976; by Brown (2011, Studies 1–4), where participants
Heady & Wearing, 1988). Ironically, people believe indeed showed a stronger tendency to evaluate
that they are less prone to the BTAE than the average themselves more positively on important than
person (Pronin, Lin, & Ross, 2002). unimportant traits (Study 1). This principle is also
Next we will discuss five reasons why the BTAE illustrated when placing the BTA effect in cultural
is motivated. These pertain to attribute valence context.
and controllability, attribute importance (in cross- Important self-attributes are those that imply
cultural context), attribute verifiability, self-threat, successful role fulfillment or enactment of culturally
and self-affirmation. We will also consider nonmo- sanctioned roles. They imply that one is a valued
tivational accounts of the effect. member of a given culture, given that one excels on
culturally (and personally) important characteris-
attribute valence and controllability tics, no matter if one falls behind on culturally (and
Self-enhancement and self-protection strivings are personally) unimportant characteristics. Members
tactical (Sedikides & Strube, 1997; see also Sedikides of all cultures, then, will appraise themselves posi-
& Gebauer, 2010). People do not self-enhance or self- tively on important (but not necessarily on unim-
protect across the board; instead, they are selective on portant) attributes.
the attributes that they will tout or undervalue. For For Western culture important attributes are those
example, they may be more likely to self-enhance on conveying agency (e.g., personal effectiveness, com-
positive attributes over which they have high control petence), whereas for Eastern culture important attri-
(e.g., resourceful) than positive attributes of which butes are those conveying communion (e.g., personal
they have low control (e.g., mature). Conversely, integration, other-orientation). Hence, Westerners
they may be more likely to self-protect on negative will display the BTAE on agentic attributes, whereas
attributes over which they have high control (e.g., Easterners will display the BTAE on communal attri-
unappreciative) than negative attributes over which butes. Westerners, for example, will rate themselves
they have low control (e.g., humorless). as better than their average peer on originality or
The results of a study by Alicke (1985) demon- independence but not on loyalty or respectfulness,
strated that the BTAE effect indeed varies as a function but Easterners will rate themselves as better than
of attribute valence and controllability. Undergradu- their average peer on loyalty or respectfulness but
ates rated themselves more favorably on positive not on originality or independence. This hypothesis
traits, and less favorably on negative traits, compared has been confirmed both by primary studies (Brown
to their average peer. Thus, the BTAE increased as & Kobayashi, 2002; Gaertner, Sedikides, & Chang,
the valence of the self-attribute increased. In addi- 2008; Sedikides, Gaertner, & Toguchi, 2003) and
tion, participants rated themselves more favorably on meta-analytic investigations (Sedikides, Gaertner, &
positive controllable traits, and more unfavorably on Vevea, 2005, 2007; for more general discussions, see
negative controllable traits, compared to their average Brown, 2003, 2010). The findings attest to the pan-
peer. Finally, they rated themselves more favorably culturality of the BTAE.
on positive controllable than positive uncontrollable
traits, and rated themselves less favorably on nega- attribute verifiability
tive uncontrollable than negative controllable traits, There is another way in which self-enhancement
compared to their average peer. This latter finding and self-protection are tactically expressed. It involves
in essence illustrates that people self-aggrandize the attribute verifiability. Some attributes (e.g., those
most when they feel responsible for their positive belonging to the moral or social domain) are more
traits, and self-aggrandize the least when they believe difficult to verify objectively than others (e.g., those
that fate is responsible for their negative traits. belonging to the intellectual or physical domain;
Reeder & Brewer, 1979; Rothbart & Park, 1986).
attribute importance: on the Therefore, moral attributes leave more latitude for
panculturality of the btae self-enhancement strivings than intellectual ones.
Self-enhancement and self-protection strivings The BTAE, then, will be stronger in the case of moral
are also tactical in another way. People are more than intellectual attributes.
s ed i ki d es , a li c ke
and a half later, participants received the very same present when the individuated entity is the self; that
estimates but were led to believe that the estimates is, the effect emerges even when the self is compared
were provided by their average peer. Still, participants to any other individuated entity (Alicke et al., 1995).
rated themselves more favorably than “their average In addition, this nonmotivational alternative cannot
peer” on almost all traits. Participants claimed that explain why the effect ebbs and flows as a function
they were superior to themselves. of the motivational significance of the judgment
(e.g., attribute valence, controllability, verifiability,
Focalism importance). Moreover, the alternative cannot easily
According to focalism, people put greater weight explain why self-affirmation weakens the effect and,
on whatever entity is currently the focus of their importantly, why the effect emerges even under cog-
attention. By asking participants to compare their nitive load (Alicke et al., 1995, Study 7)—a pattern
attributes to those of their average peer, research indicative of automatic self-enhancement (Paulhus,
on the BTAE places the self in the focal position 1993). Finally, the alternative cannot explain why
and the average peer in the referent position. Self- participants manifest a stronger BTAE on impor-
representations consist of a higher number of unique tant than unimportant traits, even when they com-
attributes than other-representations (Karylowski, pare themselves with a single person (Brown, 2011,
1990; Karylowski & Skarzynska, 1992). Hence, Study 2).
focusing on the self highlights those unique attri-
butes and leads to perceiving the self as less simi- Assimilation and Contrast
lar than the average peer (Moore & Kim, 2003; Although some researchers have conjectured
Otten & van der Pligt, 1996; Pahl & Eiser, 2006, that self versus average peer judgments are made
2007; Windschitl, Kruger, & Sims, 2003). How- by anchoring on the self and contrasting the aver-
ever, focalism cannot provide an adequate account age peer from that point (e.g., Kruger, 1999), until
of why the BTAE varies as a function of attribute recently, no studies had been designed specifically
valence, controllability, importance, and verifiabil- to examine this facet of the BTAE. To address this
ity. In addition, focalism cannot explain why the question, Guenther and Alicke (2010) constructed
BTAE is obtained with indirect measures (Alicke an experimental design that was equipped to test
& Govorun, 2005), when behavioral base rates for whether self versus average peer judgments repre-
relevant traits are the same for self and other (Alicke sent assimilation or contrast, and in what direction
et al., 2001), and even when the referent is highly assimilation or contrast might occur. In the first
concretized (Alicke, Klotz, Breitenbecher, Yurak, & study, participants first made either self or aver-
Vredenburg, 1995). Finally, focalism cannot explain age peer ratings in a pretesting session. Later in the
why participants manifest a stronger BTAE on semester, their original ratings were returned and
important than unimportant traits, even when the they were now asked to rate the other target (i.e.,
self constitutes the referent and “most other people” those who rated the self in the first phase now rated
constitute the target (Brown, 2011, Study 3). the average peer in relation to their self-ratings, and
those who rated the average peer in the first phase
Individuated-Entity Versus Aggregate Comparisons now rated the self in relation to their average peer
This nonmotivational account refers to a single ratings). Comparisons with the ratings provided by
entity (e.g., a person, an object) being compared a group that simply made simultaneous ratings of
with an aggregate (e.g., the average peer, the aver- self and the average peer showed that self-ratings
age object). Klar and his colleagues (Giladi & Klar, were unaltered as a result of whether self and aver-
2002; Klar, 2002; Klar & Giladi, 1997) showed age peer were rated simultaneously, self was rated
that any member of a liked group (e.g., a randomly in relation to the average peer, or the average peer
selected student at one’s university, police officer, was rated in relation to the self. This shows clearly
soap fragrance) is rated more positively than the that the self anchors these judgments. The findings
group average (e.g., average student at one’s univer- also demonstrated that ratings of the average peer
sity, average police officer, average fragrance), and were higher when made in relation to self-ratings
that any member of a disliked group is rated more than when self and average peer were rated simulta-
negatively than the group average. These findings neously. Contrary to the common assumption that
raise the possibility that the BTAE is due to the judgments of an average peer are contrasted from
self being an individuated entity and the average the self, average peer ratings were assimilated toward
peer being an aggregate. However, the BTAE is still the self.
s ed i ki d es , a li c ke
affect associated with such memories (Landau & the more defensive participants become (i.e., more
Gunter, 2009; Ritchie, Skowronski, Hartnett, Wells, likely to exhibit mnemic neglect). For example,
& Walker, 2009; Walker, Skowronski, & Thompson, the effect is obtained when the behaviors are high
2003). on diagnosticity (e.g., “you would be unfaithful
We will examine next why selective self-memory when in an intimate relationship”), but it is can-
is motivated. In particular, we will zero in on the celled when the behaviors are low on diagnosticity
role of self-threat and self-affirmation in selective (e.g., “would forget for a week to return a borrowed
self-memory. We will also consider the nonmoti- book to a friend”) (Green & Sedikides, 2004). This
vational accounts of differential expectancies and is because high-diagnosticity behaviors can really
inconsistency between information valence and self- reveal whether one is untrustworthy or unkind,
view valence. and are thus threatening. In addition, the effect is
obtained when participants are led to believe that
Self-Threat their traits are unmodifiable, but it is cancelled
Sedikides and colleagues (Sedikides & Green, when they are led to believe their traits are modi-
2009; Sedikides, Green, & Pinter, 2004) tested fiable (Green, Pinter, & Sedikides, 2005). This is
experimentally the role of self-threat in selective because learning that one was born untrustworthy or
self-memory. In the standard paradigm, participants unkind and will be so for life makes untrustworthi-
first receive behavioral feedback. Some are then asked ness or unkindness feedback threatening. Relatedly,
to imagine, or are led to believe, that they are likely the effect is obtained when participants are deprived
to perform the behaviors contained in the feedback. of the opportunity to improve on feedback-relevant
Other participants are asked to imagine, or are led dimensions (e.g., to become less untrustworthy or
to believe, that another person (Chris) is likely to less unkind) and are thus threatened, but it is can-
perform the very same behaviors. These behaviors celled when participants are offered the opportu-
are either negative or positive, and they exemplify nity to improve (Green, Sedikides, Pinter, & Van
either central (e.g., unkind vs. kind, untrustworthy Tongeren, 2009). In all, this research shows that
vs. trustworthy) or peripheral (e.g., complaining vs. selective self-memory is motivated.
uncomplaining, unpredictable vs. predictable) traits.
Next, participants engage in a surprise recall task. Self-Affirmation
The typical finding is that participants recall poorly Does self-affirmation reduce or negate selective
behaviors that are negative, exemplify central traits, self-memory? Green, Sedikides, and Gregg (2008,
and refer to the self (e.g., unkind or untrustworthy Experiment 2) addressed this question. All partici-
behaviors) compared to all other categories of behav- pants took a test ostensibly assessing their cognitive
ior (e.g., those that are positive, exemplify central ability (i.e., creativity). In the self-threat condition,
traits, and refer to the self; those that are negative participants learned that they had performed poorly
exemplify central traits but refer to Chris). For exam- on the test. In the self-affirmation condition, how-
ple, participants recall poorly the behaviors “you ever, participants learned that they had performed
would borrow other people’s belongings without well on the test. Subsequently, all participants pro-
their knowledge” (untrustworthy) and “you would ceeded to an “impression” task, which was actually
refuse to lend classnotes to a friend who was ill” the standard mnemic neglect paradigm (i.e., behav-
(unkind). However, participants recall relatively well ioral feedback).
the behaviors “Chris would borrow other people’s The results were, once again, telling. Self-
belongings without their knowledge” and “Chris threatened participants evinced mnemic neglect,
would refuse to lend classnotes to a friend who was whereas self-affirmed participants did not. Self-
ill” (unkind). Additionally, they recall relatively well affirmation relaxed defensiveness, as tracked by the
the behaviors “you would keep secrets when asked abolishment of mnemic neglect. These results are
to” (trustworthy) and “you would offer to care for a consistent with the idea that mnemic neglect is a
neighbor’s child when the babysitter couldn’t come” motivated phenomenon.
(kind). This recall discrepancy has been labeled mne-
mic neglect and has been attributed to the self-threat Nonmotivational Explanations
potential of the feedback. We next turn to two nonmotivational explana-
Research has consistently supported the idea tions of selective self-memory: differential expectan-
that self-threat underlies mnemic neglect. In gen- cies and inconsistency between information valence
eral, the more threatening the feedback is perceived, and self-view valence.
s ed i ki d es , a li c ke
evidence that feedback negativity (i.e., self-threat) Seligman, & Vaillant, 1998), and poorer athletic, aca-
underlies mnemic neglect. In conclusion, incon- demic, and work performance (Peterson & Barrett,
sistency between the valence of one’s self-views and 1987; Seligman, Nolen-Hoeksema, Thornton, &
the valence of feedback, albeit relevant to autobio- Thornton, 1990). The positive association between
graphical recall (Gramzow & Willard, 2006), can- the SSB and psychological health has been found not
not account singly for mnemic neglect and more only in Western culture but also in East-Asian culture
generally selective self-memory. (China; Anderson, 1999).
The BTAE is also strongly linked to psychological
summary health. For example, the BTAE is positively related to
As with the SSB and the BTAE, nonmotivational indices of thriving (e.g., subjective well-being, pur-
explanations for selective self-memory are not par- pose in life, positive relations, self-acceptance), posi-
ticularly persuasive. Differential expectancies and tively related to resources (optimism, extraversion,
inconsistency between information valence and self- self-esteem, family support), and negatively related
view valence cannot provide a satisfactory account to indices of distress (e.g., loneliness, depression,
for poor recall of negative, central, self-referent anxiety) (Brown, 1991, 1998; Marshall & Brown,
feedback. Instead, the threat potential of such feed- 2007; Taylor, Lerner, Sherman, Sage, & McDowell,
back, including research on self-affirmation, can. 2003a). Similar patterns have been obtained in sev-
The extant evidence points to mnemic neglect as a eral East-Asian cultures such as China (Brown & Cai,
valid signature of the self-protection motive. 2009; Cai, Wu, & Brown, 2009; O’Mara, Gaertner,
But is self-threatening feedback always recalled Sedikides, Zhou, & Liu, 2010), Japan (Kobayashi
poorly? Research on trauma would seem to indicate & Brown, 2003), Korea (Chang, Sanna, & Yang,
that it is not: Traumatic events are well remembered 2003), Taiwan (Gaertner et al., 2008), and Singapore
(Berntsen, 2001; McNally, 2003). Such events, (Kurman & Sriram, 1997). In addition, longitudinal
though, are extreme, and event extremity is associ- studies, in Western and non-Western culture, indi-
ated with superior recall (Thompson, Skowronski, cate that the BTAE promotes subsequent psychologi-
Larsen, & Betz, 1996). And yet event valence cal health under adverse conditions (Bonanno, Field,
predicts recall independently of event extremity Kovacevic, & Kaltman, 2002; Bonanno, Rennicke,
(Thompson et al., 1996, Chapter 4). Finally, in the & Dekel, 2005; Gupta & Bonanno, 2010; Zucker-
mnemic neglect paradigm, behavioral feedback was man & O’Loughlin, 2006). Moreover, the BTAE
moderate rather than extreme (Sedikides & Green, serves a stress-buffering function: As a response to
2000, pilot studies). Selective self-memory, then, stress, the BTAE is related to lower cardiovascular
is applicable to the domain of mild, as opposed to response, more rapid cardiovascular recovery, and
extreme, feedback or events. lower baseline cortisol level (Taylor, Lerner, Sherman,
Sage, & McDowell, 2003b).
What Are Self-Enhancement and Finally, selective self-memory in autobiographi-
Self-Protection Good For? cal recall is also associated with psychological health.
Self-enhancement and self-protection strivings For example, selective self-memory is related to lack
have functional advantages for the individual. Next of dysphoria (Walker, Skowronski, Gibbons, Vogl,
we will consider two critical domains of functional- & Thompson, 2003), reduced depression (Williams
ity: psychological health and psychological interests. et al., 2007), a future orientation (Brunson, Wheeler,
& Walker, 2010), social connectedness or better
Psychological Health interpersonal relations (Wildschut, Sedikides, Arndt,
The SSB is linked to a variety of psychological & Routledge, 2006), felt continuity between one’s
health benefits. For example, the SSB is related to past and one’s present (Sedikides, Wildschut, Gaert-
positive mood (McFarland & Ross, 1982) and high ner, Routledge, & Arndt, 2008), perceptions of life
subjective well-being (Rizley, 1978), improved prob- as meaningful (Routledge et al., 2011), and reduced
lem solving (Isen & Means, 1983), reduced depres- existential anxiety (Juhl, Routledge, Arndt, Sedikides,
sion (Abramson & Alloy, 1981), better immune & Wildschut, 2010). Relatedly, selective self-memory
functioning (Taylor et al., 2000), and lower mortal- is linked to fewer symptoms of psychopathology and
ity and morbidity longitudinally (Peterson & Selig- better psychological health over time (Bonanno,
man, 1987). On the other hand, a weak or absent Keltner, Holen, & Horowitz, 1995; Bonanno,
SSB is related to depression (Sweeney, Anderson, & Znoj, Siddique, & Horowitz, 1999; Newton &
Bailey, 1986), deteriorating physical health (Peterson, Contrada, 1992). In conclusion, self-enhancement
s ed i ki d es , a li c ke
of motives on human judgment. “Man is a rational Future Directions
animal—so at least I have been told. [ . . . ] I have There are several issues in need of further empiri-
looked diligently for evidence in favor of this state- cal attention. We will briefly touch upon four of
ment, but so far I have not had the good fortune to them. First, what is the interplay between the two
come across it [ . . . ],” he exclaimed in wonder (p. 73). motives? Although self-enhancement and self-
We have focused in this chapter on two self-evaluation protection are occasionally treated as polar ends of
motives that might have confounded Russell, self- a single dimension, the empirical evidence suggests
enhancement and self-protection. that a lot will be gained if they are treated separately
We defined self-enhancement as the desire and (Elliot & Mapes, 2005). Yet the relation between
preference for maximizing the positivity of one’s the two motives is complex. They can operate inde-
self-views, and we defined self-protection as the pendently, one motive may facilitate the other, or
desire and preference for minimizing the negativ- one motive may impede the other. Second, and
ity of one’s self-view. We argued that the tendency relatedly, what is the interplay between implicit
to exalt one’s virtues and make light of one’s weak- and explicit self-enhancement and self-protection?
nesses, relative to impartial criteria, manifests itself In particular, what is the relation between implicit
in a variety of strivings. Due to space limitations, and explicit self-enhancement and self-protection
we restricted our discussion to three key strivings: strategies (Arndt & Goldenberg, 2011) or between
the SSB (crediting the self for successes but blam- implicit and explicit self-esteem (Gregg & Sedikides,
ing others for failures), the BTAE (considering the 2010)? Third, what is the interplay between the
self superior to others), and selective self-memory self-enhancement and self-protection motives on
(disadvantageous recall for negative feedback). the one hand and other self-evaluation motives on
Although we acknowledged that cognition and the other? These other motives are self-assessment
motivation are closely intertwined, we proceeded (i.e., pursuit of accurate self-knowledge; Gregg,
to make a case for the motivational underpinnings Sedikides, & Gebauer, 2011), self-improvement
of these strivings. We aimed to provide evidence (i.e., pursuit of one’s betterment; Sedikides & Hep-
that self-enhancement and self-protection strivings per, 2009), and self-verification (i.e., pursuit of self-
cannot be exclusively accounted for by nonmoti- confirmation; Swann, Rentfrow, & Guinn, 2003).
vational (i.e., information processing) factors. The Finally, what are the boundary conditions—both
nonmotivational explanations of expectations and situational demands and individual differences—
impression management were not deemed neces- that constrain self-enhancement or self-protection
sary for the occurrence of the SSB. Likewise, ego- (Gramzow, 2011)? And what are the intrapersonal
centrism, focalism, and individuated-entity versus and interpersonal consequences of such constraints
aggregate comparisons were not deemed necessary upon motive emergence or manifestation? These and
for the occurrence of the BTAE. And similarly, dif- other issues are worth exploring. As La Rouchefou-
ferential expectancies and inconsistency between cauld (1678/1827) prophetically noted, “Whatever
self-view valence and feedback were not deemed nec- discoveries have been made in the land of self-love,
essary for the occurrence of selective self-memory. In many territories remain to be discovered.”
contrast, evidence from research on self-threat and
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Abstract
In this chapter, we attempt to explore the motivational questions that arise when we view the
psychology of women through the lens of objectification theory, which highlights the centrality
of appearance concerns, or “body projects,” for girls and women today. We examine theoretical
perspectives on what motivates the sexual objectification of women, considering the ways this treatment
may reflect an adaptive evolutionary mating strategy, may serve as a tool for the maintenance of
patriarchal power, or may lend existential “protection” against the creaturely, death reminders that
women’s bodies provide. We then investigate both developmental processes and situational/contextual
features that motivate girls and women to internalize a sexually objectifying view on their physical selves.
And, finally, we review evidence that self-objectification, though motivating in itself, carries significant
consequences for their health and well-being.
Key Words: sexual objectification, self-objectification, body, gender, motivation
New Year’s Resolution: I will try to make myself of their bodies becomes the primary expression of
better in any way I possibly can, with the help their individual identity. Because of the centrality
of my budget and babysitting money. I will of appearance concerns to girls and women today,
lose weight, get new lenses, a new haircut, Brumberg called this their “body projects.”
good makeup, new clothes and accessories. Objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts,
(adolescent girl’s diary entry, Brumberg, 1997, p. xxi) 1997), published the same year as Brumburg’s book,
provided a theoretical framework from within psy-
In a fascinating if disheartening historiography, chology for understanding the gendered body proj-
Joan Brumberg (1997) examined the ways adoles- ect. This framework argues that the ubiquitous
cent girls described their self-improvement goals in sexual objectification of the female body provides
their diaries over the past 100 years. The change over the cultural milieu in which girls develop into
time was clear. Whereas girls of yesteryear focused women. The theory proposes that girls and women
on improving their manners or their study habits, are coaxed through both social and cultural experi-
in the more recent years, girls’ focus has become ences of sexual objectification to treat themselves as
almost exclusively the enhancement of their physical objects to be gazed at and evaluated based on physi-
appearance. It was not that 19th-century girls were cal appearance, an effect termed “self-objectification”
not aware of beauty imperatives, but rather that these (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).
were not linked to self-worth or personhood in the In this chapter, we explore the motivational
ways they appear to be for 21st-century girls, whose questions that arise when we view the psychology of
motivational concern with the shape and appearance women through the lens of objectification theory.
First, we ask: What motivates the sexual objectifi- bear on this question. First, evolutionary psycholo-
cation of women, both culturally and interperson- gists argue that such treatment of women serves an
ally? When, where, and why does this perspective adaptational function. Second, feminists argue that
on the female body get adopted, and what function such treatment serves to uphold hegemonic mas-
does it serve? Next we examine the question of what culine patriarchal structures of power. And finally,
motivates self-objectification, or the internalization existential theorists point to the psychic distancing
of a sexually objectifying perspective on the bodily from the animal body that objectification serves.
self, among girls and women. How do cultural and
interpersonal experiences of objectification translate Objectification as Evolutionary Adaptation
into and take hold of girls’ and women’s own trait- Evolutionary psychologists argue that the sexual
level self-concepts? What developmental processes objectification of women’s bodies is part and parcel of
are involved? What situational or contextual fea- the naturally selected mating strategy of human males.
tures of girls’ and women’s environments motivate This perspective takes as a starting point that physi-
states of self-objectification? Finally we argue that, cal appearance in women provides a wealth of cues
despite its motivating elements, the “body project” to fertility and reproductive value. Secondly, these
that girls and women appear to be engaged in car- theorists argue that standards of physical attractive-
ries a host of cognitive, emotional, behavioral and ness in human females are not arbitrary or infinitely
even health consequences. culturally variable (Buss, 2007). So this framework
argues for an evolution of standards of female beauty:
Theoretical Frameworks on the Sexual Visually observable cues to fertility and reproductive
Objectification of Women value will become essential to what humans find
Philosopher Martha Nussbaum (1995) defined attractive in females. As David Buss (2007) has put
sexual objectification as the treating of persons as it, “beauty is in the psychological adaptations of the
sexual “things” or objects, separating them from their beholder” (p. 506).
human attributes or characteristics. Nussbaum (1999) In a large cross-cultural study, Buss and his col-
identified seven components of objectification: instru- leagues (Buss, 1989; Buss et al., 1990) found that
mentality and ownership involve treating a person as a men place a greater emphasis on physical attractive-
tool or commodity; denial of autonomy and inertness ness (or “good looks”) in potential mates than do
involve seeing a person as lacking self-determination women and men want mates who are more youthful
and agency; fungibility is characterized by viewing than they themselves are. Theorists have suggested
a person as interchangeable with others of his or that the visually observable cues to fertility and
her “type”; violability represents someone as lacking reproductive value that are considered “good look-
boundary integrity; and denial of subjectivity involves ing” in women include a low waist-to-hip ratio, full
believing that a person’s experiences and feelings can lips, lustrous hair, long hair, clear skin, and facial
be neglected. femininity (Buss, 2007).
Sexual objectification has been discussed by So the evolutionary perspective on sexual objec-
feminist philosophers and social scientists for over a tification argues that men’s visual inspections of
century, and it has typically been linked to cultural women’s bodies, the emphasis placed on women’s
representations of women in pornography (e.g., bodies as the most important feature of them, and
LeMoncheck, 1985). Indeed, each of Nussbaum’s even women’s own attention to and enhancement
(1999) components can be seen in such cultural of their attractiveness are all motivated by a drive
representations, as well as interpersonal treatment for heterosexual mating. There are several problems
of women and girls. In psychology, Fredrickson with this explanation for sexual objectification,
and Roberts (1997) argued that sexual objectifica- however. First, in Buss et al.’s (1990) cross-cultural
tion occurs along a continuum, extending beyond study, physical attractiveness was ranked by males,
pornography to the wider cultural context, which on average, not first but third on a list of desir-
normalizes the commodification of women’s bodies able characteristics of a potential female sex part-
just about everywhere, and that this cultural context ner. Both kindness and intelligence ranked ahead
induces girls and women to adopt a third-person per- of physical attractiveness on the list of what men
spective on their own bodies (i.e., to self-objectify). want in a mate. Perhaps some men’s treatment of
But what motivates this cultural and interpersonal women as sexual objects is motivated by desire to
treatment of women’s bodies? Here we will outline reproduce, but some men are not as motivated as
three theoretical views that have been brought to others by heterosexual sex, and clearly some sexual
Abstract
A significant goal in many countries around the world is promoting children’s motivation so that
ultimately they achieve at their full potential. There is much evidence supporting the idea that parents
play a significant role in either facilitating or undermining children’s motivation. The focus of this
chapter is on how relatedness between children and their parents shapes the development of children’s
motivation as well as achievement. Three sets of ideas about how relatedness between children and
their parents contributes to children’s motivation are reviewed. An integration of the three is provided
to highlight key themes as well as suggest key directions for future research.
Key Words: achievement, attachment, motivation, parent–child relations, parenting
its application to parents’ socialization of children’s and Ainsworth make the case that the quality of
motivation (e.g., Grolnick, Deci, & Ryan, 1997; children’s attachment to their primary caregivers,
Grolnick & Farkas, 2002). We next move beyond who are often their parents, shapes children’s explo-
the focus of these theories on the quality of relation- ration (i.e., examining their environment so that
ships between children and their parents to chil- they are ultimately knowledgeable about it). Among
dren’s sense of responsibility to their parents. In the children who are securely attached, parents serve as
final section before concluding, we integrate the dif- a reliable base from which children can explore their
ferent ideas about the role of children’s relatedness world: Children are able to trust that their parents
to their parents in their academic functioning, sug- will be there for them if they are needed; their par-
gesting key questions to be answered in the future. ents serve as a safe haven, thereby permitting effec-
tive concentration among children, which may be of
Major Categories of Children’s Motivation particular import in the face of challenge. For these
Theory and research concerned with children’s children, their attachment and exploration systems
academic functioning has generally focused on three are balanced, which is unfortunately not the case
major categories of motivation (Eccles & Wigfield, for children who are insecurely attached to their
2002; Eccles, Wigfield, & Schiefele, 1998). First, parents. Such children experience anxiety over the
a key category is that of how capable children feel possibility of losing their parents’ attention, which
they are in regard to accomplishing the learning interferes with their exploration.
tasks they encounter. This includes children’s per- Several studies find that when children are
ceptions of competence, expectations for future securely attached to their parents in the early years
performance, feelings of efficacy, and sense of con- of life, they are better able to explore their environ-
trol. Second, children’s investment and engagement ment at this time, often demonstrating enhanced
in learning tasks is of import, including not sim- competence (e.g., Belsky, Garduque, & Hrncir,
ply the value children assign to such tasks and the 1984; Frodi, Bridges, & Grolnick, 1985). For
amount of time they spend on them but also their example, Matas, Arend, and Sroufe (1978) observed
use of effective learning strategies, such as the plan- that children securely (versus insecurely) attached to
ning and monitoring of their learning. A third cate- their mothers at 18 months were more effective in
gory is the reasons behind children’s investment and their problem solving 6 months later in that they
engagement. One of the most studied set of reasons spent more time working on problem-solving tasks,
is children’s internal or autonomous (e.g., enjoy- with heightened enthusiasm and dampened frustra-
ment and personal importance) versus external or tion. Perhaps because of their enhanced exploration,
controlled (e.g., avoidance of shame and attainment securely attached children are more cognitively com-
of rewards) reasons—what is known as intrinsic petent (e.g., their language is more developed) than
(versus extrinsic) motivation. Also receiving sub- are insecurely attached children; notably, this is not
stantive attention is the extent to which children are accounted for by children’s early IQ (e.g., O’Connor
concerned with developing (i.e., mastery motiva- & McCartney, 2007; van IJzendoorn et al., 1995).
tion) rather than demonstrating (i.e., performance Children with an ambivalent insecure attachment
motivation) their competence. All three categories to their parents (i.e., children alternate between
appear to play a role in children’s achievement (for resistance and passivity toward their parents) appear
a review, see Wigfield, Eccles, Schiefele, Roeser, & to be at greater risk for a lack of exploration than are
Davis-Kean, 2006). Thus, they have all received their counterparts with an avoidant insecure attach-
attention in the theory and research concerned with ment (i.e., children physically and affectively avoid
the role of parents in the development of children’s their parents; e.g., Belsky et al., 1984; Frodi et al.,
academic functioning. 1985). Frodi and colleagues (1985) speculate that
although both types of insecurely attached children
The Attachment Theory Perspective feel anxious over obtaining their parents’ atten-
The idea that children’s relationships with their tion, avoidant children are more likely to displace
parents contribute to their motivation has received their anxiety by engaging in activities that give the
support in Bowlby’s (1969, 1973, 1980) and Ains- appearance of greater exploration compared to their
worth’s (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; ambivalent counterparts.
Caldwell & Ricituti, 1973) writings in the context A critical question is whether the early attach-
of attachment theory (see also Bretherton, 1985). ments children have to their parents make contri-
Focusing on the first 2 years of life, both Bowlby butions to children’s academic functioning over the
Abstract
People are powerfully motivated to form and maintain social relationships. Indeed, health and well-being
are strongly tied to the course and quality of social bonds. However, while close relationships provide
people with many advantages such as intimacy and social support, relationships can also be a detriment,
such as when they are wrought with hostility and potential rejection. We present a framework of social
and relationship motivation that simultaneously accounts for people’s tendencies to both approach the
incentives and avoid the threats in close relationships. Research examining the correlates of approach
and avoidance motives and goals in relationships is reviewed and mediating mechanisms are explored.
The implications and advantages of an approach and avoidance model of social motivation are highlighted
and future research directions are discussed.
Key Words: close relationships, approach motivation, avoidance motivation, social isolation, loneliness
attachment bonds, hierarchical relationships, mat- as social support and connection, relationships can
ing relationships, coalitions, and communal bonds also be harmful, such as when they are wrought
(Bugental, 2000; Fiske, 1992). The motivation to with hostility and potential rejection. In the follow-
connect with others is powerful and ubiquitous. For ing section, we briefly outline the evidence that the
example, compared to people whose social needs are road to close relationships contains both promises
being met, those who feel lonely are more likely to and pitfalls.
ascribe human characteristics to inanimate objects,
presumably in an attempt to feel more socially con- Promises and Pitfalls of Close Relationships
nected (Epley, Waytz, Akalis, & Cacioppo, 2008). Close relationships are the source of both pleasure
Even though the motivation to form and main- and pain. Although people cite close relationships
tain strong interpersonal bonds is rooted deep in most often when asked what gives their life mean-
our evolutionary psyche, people are keenly aware of ing (e.g., Klinger, 1977), they are also very likely to
their need for close relationships, as beautifully illus- cite relationship problems when asked what is not
trated in poetry and song lyrics. When asked about going well in their lives (Veroff, Douvan, & Kulka,
their most important life goals, successful close rela- 1981). The potential rewards of close relationships are
tionships are often high on the list (e.g., Emmons, numerous and highly valued; these incentives include
1986. Moreover, people who do not make their companionship, passion, and intimacy. The poten-
social goals a high priority have poorer mental and tial pitfalls are equally plentiful and impactful; these
physical health than those who do rank social goals threats include betrayal, jealously, and criticism.
high among their life goals (Kasser & Ryan, 1996). One potential benefit of close relationships is
The popularly held belief that “people need people” social support, or more accurately the perception
is expounded in the psychological literature. Promi- that others will be there if needed during times of
nent models of well-being propose that satisfying stress. In fact, social support has been widely linked
ongoing relationships are a necessary component to various mental and physical health processes (e.g.,
of psychological and physical health (e.g., Deci & Cohen & Willis, 1985; Cutrona, Russell, & Rose,
Ryan, 1985; Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2008; Keyes, 1986; Dunkel-Schetter & Bennett, 1990; Lakey &
1998; Ryff, 1995). Cassady, 1990). Another potential benefit of social
Recent research has also demonstrated that the bonds is that close others often facilitate one’s ideal
impact of our basic motivation to form and main- personal development and goal pursuit (e.g., Rus-
tain close relationships reaches far beyond our inter- bult, Kumashiro, Kubacka, & Finkel, 2009). On the
action with others. That is, interpersonal motives other hand, threats to relationship stability and prob-
and goals influence cognition, emotion, and behav- lems within relationships also contribute to psycho-
ior in domains that once were thought to be inde- pathological symptoms such as depression, anxiety,
pendent of close relationships. Overall, this body of and substance abuse (e.g., Davila, Bradbuy, Cohan,
research clearly demonstrates that motives for close & Tochluk, 1997; Whisman, 2001; Whisman,
relationships influence how people think, feel, and Uebelacker, & Settles, 2010). Specifically, conflict,
act in novel social interactions and seemingly non- rejection, and abandonment are among the threats
social contexts (e.g., Andersen, Reznik, & Manzella, with well-documented detrimental links to psycho-
1996; Baldwin, Carrell, & Lopez, 1990; Mikulincer, logical health (e.g., Baron et al., 2007; Downey,
1998). For example, the motives and goals people Feldman, & Ayduck, 2000; Mikulincer, 1998).
have for their close relationships affect psychologi- In addition to the psychological impact of social
cal processes in the seemingly unrelated domain of bonds, there are numerous physical benefits and
performance on achievement tasks, and this occurs risks of relationships (e.g., Kiecolt-Glaser, Gouin,
without their awareness (Shah, 2003). & Hantsoo, 2010). For example, emotionally sup-
In short, there is compelling evidence that people portive relationships facilitate recovery from illness,
are motivated to form and maintain stable interper- whereas marital conflict increases the likelihood
sonal bonds. When people are unable to fulfill these of cardiac death (Eaker et al., 2007; Wilcox, Kasl,
needs, their health and well-being suffer. Moreover, & Berkman, 1994). The specific physiological
social motivation influences cognition, affect, and processes that are responsible for seemingly direct
behavior in social and nonsocial contexts. However, effects that relationship incentives and threats have
close relationships in themselves are not necessar- on physical health are also beginning to be unrav-
ily positive and beneficial. That is, while close rela- eled (e.g., Cacioppo & Patrick, 2008; Carter, 1996).
tionships provide people with many benefits such For example, fear of negative social evaluation is
avoiding the pitfalls & approaching the promises of close rel ationships
These studies have found that approach and avoid- However, up to this point most of these studies
ance dimensions, while correlated with one another, were conducted in the context of laboratory-formed
are independent. Also consistent with theoretical groups doing achievement-relevant tasks, not with
models and empirical data is the idea that each existing or naturally formed close relationships.
operates through different processes. For example, Later, Boyatzis (1973) further delineated approach
Gable, Reis, and Elliot (2000) showed that the rela- and avoidance social motivation by pointing that
tionship between approach motivation and positive affiliation motivation can be expressed in two ways;
emotion was accounted for differential exposure pro- one is approach oriented and the other is avoidance
cesses (higher approach motives predicted a greater oriented. The approach affiliative motive is focused
number of pleasant daily events). The relationship on a positive outcome, obtaining closeness and inti-
between avoidance motivation and negative emo- macy, whereas the avoidance affiliative motive seems
tion was mediated by differential sensitivity pro- focused on a negative outcome, avoiding rejection
cesses (higher avoidance motives predicted stronger or loneliness. Boyatzis’ conclusions mirrored those of
reactions to negative events when they occurred, but Mehrabian and colleagues, even though their work
not a higher frequency of them). grew out a different perspective, that of reward and
expectancy theories (Mehrabian, 1976; Mehrabian
Social and Relationship Motivation & Ksionzky, 1974). Specifically, Mehrabian (1976)
early social motivation research: posited that expectancies of positive and negative
affiliation motives reinforcers in interpersonal relationships shaped
Early work on social motivation hinted at the approach and avoidance social motivation, respec-
need for understanding both the regulation of incen- tively, which he called affiliation tendency and sen-
tives and the regulation of threats. For example, sitivity to rejection. Mehrabian found that approach
among Murray’s (1938) several socially based needs motives targeted different outcomes than avoidance
(e.g., deference, nurturance) the one that subse- motives. People high on affiliative tendency were less
quently received the most empirical and theoretical anxious, elicited more positive affect from others,
attention was the need for affiliation (nAff). Shipley were more self-confident, and saw themselves as sim-
and Veroff (1952) viewed the need for affiliation as ilar to others. People high in sensitivity to rejection
stemming from interpersonal insecurity. They mea- were less confident, more anxious, and were judged
sured the strength of the need for affiliation in open- less positively by others than people low on sensitiv-
ended stories written to explain ambiguous pictures ity to rejection.
(Thematic Apperception Test; Morgan & Murray,
1935). Their research showed that themes of social beyond affiliation motivation
separation were more common in the stories of Although most scholars of close relationships
recently rejected men, compared to controls. would agree that the need for close bonds is a funda-
Later work showed that those who had a strong mental human motive, the examination of relation-
need for affiliation were less popular in their social ship motivation seemed to take a hiatus for close to
groups, had more confidence, but sought the approval 25 years. There were, of course, important excep-
of others more often than those with weaker need tions. For example, McAdams (1982) conducted
for affiliation (Atkinson, Heyns, & Veroff, 1954). research on intimacy motivation. The primary assess-
Atkinson and his colleagues explained the seemingly ment of these motives was again the TAT; however,
mixed results of the work on nAff by suggesting that motivation for intimacy and motivation for affilia-
social situations aroused two needs: hope of affiliation tion were assessed separately. He found that those
and fear of rejection. The idea that social needs took with stronger intimacy motivation had more spon-
the form of independent approach and avoidance taneous thoughts about relationships and relation-
motives was further explicated by DeCharms (1957), ship partners, experienced more positive emotions
who attempted to separately measure approach in interpersonal situations, disclosed and listened
affiliative motives and avoidance affiliative motives. more to friends, spent more time communicating
Sticking with the prevailing paradigm of the time, with others, and had greater concern for others’
he further refined and expanded a TAT coding well-being than those with weaker intimacy motives
scheme; coding responses concerned with positive (McAdams & Constantian, 1983; McAdams, Healy,
relationships and attaining affiliation as approach & Krause, 1984).
affiliation (+Aff) and responses concerned with sepa- McAdams and colleagues’ work on intimacy moti-
ration and rejection as avoidance affiliation (–Aff). vation is important to the current thesis because it
avoiding the pitfalls & approaching the promises of close rel ationships
Approach and Avoidance Goals and There are data showing that the goals people
Interpersonal Outcomes have for specific interactions are also important.
Because approach goals are focused on poten- For example, in one study, the type of goals people
tial incentives, and avoidance goals are focused on had for everyday sacrifices (i.e., enacting behaviors
potential threats, they should be linked with differ- that are not preferred for the sake of their partners,
ent outcomes in relationships. Specifically, approach such as accompanying a partner to a dull work
goals should be associated with outcomes defined by function or not spending time on a hobby) influ-
the presence or absence of positive outcomes, such enced their relationship outcomes (Impett, Gable,
as passion and intimacy. Avoidance goals should be & Peplau, 2005). Specifically when people engaged
associated with outcomes defined by the presence in these behaviors for approach motives (e.g., to
or absence of negative outcomes, such as security promote intimacy), they reported greater positive
and conflict. Results from several studies are consis- affect and relationship satisfaction. However, when
tent with this idea. In one study, participants’ self- they did the same behaviors for avoidance motives
generated social goals and romantic goals were later (e.g., to prevent my partner from becoming upset),
coded as either approach or avoidance. Whereas they reported greater negative affect, lower rela-
approach goals were associated with more satisfac- tionship satisfaction, and more conflict. The more
tion and with social life and less loneliness, avoid- often people sacrificed for avoidance motives over
ance goals were associated with increased anxiety the course of the study, the less satisfied they were
and loneliness 8 weeks later (Gable, 2006). Lone- with their relationships at the follow-up assess-
liness has historically been defined as being both ment 6 weeks later and the more likely they were
about lacking positive relationships or having prob- to have broken up. Finally, in a recent observational
lematic or insecure relationships (e.g., Perlman & study of newlywed couples, Laurenceau, Kleinman,
Peplau, 1981); thus, it is theoretically consistent Kaczynski, and Carver (2010) examined how incen-
with the model that both types of goals would be tive and threat sensitivities were associated with out-
associated with changes in loneliness. comes regarding specific interactions. They found
Similarly Elliot, Gable, and Mapes (2006) that relationship incentive sensitivity was positively
developed and validated an eight-item measure of associated with positive affect during a discussion
approach and avoidance social goals in a short-term of the loving aspects of the relationship, whereas
longitudinal study. Consistent with the model, they relationship threat sensitivity predicted greater anxi-
found that approach social goals were associated ety when discussing a significant marital problem.
with greater subjective well-being, whereas avoidance To summarize, the previous section reviewed
social goals were associated with more self-reports several studies that demonstrated the links between
of physical health symptoms 3.5 months later. The approach and avoidance relationship motivation
aforementioned studies examined peoples’ level of and outcomes. These studies employed diverse
relationship goals at a global level, aggregating across methods (cross-sectional, daily experience, longi-
friendships, family relationships, and intimate rela- tudinal data, observational), focused on different
tionships. However, additional studies have focused close relationships such as friendships, romantic
on people’s approach and avoidance goals in a specific relationships, and family bonds, and examined
relationship and have found parallel results that are associations at the level of global social relation-
consistent with the hierarchical model. For example, ships, specific relationships, and particular inter-
in a series of studies, Impett and colleagues found actions. The results all showed that approach and
that people in relatively new romantic relationships avoidance goals were associated with important
with strong approach goals maintained high levels relationship outcomes. In addition, these data sug-
of sexual desire over time, whereas those with weak gest that approach goals are more strongly asso-
approach goals showed the typical decline in sexual ciated with outcomes defined by the presence of
desire that has been observed in other studies (Impett, incentives (e.g., sexual desire), whereas avoidance
Strachman, Finkel, & Gable, 2008). In addition, goals are more strongly associated with outcomes
in a study of married couples, Gable (2000) found defined by the absence of threats (e.g., security).
that those who had strong avoidance goals reported Global outcomes that involve both incentives and
greater insecurity than those with weaker avoidance threats, such as overall relationships satisfaction
goals. On the other hand, the strength of approach and loneliness, were correlated with both approach
goals positively predicted daily positive affect during and avoidance goals. The next question centers
marital interactions. on how goals influence outcomes—the cognitive,
avoiding the pitfalls & approaching the promises of close rel ationships
written by their future interaction partner. Those goals likely place more weight on the presence (or
in the avoidance goal condition remembered more absence) of threats in their relationships when making
negative information about and expressed more dis- global evaluations than those with weaker avoidance
like for the other person than those in the approach goals. Consistent with this idea, Updegraff, Gable,
goal condition. and Taylor (2004) found that global life-satisfaction
A significant proportion of social information ratings were more strongly tied to positive affect for
that people receive on a daily basis can be ambigu- people with strong approach motivation than for
ous in nature. A smile from a stranger can be a sign those with weaker approach motivation.
of good manners or genuine warmth and interest. Examining this idea in close relationships, Gable
The quiet demeanor of a spouse can be indicative and Poore (2008) conducted a signal-contingent
of a bad day at work or lingering animosity about daily experience study in which participants were
a marital disagreement the night before. Strachman beeped at several random intervals throughout the
and Gable (2006) also analyzed their participants’ day and reported their feelings of passion for and
interpretation of the information they did recall security regarding their romantic partners at that
from the story they read. That is, they examined very moment. Prior to the beginning of the study,
how closely their recalled information matched they reported the strength of their approach and
the information presented in the story. The results avoidance relationship goals. At the end of the day,
showed that those with strong avoidance goals were they also reported their general feeling of satisfac-
more likely to interpret seemingly neutral and posi- tion with their relationships. The authors found that
tive information from the story with a more negative participants with strong avoidance social goals put
spin than people with avoidance goals. For example, more weight on security in their end-of-day reports
when describing an originally neutral aspect of the of satisfaction than those with weaker avoidance
scenario such as “he picked her up at 10:00,” those social goals; moreover, those with strong approach
with high avoidance goals were likely to view that as goals put more weight on their feelings of passion
being picked up late. Memory of social information in their end-of-day reports of relationship satisfac-
and biases in interpretation are particularly impor- tion than those low in approach goals. Thus, when
tant processes in close relationships because people people had strong avoidance goals they reported less
have repeated interactions with the same people relationship satisfaction on days they felt more inse-
across multiple contexts. Thus, there are ample cure than they typically felt, but if they had weak
opportunities for pertinent memories to form and avoidance goals their satisfaction did not go down
for ambiguous information to be interpreted in a on days they felt more insecure than they typically
manner consistent with goals. Moreover, as demon- felt. Similarly, when people had strong approach
strated by Neuberg (e.g., 1996), these cognitive pro- goals they reported greater satisfaction on days they
cesses lead to expectations, which in turn influence felt more passion than they typically reported feel-
the information sought from social partners, how ing, but if they had weak approach goals they did
people behavior toward a social partner, and how not report a boost in their relationship satisfaction
the social partner behaves in return. on days they felt more passion than they typically
felt. It seems that the very definition of satisfac-
weight of social information tion—the presence of incentives or the absence of
Although the strength of approach goals is pri- threats—was tied to goals.
marily associated with incentive-based outcomes
such as passion, and threat-based outcomes such as emotion in social interaction
security, in the end, people make more global evalu- and close relationships
ations in relationships and decisions to act or not act Motivation and emotion are closely tied (Keltner
in certain ways (e.g., file for divorce or stay in a mar- & Lerner, 2009) and approach and avoidance motives
riage). Thus, another process by which approach and have been tied to positive and negative affect, respec-
avoidance goals influence outcomes is by influenc- tively (e.g., Larsen & Ketelaar, 1991). For example,
ing the weight of different types of information in studies have found that approach motives and goals
global evaluations and decisions. Specifically, those were positively correlated with positive affect on a
with strong approach goals likely weigh the presence daily basis and avoidance motives and goals were cor-
(or absence) of incentives in their relationships more related with negative affect on a daily basis (e.g. Gable
heavily in global evaluations than those with weaker et al., 2000). More important, there is little evidence
approach goals. And those with strong avoidance that approach motivation is associated with negative
avoiding the pitfalls & approaching the promises of close rel ationships
Note Carver, C. S., & White, T. L. (1994). Behavioral inhibitions,
1. For reviews of the approach and avoidance distinction behavioral activation, and affective responses to impending
in motivation, see Elliot (1999), Higgins (1998), and Schleirna reward and punishment: The BIS/BAS Scales. Journal of Per-
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Abstract
Recognizing the potential for interdisciplinary research in motivational neuroscience, the goal of the
present chapter is to show the relevance of neuroscience research to human motivation researchers
and to suggest ways to expand their programs of research, methodological options, and theoretical
conceptualizations of the motivational constructs with which they work. To illustrate the neural bases
of human motivation, we highlight 15 key motivation-relevant brain structures, identify the neural core
of reward-based motivated action, and discuss a range of brain-generated motivational states that
extend from those that are relatively automatic and stimulus dependent (e.g., pleasure from taste) to
those that are relatively intentional and context sensitive (e.g., goals). We then examine the following
10 well-researched concepts from the human motivation literature to suggest how each might be
enriched through neuroscientific investigation: agency, volition, value, intrinsic motivation, extrinsic
motivation, flow, expectancy, self-efficacy, self-regulation, and goals. We conclude with suggestions for
future research.
Key Words: motivation, neuroscience, striatum, reward, dopamine, prefrontal cortex
educational psychologists revised their theories of neuroscience. If interdisciplinary motivational neu-
learning and their recommendations for the design roscientists are to become a critical mass of scholars,
of instruction accordingly (e.g., Paas, Tuovinen, researchers in both fields will need to consider the
Tabbers, & Van Gerven, 2003). merits of reengineering these otherwise one-way
The metaphor Mayer offered to enrich interdis- and dead-end streets into two-way streets of infor-
ciplinary activity was that of a two-way street. In mation, methodology, and theory development. To
this scenario, neuroscience study influences moti- facilitate such progress in the present chapter, we first
vation research, while motivation study influences overview the neuroscience research that is broadly
neuroscience research. Such a two-way relationship relevant to probably all contemporary human
is only possible with the emergence and contribu- motivation study as we illuminate the biological
tions of interdisciplinary researchers. Interdisci- substrates of human motivation. We then address
plinary researchers are those who feel free and able conceptual points of convergence and divergence
to traverse not only the landscape of their home between neuroscience and human motivation study
field of study but also the landscape of the allied across the following 10 frequently studied motiva-
field. Several examples of such successful interdis- tional constructs: agency, volition, value, intrinsic
ciplinary research have emerged, including cogni- motivation, extrinsic motivation, flow, expectancy,
tive neuroscience (Gazzaniga, Ivry, & Mangun, self-efficacy, self-regulation, and goals.
2008), affective neuroscience (Davidson & Sutton, Any new field of study (e.g., motivational neurosci-
1995), social neuroscience (Decety & Cacioppo, ence) necessarily begins with description and taxonomy.
2010), and neuroeconomics (Loewenstein, Rick, & In that spirit, Figure 21.1 lists 15 key brain structures
Cohen, 2008). identified by neuroscience research as motivation rel-
The goal of the present chapter is to embrace this evant and illustrates the anatomic location for each.
two-way street imagery and, in doing so, embrace Five structures reside within the neocortex: prefrontal
the potential value in interdisciplinary motivational cortex, ventromedial prefrontal cortex, dorsolateral
Prefrontal Hypothalamus
cortex Substantia
nigra
Insular cortex
Orbitofrontal Putamen
cortex Insular cortex
Ventral Hippocampus
palladium
Fig. 21.1. Anatomic location of 15 key motivation-relevant brain structures. (A) A medial sagittal section of the brain. The dotted line
represents the point that a coronal section of the brain (C) is acquired. (B) A lateral sagittal section of the brain.
AMYGDALA
Responsive to particular reward characteristics. Dopamine system
Substantia Nigra,
Insular cortex Ventral tegmental area
Globus Pallidus
Representation of emotional states of rewards. Relay information of rewards to striatum.
Behavior preparation and execution.
These basal ganglia structures project
into the pre-supplemental motor area,
STRIATUM the supplemental motor area, and the
Prefrontal Cortex Responsive to information of rewards. primary motor cortex (i.e., the motor
Orbitofrontal Cortex * Nucleus Accumbens areas of the cortex).
Responsive to the value of rewards; responsive * Caudate Nucleus
to preferences between rewards. * Putamen
Larry C. Bernard
Abstract
Three social science approaches—evolutionary psychology, behavioral ecology, and behavioral
genetics—share the metatheory of evolution. They also suggest several mechanisms that may account
for heritable individual differences in personality and motivation, including stabilizing selection,
fluctuating selection, trade-offs, balancing selection, life history theory, and behavioral syndromes.
These mechanisms are discussed as possible explanations for individual differences in the five-factor
model of personality and in a new theory of human motivation. The theory postulates that 15 latent
motive dimensions evolved in humans to facilitate behavior in five social domains. Trade-offs that, in
combination with fluctuating and balancing selection, might have maintained individual differences in
motive phenotypes are described. The reliability and validity of a method to assess individual differences
in the strength of these motive dimensions is also discussed.
Key Words: individual differences, motivation, personality, evolutionary psychology, behavioral ecology,
life history theory, behavioral genetics, trade-offs, balancing selection, behavioral syndromes
personality psychology on variation has been a barrier in motivation. However, some of the first applica-
to its acceptance by evolutionary psychologists (Buss, tions of evolutionary theory to individual differences
2009). Selection pressures are thought to work in only involved personality constructs, specifically those
one direction, variance reduction, to the point where in the five-factor model (FFM; Costa & McCrae,
a trait emerges universally, and nearly identically, in 1992; Digman, 1996; Goldberg, 1993). Therefore,
all members of a species (Tooby & Cosmides, 1990, this chapter will begin with the FFM, because it laid
1992). The primary challenge for individual differ- the groundwork for development of an evolutionary
ences psychologists, then, is to conceptualize mecha- approach to individual differences in motivation.
nisms by which selection can maintain variance in a
functional dimension of behavior and put them to The Five-Factor Model of Personality
the test. Recent developments in behavioral ecology, Background
behavioral genetics, evolutionary psychology, and com- The FFM is one of the most widely studied person-
parative psychology have led to more willingness to ality models (e.g., Costa & McCrae, 1992; Digman,
explore the possibility of evolved individual differences 1996; Goldberg, 1993). It is a taxonomic model of
in personality. These developments include life history personality that emerged from factor analyses of
theory (MacArthur & Wilson, 1967; Reznick, Bryant, the English lexicon of adjectives describing human
& Bashey, 2002; Rushton, 2004; Stearns, 1992), bal- behavior. It is based on the assumption that terms
ancing selection (Penke, Denissen, & Miller, 2007), used to describe the most salient and socially relevant
fluctuating selection and trade-offs (Nettle, 2007), individual differences in behavior will become part
and behavioral syndrome theory (Roff, 2001; Sih, of common language usage. Hundreds of such terms
Bell, & Johnson, 2004a, 2004b) all of which suggest were factor analyzed until five meaningful dimen-
mechanisms by which heritable individual differences sions emerged: Neuroticism, Extraversion, Openness,
may evolve. Buss (1991) was one of the first evolu- Conscientiousness, and Agreeableness. Although the
tionary psychologists to recognize these developments FFM does have its limitations, it will probably con-
and suggest the importance of their implications for tinue to be the most popular model for personality
personality, as well as evolutionary, psychology. These assessment in the foreseeable future (Merenda, 1999,
developments may one day turn “evolved individual 2008). Meta-analyses of the FFM and both work per-
differences” into a congruous term. formance (Barrick & Mount, 1991; Hough, Eaton,
Evolutionary theory has played an important role Dunnette, Kamp, & McCloy, 1990) and academic
in unifying the biological sciences, and it may play performance (Poropat, 2009) support its relationship
a similar role in the social sciences (de Waal, 2002). with important behavioral outcomes. An emerging
Evolutionary theory has great explanatory power, body of literature has proposed an evolutionary
particularly when it addresses the interaction of brain basis to, and the heritability of, the FFM (e.g., Jang,
and social (cultural) development, and may ulti- McCrae, Angleitner, Riemann, & Livesley, 1998;
mately help in understanding the origin of individual Reimann, Angleitner, & Strelau, 1997). Research
differences in personality and motivation. Evolution- has found that between 40% and 50% of variance
ary psychology emphasizes the function of evolved in the FFM dimensions is due to genetic influences
solutions to adaptive problems, the recognition that (Plomin, Happe, & Caspi, 2002; see Nettle, 2006,
selective processes are involved in the development of for a review of the heritability of the FFM). This
the brain, and the expectation that there should be a has led to several proposed mechanisms that may
large number of domain-specific psychological mecha- be relevant to the evolution of individual differences
nisms (Buss & Greiling, 1999; Ermer, Cosmides, & dimensions in the FFM and a description of them
Tooby, 2007). (For a discussion of current issues in follows.
evolutionary psychology, see Confer et al., 2010.)
This last emphasis is consistent with personality psy- Proposed Mechanisms for Evolution of the
chology’s interest in multiple latent factors that may Five-Factor Model Dimensions
be responsible for individual differences in observed stabilizing selection
behavior. And personality psychologists are begin- Wilson (1994) was one of the first evolution-
ning to recognize the heuristic value of evolutionary ary psychologists to propose that phenotypic dif-
psychology’s adaptationist approach in their work ferences between individuals could be the result of
(Penke et al., 2007). underlying genotypic polymorphisms, rather than
This chapter presents a recent application of evo- primarily the result of proximal causes (i.e., pheno-
lutionary theory to the study of individual differences typic plasticity). MacDonald (1995, 1998) shared
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stabilizing form” (Nettle, 2006, p. 628, italics added). on a continuum, could result from social environ-
Observations of the size to which male pygmy sword- mental variation across time and space.
tail, Xiphophorous nigrensis, grow and its function in Both of these variations are consistent with fluc-
reproductive fitness demonstrate this point (Nettle, tuating selection/trade-offs, but balancing selection
2006). Large males are preferred by females, engage has led to a different emphasis in research with the
in elaborate courtship displays, and take 27 weeks FFM (Penke et al., 2007). In particular, personal-
to reach maturity at great cost in time and meta- ity dimensions have been conceptualized in terms
bolic investment. In contrast, small males take only of reaction range, which might help account for the
14 weeks to mature and do not engage in the same dual role of the environment as a source of pheno-
courtship displays; therefore, more time and energy typic plasticity and fluctuating selection pressures.
are available to “sneak” copulation with females Reaction range incorporates the idea of genes setting
(Zimmer & Kallman, 1989). Each variation in size constraints that restrict outcomes along a personal-
has its fitness advantages and disadvantages and dif- ity dimension, rather than determining outcomes.
ferent sizes can be maintained through selection. Reaction range emphasizes the Person x Situation
Trade-offs are also applicable to the FFM (Nettle, interaction in assessment. To illustrate this point,
2006). For example, people who score higher on Penke et al. (2007) reasoned that “. . . some people
Extraversion have more sexual partners and greater may be socially confident at informal parties but not
social support (Buchanan, Johnson, & Goldberg, at public speaking, whereas for others, the opposite
2005) but also engage in more risky behavior and may apply. To class them both as ‘extraverts’ may
are more likely to be hospitalized (Nettle, 2005) and conflate disparate genotypes that lead to distinct
arrested (Samuels et al., 2004). By implication, there endophenotypes, behavioural strategies, reaction
should also be fitness trade-offs associated with low norms, and fitness payoffs” (p. 574). The applicabil-
extraversion scores, for example, people who score ity of this approach has been demonstrated with the
lower may be exposed to less risk but would also have FFM dimensions (Denissen & Penke, 2008). The
less opportunity to find mates of higher quality. dimensions were reconceptualized as motivational
Both MacDonald’s and Nettle’s views of the evo- systems, and questionnaire items were developed to
lutionary basis for personality dimensions have had specifically tap reaction norms in the form of Person
to rely on post hoc analysis. Nettle (2006) acknowl- x Situation interactions. The results indicated that,
edged potential criticisms of trade-off theory as spec- while reaction norm-based items were different in
ulative and anticipated problems with the post hoc content from those in other FFM measures, this did
nature of his analysis of trade-offs in maintaining not negatively affect the factor structure or predic-
human personality variation. Many explanations of tive validity of the FFM dimensions.
personality variation are open to such criticisms, and
Nettle attempted to address them by making several comparative psychology
specific testable predictions based on the theory. Animal models have largely been missing from
personality psychology, which could partially account
balancing selection for our poor understanding of the evolutionary basis
In balancing selection, selective forces are bal- of human personality (Figueredo et al., 2005). In
anced for either extreme of a trait and both extremes contrast, animal models play a very important role
could be favored by selection to the same extent but in behavioral ecology, which focuses on the behav-
under different conditions (Penke et al., 2007). Sev- ioral roles that enable a species to adapt to its envi-
eral variations of balancing selection are likely can- ronmental niche (Burkhardt, 2005; Krebs & Davies,
didates for maintaining personality variation (Penke 1997; Smith, 2000). Fairly compelling evidence has
et al., 2007). One is environmental heterogeneity, been developed for evolved personality differences in
which relates more to the physical environment and nonhuman species (Gosling, 2001; Gosling & Vazire,
occurs when a trait’s fitness effect varies across space 2002), for example, shyness-boldness in wolves
and time. When selection pressures vary spatially or (MacDonald, 1983) and sunfish (Wilson, 1994). In
temporally, a trait’s fitness effect would be nearly neu- particular, three FFM dimensions—Extraversion,
tral when averaged across them. Another variation is Agreeableness, and Neuroticism—have been found
negative frequency-dependent selection, and it is a in diverse species, such as primates, guppies, and
special case of environmental heterogeneity in which octopuses (Gosling & John, 1999). Evolutionary
the spatial and temporal variations occur in the social biologists and ecologists have also found evidence of
environment. Different phenotypic personalities, some non-FFM dimensions used to describe human
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that behaviors should be studied “as a package,” with first-order factors (i.e., with a narrower range or band-
a species exhibiting a “behavioral syndrome” and width of behavioral influence) and the FFM dimen-
individuals manifesting different types (e.g., bold or sions are conceived as second-order factors (i.e., with
shy) (Sih et al., 2004a, 2004b). a broad range or bandwidth of behavioral influence).
Behavioral syndromes are conceived as heritable This can complicate interpretation because statisti-
styles of responding that are maintained by trade-offs. cally significant relationships may be observed with
In some contexts, a behavioral syndrome could result the five broad dimensions that are due to differences
in maladaptive behavior but be maintained because within only one or two of the narrow facets that com-
of fluctuating environmental selection. There may prise them (Ones & Viswesvaran, 1996; Tett, Steele,
be environments in which no particular phenotype & Beauregard, 2003). Bandwidth would be an issue
is optimum, for example, situations in which high when trying to understand which dimension or
and low Extraversion may be equally adaptive. Thus, dimensions are heritable. Is it Extraversion or one or
variation could persist due to multiple optima in a more of its facets—warmth, gregariousness, assertive-
single environment. This is in contrast to behavioral ness, activity, excitement-seeking, and positive emo-
ecology’s tendency to ignore variation and evolution- tions—that is heritable? And it is conceivable that
ary psychology’s concept of it as noise. there are different selection pressures and trade-offs
Behavioral syndrome theory has generated much for each of these facets. Narrow bandwidth dimen-
research, most of it in nonhuman species. Intrigu- sions are probably best to control potentially con-
ingly, again some of the behavioral syndromes that founding factors and also fit better with evolutionary
have been identified in nonhumans are similar to psychology’s emphasis on multiple, independent,
human personality traits. For example, evidence has domain-specific, rather than domain-general, evolved
been found for a boldness-aggression syndrome in mental mechanisms (Cosmides & Tooby, 1992).
zebrafish (Danio rerio) (Moretz, Martins, & Robi-
son, 2007), an exploratory syndrome in the lizard Evolved Individual Differences
(Eulamprus heatwolei) (Stapley & Keogh, 2005), and in Motivation
boldness, aggression, and risk-avoidance syndromes Background
in farmed and wild fish (Huntingford & Adams, Research with the FFM suggests that at least
2005). The identification of a bold syndrome in the some heritable personality dimensions may be forms
fishing spider (D. triton) is particularly noteworthy, of strategic individual differences shaped by envi-
because an individual spider’s boldness was consis- ronmentally fluctuating, but ultimately balancing,
tent across situations and boldness in one context selection forces and trade-offs. It may be possible to
could be predicted from boldness in other contexts extend this reasoning to dimensions of motivation.
(Johnson & Sih, 2007). From the beginnings of modern psychology—from
James (1890), Freud (1955), McDougall (1933), to
summary Murray (1938)—motivation has been an integral
The widespread use of the FFM, and its rela- part of personality psychology (Fiske, 2008). How-
tionships with important social outcomes, prob- ever, there are some important distinctions between
ably accounts for its central role in most of these personality and motivational psychology. Personality
proposed mechanisms to explain evolved individ- psychology focuses more on temperament, traits, and
ual differences. However, the task of providing an types. Motivational psychology focuses more on the
evolutionary rationale for personality dimensions dynamics of action, on instincts, drives, needs, values,
may have been limited by the fact that the FFM incentives, and goals (McAdams & Pals, 2007). Per-
was developed empirically and is atheoretical. In sonality psychologists attempt to answer the question:
addition, at its inception, no claim was made, nor “What is the structure of individuality?” Motivational
rationale provided, for an evolutionary basis to its psychologists attempt to answer the question: “What
dimensions; the heritability of its dimensions was energizes and directs people’s behavior?” Therefore,
investigated only after the fact. personality and motivational constructs are concep-
Another problem with the use of the FFM dimen- tually different. Traits are, by definition, enduring
sions is their relatively broad bandwidth. The five characteristics. Is it possible there can be enduring
dimensions are general personality domains. In some dynamics of action; can there be individual differ-
measures of the FFM, such as the NEO PI-R (Costa ences dimensions—traits—in motivation?
& McCrae, 1992), the dimensions are comprised From a recent categorization of 75 years of mea-
of facets or subscales. The facets are conceived as sures used in motivation research it appears that many
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Table 22.1. Human Social Domains, Size, Constituents, and Recurring Fitness Challenges
Domain Size Constituents Recurring Fitness Challenge
Dyadic 2 Pairs of intrasexual and inter- (3) How to compete for mates
sexual individuals (4) How to develop social status and
mating desirability
Small Group 2–20 Mate and kin (5) How to establish cooperative relationships
for mating and support of kin
Large Group 20–150 Coalitions of mostly nonkin (6) How to develop individual-to-individual
(neighborhoods, towns, reciprocation among nonkin
social clubs)
Very Large Group 1,000+ Coalitions of overwhelmingly (7) How to develop group-to-individual
nonkin (political parties, reciprocation among nonkin (“institutionalized
religions, ethnic groups, reciprocity”)
nations)
Note: Once a successful adaptation to a fitness challenge in a domain has developed, it may be successful in meeting challenges in other
domains as well.
produce better fitness, in others, minimal strength, The fourth step was to propose a rationale for the
and in most, a moderate level of strength. An indi- development and heritability of these individual dif-
vidual’s strength level in a dimension is phenotype, ferences dimensions. Balancing/fluctuating selection
partly influenced by the genotype of a brain pre- (Penke et al., 2007) and trade-offs (Nettle, 2006)
pared to set a certain level (reaction range) for the provide the basis for the theory. When environmen-
latent trait that produces the behavioral syndrome tal conditions fluctuate such that different levels of a
and partly influenced by local environmental cir- trait are favored at different times, genetic variation
cumstances, including threats, resource availability, in the trait can be maintained. An example of this
cultural expectations, roles, learning, and cues. The is depicted in Figure 22.1 . As Figure 22.1 suggests,
dimensions associated with each phenotypic behav- polygenic variations could result in structural and
ioral syndrome are considered latent variables— functional differences in brain development. Geno-
called “motives” for short—and each was identified typic differences in brain development could result in
by a label for convenience. different reaction ranges that restrict potential phe-
Research has suggested that adapted mental notypic outcomes along a motive dimension. Dif-
mechanisms are not domain general, but rather ferent phenotypes produce different levels of strength
evolved independently to accomplish domain- in a latent predisposition—a motive—to engage in
specific tasks (e.g., Cosmides & Tooby, 1992; Gig- a particular behavioral syndrome at a certain level of
erenzer & Hug, 1992). Each motive was assumed to activity. Different levels of strength in a behavioral
have developed independently and to be mediated syndrome have different trade-offs. Higher strength
by a relatively independent, domain-specific mental generally requires more resources (e.g., time, effort,
mechanism. The brain contains many such mental energy, wealth), while lower strength generally con-
mechanisms, each one of which evolved to facilitate serves resources. Any level of strength of a behav-
behavior that increased fitness in the EEA (Hagen ioral syndrome could increase fitness, depending on
& Symons, 2007; see Bernard et al., 2005, for a environmental conditions and the return on invest-
discussion of the neuropsychological structures that ment of resources (trade-offs) in terms of survival
may underlie various motive mental mechanisms). and reproductive/inclusive fitness.
The motives, operational definitions, and behavioral Various levels of a motive’s strength would
syndromes are listed in Table 22.2. be favored by selection to some extent but under
Individual Environmental Use resources to explore the Investigating the physical environment and
Inquisitiveness physical environment; evaluate the unknown; investigating places; finding
resource availability and hazards in out how things work; trying out resources
new and different things, places,
and situations
Threat Use resources to maintain the safety Taking precautionary actions; avoiding
Avoidance of one’s person; avoid challenges to potential conflicts and threats; securing
one’s person and resources one’s person and property; pacifying others
Dyad Aggression Use resources to acquire and control Threatening or assaulting others; striving
additional resources; challenge for leadership; engaging in challenging and
and intimidate others for control dangerous activities that signal fearlessness
of resources; approach challenges and dominance
to one’s person and resources with
combative and intimidating displays
and actions
Interpersonal Use resources to explore the social Investigating the social environment;
Inquisitiveness environment; test limits, traditions, jesting, mocking, playful engagement with
and how others act, react, and inter- others; game playing; using humor and
act; compare oneself to others sarcasm; testing interpersonal limits
Appearance1 Use resources to compete for status Grooming and adornment; attempting to
on the basis of physical appearance increases one’s attractiveness comparatively
and competitively (tanning, cosmetic
surgery, makeup, fragrances, jewelry)
Mental1 Use resources to compete for status Increasing knowledge; exploiting talent;
on the basis of intellectual capacities developing creative or artistic abilities;
and knowledge, as well as skills, participating in competitions that signal
abilities, and talents (gender-appropriate) intellectual ascen-
dancy (spelling bees, chess and card
tournaments, dance and music
competitions)
Physical1 Use resources to compete for status Increasing bodily strength and endurance;
on the basis of physical strength, participating in competitions that signal
endurance, size, shape, and stature (gender-appropriate) physical ascendancy;
altering and enhancing bodily shape to
culturally appropriate norms
Wealth1 Use resources to compete for status Obtaining wealth and material possessions;
on the basis of acquiring material signaling ascendancy on the basis of access
resources to and control of resources
Sex Seek sexual activity Pursuing sexual partners and sexual variety;
engaging in frequent sexual activity
(Continued)
Table 22.2. Continued
Social Motive Operational Definition Behavioral Syndrome Examples
Domain
Small Commitment2 Transfer of resources to mates and Giving mates and offspring
Group offspring; development of tender, resources and tangible signs of
intimate, supportive attachments affection and emotional support;
with others fidelity (e.g., refraining from sharing
resources with others); signaling a
desire for intimacy
Note. Resources include time, energy, effort, wealth, and reputation. Since the theory was introduced, the motives have been renamed to better
reflect their underlying dimensions and redefined and recategorized to conform more closely to evolutionary theory; this table reflects the
theory in its current form.
1
“S” or “status motive” the goal of which is to increase one’s social standing through competitive behavior intended to increase personal
resources within its behavioral domain.
2
“C” or “cooperative motive” the goal of which is to increase one’s reputation for reliability as a partner in relationships and coalitions through
direct and indirect reciprocal transfers of resources.
different environmental conditions. There should history (MacArthur & Wilson, 1967; Reznick et al.,
also be trade-offs in the costs and benefits of differ- 2002; Rushton, 2004; Stearns, 1992). Extreme
ent levels of a behavioral syndrome such that differ- environmental conditions have probably been less
ent levels of strength in a motive dimension could common over time, such that very high or very
produce relatively equal fitness outcomes at differ- low strength in a motive dimension is less com-
ent times and in different contexts in evolutionary mon than a moderate level. Therefore, aggregating
Low
Fluctuating
Trade-Offs Environments
>Transfer of resources
to mate and offspring In some environments,
>Expression of LOWER Commitment
emotional support and results in better fitness;
affection in some environments
>Signaling a desire for HIGHER Commitment
intimacy and sharing results in better fitness
High
Balancing Selection
A certain environment, for a certain time, will favor (i.e., select for) the genetic variation
producing the highest level of fitness; over a long period of time, aggregating across the
differences in individuals, this will result in a normal distribution of phenotypic strength
levels between individuals on a motive dimension
Fig. 22.1. The development of motive dimensions maintained by fluctuating/balancing selection: Example with the
commitment motive.
motive strength across individuals should produce bert, 2000). Interestingly, one submission strategy
a relatively normal distribution of strength along a is to signal cooperation, which could overlap with
motive dimension. the cooperative motives described later. However,
To complete the fourth step, it is necessary because submission to others results in aggressors
to identify some of the possible trade-offs that gaining more access to available resources, submis-
may have allowed individual differences in the pro- sive strategies should also involve costs that could
posed motives to evolve. A preliminary rationale for maintain heritable individual differences.
motive trade-offs follows.
Illness Avoidance
Hypothesized Motive Trade-Offs Illness Avoidance may also be related to Pank-
individual domain sepp’s (1998, 2000) fear system. In this sense,
Threat Avoidance engaging in many healthy behaviors could represent
Threat Avoidance may be a better fitness strategy a “flight into health” in order to escape fear of con-
than Aggression in some cases where cost is high, tamination and illness. In a study of 37 cultures,
and even “posturing,” a mixture of aggression and both women and men judged “good health” to be
threat avoidance, may be a better fitness strategy in highly desirable in a mate (Buss, 1989). Individual
other cases (Fournier, Moskowitz, & Zuroff, 2002). differences in Illness Avoidance may be selectively
Panksepp (1998, 2000) identified several genetical- maintained because it could increase fitness and
ly-coded emotional operating systems, one of which the probability of selection as a mate. Avoiding ill-
he called “fear.” This system mediates freezing, ness may require more resources but result in better
flight, or escape. Threat Avoidance combines a fear health and more access to mates. Illness avoidance
of harm to oneself and a desire to escape to safety should also vary with the presence and ease of trans-
(O’Connor, Berry, Weiss, Schuweiter, & Sevier, mission of pathogens in a particular environment,
2000). Social comparison helps humans determine and this has been shown to affect sociosexuality and
when to submit (Buunk & Brenninkmeyer, 2000)— personality (Schaller & Murray, 2008).
when the costs outweigh the benefits of standing Research on disgust offers another perspective
ground—and humans have developed a variety of on the Illness Avoidance motive. Disgust has been
submission strategies (Fournier et al., 2002; Gil- identified as a basic human facial expression in
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infants and has been part of many evolutionary and have been identified, such as relational, dramatic,
neural theories of emotion (Plutchik, 2003). Dis- constructive, sensorimotor, and rough-and-tumble
gust has been defined as revulsion at the prospect (Scott & Panksepp, 2003; Slade & Wolf, 1994).
of putting an offensive substance in one’s mouth The Interpersonal Inquisitiveness motive was
(Rozin & Fallon, 1987), but this seems overly nar- operationalized as rough-and-tumble play and simple
row. People disgusted by something actually avoid fun rather than other types of play. Human rough-
proximity with it and do not want to touch or taste and-tumble play probably allows individuals to “size
it (Rozin, Haidt, McCauley, Dunlop, & Ashmore, each other up” in mock situations that are not sup-
1999; Rozin, Millman, & Nemeroff, 1986). Fur- posed to lead to outright aggression. For example,
thermore, even foods once preferred can become research suggests that children value sports achieve-
disgusting if a person has become nauseated and ments higher than any other (Eccles, Wigfield, Har-
vomited after eating it once (Logue, 1985; Rozin old, & Blumenfeld, 1993), and men appear to have
& Kalat, 1971). Experimental stimuli that evoke evolved mental mechanisms to allow them to assess
such responses include rotting meat, feces, vomit, each other’s fighting ability and do so more than
cockroaches, phlegm, and similar bodily fluids, and women (Fox, 1997). However, there are only modest
all of these could spread illness. In an evolutionary differences in boys’ and girls’ rough-and-tumble play
sense, individual differences in a motive to avoid (Scott & Panksepp, 2003).
contamination could be maintained because it may In addition, there is evidence that Environmen-
have resulted in trade-offs in survival and fitness tal Inquisitiveness, in the form of play, improves
benefits. Extreme illness avoidance could reduce cognitive functioning (Dansky & Silverman, 1973)
exposure to toxins but could also restrict food intake and helps individuals learn to negotiate the social
and calories, while indiscriminate food intake could environment (Berkoff, 2001). A strong motive to
increase calories and nutrition but might lead to be inquisitive about other people and the social
more frequent exposure to unwholesome or toxic environment could improve knowledge about other
substances. The fitness outcomes of high versus low individuals’ cooperation, fairness, and trustworthi-
Illness Avoidance would also depend on the fluctu- ness (Berkoff, 2001). On the other hand, rough-
ating availability and quality of food. and-tumble play could lead to increased exposure to
pathogens, and the risk of escalation of aggression
Environmental Inquisitiveness could lead to physical injury.
Panksepp (1998, 2000) called this the “seeking/
expectancy” system, which controls general engage- Aggression
ment with the environment, leading to exploration, When attempting to survive, reproduce, and
investigation, and anticipation of rewards. He also acquire resources, animals will threaten, attack, and
noted its role in learning and memory and sug- kill each other (Mason & Mendoza, 1993). Another
gested that it allows an organism “to develop a sense of Panksepp’s (1998, 2000) four genetically coded
of causality from the perception of correlated envi- emotional operating systems is “rage,” which medi-
ronmental events” (2000, p. 160). A strong motive ates aggressive behaviors such as attacking, biting,
to be inquisitive about the environment and explore and fighting in non-humans. In humans, subtler
it should involve trade-offs. Exploratory behav- forms of aggression, such as school yard bullying in
ior requires resources in terms of time and effort. order to gain resources (toys, designer clothes, or
Knowledge gained may increase survival and fit- lunch money), are common in children (Campbell,
ness; however, exploration may involve exposure to 1993; Olweus, 1978). In a coalition-forming spe-
unknown dangers that could reduce fitness. cies such as humans, competition for friends can
also result in “relational aggression” (Crick, Casas, &
dyadic domain Mosher, 1997). Men sometimes kill other men who
Interpersonal Inquisitiveness have cuckolded them, coopting their reproductive
This is related to Panksepp’s (1998, 2000) “play resource, and males commit more than 99% of intra-
and dominance system,” which recognizes the role sex homicides (Daly & Wilson, 1988). Aggression, as
play can have in establishing social dominance. a strategy, can be used to acquire and secure resources
Individual differences in play are observed in rats. of all kinds (mates, territory, food), but it can lead
For example, rats that exhibited the highest levels of to counteraggression, and cycles of escalation can
juvenile play also became more dominant as adults. incur costs for the initial aggressor (Berkowitz, 1993).
Human play is quite complex and numerous types Therefore, aggressive behavior involves trade-offs in
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and signal knowledge acquisition. For example, strength, and flexibility. Such activities can involve
many cultures hold educators and the educated considerable costs in terms of effort, energy, and
in high regard. Education costs time, wealth, and injury, yet they may result in higher status and bet-
effort, but it can increase earning potential, reputa- ter quality mates.
tion, and status. However, Bernard et al. adopted
a broader definition of knowledge than academic Wealth
achievement. They proposed that the Mental motive A mate who has material resources may be valued
behavioral syndrome encompasses the development as more irreplaceable or indispensable than a poorer
of nonintellectual talents and abilities such as in rival (Tooby & Cosmides, 1996). Consistent with
the creative arts (painting, sculpture) or perform- parental investment theory (Trivers, 1972), women
ing arts (acting, dancing, singing, playing a musi- place a premium on economic resources in a mate
cal instrument, composing). All of these might be (e.g., Buss et al., 1990; Buss, Shackelford, Kirkpat-
avenues for increasing one’s status, reputation, and rick, & Larsen, 2001; Kenrick, Sadalla, Groth, &
irreplaceability (Tooby & Cosmides, 1996). This is Trost, 1990; Wiederman, 1993). Men do not dis-
consistent with the description of nonacademic tal- count the importance of economic resources, but
ents and abilities as “multiple intelligences,” which women accord it more weight than men do in mate
include musical intelligence and bodily/kinesthetic selection. Men should also value a mate who has
intelligence (Gardner, 1993). The time and effort her own resources more, because this could leave his
to develop any of these talents and abilities is costly resources intact. This could be the basis for some
and must be diverted from other endeavors, but the arranged marriages and would certainly be repre-
benefit in better quality mates may offset this under sented in the tradition of the dowry. People who
certain environmental conditions. are more acquisitive may accumulate more wealth
and gain an advantage in competition for mates,
Physical but acquiring wealth may require a greater expense
Physical stature and status are important in mate of other resources such as energy and time. The
selection. Women prefer potential partners to be accumulation of material resources would, there-
tall, physically strong, and athletic (Buss & Schmitt, fore, involve trade-offs that could permit individual
1993) and men are intimidated by other men who differences to develop in the strength of resource
are taller, have greater shoulder width, and more acquisition behavior.
upper body musculature (Barber, 1995). Men prefer
women whose waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) is between small group domain
0.67 and 0.80 (Singh, 1993, 2000; Singh & Young, Commitment
1995). WHR of men is in the range of 0.85 to 0.95, Commitment involves the transfer of resources to
similar to what both men’s and women’s WHR is mate and offspring and provides the framework for
before puberty. The reduction in the ratio in women family interrelationships. Comparative research sug-
after puberty is an accurate indicator of women’s gests that a variety of neural circuits—for example,
better reproductive status. However, preferences in the dorsal preoptic area (Jirikowski, Caldwell, Stumpf,
weight and body fat tend to be context dependent. & Pedersen, 1988)—and hormones and neurotrans-
In areas where food is more available, attractive- mitters—vasopressin, oxytocin, prolactin, and pro-
ness is enhanced by a thinner appearance (Symons, gesterone (e.g., Carmichael, Warburton, Dixen, &
1979) and in areas where food is less available, Davidson, 1994; Insel, Winslow, Wang, & Young,
attractiveness is enhanced by a heavier appearance 1998; Mann & Bridges, 2001; Panksepp, 1981; Rosen-
(Rosenblatt, 1974). blatt, 2001)—are found in males and females and are
Bernard et al. (2005) were aware of this and involved in sexual as well as affectionate (caregiving or
attempted to operationalize the Physical motive so “maternal”)behavior. The concept of “love” appears
that the behavioral syndrome would not be restricted to be nearly universal in human cultures (Jankowiak,
to certain contexts and would reflect general attempts 1995; Jankowiak & Fischer, 1992), and it seems to be
to improve one’s physical stature and status. In con- defined by men and women specifically in terms of
trast with the Appearance motive, which concerns commitment behaviors such as giving up other sexual
body adornment, the Physical motive concerns and romantic partners, remaining faithful, marriage,
actual attempts to alter one’s physique, body type, and a desire to have children (Buss, 1988). The extent
and physical prowess. These may involve exercising of commitment predicts satisfaction in relationships
and attempts to improve physical fitness, endurance, (Rusbult, 1983) and groups (Van Vugt & Hart, 2004)
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“rule” states, it would decline as the degree of genetic while limiting costs such as increased potential for
relatedness is reduced. Altruism would, therefore, conflicts and exposure to pathogens (Kurzban &
not facilitate the formation of nonkin coalitions, Leary, 2001). Formalizing membership may help
but the Social Exchange motive would. Social identify in-group members from out-group mem-
Exchange can operate in large social groups whereby bers and insure that members participate at some
an individual transfers resources to another mem- minimal level, thereby reducing the costs of free-
ber of the group and receives reciprocation from the loading. Collateral institutions also develop that
individual or a third party or institution (Alexander, help members track each other’s reputations for
1987). For example, a soldier risks his or her life for trustworthiness, for example, public trials, gossip,
a comrade in battle and receives veterans’ benefits online social networking, and news media.
such as mortgage assistance or college tuition from
the government in return. very large group domain
The Social Exchange motive promotes individ- Very Large groups can command a strong sense of
ual sacrifice in the form of not taking advantage of affiliation and can result in extreme sacrifices to the
others to gain resources, even when there is oppor- group, including death. Tooby and Cosmides (1988)
tunity to gain an advantage that could increase have noted that war is a highly cooperative endeavor
an individual’s fitness. Gradually, an individual’s and, as such, it should involve the cooperative
reputation for trustworthiness is enhanced through motives. Bernard et al. (2005) originally identified
social exchanges and results in others being more this very large social domain of nonkin as “memetic,”
willing to engage in exchanges to the mutual ben- because motives in this social domain are dependent
efit of both parties. Those who enter into reciprocal on cultural transmission of memes of identity, mean-
exchanges of resources more frequently risk being ing, and obligation (Dawkins, 1989). These memes
taken advantage of, but they may benefit from can operate as cultural norms—as exemplars of cul-
enhancing their own reputation as a trusted partner. turally valued behavior—that increase cooperation
Research suggests that about 60% of people appear and sacrifice in very large groups (de Waal, 1996).
to be interested in maximizing mutual, rather than Motives in this domain are primarily cultural adapta-
individual, gain (Van Lange & Kuhlman, 1994; tions (Boyd, 2007) and learning plays an important
Van Lange, Otten, De Bruin, & Joireman, 1997). role in their shaping and expression. This is because
Humans do engage in strong reciprocity—transfer humans are a species that is not only subject to oper-
of resources to nonkin—in large social groups (Fehr ant conditioning (Thorndike’s law regarding learn-
& Fischbacher, 2003) and this can be maintained ing from the consequences of one’s actions) but also
by frequency-dependent selection (Mealey, 1995). aware of its subjectivity to it. Group selection acting
In larger groups the detection of freeloaders can be on culture may be partly responsible for the devel-
more difficult, but larger groups provide better pro- opment of motives in the very large group domain
tection and access to resources as a trade-off. and cultures may transmit valuable adaptive as well
Social Exchange requires the development of as maladaptive information (Boyd, 2007). Bernard
strong social institutions as well as cheater detec- et al. (2005) proposed two evolved individual dif-
tion to reduce exploitation (Cosmides & Tooby, ferences dimensions in this very large social domain,
1992). Therefore, Social Exchange should work the Legacy and Meaning motives.
best where reputations are known. However, some
human groups are so large that it is impossible to be Legacy
acquainted with more than a fraction of their mem- The third of the cooperative motives, Legacy, is
bers personally (Van Vugt, Snyder, Tyler, & Biel, not based on an equal exchange of resources. Legacy
2000). Examples of such groups are nations, reli- mediates the transfer of resources to nonkin without
gions, linguistic, and ethnic groups. In large groups, an expectation of reciprocity. Bernard et al. (2005)
membership is often formalized through require- used the example of donating money to a university
ments (e.g., place of birth or parentage), declara- as an example of Legacy. Such a transfer of resources
tions of allegiance (e.g., loyalty oaths, catechism), may provide no direct fitness benefit to the donor
initiation rituals (e.g., baptism, circumcision), and or his or her kin. The university is culturally val-
obligations (dues, taxes, military service). Formal- ued and, presumably, perpetuates values consistent
ization of membership is consistent with the idea with the donor’s, but a donation to the university
that humans should exhibit “discriminate sociality”; probably tangibly benefits rivals’ kin more than
they should seek the benefits of socializing in groups one’s own. Another example of the Legacy motive is
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Furthermore, the proposal of an evolved indi- personality constructs. The AIM-Q consists of three
vidual differences theory of motivation is a highly versions of somewhat different questionnaire tasks
speculative endeavor. First, in the long history of (see Bernard et al., 2008, for descriptions of the
motivational psychology, except for the MAT and versions). This permitted a multitrait-multimethod
PRF, there are very few attempts to study motivation analysis of its psychometric properties. Overall, the
from a multidimensional, trait-based perspective. AIM-Q scales assessing the 15 motive dimensions
Second, the relevance of individual differences to have good psychometric properties and the scales
evolutionary psychology is a source of much debate have good convergent and discriminant validi-
and is not widely accepted (see Gangestad & Simp- ties in a multitrait-multimethod matrix (Bernard
son, 2007). The advantage of combining individual et al., 2008). This suggests that the dimensions are
differences and evolutionary theory, particularly not method-dependent artifacts and emerge across
trade-offs, should be the ability to explain why cer- different assessment strategies. It also suggests that
tain motives are expressed today in human behavior the dimensions, as represented in the AIM-Q, are
and to put the development of these motives into relatively independent. The motive scales also have
historical context with respect to selection rather good internal consistency reliabilities and test-retest
than to merely describe proximal processes in moti- reliabilities across several different samples (Bernard
vation (Buss, 1991, 1999). Due to their presumed et al., 2008).
heritability, evolved motives should be operating in, Another method of establishing a new scales’
and should be able to be measured as, individual dif- reliability is consensual methodology. This approach
ferences in contemporary behavior (Bernard et al., compares self-reports to observer ratings on the same
2005). At this point, the theory and the motive dimensions (Costa & McCrae, 1992). Mean corre-
constructs required empirical support, which neces- lations between self-friend and self-relative ratings of
sitated development of a means of assessing them. AIM-Q motive scores compared favorably to mean
self-peer correlations for the five NEO PI-R domain
Development of a Motive Assessment scores (Costa & McCrae, 1992, Table 8). They also
Strategy compared favorably to the mean of self-peer corre-
The development of new psychological con- lations reported by Cheek (1982) for a variety of
structs requires these steps: (1) base constructs on aggregated personality measures (Bernard, 2009).
a theory, (2) operationally define the constructs, This convergence of self-friend and self-relative rat-
and (3) determine the relationships between the ings on the AIM-Q scales suggests that the motives
proposed constructs and behavior and other con- represent dimensions on which there is agreement
structs (Cronbach & Meehl, 1955). The previous that people differ in meaningful ways (McCrae &
discussion has described how Steps 1 and 2 were Weiss, 2007).
accomplished. Step 3 required a programmatic series
of studies designated the “Assessment of Individual validity
Motives.” The term “individual” was chosen to con- To better understand the meaning of scores on
note the presumed domain-specific (i.e., indepen- the AIM-Q motive scales, it is necessary to study
dent) nature of the motive dimensions. These studies their relationships to other important individual
resulted in several questionnaire versions of the 15 differences dimensions (Messick, 1995). Scores on
motive dimensions referred to together as the Assess- the AIM-Q scales are correlated with scores on other
ment of Individual Motives-Questionnaire (AIM-Q; reliable and valid measures of aggression, cognition,
Bernard, Mills, Swenson, & Walsh, 2008). This sec- playfulness, and sexuality (Bernard, 2007a), provid-
tion summarizes the psychometric properties of ing evidence of the construct validity of some of the
the AIM-Q. Our theory of motivation depends on AIM-Q dimensions. It is also necessary to investigate
whether the motive dimensions are able to be identi- relationships between the AIM-Q motive dimen-
fied and assessed reliably and validly in contempo- sions and personality dimensions, especially those
rary samples. represented in the FFM because of its proposed evo-
lutionary basis. Recent research tested hypotheses
reliability predicting relationships between the motive dimen-
The first challenge for the theory was to pro- sions and dimensions of the FFM (Bernard, 2010).
vide empirical evidence that the motive constructs Two general hypotheses predicting that the motive
could be reliably assessed, are unidimensional, and and personality dimensions would be related, but
are relatively independent of one another and other not strongly overlap, were supported. This suggests
b er n a rd
cognition and emotions that inform and expedite psychology is dedicated to studying human nature
the process. in all of its individually different manifestations,
Another promising avenue of investigation is this field is uniquely positioned to contribute to,
Kurzban and Aktipis’ (2006) evolutionary psychol- and become informed by, evolutionary psychology”
ogy approach to social cognition. It suggests viewing (p. 460). Almost two decades later, there is scant
social cognition from the perspective of “multiple evidence that Buss’s call has been answered by per-
minds, multiple motives,” a brain architecture con- sonality psychologists. For example, there is but a
sisting of multiple discrete information processing single brief reference to evolutionary theory in the
systems. The motives were hypothesized to emerge 37 chapters of a recent volume that its editors call:
from brain architecture and function (Bernard et al., “. . . a guide for researchers . . . that describes . . . all
2005) and the AIM-Q scales could be used in stud- of the resources in the methodological toolkit of
ies of individual differences in social cognition and the personality psychologist” (Robins, Fraley, &
discrete informational processing systems. Hypo- Krueger, 2007, p. ix; italics added).
thetically, different strengths in motive dimensions Despite this situation, there have been a few
should shape the direction and content of social attempts to approach individual differences research
cognition. from an evolutionary perspective. Stabilizing selec-
One last promising avenue of investigation is tion (MacDonald, 1998), fluctuating selection/
experimental personality research (Revelle, 2007). trade-offs (Nettle, 2006), and K-factor selection the-
In this approach, individual differences dimensions ory (Figueredo et al., 2005) all suggest that dimen-
are assessed and then experimental conditions are sions of personality, such as those that comprise the
manipulated. The effects of both are then jointly ana- FFM, can be understood through the lens of evo-
lyzed on states that mediate ongoing behavior. Such lution and may ultimately be explained as evolved
designs could be developed within one of the most adaptations. In addition, behavioral syndromes (Sih
active research paradigms in behavioral economics, et al., 2004a, 2004b) and balancing selection (Penke
“game theory” (for an overview see Camerer, 2003). et al., 2007) have much in common, even though
Game theory concerns people’s interactive behav- the former is an outgrowth of behavioral ecology
ior. In the “games,” people interact over obtaining, and the latter of behavioral genetics. Both use the
controlling, sharing, and using resources, which are concept of “reaction norms,” which is also used
behaviors of interest to evolutionary psychologists as in Person x Situation assessments in personality
well as economists. In some games, there are theo- research. This suggests that the three social science
retically “optimal” strategies (equilibria), which, if fol- approaches that share the basic metatheory of evolu-
lowed, should result in the maximization of resources tion may yet find common ground within person-
for each player. However, players sometimes adopt ality psychology. Some behavioral geneticists have
strategies that do not maximize their payoffs. Games indeed been enthusiastic about the role the field
can be used to investigate such phenomena as domi- may play in personality psychology (e.g., Ebstein,
nance, bargaining, social reputation, trust, and coop- Benjamin, & Belmaker, 2003).
erativeness and, overall, there are substantial individual As with personality, there have been only a few
differences observed in games (Camerer, 2003). Typi- attempts to apply evolutionary theory to motiva-
cally, in a game theory experiment, individual differ- tion. Control theory (Heckhausen, 2000), behavior
ences are treated as nuisance variance and relegated production theory (Aunger & Curtis, 2008), and
to the error term. In the proposed experimental per- the Zurich Model of Social Motivation (Bischof,
sonality approach, the strength of certain motives and 1975, 1993, 2001) have all suggested specific
motive combinations would be used to predict who evolved motivational modules or behavior pro-
would be more dominant, trustworthy, or coopera- duction systems in the human brain. All of these
tive, for example. Thus, variations from game strat- attempts are intriguing and may have potential for
egy equilibria due to individual differences would be broadening our understanding of human motiva-
“captured” and used to predict behavior. The accuracy tion from an evolutionary perspective. However,
of such predictions could provide further evidence for none of these initially used an individual differences
the validity of the motive dimensions. approach. Recently, a new questionnaire for the
Zurich Model of Social Motivation has been devel-
Conclusion oped to assess individual differences in the model’s
Buss (1991) issued an early call for an evolution- three dimensions: Security, Arousal, and Autonomy
ary personality psychology: “Because personality (Schönbrodt, Unkelbach, & Spinath, 2009).
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b er n a rd
CHAPTER
Robert E. Thayer
Abstract
Moods are perfect barometers of physiological and psychological functioning. Two biopsychological
dimensions, Energetic and Tense Arousal, are keys to understanding moods. These dimensions
interact under different activating conditions to form four complex moods that range from calm
energy (pleasurable mood associated with full attentional focus, happiness, optimism, favorable athletic
performance, and self-control) to tense tiredness (bad mood associated with depression, negative
perception of problems, yielding to unwanted urges such as sugar snacking or smoking). Two other
complex moods include tense energy (moderately positive state that combines vigor with moderate
tension) and calm tiredness (ideal for restful sleep). Energetic and tense arousal are associated with many
kinds of motivational processes, including various strategies of self-regulation (best strategy combines
relaxation techniques, exercise, and cognitive control). Important to these moods are natural processes
such as health, sleep, diet, diurnal energy cycles, movement (exercise), and stress. These moods are
mediated by general bodily arousal states.
Key Words: mood, energy, tension, self-regulation, diet, exercise, arousal, sleep, stress, diurnal cycles
If we think of our moods as emphasizing Unlike emotions that usually have an under-
meaning and enhancing or reducing the standable cause, everyday moods are background
pleasure in our lives, we can understand how feelings that seem to come and go with no apparent
central they really are. In this respect they are reason, although as we shall see they are integrally
more important than daily activities, money, related to knowable bodily systems and processes.
status, and even personal relationships because Moods can be regarded as dispositional variables
these things are usually filtered through our that tend to amplify or inhibit existing causal rela-
moods. In many respects our moods are at the tionships. I believe that the best moods involve high
core of our being. energy and lower tension, and the worst moods
(Thayer, 1996, p. 4) involve reduced energy or tiredness and increased
tension.
Contrary to a mistaken assumption that every- Let me introduce an often overlooked motiva-
day moods are meaningless background feelings, tional concept in this chapter with a personal anec-
these low-level emotional states appear to be barom- dote. Being reminded of the approaching deadline
eters of both physiological and psychological func- for a draft of this work, I noticed that my motiva-
tioning (Thayer, 2000). They have a physiological tion to finish it varied with the amount of require-
substrate. They are integrally tied to our thoughts ments in my life and with time of day. The matter
and other cognitive precesses. They subtly influence of other requirements being important to changing
our behavior, and they motivate us. motivation levels is no surprise to any writer with
many commitments, but often overlooked is time rhythm. In the time of day when energy is high,
of day as a motivational variable. At times of day motivation is strong, especially for physical activity.
when I felt more energy, my motivation to com- But as energy declines one is inclined to rest and to
plete this important task was unflagging because of decrease energy expenditure. Although gross physi-
its obvious significance, but when I was tired my cal activity is most influenced by energy level in my
motivation was reduced, often resulting in delay or view, cognitive activity also is influenced, and there
procrastination. is abundant evidence for this in the mood-cognition
literature with the understanding that energy is a
An Endogenous Cycle of Energetic Arousal
core component of mood.
This variation with time of day concerns a
general biopsychological variable that I have Two Arousal Systems Mediate Mood
named Energetic Arousal. Once established, this I regard mood as mediated by two bipolar
is an endogenous energy cycle (a kind of biologi- biopsychological dimensions, Energetic Arousal
cal clock) that repeats itself with more or less the and Tense Arousal, and the conjunction of these
same pattern day after day unless there is signifi- dimensions form four complex moods: calm
cant change in such variables as physical activity, energy, tense energy, calm tiredness, and tense
food intake, unusual emotional arousal, or cross- tiredness (see Fig. 23.2).
ing time zones with accordant behavioral changes.
Energetic arousal directly affects level of motivation Energetic Arousal
for everyday activities that require energy expendi- I think of energetic arousal as a kind of “go sys-
ture, and from this we can see one of the reasons for tem.” When it is high, we are motivated to move,
changes in motivation to finish this chapter. While to act, to do things. And when energetic arousal is
experiencing more energy, my writing motivation low, our motivation predisposes rest and recupera-
increased, but with less energy (tiredness) motiva- tion. There are a number of prominent associations
tion declined. of energetic arousal. Among the more important,
There are individual differences in this energy this activation pattern is closely associated with
cycle such as the morningness/eveningness trait health and illness (Thayer, 1989; cf. Ryan & Deci,
(moderately heritable), but in my experience feel- 2008; Ryan & Frederick, 1997). This is immedi-
ings of energy and the physiological substrate that ately evident by the way in which a core element
underlies it is highest in the first third of the wak- in the experience of sickness is fatigue and tired-
ing day for most people, often reaching its peak ness, while good health brings feelings of vitality
at mid to late morning, dropping off in late after- and energy. Moreover, there are reliable correlations
noon, reaching a subpeak in the early evening and between mood (energy) and immune system func-
then declining to the lowest point just before sleep tioning (Segerstrom, 2007). Subjective energy is an
at night (see Fig. 23.1). Motivation for everyday excellent indication of health and there are a variety
activities varies directly with this diurnal (circadian) of kinds of evidence for this. But this assertion was
13 10.0
12 9.5
11 9.0
Energetic Arousal
Tense Arousal
10
8.5
9
8.0
8
7.5
7
6 7.0
5 6.5
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
7:45 12:00 5:00 11:28
Fig. 23.1. Energy (line) and tension (bar) levels from waking to sleep. (Reproduced from Thayer, 2001, Oxford University Press.)
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ENERGY that are affected by food, including the immediate
subjective reactions as well as changing reactions an
Calm Energy Tense Energy hour or two later as the food is metabolized. And
then there may be thoughts about what was eaten.
For example, one may experience an immediate
CALMNESS TENSION
energy surge from a sugar snack (pleasant feeling)
followed moments later by guilt about having bro-
Calm Tiredness Tense Tiredness ken one’s diet (negative feeling), and as happened in
my research, tense tiredness (negative feeling) some
TIREDNESS time later. These and other reasons are why I have
used a short-term within-subjects approach such as
Fig. 23.2. Two biopsychological dimensions and four complex
moods. (Reproduced from Thayer, 2001, Oxford University
those in which food-mood associations are repeat-
Press.) edly assessed and results are aggregated for maximal
reliability (e.g., Thayer, 1987a, b; Thayer, Peters,
Takahashi, & Birkhead-Flight, 1993).
nicely evidenced by a convincing study involving Although there is no clear consensus about what
a panel of 310 masters-level nurses who systemati- type of food most affects energy and mood, there is
cally rated energy at present and in past decades much more unambiguous evidence about the way
(Dixon, Dixon, & Hickey, 1993). Their finding: that mood affects diet. For example, in one review
Energy level was the best predictor of both physical of over 50 scientific studies the causes of obesity
and psychological health. and overeating could be traced to emotional eating
Another important association of energetic (Ganley, 1989). Included here were such negative
arousal is diet. Although there is no clear consensus emotions as depression, anxiety, anger, boredom,
about exactly what type of diet brings the greatest and loneliness. A common pattern of these negative
and most sustained energy feelings, we know from emotions was low energy and tension, or what I call
classic studies of starvation (e.g., Keys, Brozek, tense tiredness (Thayer, 2001). And the scientific lit-
Henchel, Mickelsen, & Taylor, 1950) that reduced erature on overeating contains a number of studies
food intake has a primary effect of tiredness (low showing that the mood conditions which are corre-
energy). As one example of my research in this area, lated with overeating are low energetic arousal and
an experiment involving sugar ingestion (Thayer, increased tense arousal. These negative moods exert
1987a,) indicated that this resulted in increased powerful influences on behavior. When resources
energy followed an hour later by energy decreases decline and feelings of low energy and increased
and tension increases. tension prevail, people are often motivated to eat
One of the most meaningful experimental dem- good tasting (energy-intensive) food as a way of
onstrations of the relationship between mood and feeling better. Eating such food can raise energy and
a physiological substrate associated with food was reduce tension and from this we can see the locus of
carried out by Deary and his colleagues in their the motivation: It is to escape these negative feelings
studies of hypoglycemia (e.g., Gold, MacLeod, and enhance positive ones.
Deary & Frier, 1995). Using random assignment Another important association with energetic
and a placebo compared method of reducing blood arousal is sleep. This is evident both from clas-
glucose with an insulin drip, and at the same time sic studies of sleep deprivation on feelings that are
periodically assessing mood over a 3-hour period, produced (Murrey, 1965; Thayer, 1989), as well as
this group showed that as the blood glucose of the from correlational and quasi-experimental research
participants dropped from normal to near hypogly- in which energy level is manipulated and tracked
cemia tension increased and energy declined. The with differing amounts of sleep. One very impor-
participants were left experiencing tense tiredness. tant reason why sleep and mood are related is the
In my view, one important matter to bear in way that sleep or lack of sleep directly affects energy
mind about the food-mood connection is that the and tiredness and these feelings are core constitu-
moods which are experienced from typical food ents of energetic arousal. As was true with diet men-
ingestion are subtle and require very reliable assess- tioned earlier, time of day is likely to be important
ment for adequate understanding. Moreover, good in assessment of sleep on mood, so for example,
understanding of the effects of food on mood is very partial sleep deprivation one day may have its major
complicated, and one must consider many variables mood effects the next day in the late afternoon or in
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were replicated in several quasi-experiments (Thayer, bipolar dimensions rather than several independent
1987b; Thayer, Takahashi, & Pauli, 1988). factors as I had previously hypothesized. I then pro-
One last prominent association with energetic posed a two-dimensional model (Thayer, 1978),
arousal that should be mentioned is stress. Stress and based in part on that empirical and theoretical
is evidenced by the subjective tension that it cre- work, four prominent models of affect and several
ates in interaction with energetic arousal. I believe less prominent ones exist today as the likely map-
that stress is related to a balance between resources pings of affect (Yik, Russell, & Barrett, 1999). My
and requirements (Thayer, 1996). When resources, two-dimensional model involving energetic and
which are indicated by one’s energy level, are tense arousal, plus combinations of the two kinds of
exceeded by requirements the result is tension and arousal forming complex moods, currently stands as
stress. One of the interesting implications of this is one of at least four competing models of mood. This
that the same experience may be sought out as plea- model is the one I believe is the most valid represen-
surable when resources are adequate but be stressful tation of mood.
when ones resources are not equal to the require- There is a substantial similarity between my two-
ments of the situation. More about this relationship dimensional model and other proposed models of
will be discussed in the next section in relation to affect. As alternatives to my two bipolar dimensions,
the interaction of energetic and tense arousal. two other prominent mappings of affect comprise
similar but slightly different two-dimensional mod-
Tense Arousal els. These include a model involving two dimen-
In addition to energetic arousal, I named the sec- sions named pleasure/displeasure and arousal,
ond of the two main mood systems Tense Arousal. proposed by Russell (1980), and a second model
This is a system that mediates danger, real or imag- involving two dimensions named positive and nega-
ined (Thayer, 1989, 2009). While energetic arousal tive affect by Watson and Tellegen (1985). A third
is a go system, tense arousal is a kind of stop sys- multidimensional circumplex model, including
tem. Energy predisposes us to move and to act, but pleasantness and activation, also has been proposed
tension predisposes caution, waiting, or stopping. by Larsen and Diener (1992).
A primary marker that differentiates tense and ener- The similarity between my two-dimensional
getic arousal is subjective experience, including ten- model and Watson’s model of positive and negative
sion/calmness denoting one dimension and energy/ activation is quite apparent. In fact, the two models
tiredness denoting the second. Other differences, are substantially the same although the dimensions
which will be briefly described next, include some were given different names. The similarity between
physiological patterns (primarily muscle tension) my model and Russell’s model is also apparent with
and also differences at the level of the brain (e.g., reference to combinations of energetic and tense
limbic system, cerebral cortical asymmetry). arousal, which yield complex mood states. These com-
Cognitive differences also exist between ener- plex mood states in my model match Russell’s basic
getic and tense arousal. A major difference in my dimensions, especially the dimension of pleasure/
view is that cognition often is scattered with tension displeasure (Yik et al., 1999).
but is directed with energy. A tentative evolution- That these multidimensional models are valid
ary explanation for this distinction may be that in indicators of the most basic underlying dimensions
a cautious (tense) mood it is adaptive to continu- of affect is suggested by various kinds of evidence.
ously scan the environment for danger. This primar- However, considering the four models of affect that
ily applies during circumstances in which the source are most prominent, which one is most valid?
of the danger is not fully known (e.g., generalized I believe that energetic and tense arousal best cap-
anxiety), but if the source of the danger were known ture the most elemental biopsychological processes
it is likely that attention would be directed to that that underlie affect. However,, there is substantial
source even under high tension. On the other hand, precedent for a basic psychological dimension of
the go system of energetic arousal facilitates fully pleasure/displeasure (e.g., Russell). Affective states
directed attention (Thayer, 1989). of energy and tiredness are more central from a bio-
logical perspective in my view. This energy-tiredness
Alternate Models of Mood (Affect): dimension underlies all health and general behav-
Similarities and Differences ior. Wakefulness (closely correlated with energy) as
In the 1970s it became increasingly clear from well as sleep (tiredness) is a primary dimension of all
factor analytic studies that affective space forms two life forms; thus, energetic arousal is a fundamental
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HIGH
Subjective ENERGY
SELF-RATINGS
Subjective TENSION
MOD
LOW
HIGH
SELF-RATINGS
MOD
LOW
Fig. 23.3. Interactions of energy and tension under different activating conditions. (Reproduced from Thayer, 1996, Oxford
University Press.)
of the day as energy declines and tiredness increases tension. I regard this as a Zen-like state in which
physical activity is likely to be less attractive. Like- there are little or no tension-related stress reactions,
wise, cognitive demands probably vary in degree of a state in which natural cycles of greater and lesser
attractiveness. energy occur, but tension is absent or at a low level.
Calm energy also bears a similarity, in my view,
Calm Energy to Csikszentmihalyi’s flow (1990), particularly on
It is useful to describe further the combination of the basis of pleasurable attentional focus with full
energetic and tense arousal because this complex state involvement. I also think of calm energy as enhanc-
relates to common emotions and thus leads to greater ing athletic performance. In this regard, Morgan’s
understanding of mood. One primary component is (e.g., Morgan & Pollock, 1978) concept of the ice-
calm energy, the mixed mood state that I regard as berg profile (high vigor coupled with low negative
most pleasurable and in many respects optimal for mood), which characterizes world-class athletes,
cognitive and physical functioning in waking hours is relevant. Probably related to this are anecdotal
when activity is appropriate. This mood is often not descriptions by athletes when their performance is so
fully recognized. For example, in one talk I gave, outstanding that they are in the zone. Calm energy
a rather intense young man challenged the concept also is an optimal predisposition in the martial arts
by saying that he does not understand calm energy such as karate and judo and is a valued state dur-
because whenever he feels energetic he always feels ing the meditation in movement of Tai Chi Chuan.
slightly wired. (The feeling he was describing was Calm energy is such an attractive state that people
a state I would call tense energy, a common mood in may seek it through self-medicating drugs such as
today’s stress-filled society.) caffeine, nicotine, and amphetamines.
Calm energy does exist during waking hours
(primarily higher activity hours of day) when people Tense Tiredness
experiencing it feel energetic and yet are very calm. The bipolar opposite to calm energy in psycho-
In this state they experience little general muscular metric space is tense tiredness, a complex mood that
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begins to physically exercise (e.g., walks with increas- response. The fight-or-flight pattern made famous
ing rapidity). Bodily arousal is reflected in a very by Walter Cannon 100 years ago is preceded in dan-
general way throughout the body with increased ger situations by freezing, which optimizes avoid-
cell metabolism, respiration, heart rate, blood pres- ance of detection (Thayer, 1989). Although the
sure, adrenaline, cortisol, and other physiological fight-or-flight response is much better known than
systems associated with energy expenditure. At the the kind of freeze response to which I refer, Can-
brain level, infusions of neurotransmitters such as non himself did note this initial reaction to danger
norepinephrine, dopamine, and serotonin mediate (Cannon, 1929/1963). In my view, this activated
bodily arousal. freeze response plays an important role in the every-
In my view, growing subjective energy and ten- day experience of such states as nervousness, jitteri-
sion are part of this integrated pattern that consti- ness, agitation, anxiety, and fear. This tension state
tutes general bodily arousal as increased feelings of (with the subjective opposite of calmness) experi-
energy and tension occur (Thayer, 1970, 1989). enced on a chronic level can produce headaches, as
To summarize, in the bigger picture the subjec- well as pain in the jaw, back, and shoulders.
tive experience of energy and tension can be traced Besides the degree and type of skeletal-muscular
throughout the body from a basic level of the cel- tension that differentiates energetic and tense
lular mitochondria, up through neurotransmitter arousal, other physiological differences probably
effects on relevant brain mechanisms (Brown, 1999; exist such as the particular physiological patterns
Duffy, 1962; Malmo, 1975; Thayer, 1989). Subjec- that differentiate adrenaline and cortisol (Dienst-
tive energy and tension are the conscious represen- bier, 1989). Moreover, at the level of brain processes
tations of this general bodily arousal pattern. there undoubtedly are differences leading to the two
kinds of subjective experience associated with the
Muscular Tension: The Activated Freeze two dimensions of energy-tiredness and tension-
Response calmness. Relevant here would be brain structures
The similar activation pattern for both energetic such as the reticular activating system, the limbic
and tense arousal follows from a biological perspec- system, and cerebral cortical lateralized activation.
tive since both arousal systems predispose mobili-
zation for action—ongoing actions with energetic Self-Regulation of Mood
arousal and preparation for (emergency) action People seek pleasure and avoid pain. This hedo-
with tense arousal. The most definitive difference nic principle has governed my work in relation to
between the two arousal patterns is in affect. How- the self-regulation of mood (Thayer, 1989). When
ever, there are other differences as well, although the behavior is not required by schedules and previously
full extent of the psychophysiological differences, made plans, when there is choice about what to do
including brain patterns, is not fully known. But next, the preferred chosen behavior follows this
several differences should be noted. hedonic principle. Sometimes this involves aware-
One physiological difference may be that tense ness of a negative mood followed by a conscious
arousal is associated more with anaerobic metabo- decision to take some action to feel better. But often
lism, whereas energetic arousal reflects aerobic there is only a low-level awareness of this process.
metabolism (Thayer, 1989). For example, prepara- In general, this probably is initiated by a thought
tory emergency arousal in the case of tension dif- about a pleasant activity that is sufficiently attractive
fers from energetic arousal at least in respect to to motivate action.
skeletal-muscular activation. Thus, subjective states I maintain that people prefer moods of increased
of tension, stress, and anxiety are characterized energy and reduced tension (calm energy), and they
by preparatory muscle tension with an absence of behave in various ways to achieve this state. They
directed motor activity. As one good indication, also act in various ways to reduce moods of tension
muscles around the thoracic cavity are tight, reflect- and tiredness (tense tiredness). The direction of the
ing a pattern of restraint. Exemplifying this, breath- preferred motivational process is from tense tired-
ing occurs at the top of the lungs in a short panting ness (mood to be avoided) and toward calm energy
pattern. But with energetic arousal that is associated (optimal mood). For some types of people (e.g.,
with ongoing activity, diaphramatic breathing is Type As), however, tense energy may be preferred.
more the rule. Furthermore, when sleep is desired, the motiva-
The skeletal-muscular inhibition associated with tional direction would involve change from tense
tension reflects what I have called the activated freeze tiredness to calm tiredness.
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Future Directions Ganley, R. M. (1989). Emotion and eating in obesity: A review
of the literature. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 8,
Further empirical and theoretical research could
342–361
productively focus on the way that complex moods Gilbert, D. G. (1979). Paradoxical tranquilizing and emotion-
occur from the interactions of the two major biopsy- reducing effects of nicotine. Psychological Bulletin, 86,
chological dimensions. This suggests potential solu- 643–661.
tions for previous points of confusion such as those Gold, A. E., MacLeod, K. M., Deary, I. J., & Frier, B. M. (1995).
Changes in mood during acute hypoglycemia in healthy
concerning “paradoxical” effects of nicotine—that
participants. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 68,
cigarettes both activate and deactivate simultane- 498–504.
ously (Gilbert, 1979). Other seemingly paradoxical Hall, E. C., Ekkekakis, P., & Petruzello, S. J. (2007). Regional
effects of drugs such as caffeine and cocaine may be brain activity and strenuous exercise: Predicting affective
important in this same respect. Likewise, these seem- responses using EEG asymmetry. Biological Psychology, 75,
194–200.
ingly paradoxical effects occur with hyperactivity,
Hirokawa, E. (2004). Effects of music listening and relax-
a condition in which activating drugs such as caffeine ation instructions on arousal changes and the working
and behaviors such as exercise appear to improve memory task in older adults. Journal of Music Therapy, 41,
the condition. And in the exercise science literature, 107–127.
one finds similar dual arousal effects such as the fact Keys, A., Brozek, J., Henchel, A., Mickelsen, O., & Taylor, H. L.
(1950). The biology of human starvation. Minneapolis: Uni-
that vigorous exercise produces calmness and tired-
versity of Minnesota Press.
ness simultaneously (Hall, Ekkekakis, Petruzello, Larsen, R. J., & Diener, E. (1992). Promises and problems with
2007). These seemingly paradoxical effects may the circumplex model of emotion. Review of Personality and
be understood, of course, by the orthogonality of Social Psychology, 13, 25–59.
energetic and tense arousal in cross-sectional stud- Lim, H. A. (2008). The effect of personality type and musical
task on self-perceived arousal. Journal of Music Therapy, 45,
ies but the complex interaction of these dimen-
147–164.
sions at different activation levels. Finally, what is Malmo, R. B. (1975). On emotions, needs, and our archaic brain.
not known well is how best to designate the mod- New York: Holt
erate point at which increasing tension leads first Morgan, W. P., & Pollock, M. L. (1978). Psychological charac-
to increased energy but at some point to reduced terization of the elite distance runner. Annals of the New York
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Murrey, E. J. (1965). Sleep, dreams and arousal. New York:
to designate the moderate point at which increas- Appleton-Century-Crofts.
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a stressful context) but at some moderate point to happiness. Personality and Individual Differences, 11,
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Prescott, E., Holst, C., Gronbaek, M., Schnohr, P., Jensen, G., &
Barefoot, J. (2003). Vital exhaustion as a risk factor for
Acknowledgment ischaemic heart disease and all-cause mortality in a com-
Thanks to Martin Fiebert and Ralph Hupka for comments munity sample. International Journal of Epidemiology, 32,
on a draft of this chapter. 990–997
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th ayer
CHAPTER
Abstract
This chapter deals with the psychological process that determines effort intensity in instrumental
behavior. According to motivation intensity theory, effort should be proportional to experienced task
difficulty as long as success is possible and justified and low when success is impossible or excessively
difficult, given the available benefit. When task difficulty is unspecified or unknown, effort should be
proportional to the importance of success. We report a program of experimental studies that have
operationalized effort intensity as cardiovascular reactivity during task performance and used multiple
manipulations of variables influencing subjective task difficulty (e.g., performance standards, ability, mood)
and the amount of justified effort (e.g., material incentive, instrumentality, evaluation). The empirical
evidence is in clear support of the principles of motivation intensity theory and challenges a number of
other theoretical accounts. Directions for future research are discussed.
Key Words: effort, motivation intensity, cardiovascular response
The need for effort is determined by the difficulty To illustrate, first consider a person offered at
of instrumental behavior, which is the difficulty of different points in time $10, $20, and $30 to lift
activity that must be carried out to attain desired a weight that he or she could lift and was willing
outcomes and avoid aversive ones. Thus, a central to lift for $10. The present view suggests that the
proposition of motivation intensity theory is that person’s effort should correspond to the difficulty
effort investment should vary nonmonotonically of the lift, and not the value of the incentive, at the
with the perceived difficulty of imminent or ongo- different points. Next, consider what would happen
ing behavior (see Ach, 1935; Hillgruber, 1912). As under conditions where this person was unwilling
long as success is viewed as both possible and worth to lift the weight even for $30. The present view
the investment that it will require, effort should suggests that his or her effort should be consistently
correspond to difficulty. That is, performers should low at the different points. Finally, consider what
invest greater effort the more difficult they perceive would happen if the person were offered the dif-
their task to be. On the other hand, if success is ferent incentives for lifting a weight that he or she
viewed as impossible or excessively difficult, given knew exceeded his or her strength. Once again,
the benefit that it will accrue, then effort should effort should be low at all points.
be low (Fig. 24.1). Effort should also be low in the
impossible case because it would yield no return, Where Difficulty Is Unknown
and it should be low in the excessively difficult case A further point to note about the central propo-
because it would yield a return lower than the value sition discussed earlier is that it assumes that per-
of the effort expended. formers know what will be required to succeed,
which will not always be the case. Consider here,
The Role of Benefit for example, (1) a student confronted with an exam
An important point about the central proposi- from a new teacher, (2) a woman woken up in the
tion mentioned earlier is that it suggests that con- middle of the night by a noise in her bedroom closet,
siderations of benefit in performance circumstances or (3) a soldier confronted with random sniper fire
do not determine effort directly. Rather, they deter- over the course of a morning. People sometimes
mine effort indirectly by setting the upper limit of know that action is called for but are unsure what
what is justified and what performers are willing to exactly needs to be done and how much effort needs
do. Brehm referred to this upper limit as the per- to be mobilized for it. Motivation intensity theory
former’s level of potential motivation. In theory, fac- asserts that effort in such circumstances will be pro-
tors related to benefit (e.g., the value of and need portional to potential motivation.
for an available incentive) should have no impact At first glance, the preceding assertion might
on effort as long as success is possible and benefit is seem contrary to the guiding principle of resource
great enough to justify the required effort. conservation. However, it arguably is not when one
(a) (b)
(Potential Motivation)
Effort
Effort
(Potential Motivation)
Unspecified Low Moderate High Extreme Unspecified Low Moderate High Extreme
Task Difficulty Task Difficulty
Fig. 24.1. Theoretical predictions of the joint impact of task difficulty and potential motivation on effort intensity. A shows predictions
for effort mobilization when low effort is justified (i.e., low potential motivation). B shows predictions for the condition that high effort
is justified (i.e., high potential motivation). (Adapted from Gendolla & Wright, 2009, p. 134. Copyright: Oxford University Press.)
0
8
–2 6
–4 4
–6 2
–8 0
Low Moderate High Impossible Low Moderate High Impossible
Task Difficulty Task Difficulty
Fig. 24.2. PEP (A) and SBP (B) reactivity in dependence on task difficulty in the Study by Richter, Friedrich, and Gendolla (2008).
(Reprinted with permission of John Wiley and Sons.)
ow
yL
ilit
Ab
gh
y Hi
ilit
Ab
TASK DIFFICULTY
Fig. 24.3. Relation between effort and difficulty for people with low and high ability. (Adapted from Wright and Franklin, 2004, p.
190, with permission of Erlbaum Press.)
Other studies experimentally manipulated ability SBP and DBP. Among high-ability participants,
appraisals. One by Wright and Dill (1993) first used responses were or tended to be stronger under dif-
a performance feedback procedure to lead half of its ficult conditions. Among low-ability participants,
participants to believe that they had low ability with the reverse was true. Once again, whereas ability
respect to a scanning task and half to believe that tended to be negatively associated with cardiovas-
they had high ability with respect to the task. Later, cular responsiveness when difficulty was low, it was
it presented a related scanning task and told the positively associated with cardiovascular responsive-
participants that they could earn a prize by meet- ness when difficulty was high.
ing a high (85th percentile) or low (15th percentile)
performance standard. As expected, SBP responses fatigue and difficulty
measured immediately before and during the work Following from the ability reasoning and studies
period were in an interactional pattern, reflecting discussed in the previous section has been a series of
relatively greater responsiveness for low-ability par- studies concerned with fatigue influence on effort-
ticipants when the standard was low, but greater related cardiovascular responses. Studies in the
responsiveness for high-ability participants when series have assumed that ability falls as fatigue rises.
the standard was high. Whereas ability tended to be Accordingly, they have predicted that fatigue should
negatively associated with SBP responsiveness when interact with difficulty to determine effort-related
difficulty was low, it was positively associated with cardiovascular responses in the same way that abil-
cardiovascular responsiveness when difficulty was ity should do so, with high fatigue corresponding to
high. Analysis of DBP data revealed an interactional low ability and low fatigue corresponding to high
response pattern corresponding closely with the ability (Fig. 24.3).
SBP means. The earliest of the fatigue studies was an experi-
A later study by Wright and Dismukes (1995) ment that involved a muscular challenge (Wright
involved a similar procedure, but it utilized an aver- & Penacerrada, 2002). Its central purpose was to
sive rather than an attractive incentive. As before, evaluate the implication that effort-related cardio-
investigators first led participants to believe that vascular response should be proportional to fatigue
they had low or high ability with respect to a scan- where a performance challenge can and will be met.
ning task. They then told participants that they A secondary purpose was to evaluate the idea that
could avoid noise by attaining a low (20th percen- muscular fatigue effects should tend to be challenge
tile) or high (95th percentile) performance standard specific, that is, confined to challenges that involve
on a version of the task. Results indicated a cross- the fatigued system. Participants first performed
over response pattern for HR and, to a lesser degree, left- or right-handedly a set of 12 easy (low fatigue)
3
those studies elated and depressed moods were first
2
manipulated with exposure to funny or depress-
1
ing video excerpts, elating or depressing music, or
0
autobiographical recollection of positive or negative
–1
personal events. Subsequently, participants worked
–2
on a cognitive task (memory, attention, or verbal
–3
creativity). After an initial habituation period,
–4
cardiovascular measures were taken during mood
Low High
inductions and task performance (see Gendolla &
Performance Standard
Brinkmann, 2005; Gendolla, Brinkmann, & Silves-
Fig. 24.4. SBP reactivity as a function of difficulty for low- and
trini, 2011 for more detailed reviews).
high fatigued participants. (Based on data presented by Wright In support of the idea that moods systemati-
et al., 2003.) cally influence effort-related cardiovascular response
15 Low ego-involvement
14 High ego-involvment
13
12
11
SBP reactivity (mmHg)
10
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
Unfixed Easy Moderate Difficult
Fig. 24.5. SBP reactivity in dependence on ego involvement and task difficulty in Study 1 by Gendolla and Richter (2006b).
(Reproduced with permission from Sage Publications.)
14
12
–2
Easy Difficult Easy Difficult
Fig. 24.6. Cell means and standard errors of systolic blood pressure reactivity during memory task performance in the experiment by
Slivestrini and Gendolla (2009a). (Reproduced with permission from Elsevier.)
when success incentive was positive, SBP reactivity Gendolla (2009, Study 2) therefore directly tested
of participants who worked on the difficult task in the hypothesis of a reduced reward responsiveness
a negative mood increased significantly. The antici- in dysphoric individuals in terms of effort mobili-
pated pleasant consequences of success justified zation. The studies used a task with unclear diffi-
here the very high effort that was perceived as nec- culty, because this type of task permits a direct test
essary when participants faced a difficult task in a of reward effects on effort mobilization, as discussed
negative mood. These results highlight the hedonic earlier. In the reward condition participants learned
aspects of achievement motivation. Accordingly, that they could win money (10 Swiss Francs) for
it is not success per se that justifies the mobiliza- correctly solving an arithmetic problem. Partici-
tion of high effort—success did not justify high pants received instructions to perform arithmetic
resources when it led to unpleasant consequences. operations over a 5-minute period, leading to a final
Rather, success has to be bound up with positive correct or incorrect result in the end. No incentive
hedonic aspects to justify high effort. Another was mentioned in the no-reward condition. Results
study that manipulated the hedonic aspects of showed strong increases in SBP, DBP, HR, and PEP
task performance itself brought compatible results for nondysphoric participants in the reward condi-
(Silvestrini & Gendolla, 2009b): A pleasant version tion, reflecting the typical incentive effect in tasks
of a sentence completion task justified higher effort with unclear difficulty (Richter & Gendolla, 2006,
than an unpleasant version. 2009a). In contrast, dysphorics’ reactivity was signif-
Other research investigated the impact of incen- icantly lower and did not differ from the no-reward
tive in individuals suffering from depressive symp- condition. Taken together, these studies show that
toms. As discussed earlier, the effects of depressive depressives’ reduced responsiveness to reward is also
symptoms on effort-related cardiovascular response evident in effort mobilization.
resemble those of a negative mood when incentive
is not manipulated (Brinkmann & Gendolla, 2007, Conclusions
2008). But it is questionable whether promised The present analysis has highlighted the question
performance-contingent reward has the same influ- of what determines effort intensity in instrumental
ences on effort mobilization in depressed/dysphoric behavior. We have discussed empirical evidence
individuals as in nondepressed/nondysphoric peo- from studies that have operationalized effort inten-
ple. The reason is evidence that depressed individu- sity as cardiovascular response in the context of
als do not behaviorally respond to monetary reward task performance. The analysis was guided by the
and punishment (e.g., Henriques & Davidson, predictions of motivation intensity theory (Brehm
2000). Brinkmann, Ancel Joye, Schüppach, and et al., 1983; Brehm & Self, 1989), which state in
Motivation in Psychotherapy
25
Martin Grosse Holtforth and Johannes Michalak
Abstract
Motivational issues are central to human life. Correspondingly, they are also central to the challenging
endeavor of psychotherapy. Assisting patients to change involves motivational issues at various levels
and at various stages of therapy. Patients might be more or less motivated to begin and to participate
in the different stages of psychotherapy (therapy motivation). Besides these differences in therapy
motivation, an understanding of the broader concepts of motivation in psychotherapy should mandate
that motivational issues be considered in the treatment of all patients and not only in those with
obvious deficits in therapy motivation: Motivational issues influence the therapeutic relationship, they
should be considered in tailoring specific interventions, and they might be important factors for the
onset and maintenance of psychological disorders. This chapter presents theoretical and empirical
background information and illustrates therapeutic approaches for dealing with patients’ motivation.
Moreover, it summarizes the implications of basic and clinical research for a motivationally informed
psychotherapy.
Key Words: motivation, goals, psychotherapy, treatment, psychopathology
take steps to change a problematic behavior. All psy- aversive outcomes such as diminished well-being or
chotherapists are confronted with these variations of psychopathology might be consequences (Flanagan,
therapy motivation in their patients, and they know 2010). Various lists of needs have been proposed, for
that it is useful to skillfully deal with the patients who example, self-enhancement, attachment, pleasure, and
show reduced therapy motivation. orientation/control by Epstein (1990), or relatedness,
However, a broader perspective on motivation in competence, and autonomy by Deci and Ryan (1985,
psychotherapy would indicate that it might be use- 1995). Overarching metaneeds have also been sug-
ful to consider motivational issues in the treatment gested, such as a need for meaning (Heine, Proulx, &
of all patients and not only in those with obvious Vohs, 2006) or consistency as the most basic compo-
deficits in therapy motivation: Motivational forces nent of psychological functioning (Grawe, 2004).
influence the therapeutic relationship, and it may be Within the concept of motives, a general dis-
wise to consider them when trying to build a helpful tinction can be made between implicit and explicit
therapeutic alliance. Moreover, specific interventions motives. Implicit motives are seen as enduring indi-
might be tailored to the motivational background vidual motive dispositions, whereas explicit motives
of the patients. For example, the specific situation refer to goals that are conscious or consciously
patients are confronted with in exposure therapy accessible (Heckhausen & Heckhausen, 2008). The
might not only be chosen because of the nature of implicit motivational system consists of a relatively
their avoidance behavior but also because of the small number of motives (i.e., achievement, power,
important personal goals the patient strives for. and affiliation motives) that are unconscious, holis-
On the most fundamental level, some authors have tically represented, and are more directly linked to
identified insufficient satisfaction of basic psycho- emotional processes. It becomes apparent that the
logical needs as an important factor in the etiology concept of implicit motives as used by Heckhausen
of various psychological problems and psychological and Heckhausen (2008) is very similar to the con-
disorders (Grawe, 2004; Ryan, 2005; Ryan, Deci, cept of needs described earlier, and the concept of
Grolnick, & La Guardia, 2006). Accordingly, from explicit motives is very similar to the concept of high-
this perspective, the overall goal of psychotherapy level goals. Another general motivational construct
should be to increase the degree of satisfaction of is the construct of values. According to Rokeach
motivational needs in order to reduce psychopatho- (1973), “Values generally are defined as preferences
logical conditions. for certain outcomes or modes of conduct” (as cited
Therapists dealing with motivational issues in in Locke, 2000, p. 250). Such preferences can be
psychotherapy could profit from a deeper under- shared by a whole community (cultural values) or be
standing of basic motivational principles in human individual (personal values). The concept of personal
life. Therefore, the first part of our chapter presents values is also very similar to high-level goals.
theoretical and empirical background information A central and well-documented assumption of
as well as selected methods of assessing motivational goal-oriented approaches is that, to a considerable
constructs that might be relevant for psychother- extent, people’s daily behaviors, thoughts, and emo-
apy research and practice. The second part of the tions are linked to the pursuit of personal goals and
chapter reviews important theoretical and empirical are regulated by feedback regarding goal attainment
literature from clinical research pointing to the rel- (Austin & Vancouver, 1996; Carver & Scheier, 1996;
evance of motivational variables in psychotherapy Klinger, 1977). Personal goals can be defined as elabo-
and illustrating therapeutic approaches for dealing rate cognitive representations of what a person wants
with patients’ motivation. In the final part of this to achieve or avoid in his or her current life circum-
chapter, we will summarize the implications of basic stances and are conscious, symbolically represented,
and clinical research for a motivationally informed and stored in a language-related manner (Brunstein,
psychotherapy. Schultheiss, & Graessmann, 1998). It is assumed that
approach goals are developed to satisfy psychological
Clinically Relevant Motivational Constructs needs, whereas avoidance goals are developed to pre-
We will briefly introduce the following motiva- vent these needs from being hurt (Grawe, 2004; see
tional constructs: psychological needs, motives, per- also Elliot, 2008, for a review). People may pursue
sonal goals, values, therapy motivation, and treatment personal goals as diverse in content as, for example,
goals. The concept of psychological needs implies that making new friends, improving my professional situ-
everybody has the same needs, everybody must satisfy ation, learning how to be more spontaneous, trying
them, and, if the individual fails to satisfy these needs, to be a better parent, or overcoming fear of rejection
been developed (Smith, 1992). Although suitable rate these individual goals on various dimensions to
for clinical research, these systems are not yet suited allow for inter-individual comparisons. Goals can be
for routine clinical use due to missing norms, ques- rated by the participants themselves or by indepen-
tionable or unknown test-retest reliability, and so on dent raters (e.g., categorization of goals by content or
(Lilienfeld, Wood & Garb, 2000). Recently, several according to the approach and avoidance quality of
alternatives for assessing implicit motives (especially the goals). Examples of this idiographic-nomothetic
the achievement motive) have been introduced. approach are the Personal Projects Matrix (Little,
For example, Brunstein and Schmitt (2004) devel- 1983), the Personal Concerns Inventory (Cox &
oped an Implicit Association Test (IAT; Greenwald, Klinger, 2002), and its immediate antecedents, such
McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998) to assess achievement as the Concern Dimensions Questionnaires (Klinger,
motivation by evaluating the strength of association Barta, & Maxeiner, 1980) and the Interview Ques-
between achievement-related adjectives and the self- tionnaire (Klinger, 1987). These instruments pre-
concept. However, such newer techniques are too ceded and/or gave rise to other methods such as
time consuming for routine clinical use. the Striving Assessment Scale (Emmons, 1986) and
Explicit motivational constructs can be assessed the Goal Assessment Battery (Karoly & Ruehlman,
efficiently using questionnaire methods. A sample 1995). All of these approaches make it possible to
questionnaire to assess various dimensions of therapy assess theory-derived indices that seek to achieve
motivation is the Patient Motivation for Therapy a multilevel understanding of goals (e.g., goal impor-
Scale (CMTS; Pelletier, Tuson, & Haddad, 1997). tance, goal achievement, goal conflict, etc.).
Based on the self-determination theory proposed Furthermore, various interviews to assess per-
by Deci and Ryan (1985), the CMTS measures sonal goals have been developed (e.g., AIMS; Wad-
patients’ intrinsic motivation, four forms of regula- sworth & Ford, 1983), allowing for an extensive
tion for extrinsic motivation (integrated, identified, description of the various goals and their mutual
introjected, and external regulation), and motivation relationships. When standardized goal question-
for therapy. An example for the assessment of values naires (e.g., Ford & Nichols, 1991; Grosse Holtforth
in the interpersonal realm is the Circumplex Scales of & Grawe, 2000; Grosse Holtforth & Grawe, 2003;
Interpersonal Values (CSIV; Locke, 2000). The prin- Grosse Holtforth, Grawe, & Tamcan, 2004; Reiss
ciple of a circumplex structure implies that variables & Havercamp, 1998; Ryff, 1989) are utilized, the
that measure interpersonal relations are arranged participants are presented with goals that have to be
around a circle in a two-dimensional space, with the evaluated with respect to dimensions such as impor-
dimensions being agency and communion. tance, strain, progress, or realization. Compared to
Personal goals are most often assessed in basic other methods, standardized questionnaires offer
research using a combined idiographic-nomothetic the advantage that the goal contents are comparable.
approach. The first step (the idiographic part) is to Furthermore, goal assessment is less dependent on
ask the participants to generate a list of personal goals. recall processes. However, the personal salience and
In the second step (the nomothetic part), patients ecological sensitivity of the idiographic-nomothetic
Commitment to
Progress in goal Emotional
pursue personal
striving well-being
goals
Realizability of
personal goals
Fig. 25.1. Teleonomic model of subjective well-being (Brunstein & Maier, 2002, p. 163, modified).
Fig. 25.2. The action phase model (Rubicon Model) by Heckhausen. (Adapted from Grawe, 2004, p. 50;
reproduced by permission from Psychological Therapy by Klaus Grawe, ISBN 0-88937-217-9
©2004 by Hogrefe& Huber Publishers www.hogrefe.com.)
Motivation in Education
26
Allan Wigfield, Jenna Cambria, and Jacquelynne S. Eccles
Abstract
In this chapter we discuss the nature of children’s achievement motivation and how it develops over
the school years. We focus on the competence-related belief, value, goal, interest, and intrinsic aspects
of motivation that have been emphasized in much of the research on motivation. We then discuss how
different aspects of classroom and school practices influence motivation, and how teacher–student
relationships and peer relationships impact students’ motivation. We next consider how school
transitions influence students’ motivation, describing important differences in the structure and
organization of schools at different levels of schooling. In the final section we describe some recent
intervention work to boost children’s motivation in different ways. Suggestions for future research
include how students’ motivation varies in different classroom contexts, the need to study motivation
in diverse groups of children, methodological issues with respect to studying motivation, what other
kinds of further motivation intervention studies are needed, and how work on motivation can inform
educational policy.
Key Words: achievement motivation, development of motivation, motivation and instruction,
teacher–student relationships and motivation, peers and motivation
opportunities for social interactions around learn- capacity where different subskills are organized
ing have been shown to improve children’s achieve- into courses of action. Bandura (1997) reviewed
ment in reading and other areas (e.g., Guthrie, research showing that individuals’ efficacy for dif-
McRae, & Klauda, 2007; Johnson & Johnson, ferent achievement tasks is a major determinant of
2009). Along with social relationships, it is increas- activity choice, willingness to expend effort, and
ingly clear that the social contexts and organization persistence in and out of school (see also Schunk &
of classrooms and schools also have major influ- Pajares, 2009).
ences on students’ motivation and achievement Researchers interested in individuals’ control
(Nolen & Ward, 2008; Perry, Turner, & Meyer, beliefs initially made a major distinction between
2006; Wigfield, Eccles, & Rodriguez, 1998). internal and external locus of control (e.g., Crandall,
In this chapter we discuss children’s motivation Katkovsky, & Crandall, 1965; Rotter, 1966. Internal
in school. We begin with a brief discussion of the control means the individual believes that he or she
belief, value, and goal constructs prevalent in cur- controls the outcome; external control means the
rent motivation research and how they develop. outcome is determined by other things. Research-
We then discuss the influence of different aspects ers have confirmed the positive association between
of classrooms and schools on the development of internal locus of control and academic achievement
students’ motivation. We also discuss how school (see Skinner, 1995). Connell and Wellborn (1991)
structures change as children move from elemen- integrated control beliefs into a broader theoreti-
tary into secondary school, and how such changes cal framework based on psychological needs for
affect students’ motivation. We close with discus- competence, autonomy, and relatedness from self-
sion of some recent intervention efforts to improve determination theory (Ryan & Deci, 2009). They
children’s motivation. linked control beliefs to competence needs: Chil-
dren who believe they control their achievement
The Nature of Student Motivation outcomes should feel more competent. When the
Researchers have assessed many different con- family, peer, and school contexts support children’s
structs that are crucial to students’ motivation. autonomy, develop their competence, and provide
To organize our discussion of these constructs, we positive relations with others, then children’s moti-
separate them into two broad groups. One group vation (which Connell and Wellborn conceptual-
includes individuals’ sense of their competence ized as engagement) will be positive, and they will
and agency to achieve different outcomes. Another become fully engaged in different activities, such as
group concerns intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, their school work. When one or more of the needs
interest, values, and goals. Many of these constructs is not fulfilled, children will become disaffected
are discussed in greater detail in other chapters in (see Connell, Spencer, & Aber, 1994; Skinner,
this book. Kindermann, Connell, & Wellborn, 2009).
Martin S. Hagger
Abstract
Given the considerable epidemiological evidence linking regular physical activity with good health
and reduced risk of chronic disease, exercise psychologists have adopted theories and models of
motivation to understand the antecedents and processes that give rise to health-related physical activity.
These theories are important because they provide the basis for the development and evaluation of
interventions aimed at promoting increased physical activity in a largely sedentary population. This
chapter reviews three of the leading theories that have been applied in physical activity contexts: the
theory of planned behavior, self-determination theory, and achievement goal theory. Advances in
research that have aimed to promote better understanding of the factors that underpin motivation
in physical activity and the relevant processes are also reviewed, including implementation intentions,
the increasing importance of psychological needs, and theoretical integration. In addition, the role of
methodological improvements such as the measurement of implicit motivational processes and the need
for “gold standard” designs when evaluating physical activity interventions based on these theories are
highlighted. It is concluded that future research needs to develop hybrid interventions adopting both
motivational and implemental strategies to change physical activity behavior, research should extend
knowledge of the relative contribution of implicit and explicit motivational processes on physical activity
behavior, and investigations to evaluate physical activity interventions should pay careful attention to
design and evaluation.
Key Words: exercise, planned behavior, intention, autonomous motivation, achievement goals, implicit
processes, intervention design
theories and models. The purpose of these theories that many of these theories have similar compo-
is three-fold: (1) to identify the motivational cor- nents and hypotheses, such that there is consider-
relates and antecedents of physical activity behav- able overlap in the definitions of constructs and the
ior; (2) to identify the mechanisms and processes by proposed mechanisms by which these constructs
which these correlates affect physical activity (e.g., affect physical activity behavior (Hagger, 2009).
mediation and moderation effects); and (3) to use For example, self-efficacy, a very important con-
knowledge of the antecedents and mechanisms to struct in the field of social psychology and derived
inform and design interventions aimed at chang- from Bandura’s (1977, 1995) influential social
ing behavior to promote desirable health outcomes cognitive theory, is a key component in numer-
(Baum & Posluszny, 1999; Hagger, 2009; Taylor, ous theories of motivated social behavior such as
2008). In this chapter I will review three dominant protection motivation theory (Rogers, 1975) and
social psychological approaches to understanding the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1985) and
motivation in physical activity and review recent both have been applied to physical activity (Hag-
advances in the field that have aimed to enhance ger, Chatzisarantis, & Biddle, 2002b; Rhodes,
understanding and advance knowledge of how to Plotnikoff, & Courneya, 2008). Similarly, the con-
increase motivation and behavior in physical activ- struct of intention, which is a motivational con-
ity. I will first review the research on the motiva- struct reflecting the degree of effort and planning
tional theories and the contribution such research an individual is prepared to invest in pursuing
has made in identifying the key constructs that a behavior, is also a key component of numerous
influence physical activity behavior and which theories such as the theory of planned behavior,
have been most effective in explaining variance in protection motivation theory, the theories of self-
physical activity behavior. The theories are Ajzen’s regulation and trying (Bagozzi & Kimmel, 1995),
(1985, 1991) theory of planned behavior, Deci and the theory of goal-directed behavior (Perugini
and Ryan’s (1985b, 2000) self-determination the- & Conner, 2000). Again these theories have been
ory, and Nicholls’ (1989) achievement goal theory. adopted to explain behavior in a physical activity
I will very briefly review the research adopting these context (Bagozzi & Kimmel, 1995; Perugini &
approaches and evaluate their importance and level Conner, 2000). Similarly, these theories have dif-
of contribution to the literature on motivation and ferent assumptions and perspectives. For example,
physical activity. Most important, I will identify attitudinal theories like the theory of planned
the advances, theoretically, that researchers in the behavior are belief based and focus on behavioral
physical activity domain have made to each of these predictions based on estimates of the future out-
theories such as the use of implementation inten- comes of a given behavior and individuals’ evalu-
tion strategies, the adoption of new perspectives on ation of those outcomes. In contrast, theories
psychological needs (e.g., “need thwarting”), and such as self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan,
the introduction of a 2 x 2 achievement goal frame- 1985b, 2000) adopt an organismic approach,
work. I will also outline how theoretical integration steeped in the humanist tradition, focusing on the
may benefit theoretical research in physical activity contextual influences on motivated behavior and
contexts. Finally, I will review recent methodologi- motivational orientations derived from the satis-
cal advances in the psychology of physical activity faction of innate psychological needs. In this chap-
such as the use of implicit measures of motivation ter I will focus on three dominant motivational
and the importance of randomized controlled tri- theories applied in physical activity contexts: the
als, intervention mapping, and intervention fidelity theory of planned behavior, self-determination
to ensure that the effective components of motiva- theory, and achievement goal theory. I will outline
tional interventions to change physical activity can how the adoption of these theories has contributed
be identified and replicated precisely. to the understanding of physical activity behavior.
I will also review how these theories might help
Three Key Motivational Theories in move the field forward in terms of developing
Physical Activity a more comprehensive theory of the antecedents
The psychology of physical activity is a theory- and mechanisms of physical activity behavior and
rich discipline with many motivational theories informing interventions and practical solutions
and models proposed to provide comprehensive to increase motivation to participate in physi-
and definitive explanations of health behavior cal activity and promote engagement in physical
(Hagger, 2010a). It is, however, important to note activity behavior.
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shows that control beliefs demonstrate considerable most recent decision-making variables remained
variance across different populations and behav- salient as explanations of variance in physical activ-
iors. For example, studies in the physical activity ity intentions and behavior. It was concluded that
domain have identified “age” and “fear of having a “ . . . while past behavior had a significant and direct
heart attack” among the control beliefs for older and influence on intention, attitude, perceived behav-
clinical populations (Godin et al., 1991), but these ioral control, and self-efficacy, these cognitions are
beliefs do not feature among the control beliefs of also necessary for translating past decisions about
younger populations who focus more on inclem- behavioral involvement into action. This is consis-
ent weather and lack of time (Hagger et al., 2001). tent with the notion that involvement in volitional
Interestingly, the comparatively limited research behaviors such as regular physical activity involves
examining relations between the indirect belief- both conscious and automatic influences” (p. 23).
based measures and the direct measures suggests that This evidence indicates the general recognition
multiplicative composites of the belief and value of theory of planned behavior as an important theo-
systems do not account for a high degree of vari- retical approach to the understanding of the motiva-
ance in the direct measures of attitudes, subjective tional influences on physical activity behavior. The
norms, and perceived behavioral control (Hagger considerable attention paid to the theory in the lit-
et al., 2001). Few definitive solutions have been erature is attributable to its effectiveness in account-
put forward for this problem, and the role of beliefs ing for variance in physical activity intention and
and expectancy-value models within the theory of behavior as well as its relative parsimony and role
planned behavior is an area of surprisingly sparse as a flexible framework for the study of psychoso-
attention in the literature (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2008; cial influences and processes that underpin physical
Bagozzi, 1984; French & Hankins, 2003). activity behavior. For example, its role as a “flexible
Formative research adopting the theory of framework” has been supported by research that has
planned behavior in physical activity contexts has shown the attitude, subjective norm, and perceived
demonstrated that attitudes and perceived behav- behavioral control constructs mediate the effect of
ioral control consistently and significantly predict other distal constructs on intentions and behavior
intentions and explain approximately equal propor- such as personality (Bozionelos & Bennett, 1999;
tions of the variance in physical activity behavior Chatzisarantis & Hagger, 2008; Conner & Abra-
with a substantially lesser role for subjective norms ham, 2001; Conner, Rodgers, & Murray, 2007;
(Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2005; Hagger et al., Hoyt, Rhodes, Hausenblas, & Giacobbi, 2009;
2002b). In addition to individual empirical studies, Rhodes & Courneya, 2003; Rhodes, Courneya, &
a meta-analysis of 72 studies applying the theory of Jones, 2002, 2003) and other individual difference
planned behavior in physical activity contexts sup- variables (Chatzisarantis & Hagger, 2007; Fitch &
ported the trends in the physical activity data across Ravlin, 2005; Hagger, Anderson, Kyriakaki, & Dark-
the literature (Hagger et al., 2002b). Using a meta- ings, 2007). However, researchers have also indicated
analytic path analysis, intention was found to be that the theory does not account for all of the vari-
the sole proximal predictor of physical activity and ance in intention and behavior, nor does it mediate
that the effects of attitudes and perceived behavioral the effects of certain “external variables” on inten-
control on intentions were medium in magnitude tions and behavior (e.g., Bagozzi & Kimmel, 1995;
and stronger than the effects of subjective norms. Conner & Abraham, 2001; Conner & Armitage,
In addition, studies that separated measures of self- 1998; Rhodes & Courneya, 2003; Rhodes et al.,
efficacy (reflecting personal capacity and confidence 2002). Paradoxically, this “weakness” has become
estimates) and perceived controllability (reflect- the theory’s greatest strength. Ajzen (1991) states
ing perceived barriers) indicated that self-efficacy that the theory should be viewed as a flexible frame-
explained additional variance in the prediction of work into which other variables can be incorporated
both intentions and behavior. Past behavior also provided they make a meaningful and unique con-
predicted all of the theory constructs and attenuated tribution to the prediction of intentions and there
their effects on intention and behavior. Nevertheless, is a theoretical precedence for the inclusion of such
the influences of the social cognitive constructs on variables.
intentions and behavior remained significant even As a consequence, the theory has been adopted
after controlling for previous experience. This indi- by researchers in physical activity as a general frame-
cated that previous decision-making processes were work to investigate the effect of a number of addi-
accounted for by the variables in the model, but the tional social cognitive constructs on intention and
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These strategies and advances will be reviewed in the Research adopting the perceived locus of causality
“Theoretical Advances” section of this chapter. from OIT has shown that autonomous forms of reg-
ulation are positively related to adaptive behavioral
Self-Determination Theory and psychological outcomes in the domain of physi-
Self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985b, cal activity. Autonomous motivation is associated
2000) is a prominent motivational theory adopted with physical activity participation and adherence
to identify the contextual and interpersonal influ- over time (Barbeau, Sweet, & Fortier, 2009; Chatz-
ences on human behavior and has received much isarantis, Biddle, & Meek, 1997; Chatzisarantis,
attention in the physical activity literature (Hagger Hagger, Biddle, & Karageorghis, 2002; Chatzisaran-
& Chatzisarantis, 2007a, 2008, 2007d; Ryan & tis, Hagger, Biddle, Smith, & Wang, 2003; Fortier &
Deci, 2007). Self-determination theory is actually Kowal, 2007; Pelletier, Dion, Slovinec-D’Angelo, &
a meta-theory comprising a number of subtheories Reid, 2004; Vansteenkiste, Simons, Soenens, & Lens,
that seek to explain human motivation and behavior 2004), perceived competence (Goudas, Biddle, &
on the basis of individual differences in motivational Fox, 1994), physical activity intentions (Hagger &
orientations, contextual influences on motivation, Chatzisarantis, 2007b; Hagger, Chatzisarantis, Cul-
and interpersonal perceptions. Central to self- verhouse, & Biddle, 2003; Phillips, Abraham, &
determination theory is the distinction between Bond, 2003; Standage, Duda, & Ntoumanis, 2005;
self-determined or autonomous forms of motivation Wilson & Rodgers, 2004), Csikzentmihalyi’s (1990)
relative to non-self-determined or controlling forms flow state (Fortier & Kowal, 2007), and psychologi-
of motivation. The extent to which people experi- cal well-being (Wilson & Rodgers, 2007). Further-
ence motivation to engage in activities and behav- more, environmental antecedents such as autonomy
iors as autonomous or controlling will determine support (Edmunds, Ntoumanis, & Duda, 2007) and
their persistence with the behavior in the future and people’s perceptions that the motivational context is
whether they gain certain adaptive outcomes such supportive of their autonomous motivation (Hagger,
as satisfaction, enjoyment, and psychological well- Chatzisarantis, Barkoukis, Wang, & Baranowski,
being. Organismic integration theory (OIT), a sub- 2005; Hagger et al., 2003; Hein & Koka, 2007;
theory of self-determination theory, seeks to provide Koka & Hein, 2003; Standage et al., 2005) have also
an explanation for the processes by which people been linked with autonomous motivational regula-
assimilate behaviors that are externally regulated and tions from OIT. Findings from previous research
incorporate them into their repertoire of behaviors have been supported by a recent meta-analysis of the
that are self-determined and integrated into their per- effects of perceived locus of causality on behavior and
sonal system. Central to OIT is the perceived locus outcomes in physical activity settings (Chatzisarantis
of causality, which represents a graduated continuum et al., 2003). The analysis supported the proposed
of motivational styles or regulations. The continuum, effects of the motivational regulations on physical
known as the perceived locus of causality, is charac- activity behavior and outcomes such as perceived
terized by two relatively autonomous forms of moti- competence and physical activity intentions across
vation: intrinsic motivation and identified regulation, a set of 21 studies (Chatzisarantis et al., 2003). Inter-
and two relatively controlling forms of motivation: estingly, autonomous forms of motivation medi-
external regulation and introjected regulation (Ryan ated the effect of perceived competence on physical
& Connell, 1989). Important for researchers and activity intentions, suggesting that competence per-
practitioners in the field of physical activity, indi- ceptions affect behavior because competence percep-
viduals who act for autonomous reasons are more tions tend to be self-determined in nature.
likely to persist in the absence of discernable external Another fundamental subtheory of self-
rewards or contingencies. Therefore, if interventions determination theory is Basic needs theory. Deci
can promote autonomous motives for engaging in and Ryan (2000) suggest that the origins of self-
physical activity among individuals, it is likely to determined motivation stem from individuals’ innate
lead to persistence over time and cede the health propensity to satisfy three basic psychological needs:
benefits of physical activity to those individuals. The autonomy, competence, and relatedness. These needs
major theoretical tenets of self-determination theory are perceived to be fundamental to all humans, and
have been outlined in detail elsewhere in this volume people approach behaviors in an intrinsically moti-
(see Chapter 6), so the present review will focus on vated fashion because they perceive it as being effica-
the specific application of self-determination in the cious in satisfying psychological needs. The existence
domain of health-related physical activity. of these needs has been justified empirically and
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theory proposes that not only can people define Ntoumanis, 2008; Barkoukis et al., 2007; Conroy,
their competence with respect to future actions as Elliot, & Hofer, 2003; Conroy, Kaye, & Coatsworth,
self-referenced, either according to a personal or 2006). Elliot and Conroy (2005) point out that
absolute standard, or other referenced, but also in relations between the 2 x 2 achievement goal con-
terms of whether it will lead to adaptive, desirable structs and health-related physical activity have not
outcomes or maladaptive, undesirable outcomes. been fully investigated: “Although the value of the
Such evaluations are automatically paired with an expanded 2 x 2 conceptual framework [of achieve-
approach or avoidance response such that courses ment goals] in sport and physical activity domains
of action that are expected to lead to desirable out- is a relatively open empirical question, we are opti-
comes are approach valenced and actions leading to mistic of its potential for enhancing our understand-
undesired outcomes are avoidance valenced (Bargh, ing of achievement motivation in these contexts and
1997; Elliot & McGregor, 2001). As a consequence, eagerly await further investigation” (p. 21).
people will tend to perceive their competence with Recent research has provided evidence to sup-
respect to future actions in terms of both the defini- port to Elliot and Conroy’s suggestion that the 2 x 2
tion and valence dimensions. model may offer a useful framework for the under-
The 2 x 2 framework integrates the defini- standing of motivation in health-related physical
tion and competence dimensions to produce four activity contexts. Variables such as intrinsic motiva-
distinct achievement goal constructs: mastery- tion (Barkoukis et al., 2007), perceived competence
approach goals in which competence is defined (Wang et al., 2007), and self-efficacy (Cumming &
in terms of mastering skills, improving technique, Hall, 2004) have been shown to be related to
and enhancing self-referenced outcomes and is approach goals, whereas fear of failure and extrinsic
positively valenced; performance-approach goals in motivation have been shown to be related to avoid-
which competence is defined in normative terms ance goals (Barkoukis et al., 2007; Conroy & Elliot,
and relative to the performance of others and is pos- 2004). This provides an indication of the utility and
itively valenced; mastery-avoidance goals in which content of achievement goals in this context. For
competence is defined as personally referenced and example, people may perceive engaging in physical
is negatively valenced; and performance-avoidance activity as an opportunity to achieve personally rele-
goals in which competence is defined normatively vant or self-determined outcomes such as mastering
and is negatively valenced. These goal orientations an exercise technique or losing the most weight in
should be viewed as “situation-specific regulators an aerobics class. They are therefore more likely to
of achievement behavior that are energized and develop approach-valenced mastery or performance
impelled by underlying motive dispositions” (Elliot goals toward their behavioral regulation. However,
& Church, 1997, p. 228). Therefore, global goal they may also be motivated to avoid physical activ-
orientations and motivational dispositions may ity contexts if they perceive that they are unlikely
influence or give rise to these goals and the goals are to demonstrate competence and have a high likeli-
also affected by environmental and situational fac- hood of failure. For example, people may perceive
tors that define the behavioral response. that doing physical activities may reveal their lack
Research with the 2 x 2 model has illustrated that of skills or that they are not as competent as others
mastery-approach goals are most strongly related to when it comes to lifting weights or running at speed
adaptive outcomes such as need for achievement on a treadmill. Such undesirable outcomes are likely
(Elliot & Murayama, 2008), self-concept (Hein & to result in the development of avoidance-valenced
Hagger, 2007), perceived competence (Cury, Elliot, mastery or performance goals. Just as high per-
Da Fonseca, & Moller, 2006), self-determined ceived competence and fear of failure may lead to
forms of motivation (Barkoukis, Ntoumanis, & the development of approach and avoidance goals,
Nikitaras, 2007; Hein & Hagger, 2007; Wang, respectively, other variables related to competence
Biddle, & Elliot, 2007), enjoyment (Pekrun, Elliot, & may also be linked to achievement goals (Hein &
Maier, 2006; Wang et al., 2007), and behavioral Hagger, 2007).
persistence (Elliot, Cury, Fryer, & Huguet, 2006; While research in the field of achievement goals
Elliot & Murayama, 2008). Research has also has been somewhat rejuvenated with the introduc-
investigated relations between achievement goals tion of the 2 x 2 conceptual framework, questions
using the 2 x 2 framework in physical activity con- still remain, particularly for the field of health-
texts, but investigations have largely focused on related physical activity. At the forefront of this
competitive sport behavior (e.g., Adie, Duda, & future research should be the development of specific
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promoting increased accessibility of the critical and regular moderate-to-vigorous physical activity
cue in the environment (Aarts, Dijksterhuis, & (Luszczynska & Haynes, 2009; Prestwich et al.,
Midden, 1999) and developing a link in memory 2008; Prestwich et al., 2009; Stadler, Oettingen,
between the critical situation (Y) and the planned & Gollwitzer, 2009) and in different populations
action (Z) (Brandstätter, Lengfelder, & Gollwitzer, such as those with chronic diseases like obesity
2001). When intentions are furnished with imple- (De Vet et al., 2009) and cardiovascular disease
mentation intentions, behavioral initiation is there- (Luszczynska, 2006; Sniehotta, Scholz, Schwarzer
fore more efficient, guided by automatic processes, et al., 2005). A recent meta-analysis of interventions
and less vulnerable to lapses in memory or reliant and experimental trials adopting implementation
on conscious processing. intentions in the context of physical activity dem-
Augmenting intentions with implementation onstrated a small-to-medium effect size of imple-
intentions has shown to be effective in promoting mentation intentions on physical activity behavior
behavioral engagement in numerous health-related (Bélanger-Gravel, Godin, & Amireault, 2011).
contexts, including cancer screening (Orbell, Suffice to say that the trends in this research gener-
Hodgkins, & Sheeran, 1997; Prestwich et al., ally support the significant and positive effects for
2005; Sheeran & Orbell, 2000b), dietary behaviors implementation intention interventions on physi-
(Chapman, Armitage, & Norman, 2009; Prestwich, cal activity behavior found in studies adopting this
Ayres, & Lawton, 2008; Prestwich, Perugini, & intervention approach in other behavioral contexts.
Hurling, 2009; Scholz, Schuz, Ziegelmann, Lippke, A relatively recent advance in this field is the
& Schwarzer, 2008; van Osch et al., 2009; Verplan- adoption of hybrid intervention approaches that
ken & Faes, 1999), alcohol consumption (Murgraff, target both intention promotion using traditional
Abraham, & McDermott, 2007), and physical intervention approaches targeting the antecedents of
activity (Arbour & Martin Ginis, 2009; Chatzisa- intention from the theory of planned behavior and
rantis, Hagger, & Thøgersen-Ntoumani, 2008; De implementation using implementation intention
Vet, Oenema, Sheeran, & Brug, 2009; Luszczyn- strategies. This research has demonstrated that moti-
ska, 2006; Milne, Orbell, & Sheeran, 2002; Prest- vational interventions combined with implementa-
wich, Lawton, & Conner, 2003; Sniehotta, Scholz, tion intentions have a synergistic effect on physical
Schwarzer et al., 2005). A meta-analysis has also activity behavior (Milne et al., 2002; Prestwich et al.,
demonstrated that implementation exercises have a 2003). Such interventions have demonstrated con-
strong effect on behavioral enactment (Gollwitzer siderable promise and indicate the importance of
& Sheeran, 2006). In addition, investigations have both motivation and implementation when it comes
demonstrated that changes in behavior as a result to intervening to enhance physical activity behavior.
of forming implementation intentions are not due Hybrid interventions should therefore be advocated
to changes in intentions or other constructs from in the development of physical activity interventions
the theory of planned behavior (Orbell et al., 1997; based on motivational theories in the future.
Sheeran & Orbell, 1999b). Instead, there is evi-
dence that the effect of implementation intention Psychological Needs and Need Thwarting
manipulations is mediated by the extent to which Self-determination theory is a relatively unique
participants engage in the implementation intention approach in the melee of psychological theories
exercises and form plans to enact their intentions applied to physical activity because it is an organ-
(Scholz et al., 2008). Such mediators are impor- ismic approach that is based on three innate psy-
tant because they demonstrate the mechanisms for chological needs: autonomy, competence, and
the effects and also highlight the dependence of relatedness (Deci & Ryan, 2000). According to the
the effect on compliance with the implementation theory, it is the environmental support for these
intention manipulations (Michie, 2008). needs as well as the extent to which an individual
In the context of physical activity behavior, perceives these needs to be satisfied that gives rise
implementation intentions have been shown to be to autonomously motivated behavior. The latter
effective in producing increased physical activity “state” of motivation is clearly desirable for exercise
participation and, therefore, reducing the intention- psychologists, practitioners, and interventionists
behavior “gap.” The body of research adopting when it comes to behaviors like physical activity
these kinds of intervention is increasing has been because it means that individuals are more likely to
applied to numerous types of physical activity engage and persist with the behavior (i.e., be more
such as walking (Arbour & Martin Ginis, 2009) effective at self-regulating their physical activity) in
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plete model in which different regulatory styles of will be likely to find information that points to the
autonomous and controlled motivation from self- importance of activity and thus form a positive atti-
determination theory predict intentions via the tude toward future participation in that physical
mediation of attitudes and perceived behavioral activity. In contrast, people who report high levels
control. This motivational sequence has been sup- of controlled forms of motivation will tend to focus
ported in a number of studies (Chatzisarantis et al., on external contingencies of the future engagement
2002; Hagger et al., 2005; Hagger et al., 2002a; in physical activity, which are likely to have little
Hagger et al., 2003; Hagger et al., 2006). to do with the valued consequences of participating
The proposition that self-determination theory in physical activity. Individuals with high levels of
(Deci & Ryan, 1985b, 2000) can augment social autonomous motivation are likely to feel more con-
cognitive theories such as the theory of planned fident in reaching their goals and engaging in sub-
behavior has been suggested previously, but it has sequent behavior to satisfy these goals because they
only recently received empirical support. Numerous quench their need for competence. Links between
authors have proposed that motivational, organis- autonomous motivation and perceived competence
mic theories such as self-determination theory could have been found in previous research (e.g., Williams,
potentially offer explanations for the origins of con- Gagne, Ryan, & Deci, 2002; Williams, McGregor,
structs in social cognitive theories. As Andersen, Zeldman, & Freedman, 2004).
Chen, and Carter (2000) state, “most informa- The second premise relates to the relative degree
tion processing [social cognitive] models are silent of generality reflected by the constructs from the
on matters central to self-determination theory” two theories. The autonomous motives from self-
(p. 272). Deci and Ryan (1985b) have suggested determination theory reflect dispositional motiva-
that social cognitive theories identify the immedi- tional orientations in a particular context and are
ate antecedents of behavior but neglect the origins therefore expected to predict behavioral engage-
of the antecedents: “Cognitive theories begin their ment across a variety of behaviors in that context.
analysis with what Kagan (1972) called a motive, In the case of physical activity this can mean formal
which is a cognitive representation of some future kinds of exercise (e.g., going to the gym, participat-
desired state. What is missing, of course, is the con- ing in an aerobics class), sport (e.g., training for a
sideration of the conditions of the organism that particular sport and competition), and informal or
makes these future states desired” (p. 228). Con- incidental physical activity (e.g., walking to work,
structs such as attitudes, perceived behavioral con- using stairs instead of the elevator). Vallerand (2000)
trol, and intentions from social cognitive theories labels this form of motivation contextual-level moti-
like the theory of planned behavior are measured vation because it reflects motivational orientations
as explicitly stated expectancies regarding future that affect all forms of behavior in a given context.
behavioral engagement. Therefore, the integration However, the constructs from the theory of planned
of these theories may offer more information as to behavior are expectations for engaging in the behav-
the mechanisms that underlie intentional behavior ior in the future, and measures of these constructs
such as physical activity. therefore specify explicitly the behavior and time
The integration of the theory of planned behav- frame of that bout of behavior. Vallerand suggested
ior and self-determination theory is based on two that contextual-level motivation affects motiva-
key premises. The first premise is based on the tional orientations at the situational level in a top-
hypothesis that the relationship between autono- down fashion (see also Guay, Mageau, & Vallerand,
mous motives from self-determination theory and 2003). Intentions in the theory of planned behavior
the constructs from the theory of planned behavior are hypothesized to be located at this level because
is a formative one. People who have high levels of they reflect expectations for engaging in a specific
autonomous motivation in a given domain are likely target behavior at a specific future point in time.
to experience their behavior in that domain as per- They are therefore conceptualized as orientations to
sonally relevant and valued in that it is concordant engage in a behavior at the situational level. In addi-
with their psychological need for self-determination tion, Vallerand also hypothesized that contextual-
(Sheldon, 2002). As a consequence, autonomously level motivation would also influence cognitions
motivated people will have a greater tendency to at the situational level. It is therefore expected that
critically examine the importance and value of the motivation at the contextual level would influence
outcomes of engaging in any future target behavior. the beliefs that underlie engagement in specific
In the case of physical activity, autonomous people bouts of a behavior in the future, which, according
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2 x 2 achievement goal perspectives and domain has also supported these theoretical links,
self-determination theory and it seems a mastery motivational climate pro-
Achievement goal theory was developed by motes exercise adherence and is attributable to the
researchers interested in examining the effects of context enhancing intrinsic motivation and compe-
young people’s perceptions of success and failure tence (Cury et al., 1996; Cury, Da Fonséca, Rufo,
on motivation in education contexts (Ames, 1992; Peres, & Sarrazin, 2003; Cury, Elliot, Sarrazin, Da
Nicholls, 1989). An important tenet of the theory Fonseca, & Rufo, 2002; Escarti & Gutierrez, 2001;
is that cues from the social context, known as the Goudas & Biddle, 1994; Hein & Hagger, 2007;
motivational climate, have pervasive effects on moti- Kavussanu & Roberts, 1996; Papaioannou, 2004;
vation and behavior. Two dimensions have emerged Treasure & Roberts, 2001).
from research examining the effects of motivational Recent research has sought to examine the role
climate on motivation in educational settings: of motivational climate in physical activity contexts
a task or mastery-oriented climate and an ego- or in promoting or thwarting autonomous forms of
performance-oriented climate. A mastery-oriented motivation (Ntoumanis, 2001; Standage, Duda,
motivational climate tends to promote hard work, & Ntoumanis, 2003b). Such studies adopt a lon-
effort, cooperation, and personal development gitudinal approach, similar to those examining the
among individuals acting in that climate, whereas effect of perceived autonomy support on moti-
a performance-oriented climate tends to engen- vation and intention (Hagger & Chatzisarantis,
der comparisons with others, competition, success 2007b, 2007c), and there is considerable congru-
based on ability, and reward and punishment sched- ence in the motivational sequences put forward in
ules for success and failure. Research in education these models. However, these models have tended
has suggested that a mastery-oriented climate tends to focus on participation within physical educa-
to engender adaptive motivational patterns and is tion rather than physical activity outside of school.
linked to increased psychological well-being and Importantly, these authors make explicit the links
persistence in behavior (Ames, 1995; Ntoumanis & between a mastery-oriented motivational climate
Biddle, 1999). and contexts that support psychological needs and
The concepts of motivational climate and intrin- recognize the congruences between the features of
sic motivation from self-determination theory have the social context that support autonomous forms
been viewed as providing complementary expla- of motivation from both theoretical perspectives
nations of motivation. A mastery-oriented moti- (Ntoumanis, 2005; Standage et al., 2005; Standage
vational climate, in supporting effort, personal et al., 2007).
improvement, and self-references improvement is The achievement goal perspective has also
directly compatible with autonomous motivation been adopted alongside constructs from self-
because such contexts have been shown to enhance determination theory in terms of dispositional ori-
intrinsic motivation (Butler, 1987). In contrast, entations that reflect perceptions about success and
performance-oriented climates have not been asso- failure (Ntoumanis, 2005; Standage et al., 2003b).
ciated with autonomous forms of motivation, and Until recently, research in achievement goal perspec-
they may even undermine autonomous motivation tives had identified two pervading achievement goal
given its focus on external contingencies for success. orientations: task oriented and ego oriented. A task-
Recently, Deci and Ryan (2000) have explicitly oriented motivational orientation means an individ-
linked a mastery-oriented motivational climate with ual will tend to view success and failure in physical
the development of intrinsic motivation, stating activity contexts relative to personal improvement,
that “both [theories] suggest that the use of salient effort, self-referenced goals, learning, and improve-
performance-based rewards, social comparisons, ment. Analogously, ego-oriented persons will tend
and normatively based goal standards as motiva- to view their success and failure relative to their per-
tional strategies yield manifold hidden costs [and] formance compared to others, fulfilling normative
that environments that are less evaluative and more standards, other-referenced goals, and competition
supportive of the intrinsic desire to learn provide and normative comparison. Research in physi-
the basis for enhanced achievement and well-being” cal activity contexts has suggested that individuals
(p. 260). These theoretical links have been sup- who attach high value to task-oriented goals tend
ported empirically across many achievement-related to have more adaptive motivational patterns and,
behaviors (Rawsthorne & Elliot, 1999). A bur- in particular, report high levels of intrinsic moti-
geoning body of literature in the physical activity vation in tasks (Boyd, Weinmann, & Yin, 2002;
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transcend the deliberative route by which these psy- In our studies, we used the newly developed
chological constructs lead to behavior and suggests implicit measure of motivation to predict self-
that people’s global causality orientations may affect reported physical activity behavior alongside more
behavior directly, and the process is likely to be one explicit measures of motivational orientations
with which the person is unaware and therefore from the perceived locus of causality. Scores on
implicit in nature. the IAT were such that higher scores represented
Recent research has included implicit moti- a strong link between the positive attribute and
vational constructs in the prediction of behavior self-determined motivation. Although there were
adopting a self-determination theory approach. relations between the implicit and explicit mea-
Levesque and Pelletier (2003) adopted priming sures of motivation, there was no direct effect of
techniques used in previous studies examining the implicit motivational orientations on physi-
implicit processes to activate either autonomous cal activity behavior. Rather, the explicit measures
or nonautonomous (termed heteronomous) motiva- of autonomous and controlling motivation both
tional orientations. Using this method, they found significantly predicted physical activity intentions
that priming autonomous and heteronomous and behavior. In one sample, there was a mediated
motivation influenced participants’ perceptions of effect from the implicit motivational orientation to
intrinsic motivation, choice, and competence as intentions via the mediation of explicit controlling
well as persistence with subsequent problem-solving forms motivation. This preliminary evidence sug-
tasks consistent with explicit, consciously regulated gests that the implicit measure of self-determined
motivational orientations. Similarly, Burton, Lydon, motivation may have a role in influencing physical
D’Alessandro, and Koestner (2006) used a lexi- activity intentions, but the route is subsumed by
cal decision task to measure implicit autonomous explicit forms of motivation. Nevertheless, this is
motivation and found that this measure predicted an important finding because it suggests that physi-
psychological well-being and academic performance cal activity is largely an intentional behavior under
independent of explicit measures of autonomous the volitional control of the individual and requires
motivation. Together these studies suggest that the conscious and deliberative motivational factors to
motivational influences from self-determination be enacted. However, research using implicit mea-
theory can influence behavior and other outcomes sures is in its infancy and requires further validation
implicitly and these effects are independent of work and research examining the independent pre-
explicit motivational orientations. diction of implicit autonomous motives on motiva-
Recently we have conducted a series of studies tion and physical activity. Furthermore, the present
to extend this research to a physical activity context studies focused on self-reported physical activity
and adopt recently developed measures of implicit and, therefore, likely a more considered, intentional
motivational orientations from self-determination form. It may be that implicit motivational orien-
theory (Harris, 2008; Keatley, Clarke, & Hagger, tations are more important in predicting forms of
2011). The studies required the development of an activity which are less to do with explicit, deliberate
implicit measure of motivational orientations based motivational processes. This is clearly an important
on self-determination theory using the Implicit avenue for future research, and it will provide new
Association Test (IAT) and then evaluate the extent and important information on the relative contri-
to which the implicit motives tapped by the new bution of the implicit and explicit motivational sys-
measure predicted variance in physical activity tems on physical activity behavior.
behavior. The IAT is essentially a sorting task that
requires individuals to sort items from two pairs of Randomized Controlled Trials and
contrasted categories into logical sets and in doing Intervention Mapping
so measures the strength of association between The randomized controlled trial (RCT) has often
mental constructs that are bipolar in nature. The been cited as the gold standard for the evaluation of
IAT was developed with the distinction between clinical trials of any intervention, and a consider-
“intrinsic” and “extrinsic” as categories of motiva- able body of evidence has been recently established
tion and “pleasant” or “unpleasant” as the associated examining the efficacy of theory-based psycho-
attributes. The words that represented the category logical intervention on physical activity behavior
were derived from a pilot study in which partici- (Michie & Abraham, 2008). Indeed, meta-analyses
pants were required to write down words associated have extolled the effectiveness of RCT evaluations
with intrinsic and extrinsic categories. of theory-based interventions on physical activity
h ag g er
agent, an example of a fidelity check might include psychologists and those interested in promoting
some sort of observation of a subgroup of the agents physical activity behavior in a largely sedentary
delivering the intervention and coded independently population with important knowledge of the fac-
for the specific behaviors expected of those carrying tors that influence physical activity and the pro-
out the intervention. Of course, it is important that cesses by which these factors affect physical activity:
this is compared to similar observations for the social the theory of planned behavior, self-determination
agents executing the control condition components theory, and achievement goal theory. Although
of the intervention. This will ensure that the inter- these theories have had success in explaining vari-
vention is carried out precisely and effectively in the ance in physical activity behavior and serving as the
manner outlined in the protocol. basis for interventions to change physical activity,
Finally, I mentioned previously the importance there are limitations and shortcoming in the theo-
of including measures relating to the target theory- ries and in current knowledge of the application of
related variables that the intervention components these theories to physical activity. These limitations
are purported to target as a means to establish the include the link between intentions and behavior
effectiveness of the intervention (Hagger, 2010b; and the relations between constructs in the theories.
Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2009a). However, these I have therefore reviewed recent advances that have
components are also likely to be the salient media- aimed to address these limitations and gaps in the
tors of intervention components and will provide research such as the adoption of implementation
an important test of the mechanisms by which the intentions and theoretical integration. In addition,
intervention affects behavioral outcomes. As an I have also highlighted the importance of recent
illustration, two of our recent interventions adopt- methodological advances in implicit motivational
ing theory-based interventions have demonstrated research and the design of interventions in develop-
the importance of examining the psychological ing future research in physical activity behavior and
mediators of intervention components on behav- advancing knowledge and understanding of physi-
ior and motivational outcomes in physical activ- cal activity behavior. I think the overall message of
ity (Chatzisarantis & Hagger, 2005, 2009). For this chapter, distilling the research on motivation in
example, in a school-based intervention aimed at physical activity, is that there is some high-quality
increasing physical activity behavior among school and innovative research that is not only mov-
pupils, we trained teachers to present their lessons ing motivational theory forward but has genuine
in an autonomy-supportive manner versus an application and practical relevance to intervention-
information-only intervention (Chatzisarantis & ists and policy makers to adopt in order to pro-
Hagger, 2009). As predicted, physical activity mote physical activity in populations and produce
behavior increased among the children randomly healthier lifestyles.
allocated to the intervention group, but this was
mediated perceived autonomy support, which also Future Directions
served as the manipulation check, and autono-
mous motivation and behavioral intentions. (1) Can an intervention designed to increase
Similarly, we found that the effects of a school- motivational climate as outlined by achievement
based intervention adopting the theory of planned goal theory result in changes in self-determined
behavior on physical activity intentions was medi- motivation, achievement goal orientations, and
ated by attitudes and perceived behavioral control actual physical activity behavior?
(Chatzisarantis & Hagger, 2005). These data were (2) How do hybrid interventions that use
analyses using path analyses, and the mediation motivational and implemental intervention
analyses were conducted according to the crite- components to promote physical activity affect
ria proposed by Baron and Kenny (1986). These the behavior people who are resistant to change
analyses should be considered essential for the and have low motivation versus those with high
identification the process by which the interven- motivation?
tion exerts its effects on physical activity behavior (3) What are the differential effects of implicit
and is recommended practice. and explicit motivational constructs on different
types of physical activity such as formal exercise
Conclusion (e.g., going to the gym, attending an aerobics class)
In this chapter I have reviewed three important and more “habitual” forms of physical activity
motivational theories that have provided exercise (e.g., walking to work)?
h ag g er
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Abstract
This chapter provides an overview of contemporary research on work motivation. We start by
identifying the central premises, controversies, and unanswered questions related to five core theoretical
perspectives on work motivation: expectancy theory, equity theory, goal-setting theory, job design, and
self-determination theory. We then discuss four current topics and new directions: collective motivation
and organizing, temporal dynamics, creativity, and the effects of rewards.
Key Words: work motivation, expectancy theory, equity theory, goal setting, job design,
self-determination theory, organizing, creativity, rewards
theories: expectancy theory and equity theory. Next, ity of multiplicative measures. Moreover, the meta-
we cover two central exogenous cause theories: goal analysis provided little information about causality,
setting and job design. Finally, we examine self- as most studies have been correlational rather than
determination theory as a hybrid perspective that experimental. Nevertheless, the overall results sug-
places equivalent emphasis on endogenous processes gest that expectancy, instrumentality, and valence
and exogenous causes. beliefs do take a valuable step toward explaining
variance in work motivation.
Expectancy Theory Research on expectancy theory has generated
According to expectancy theory, employees several controversies and unanswered questions.
choose to invest effort in courses of action by weigh- In light of evidence that expectancy, instrumental-
ing their relative utilities—that is, their probabilities ity, and valence beliefs leave considerable variance
of achieving desired outcomes (Vroom, 1964). Effort in motivation unexplained (Van Eerde & Thierry,
is a function of three beliefs: expectancy (effort will 1996), it is critical to understand other forces that
lead to performance), instrumentality (performance influence motivation. The theory of planned behav-
will lead to outcomes), and valence (these outcomes ior (Ajzen, 1991) takes a productive step in this
are important or valued). These beliefs are thought direction. According to this theory, planned actions
to interactively influence effort, such that if any are directly caused by intentions as micromediators
one of the beliefs is missing, the course of action of the belief–behavior relationship. Intentions are in
will not be selected (Porter & Lawler, 1968). With- turn a function of perceived behavioral control over
out expectancy beliefs, employees feel that effort is the behavior, attitudes toward the behavior, and
futile; without instrumentality and valence beliefs, subjective norms about the behavior.1
employees question whether performance is worth Comparing the planned behavior and expec-
the effort. Critically, expectancy theory is designed tancy theories reveals both similarities and useful
to account for the within-person decisions that distinctions. Perceived behavioral control, which is
employees make about whether, where, and how to akin to self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977)2, corresponds
invest their time and energy, rather than for differ- to expectancy beliefs, as both describe employees’
ences in effort between employees. judgments about whether they are capable of per-
Expectancy theory has been tested in many stud- forming if they expend effort. Attitudes, which
ies, but it is more often used as an organizing frame- capture the extent to which an employee evaluates
work for generating and testing context-specific the behavior favorably, appear to overlap with both
hypotheses. For example, researchers have applied instrumentality and valence beliefs, which—in
expectancy theory to guide the development of tandem—connote that the behavior will lead to
models to explain variations in DUI arrests among favorable outcomes. Moving beyond expectancy
police officers (Mastrofski, Ritti, & Snipes, 1994), theory, the theory of planned behavior adds subjec-
efforts by middle managers to champion issues for tive norms, or social expectations and pressure to
senior executives to pursue (Ashford, Rothbard, engage in the behavior. The underlying premise is
Piderit, & Dutton, 1998), home runs hit by major that employees derive utility not only from personal
league baseball players (Harder, 1991), and strategic outcomes but also from social rewards that con-
decisions in competitive markets (Chen & Miller, vey approval, respect, and community and social
1994). In a meta-analysis of 77 studies, Van Eerde punishments that convey disapproval, disrespect,
and Thierry (1996) found that expectancy, instru- and alienation. In a meta-analysis of 185 studies,
mentality, and valence beliefs were better predictors Armitage and Conner (2001) found that perceived
of psychological indicators of motivation (inten- behavioral control, attitudes, subjective norms, and
tions and preferences) than of behavioral indicators intentions combined to explain 27% of the variance
(performance, effort, and choices), which may be an in behaviors (31% when self-reported and 21%
artifact of common method and source biases. Sup- when objectively measured or observer-rated) and
porting one fundamental tenet of the theory, they 39% of the variance in intentions. Both subjective
found that expectancy, instrumentality, and valence norms and intentions explained unique variance
beliefs were more accurate predictors of within- in behaviors after accounting for perceived behav-
person than between-person differences in criteria. ioral control and attitudes, which highlights the
However, they found that the multiplicative model potential value of including these two psychologi-
explained little variance over and above the additive cal constructs to expand the predictive validity of
model. This may be an artifact of the low reliabil- expectancy theory.
g r a n t, s h i n
and lowest-paid employees in an organization— visible, but under high instrumentality, individuals
predicts greater manager and employee turnover maintained their performance: “individuals faced
(Bloom & Michel, 2002), lower job satisfaction, with inequitable underreward will choose the avenue
productivity, and collaboration (Pfeffer & Langton, of decreased performance to the extent that it does
1993), and in major league baseball teams, fewer not affect future rewards. If decreasing performance
runs scored, more runs given up by pitchers, and will adversely affect future rewards, then alternative
more losses (Bloom, 1999). avenues for restoring equity will be undertaken”
Equity theory assumes that both underreward- (Harder, 1991, pp. 463–464).
ing employees and overrewarding employees can Another issue facing equity theory concerns how
be detrimental to motivation. Although research organizations and employees handle inconsistencies
has consistently shown negative motivational and in equity that emerge between different types of com-
behavioral effects of underreward inequity, evi- parisons. For example, when pay dispersion is high,
dence reveals mixed results about the consequences star performers making self-comparisons perceive
of overreward inequity: Some employees appear to high equity, but average and low performers making
decrease their motivation, others increase it, and social comparisons may perceive low equity. In gen-
still others show no significant changes (Ambrose eral, research suggests that in some circumstances, the
& Kulik, 1999). One approach to resolving these costs of perceived inequity among the latter group can
conflicting findings has involved understanding outweigh the benefits of perceived equity among the
individual differences in equity sensitivity. Huse- former group (Bloom, 1999; Messersmith, Guthrie,
man, Hatfield, and Miles (1987) proposed that Ji, & Lee, 2011; Siegel & Hambrick, 2005). How-
employees can be classified into one of three cat- ever, this research has yet to identify conditions under
egories of equity preferences: benevolent (preferring which organizations can create favorable perceptions
a lower outcome/input ratio than comparison oth- of equity for different groups of employees. One prac-
ers), equity sensitive (preferring an equal outcome/ tical solution, pay secrecy, appears to be a mixed bag,
input ratio to comparison others), and entitled as employees often view it as a signal of inequity and
(preferring a higher outcome/input ratio than com- resist by going out of their way to publicize their sala-
parison others). Accordingly, overreward inequity ries (Colella, Paetzold, Zardkoohi, & Wesson, 2007).
leads to higher motivation among benevolent and
equity-sensitive employees than entitled employees Goal-Setting Theory
(Miles, Hatfield, & Huseman, 1989). Benevolent One criticism of both expectancy and equity
and equity-sensitive employees are willing to work theories is that they focus primarily on psychologi-
to restore fairness, whereas entitled employees may cal processes involved in work motivation, provid-
be quite content with receiving more than they ing little explicit theory and guidance for explaining
contribute. the role of contextual forces (Katzell & Thompson,
A key controversy in work motivation research 1990). Goal-setting theory overcomes these limi-
concerns competing predictions between equity tations by focusing on the motivational effects of
and expectancy theories in situations character- goals, or targets for action. Extensive research has
ized by the combination of perceived underreward shown that difficult, specific goals motivate high
inequity and high instrumentality beliefs (Harder, performance by focusing attention, increasing effort
1991). According to equity theory, when instru- and persistence, and encouraging the development
mentality is high, employees who feel underre- of novel task strategies (Locke & Latham, 1990).
warded will be distressed by perceived inequity and For instance, classic studies showed that setting
may reduce their effort to create a more appropriate specific, difficult goals—relative to “do your best,”
balance between their inputs and outcomes. On the easy, or no goals—for 36 truck drivers transport-
other hand, expectancy theory predicts that when ing logs led them to increase from 60% to 90% of
instrumentality is high, employees who feel under- legal allowable weight, saving the company approxi-
rewarded will be motivated to achieve higher per- mately $250,000 in less than a year (for a review, see
formance, as they are confident that this will result Locke & Latham, 2002). In another study, Latham
in the rewards they feel they deserve. Harder (1991) and Saari (1982) gave 39 truck drivers the goal
provided a theoretical and empirical resolution of of enhancing the number of daily trips that they
this controversy in a study of major league baseball took to the mill, which yielded 15% average daily
free agents. He found that under low instrumen- increases in trips and saved the company approxi-
tality, negative performance effects of inequity were mately $2.7 million in less than 4 months.
g r a n t, s h i n
Job Design 1991) and workday schedules (Elsbach & Harga-
Goals are one important contextual influence on don, 2006), include knowledge and learning as
motivation, but how employees’ jobs are structured well as motivational mechanisms for explaining
also has a substantial impact on their motivation (for job design effects (Parker, Wall, & Jackson, 1997;
reviews, see Fried, Levi, & Laurence, 2008; Grant & Parker, Wall, & Cordery, 2001), and examine how
Parker, 2009; Morgeson & Humphrey, 2008; Old- motivational approaches to job design from orga-
ham & Hackman, 2010; Parker & Ohly, 2008). Clas- nizational psychology may involve tradeoffs with
sic research on job design focused on the principle of respect to mechanistic approaches from industrial
job enrichment, which refers to altering the structural engineering, perceptual-motor approaches from
characteristics of employees’ tasks to increase their human factors and cognitive psychology, and bio-
motivating potential (Herzberg, 1959). The domi- logical approaches from medicine (Campion &
nant approach to job enrichment is based on the Job McClelland, 1993; Morgeson & Campion, 2002).
Characteristics Model (Hackman & Oldham, 1976, From a motivational standpoint, one critique of
1980), which proposes that motivation, satisfaction, the Job Characteristics Model is that it focused on
performance quality, and withdrawal behaviors such the enrichment of assigned tasks, overlooking the
as absenteeism and turnover are a function of three important role that interpersonal relationships play
critical psychological states: experienced meaningful- in motivation (for a review, see Grant & Parker,
ness, responsibility for outcomes, and knowledge of 2009). Although early research included relational
results. Experienced meaningfulness is thought to be characteristics of jobs such as interactions with others
determined by three core job characteristics: skill vari- and friendship opportunities (Hackman & Lawler,
ety (being challenged to use a variety of one’s capabil- 1971; Trist & Bamforth, 1951; Turner & Lawrence,
ities), task identity (completing a whole, identifiable 1965), they fell out of favor as Hackman and Old-
piece of work from start to finish), and task signifi- ham (1976) sought to focus squarely on the task
cance (having an impact on other people inside or characteristics that composed jobs. Recent research
outside the organization). Experienced responsibility has examined the motivational effects of redesigning
is thought to be shaped by the job characteristic of jobs to connect employees to their impact on the
autonomy (freedom and discretion about when and beneficiaries of their work—the clients, customers,
how to complete the work) and experienced knowl- patients, and other who are affected by their efforts
edge of results by the job characteristic of feedback (Grant, 2007). Studies have shown, for example,
(information from completing the work itself about that when employees even have a short interaction
one’s progress and effectiveness). Thus, from a moti- with an end user of their work, they come to per-
vational standpoint, well-designed jobs are high in ceive their actions as having a greater impact and as
at least one of the dimensions of skill variety, task more socially valued, and feel more committed to
identity, and task significance, as well as in auton- their end users in general, which motivates them to
omy and feedback. These effects are moderated by work harder and achieve higher performance and
individual differences in growth need strength, such productivity (Grant, 2008b; Grant et al., 2007).
that employees who value learning and development As will be discussed in more detail later, this opens
should be more responsive to both the enriched job up the opportunity to understand how jobs can be
characteristics and the critical psychological states, as designed not only to enhance intrinsic motivation
well as by knowledge, skill, and satisfaction with the but also to foster prosocial motivation—the desire
work context. to protect and promote the well-being of others
Field experiments and meta-analytic reviews (Grant, 2007).
have shown that as a whole, these job characteristics Similar to the growing attention to self-set as
have good explanatory power for work motivation opposed to manager-set goals, scholars have observed
(Fried & Ferris, 1987; Griffin, 1983). At the same that managers are not the only architects of jobs;
time, the model has been critiqued and expanded employees also take initiative to proactively alter
on a number of grounds to include curvilinear the characteristics of their own jobs (for a review,
effects of jobs that are “too” enriched (Xie & Johns, see Grant & Parker, 2009). Scholars have developed
1995), consider how job perceptions are shaped by conceptual frameworks to explain the factors that
social information as well as objective task struc- motivate employees to adjust their roles (Nicholson,
tures (Salancik & Pfeffer, 1978; Zalesny & Ford, 1984) and craft or modify their jobs (Wrzesniewski
1990), account for variations between the different & Dutton, 2001). Recent research has revealed how
tasks that employees perform (Wong & Campion, employees take initiative to craft their jobs in pursuit
g r a n t, s h i n
that transformational leaders encouraged employ- is conducive to effective task performance and
ees to set autonomous rather than controlled goals, organizational citizenship behaviors (Gagné &
resulting in more positive attitudes and higher per- Deci, 2005).
formance. Interestingly, their field study suggested
that transformational leadership was associated Motivating New Directions
positively with autonomous motivation but had no Beyond these core theoretical perspectives, we
relationship with controlled motivation, while their see a range of contemporary issues and unanswered
lab experiment indicated that transformational lead- questions for work motivation research to address.
ership reduced controlled motivation more strongly In the following sections, we discuss four key cur-
than it increased autonomous motivation. Further rent and new directions for motivation research:
research is still needed to explain this discrepancy, group motivation and organizing, motivation over
but the difference in the strength and content of time, motivation and creativity, and the effects
rewards and incentives between the field and lab of rewards.
may be one key factor (Bono & Judge, 2003).
Integrating job design and self-determination Group Motivation and Organizing
theories, we know much more about how intrin- Moving beyond the dominant emphasis on
sic motivation is influenced by the structure than individual-level motivation, scholars have paid
the content of employees’ tasks. According to self- increasing attention to the role of motivation in
determination theory, feelings of autonomy, com- work groups and teams. The most comprehensive
petence, and relatedness are important for intrinsic perspective on this phenomenon is Chen and Kan-
motivation. However, intrinsic motivation depends fer’s (2006) theoretical model integrating individual-
on enjoying the work itself, and some tasks are level, group-level, and cross-level processes. They
experienced by employees as “not in themselves adopt a systems perspective to explain how, at both
interesting” (Gagné & Deci, 2005, p. 347). Thus, individual and team levels, motivational states affect
even when employees feel autonomous, compe- goal generation and goal striving, and thus influence
tent, and connected to others, they may not experi- performance. They propose that individual motiva-
ence intrinsic motivation in tasks that they do not tional states are a function of employees’ traits, work
find interesting or enjoyable. Currently, we lack experience, the quality of relationships with their
a theoretical framework for specifying how particular leaders, and individual feedback, while team moti-
task contents are more intrinsically interesting than vational states are a function of leadership climate,
others, and how different employees find different group norms, work design, and team feedback.
types of tasks interesting. It may be the case that one They further discuss how team and individual moti-
of the benefits of providing employees with auton- vational processes reciprocally influence each other,
omy is that it gives them the freedom and discretion as do individual and team performance. Recent
to craft their jobs in ways that they find intrinsically research provides support for the general premises
motivating, but this has yet to be studied. of the model. For example, Chen, Kanfer, DeShon,
Finally, little research has explored the costs Mathieu, and Kozlowski (2009) demonstrated the
of intrinsic motivation in organizational settings. cross-level influence of prior team performance on
Research suggests that intrinsic motivation is less subsequent individual performance in two samples.
effective for performance in tasks that are simple They found that prior team performance influences
or require considerable self-control and discipline self-efficacy by shaping prior individual perfor-
(Gagné & Deci, 2005; Koestner & Losier, 2002). mance and team efficacy, that team efficacy affects
Scholars have begun to speculate that intrinsic goal striving through self-efficacy and team action
motivation can distract attention away from orga- processes (e.g., helping and cooperation), and that
nizational goals, or at the very least, is not neces- these team action processes influence individual
sarily aligned with them (Grant & Berry, 2011; performance by shaping individual goal striving.
Osterloh & Frey, 2000). In addition, scholars have One exciting pathway for extending the Chen
raised concerns that employees can be intrinsi- and Kanfer model involves examining the influence
cally motivated toward activities that are directly of motivation on organizing. Organizing refers to
destructive or harmful, such as theft and sabotage the processes through which individual members
(Osterloh & Frey, 2000). As we noted for goal set- coordinate their actions to achieve collective goals
ting, more research is needed on the contingencies (Weick, 1979), and it is among the most important
that affect whether and when intrinsic motivation yet neglected topics in all of organizational research
g r a n t, s h i n
behaviors from work, such as absenteeism, tardi- These perspectives on life-span development and
ness, and turnover, except when work serves as generational differences emphasize relatively macro-
an escape from mortality cues. They argued that scopic changes in motivation, but it is also impor-
in contrast, death reflection has the potential to tant to understand more microscopic changes in
motivate generative work behaviors, such as help- motivation. Compared to research on the direction
ing, mentoring, and transitions to more prosocially and intensity of effort, few theoretical models and
focused or service-oriented occupations, especially empirical studies have focused on the maintenance
for employees who view work as a calling. However, or persistence of effort (e.g., Grant et al., 2007;
since empirical research has yet to test, challenge, Penner, Dovidio, Piliavin, & Schroeder, 2005). Are
complicate, and expand the propositions developed the factors that sustain motivation different from
by Kanfer and Ackerman (2004) and Grant and those that initiate it—and if so, how, why, and
Wade-Benzoni (2009), we encourage future stud- when? Furthermore, little research has examined
ies on the impact of aging and death awareness on the factors that influence changes in the valence that
work motivation. employees place on different outcomes over time.
A different perspective on temporal changes For example, outside of changes in job designs and
in motivation appears in research on generational incentives, what leads employees to develop more
differences in work values. Twenge, Campbell, intrinsic motivation toward a specific occupation,
Hoffman, and Lance (2010) used a nationally job, project, or task? As another example, research-
representative sample of U.S. high school seniors ers have established that employees vary in their
in 1976, 1991, and 2006 to compare mean work orientations toward work as a job, a career, or a call-
values between the Baby Boomer, Generation X, ing (Wrzesniewski, McCauley, Rozin, & Schwartz,
and Millennial generations. A key feature of their 1997; see also Bunderson & Thompson, 2009).
analytic approach is that while cross-sectional stud- However, we know little about what leads employ-
ies confound generational cohorts with age and life ees to shift from viewing work as a job to a career or
experience, longitudinal studies comparing par- a career to a calling. We need a deeper understand-
ticipants at the same ages can isolate these factors. ing of the factors that shift employees’ motivational
They discovered that on average, leisure values have orientations toward work over time.
increased with each new generation, correspond-
ing with declines in work centrality. Extrinsic val- Motivation and Creativity
ues, although highest among Generation X, remain Motivation is known to play a central role in
higher among Millennials than Baby Boomers. Mil- creativity, or the production of novel and useful
lennials appear to place less importance on social ideas, which is a topic of increasing interest and
and intrinsic work values than Baby Boomers, and importance to organizations as the pace and uncer-
there were no significant differences in emphasis tainty of work continue to accelerate. Amabile and
placed on altruistic work values. colleagues have developed a componential theory
There is a heavy debate about the practical signif- of creativity that features intrinsic motivation
icance of the effect sizes in this program of research prominently as an important influence on the cre-
(e.g., Trzesniewski & Donnellan, 2010), and how ative process (Amabile, 1996; Amabile & Mueller,
they may be small in comparison to those of devel- 2007). Intrinsic motivation is thought to enhance
opmental and age effects (e.g., Roberts, Edmonds, creativity by encouraging exploration and risk tak-
& Grijalva, 2010). However, because of its ability to ing (Amabile, Hennessey, & Grossman, 1986; Hen-
isolate generational differences from age differences, nessey, Amabile, & Martinage, 1989), psychological
this is the most rigorous study to date of genera- engagement in work and in learning (Amabile, Hill,
tional differences in work values. The Twenge et al. Hennessey, & Tighe, 1994), and active processing
(2010) findings raise interesting questions about of information and selection of novel, challenging
whether, on average, employees from the Millennial tasks (Conti, Amabile, & Pollack, 1995), as well
generation will display stronger responses to moti- as persistence (Shalley, Zhou, & Oldham, 2004).
vational interventions focusing on leisure rewards Interestingly, research has shown mixed effects of
(e.g., time off, paid vacations) and weaker responses intrinsic motivation on creativity, with some labora-
to social rewards (e.g., making contacts and friend- tory and field studies indicating a positive relation-
ship opportunities) and intrinsic rewards (e.g., ship, and others suggesting a null relationship (e.g.,
learning, interesting work, creative challenges). George, 2007; Shalley et al., 2004).
g r a n t, s h i n
self-efficacy describes judgments of one’s internal capability to Berg, J. M., Grant, A. M., & Johnson, V. (2010). When call-
perform a behavior, whereas perceived behavioral control also ings are calling: Crafting work and leisure in pursuit of
incorporates judgments of whether external forces may limit the unanswered occupational callings. Organization Science, 21,
controllability of the behavior (see Armitage & Conner, 2001, 973–994.
p. 476), which suggests that perceived behavioral control and Berg, J. M., Wrzesniewski, A., & Dutton, J. E. (2010). Perceiv-
expectancy beliefs share greater similarity with each other than ing and responding to challenges in job crafting at different
they do with self-efficacy. ranks: When proactivity requires adaptivity. Journal of Orga-
nizational Behavior, 31, 158–186.
Bierly, P. E., & Spender, J-C. (1995). Culture and high reli-
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g r a n t, s h i n
CHAPTER
Abstract
Sports and physical activities are ubiquitous achievement contexts for children and adolescents
worldwide. Motivation to initiate, continue, and sustain physical activity involvement is important for
ensuring positive developmental and healthy outcomes. In this chapter we synthesize and consolidate
theory-driven knowledge about determinants and outcomes of youth motivation and participation in
sport and physical activity. First, we discuss relevant theoretical frameworks for understanding youth
motivation in the physical activity domain. Second, we review empirical research on social-contextual
factors and individual differences related to youths’ desire to continue physical activity and opportunities
for accruing the many benefits from such participation. Finally, based on our review of literature, we
offer several avenues for future research that address gaps in the knowledge base about mechanisms of
influence on youths’ motivation and participation in physical activity.
Key Words: parental influence, coaching behaviors, teacher influence, peer acceptance, friendship,
self-esteem, perceived competence, enjoyment, anxiety, physical activity interventions
“Get up and play an hour a day!” The television sufficient physical activity to attain positive devel-
ad featuring LPGA (Ladies Professional Golf Asso- opmental outcomes.
ciation) players made it clear that children and ado- We define motivation in terms of because
lescents can glean physical, social, and psychological answers to why questions (Weiss & Amorose, 2008;
benefits from engaging in at least 1 hour of physical Weiss & Williams, 2004). In physical activity, such
activity per day (U.S. Department of Health and why questions include the following: (a) Why do
Human Services [USDHHS], 2008). Other sport some individuals regularly play sports or engage in
organizations have followed suit with catchy phrases physical activity, whereas others are not sufficiently
delivered by sport role models. The onslaught of active? (b) Why do some individuals participate
media attention has been fueled by efforts to stem for the inherent pleasure they get out of activ-
the obesity epidemic among youth, with a focus on ity, whereas others participate primarily to obtain
sufficient types and levels of physical activity cou- some external goal? (c) Why do some youth exert
pled with healthy eating patterns. Because of the maximal effort and persevere in physical activities,
frequent news reports, doesn’t everyone know youth whereas others give up easily or even discontinue
should be physically active to accrue health benefits? altogether? Answers to these questions begin with
But if everybody knows that regular physical activity the word because and depend, in part, on the theo-
is important, why isn’t this knowledge translated to retical framework adopted for understanding youth
actual behavior? One reason is that youth vary in physical activity motivation and participation. In
their motivation to initiate, continue, and sustain this chapter we review several theories and empirical
studies that sharpen our lens for answering these social acceptance or approval, and (c) to experience
why questions. But first we define the scope of our fun and enjoyment (Reeve & Weiss, 2006; Weiss
chapter in terms of physical activity contexts and & Williams, 2004). Second, empirical research
populations of interest. provides strong evidence that these theories, which
The term physical activity applies to a range of were originally developed for the academic domain,
structured and unstructured contexts (Weiss & are applicable to youth motivation and participa-
Wiese-Bjornstal, 2009). Structured activities include tion in physical activity. Finally, they are deemed
school and community sport programs, school “practical theories” of motivation (Gill & Williams,
physical education, after-school youth programs, 2008); that is, theoretical constructs and their rela-
and community classes (e.g., dance, martial arts). tionships are easily translated to behavioral interven-
Unstructured activities include recess, free play, rec- tions, which is essential for considering links among
reational activities, and active transport (e.g., riding physical activity motivation, participation behavior,
a bike to school). We focus our review on struc- and health-related outcomes (Reeve & Weiss, 2006;
tured activities for youth, namely organized sport Stuntz & Weiss, 2010).
and physical education, but we also consider cor-
relates of physical activity behavior in general. Sport Competence Motivation Theory
is a ubiquitous phenomenon among children and Susan Harter’s (1978) classic paper revitalized
youth worldwide (De Knop, Engstrom, Skirstad, Robert White’s (1959) concept of effectance moti-
& Weiss, 1996), and physical education is inclusive vation and set in motion her line of research that
of all children, regardless of skill level or external expanded and operationally defined theoretical con-
resources (Payne & Morrow, 2009). These settings structs. White argued that individuals are motivated
consist of social and contextual factors (e.g., adults to have an effect on their environment, and they
and peers, psychological climate) that are conducive subsequently engage in mastery attempts to develop
to modifying motivation and participation behav- or demonstrate competence. Such mastery attempts
ior. We review research on elementary-age children are influenced by the desire for challenge, curiosity,
through emerging adults (i.e., college students) and independence. If challenge-seeking behavior
because most studies in structured contexts have is successful, then feelings of efficacy and inherent
been conducted with these age groups. pleasure are experienced that serve to maintain or
We begin the chapter with an overview of theo- enhance effectance or competence motivation.
retical frameworks that are applicable to understand- Harter (1978, 1981a) revised White’s (1959)
ing youth motivation in physical activity. Next we original model in several ways (see Fig. 29.1). First,
discuss research on determinants and consequences she specified that competence motivation is domain
of physical activity motivation, with an eye toward specific. Children will differ in desire, curiosity, and
robust findings on social-environmental (parent, interest to demonstrate competence depending on
coach, peer influence) and individual difference fac- academic, physical, or social skills. In fact, Harter
tors (self-perceptions, emotions). We conclude with (1981b) explicitly identified sports and physical
suggesting several research directions based on our activities as a salient achievement domain. Second,
extensive review. In sum, physical activity is a very Harter contended that competence or success at
important context for understanding youth motiva- optimal challenges—difficult but realistic skills—is
tion in our efforts to maximize participation levels most likely to contribute to positive emotions and
and achieve positive benefits of an active lifestyle. intrinsic motivation. Third, Harter highlighted
significant adults and peers as central to developing
Theoretical Frameworks for Understanding children’s mastery motivation. She clarified that
Physical Activity Motivation1 socializers, especially parents, must reinforce inde-
We purposefully selected competence motiva- pendent mastery attempts and not just praise suc-
tion (Harter, 1978), self-determination (Deci & cessful outcomes. Fourth, Harter added perceptions
Ryan, 1985), achievement goal (Nicholls, 1989), of competence and control as individual factors that
and expectancy-value (Eccles et al., 1983) theories influence affective responses and competence moti-
for our comprehensive review. First, each theory vation. Fifth, Harter situated intrinsic pleasure or
highlights major reasons why youth are motivated positive affect in response to successful task mastery
to engage in physical activity: (a) to develop or in the center of her model. Harter’s call to “restore
demonstrate physical competence, (b) to attain affect and emotion to its rightful place, as central to
Perceptions of
Competence and
Control
Mastery
Positive Affect Attempts
Success at
Optimal Challenges
Socializers’
Approval, Modeling,
Reinforcement
Fig. 29.1. Model of competence motivation theory. Reprinted, with permission, from Weiss, M. R., & Amorose, A. J. (2008). Motivational
orientation and sport behavior. In T. S. Horn (Ed.), Advances in sport psychology (3rd ed., p. 119). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.
Example Motive “I have nothing “because “I don’t “it will “it helps “I love the rush I feel
“I participate in sport better to do my par- want to help open to confirm when running down
because…” with myself.” ents are let others doors for my iden- the field.”
making down by my future tity as an
me.” quitting.” career as athlete”
a coach.”
Fig. 29.2. Continuum of motivation according to self-determination theory. Reprinted, with permission, from Weiss, M. R., & Amorose,
A. J. (2008). Motivational orientation and sport behavior. In T. S. Horn (Ed.), Advances in sport psychology (3rd ed., p. 133). Champaign, IL:
Human Kinetics.
COMPETENCE
MOTIVATIONAL
ORIENTATION
INTRAPERSONAL
MOTIVATED
AUTONOMY BEHAVIOR
SOCIAL-
CONTEXTUAL
PSYCHOLOGICAL
FUNCTIONING AND
RELATEDNESS WELL-BEING
Fig. 29.3. Summary model of key relationships in self-determination theory. Reprinted, with permission, from Weiss, M. R., & Amorose,
A. J. (2008). Motivational orientation and sport behavior. In T. S. Horn (Ed.), Advances in sport psychology (3rd ed., p. 137). Champaign,
IL: Human Kinetics.
competence-related beliefs. That is, understanding 2003, 2009). Nevertheless, the majority of scholarship
motivational orientations and behaviors requires in physical activity from an achievement goal perspec-
knowledge of the criteria used to judge whether tive has focused exclusively on task and ego goals.
performance attempts are successful or unsuccess- These subjective definitions of success and failure
ful—otherwise known as achievement goals. govern achievement-related beliefs and are the central
The labels used to distinguish between different influence guiding motivational processes in achieve-
subjective definitions of success and failure varies ment settings (Roberts et al., 2007). For instance,
across the specific theories; however, task and ego achievement goals combined with perceived compe-
goals are predominantly adopted in physical activity tence are predicted to influence motivated behavior
settings (Nicholls, 1989). People who adopt task- (Dweck, 1999; Nicholls, 1989). Specifically, youth
oriented goals—also referred to as mastery or learn- seek optimal challenges, exert high levels of effort,
ing goals—construe competence in self-referenced and persist even in the face of difficulty when their
terms. Experiencing success is rooted in exerting high achievement goal is task oriented regardless of their
levels of effort and learning and improving skills. perceived competence at the activity. This same
Ego-oriented goals—also referred to as performance adaptive motivational pattern would be expected
or outcome goals—are based in social comparison. for those who adopt an ego-oriented goal as long
Successful demonstration of competence is derived as they possess high expectations of success. Highly
from outperforming others at a task, especially if ego-oriented individuals who doubt their ability,
accomplished with relatively less effort. Achievement however, are expected to demonstrate a helpless
goals are presumed to function at both a dispositional motivational pattern such as avoiding challenge and
and state level. We can distinguish achievement goal demonstrating low effort and persistence. A num-
orientations, which reflect people’s dispositional ber of studies conducted in physical activity settings
proneness to define success and failure in specific provide support for these predictions (e.g., Cury,
ways, from people’s goal involvement, which reflect Biddle, Sarrazin, & Famose, 1997; Sarrazin, Rob-
the achievement goal adopted in a particular situa- erts, Cury, Biddle, & Famose, 2002).
tion (Harwood et al., 2008; Roberts et al., 2007). Achievement goal orientations have been linked to
In early writings, social goals were also considered as a a variety of motivational outcomes among youth (e.g.,
means of defining success, such as attaining acceptance level of perceived competence, motivational orienta-
and approval from significant adults or peers (Maehr & tion, enjoyment and interest, burnout, effort, and per-
Nicholls, 1980). This goal faded away in the literature formance) (see Harwood et al., 2008; Roberts et al.,
for awhile, but heeding the call of Urdan and Maehr 2007; Weiss & Ferrer Caja, 2002). Positive outcomes
(1995) to revive social goals, researchers have included are associated with adopting higher task-oriented
social along with task and ego goals in studies of youth goals, either alone or in combination with a higher
participants’ psychosocial and behavioral outcomes in ego orientation. Conversely, negative motivational
physical activity (e.g., Allen, 2003; Stuntz & Weiss, outcomes are associated with a higher ego orientation,
wei s s , a moros e, ki p p
especially when paired with a lower task orientation. distinguishing mastery and performance climates
Recent work also shows that positive motivational include the following: (a) the nature and design of
outcomes are associated with the adoption of social tasks, (b) who is given authority for making deci-
goals (e.g., Stuntz & Weiss, 2009). sions, (c) how participants are evaluated and recog-
Given the critical motivational implications of nized, (d) how much time is allotted for learning
achievement goals, a host of intrapersonal and social- skills, and (e) how people are grouped (see Ames,
contextual factors impact adoption of achievement 1992; Duda & Balaguer, 2007; Harwood et al.,
goals, such as cognitive development, implicit theo- 2008; Ntoumanis & Biddle, 1999). Ames asserts
ries of ability, and motivational climate (see Elliot, that individuals’ perceptions of the motivational cli-
1999; Roberts et al., 2007). Because motivational mate is the key factor driving motivation; that is, the
climate is especially relevant for the physical activity subjective meaning attached to significant others’
context, we focus our remaining discussion on this behaviors within the environment will ultimately
construct. According to Ames (1992), motivational affect achievement goals and patterns of motivated
climate refers to how success is defined in a social behavior.
environment such as a physical education class or In summary, situational (e.g., motivational cli-
athletic team. Two primary climates, which paral- mate) and intrapersonal variations (e.g., goal ori-
lel the two main achievement goals, are presumed entation, perceived competence) in how success
to function in achievement settings. A mastery (also and failure are defined are central to understanding
called task-involving) motivational climate describes motivational processes and outcomes according to
an environment that defines success in terms of achievement goal theory. A summary model identi-
learning, improvement, and effort. In contrast, fying some of the key motivational constructs and
a performance (also called ego-involving) motivational their relationships is presented in Figure 29.4.
climate emphasizes competition, winning, and out-
performing others as the basis for defining success Expectancy-Value Theory
(see Duda & Balaguer, 2007; Harwood et al., 2008; Eccles et al.’s (1983) expectancy-value theory
Roberts et al., 2007). describes and explains variations in achievement choices
The prevailing motivational climate will be a and behaviors across multiple domains. Achievement
function of various factors. For instance, dimensions motivation is predicted directly by an individual’s
ACHIEVEMENT ACHEIVEMENT-RELATED
ANTECEDENTS GOALS OUTCOMES
SOCIAL-
CONTEXTUAL
socialization processes
motivational climate BEHAVIORS
choice, effort, persistence
learning and performance
MASTERY (TASK)-
INVOLVED
Child’s Perceptions
& Interpretations
of Experiences
Achievement
Socializers’ Beliefs Behaviors
and Behaviors
Child’s
Self-Schema
and Goals
Subjective Task
Past Achievement Value
Experiences
Across Time
Fig. 29.5. Relationships in expectancy-value theory. Reprinted, with permission, from Weiss, M. R., & Amorose, A. J. (2008). Motivational
orientation and sport behavior. In T. S. Horn (Ed.), Advances in sport psychology (3rd ed., p. 139). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. [Previ-
ously adapted, with permission of Taylor & Francis, Inc., from Eccles, J. S., & Harold, R.D. (1991). Gender differences in sport involvement:
Applying Eccles’ expectancy-value model, Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 32, 7–35.]
Figure 29.6. Model of parental influence (Eccles et al., 1998). Reprinted, with permission, from Weiss, M. R., & Amorose, A. J.
2008. Motivational orientation and sport behavior. In T. S. Horn (Ed.), Advances in sport psychology (3rd ed., p. 144). Champaign, IL:
Human Kinetics. [Previously adapted, with permission of John Wiley & Sons, from Eccles, J. S., Wigfield, A., & Schiefele, U. (1998).
Motivation to succeed. In W. Damon (Series Ed.) & N. Eisenberg (Vol. Ed.), Handbook of child psychology. Vol. 3: Social, emotional, and
personality development (5th ed., pp. 1017–1095).]
Abstract
In this final chapter we examine future directions in motivation research by looking through the
individual lenses of our volume authors. We review each chapter for viewpoints on new directions for
research. Each chapter offers some unique ideas relevant to the particular area of inquiry, but there
is also overlapping emphasis on several issues facing the field as a whole. The most widely cited future
direction was for more research into dual-process models of motivation. There were also frequent calls
for more intervention research, especially interventions in which process variables and active ingredients
can be carefully assessed. A desire for more developmental and neuropsychological studies of motivation
was also common among this selected group. The centrality of motivation for human adaptation and
wellness makes the pursuit of these topics a central task for psychology.
Key Words: human motivation, dual processes, interventions, development, well-being
The centrality of motivation in human function- human motivation involves the fluid interplay of
ing and wellness is clear, and it supplies the rationale biological, psychological and sociocultural determi-
for this volume. As the papers included here high- nants of what moves us to action.
light, motivation plays an essential role in adaptation Given the importance and the level of complexity
and in both individual and collective well-being. In inherent in the study of human motivation, there is
addition, many of the common assumptions about clearly only going to be increasing research activity
human motivation are wrong or overly simplistic, on this topic in the years ahead. Where is the field
and contemporary research is yielding new insights headed? What gaps do motivation studies need to
into what moves us into action, for better or for address? What are the proximal and distal problems
worse. in line for exploration and discovery?
Collectively these papers also underscore another Each Oxford volume in this series finishes with a
fact: The factors that both underlie and influence “future directions” chapter, typically expressing the
motivation are complex and multilayered. In this views of the editor(s). Although we could finish this
volume, motivation is variously described as being volume with a chapter centering on our own views
molded through evolution; engendered by culture; on the future of motivation research, our sensibilities
facilitated or undermined by parents; impacted by suggest that we provide readers with a more demo-
social contexts such as work, school, and leisure cratic offering. So in this chapter, rather than let-
settings; and dependent upon underlying neuro- ting the editor’s singular (and rather myopic) views
logical mechanisms. In other words, the science of predominate, we will look through the multiple and
independent lenses of our chapter authors to provide a Future Directions in Motivation:
“compound eye” view of the field’s future directions. Assembling a Compound View
To really see the benefits of presenting a “com- Each of the authors of this volume highlights
pound eye” view on future directions in motivation, important new directions for the study of motiva-
it is important to understand a bit more about this tion as he or she sees it. We present these in the
system. A compound eye has some advantages, espe- order they appear in the volume. Some of these rec-
cially when looking ahead. For example, flies see ommendations for future research are specific to the
through such a system, equipped with a convex sur- theoretical framework reviewed in the chapter, but
face carpeted by multiple “eyes” called ommatidia. just as often authors also pointed to common gaps
Each ommatidium has its own lens, and it is pointed in motivation research that currently leave impor-
in a slightly different direction, much like the cur- tant questions less than fully answered.
rent perspectives represented in these handbook
chapters. Yet in the fly, what each of the separate General Theories of Human Motivation
“eyes” senses significantly overlaps with those next social cognitive theory
to it (see, e.g., Riley, Harmann, Barrett, & Wright, and motivation
2008). These sensory inputs come together so that Dale H. Schunk and Ellen L. Usher
the fly perceives one image. Such a complex system
• Schunk and Usher raised questions about
of vision has both scope and redundancy built into
the applicability of social cognitive theory
it, contributing to the fly’s highly skilled capacity to
across all age groups. Because some learning and
navigate and “find the sugar.”
experiences of self-efficacy may often require
Within the present volume are 29 chapters from
complex cognitive capacities, the authors believe
articulate leaders in the field of motivation, each peer-
that understanding developmental constraints
ing into the future of our field. They are pursuing
on these motivational processes represents an
separate but interrelated theoretical questions, and in
important area of further research. Longitudinal
doing so harnessing and refining the scientific tools
methods may help elucidate these questions
available. Each takes a unique perspective, but there
about developmental changes in self-efficacy and
is also overlap in visions of where the field should go.
learning.
Why not let each of these ommatidum contribute its
• Moreover, because most social cognitive
own uniquely weighted input to our perception? No
research in motivation has been conducted in
doubt each will be distinct, but they may also over-
Western societies, Shunck and Usher called for a
lap and offer redundancies that highlight the most
broader examination of the cross-cultural relevancy
pressing issues for future work in human motivation
of the theory.
research. What compound vision might result?
• Specific to social cognitive theory, Schunk
Accordingly, in what follows we have reviewed
and Usher believe that future research should
each of the chapters in this volume to distill some of
focus on how modeled observations can combine
the salient directions for future research in the field
with learner practice to “optimize motivational
of human motivation the chapter authors believe
effects.” They pointed to the importance of
should be pursued. It is important to recognize that
technology in carrying out this objective. Making
the authors, when invited to write for this volume,
modeling more accessible to learners through
were not specifically asked to reflect on future direc-
computers and hand-held devices could make
tions in their chapters. Though some said little in
new and diverse modeling opportunities possible.
this regard, many devoted significant attention to
Moreover, having learners watch their own
raising issues that they believe merit future pur-
performance on video could improve their ability
suit. Some explicitly commented on the important
to self-model.
questions needing to be further explored in their
specific areas of research, and many reflected on the
methodological and substantive directions the field
cybernetic control and
of human motivation more generally ought to fol-
self-regulation of behavior
Charles S. Carver and Michael F. Scheier
low. Once presenting these “nutshell” summaries of
the authors’ reflections on future directions, we will • In their discussion of the self-regulation
see whether we can benefit from their compound of behavior and emotion, Carver and Scheier
vision. reexamined some previous assumptions about
565
individuals and, 77 for children, in SDT, 340 controllability of traits in, 308
anxiety-buffer hypothesis, 47 controlling climates for, 94–95 egocentrism and, 309–310
PTSD and, 51 ego depletion and, 121 focalism and, 310
anxiety disorders, in prevention-focused intrinsic motivation and, 87–88 individuated entities in, 310
individuals, 70 in personal relationships, 95–96 nonmotivational explanations for,
appearance motive, 393 purpose of, 85 309–311
approach affiliation motives, 353 in SDT, 85–86 as pancultural, 308
approach-related affect, 34 self-awareness and, 102 prevalence of, among populations,
approach versus avoidance processes self-control and, 121 307–308
in achievement goal models, 194–195 supportive climates for, 94–95 psychological health and, 314
affect and, 34, 34 autonomy-controlling climates, 94–95 psychological interests and, 315
for close relationship formation, in health care settings, 95 self-affirmation and, 309
352–353, 355–356 in school settings, 95 self-threat and, 309
eagerness-related approach strategies, social contexts for, 95 verifiability of attributes in, 308–309
215 in workplace settings, 95 Beyond Boredom and Anxiety
in feedback control, 32 autonomy orientation, 90–91 (Csikszentmihalyi), 130
in goal focus, 288 autonomy-supportive climates, 94–95 bias. See encoding biases; self-serving bias
in goal striving, 215 in health care settings, 95 Billings, Josh, 311
Aristotle, 221 relational supports in, 94 binge eating, self-awareness and, 57
Arnold, Felix, 159 in school settings, 95 Binswanger, Ludwig, 48
aspirations. See also extrinsic life goals; social contexts for, 95 BIS. See Behavioral Inhibition System
goals; intrinsic life goals in workplace settings, 95 breasts, sexual objectification of, 326–327
cultural contexts for, 97 autotelic experience, 129–130 Brumberg, Joan, 323
in goal striving, 215 avoidance affiliation motives, 353 BTAE. See better-than-average-effect
Assessment of Individual Motives- avoidance goals, well-being and, 447
Questionnaire (AIM-Q), 398 avoidance processes. See approach C
assimilation, in BTAE, 310–311 versus avoidance processes; illness calm energy, 414
associative learning, as motivational state, avoidance; performance-avoidance flow and, 414
369–370 goals; threat avoidance, in close calm tiredness, 415
affect and, 369 relationships; work-avoidance goals capitalism. See corporate capitalism
environmental incentives in, 369 avoidance-related affect, 34 cardiovascular reactivity, to effort intensity,
liking in, 369–370 423
Atkinson, J.W., 142–143 B career choice, self-efficacy and, 23
attachment, personal relationships and, balanced selection for phenotypes, causality orientations, 87, 90–91
53–54 in FFM, 384 autonomy orientation, 90–91
existential threats and, response to, 54 BAS. See Behavioral Activity System challenge in flow, skills in balance with,
attachment theory, 336–339 basic psychological needs, in SDT, 87, 128, 130
parental relationships in, 337–338 101–102 change goals, 289–290
parental sensitivity in, 338 autonomy as, 87 children. See also relatedness, for children;
peer relationships in, 338 for children, 339 youth motivation, for physical activity
security perceptions in, 343 extrinsic life goals and, as antagonistic adoption of parental values, 342
teacher relationships in, 338 to, 92 attachment theory perspective on,
attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder intrinsic life goals for, 92 336–339
(ADHD), 219 physical activity and, 484–485, autonomy for, in SDT, 340
attitudes, in planned behavior theory, 481 488–489, 524 basic psychological needs of, in SDT,
attribution theory, choice in, 252 weekend effect and, 101 339
autonomous motivation. See also extrinsic Becker, Ernest, 45 investment and engagement in, 336
motivation; intrinsic motivation Behavioral Activity System (BAS), 356 parental affect and, in SDT, 339–340
benefits of, 90 behavioral control, self-efficacy and, parental relationships for, in
causality orientations for, 87, 90–91 515–516 attachment theory, 337–338
within corporate capitalism, 99 Behavioral Inhibition System (BIS), 356 parental sensitivity towards, in
cultural influences on, 89–90, 96–97 behavioral syndrome theory, 382 attachment theory, 338
feedback for, 94 in evolved individual difference theory, peer relationships for, in attachment
identified regulation in, 89 389–390 theory, 338
integrated regulation in, 89 extraversion in, 386 responsibility to parents, 341–342
introjection in, 89 FFM and, 385–386 SDT perspective on, 339–341
outcomes from, 89–90 behavior theory, curiosity in, 160 self-efficacy in, 25
in psychotherapy, 443, 448–449 better-than-average-effect (BTAE), socialization of, in SDT, 339
social-contextual effects of, 93–96 307–311 teacher relationships for, in attachment
wellness and, 96–97 aggregate comparisons in, 310 theory, 338
autonomy. See also choice assimilation in, 310–311 choices, 559
as basic psychological need, 87 attribute valence in, 308 in academic achievement motivation,
causality orientations for, 87, 90–91 contrast in, 310–311 254–255, 255
566 index
in achievement motivation theory, 250 approach versus avoidance processes in, competitions, lack of willpower, 222
in attribution theory, 252 352–353, 355–356 complex moods, 413–415
autonomy and, 258–260, 264 BAS for, 356 calm energy, 414
characteristics of, 257–263 BIS for, 356 calm tiredness, 415
cognitive dissonance and, 252 disadvantages of, 351–352 tense energy, 415
competence from, perceptions of, 261, emotion in, 357–358 tense tiredness, 414–415
263–264 evolutionary development of, 351 computer-mediated environments, flow
control and, 258 functional development of, 351 in, 132
correspondence with target and, goal type and, 355 concentration, in flow, 129
269–270 incentives for, 354 Concept-Oriented Reading Instruction
cultural differences as influence on, interpersonal outcomes, in approach (CORI), 472
265–267 versus avoidance motivation, conditioning. See classical conditioning
as demotivator, 255–257 355–356 conscientiousness, willpower and,
by developmental level, 267 intimacy motivation in, 353–354 224–225
disadvantages of, 256 outcome-goal link processes for, consciousness. See private body
in dissonance theory, 252 356–358 consciousness
in drive theories, 249 social bonds as, 350–351 consilience, in motivation studies, 6
effort level for, 260–262 social information in, 356–357, 357 consistency, in motives, 150–151
ego depletion from, 256 social motivation and, 353–354 context learning, stimulus-response rules
in expectancy-value theories, 249– threat avoidance for, 354 and, 236
250, 250 coasting, positive affect and, 35 control. See also control theory; feedback
as experience, 251–257 cognition control; self-control
frame of reference for, 262 ego depletion and, 116 choice and, 258
future research on, 271–272, 272 energetic arousal and, 411–412 in flow, 129
individual orientations for, 250–251, environmental inquisitiveness and, 392 in planned behavior theory, 481–482
263–268 cognitive modeling, for vicarious self-efficacy and, 515–516
interest level and, 263 learning, 17 student motivation and, 464
intrinsic motivation and, 253 collective agency, in reciprocal controlled motivations. See extrinsic
maladaptive, 249 interactions, 15 motivation
maximization strategies for, 264–265 collective efficacy, 24 control theory, 6
motivations for, 249–251 sources of, 24 individual differences in motivation,
as motivator, 251–255 for teachers, 24 400
multiplicity of, influence of, 261–262 commitment, as tradeoff cooperative learning, 471
through nonconscious processes, 251 benefits of, 74–75 Core flow scales, 135
outcome desirability and, 269 evolved individual motives for, CORI. See Concept-Oriented Reading
perceived versus actual, 257 394–395 Instruction
perceptions of, 257–260 in mental contrasting, 212 corporate capitalism, 98
in planned behavior theory, 250 in prevention-focused individuals, autonomous motivation within, 99
power of, 248 72–75 extrinsic life goals and, 99
preferences as influence on, 270–271 signal detection paradigms, 74 materialism from, 99
in psychological theory, 248 in women, 395 reward contingencies in, 98–99,
realism of setting and, 268–269 comparative psychology, in FFM, 99–100
in regulatory focus theory, 265 384–385 correspondence of content, for motives,
as reward-based, 249 compensation, in adult development 147–148
satisficing strategies for, 264–265 goals, 282–283 creativity
in SDT, 253 competence flow and, 132
self-efficacy from, 254, 264 achievement goals and, 195–196 in promotion-focused individuals,
in self-perception theory, 252–253 from choice, 261, 263–264 76–77
in self-presentational enhancement in physical activity motivation, within work motivation, 514–515
situations, 268 parental expression of, 530–531 Csikszentmihalyi, M., 130
self-regulation and, 250, 256 student motivation and, 464 cultural values
situational characteristics and, youth physical activity motivation evaluation of, 97
268–270 and, 540–542 female self-objectification and, 330
in social learning theory, 250 competence motivation theory need satisfaction and, 97
socioeconomic differences influenced as domain specific, 521 culture
by, 265–267 effectance motivation in, 521 aspirations and, contexts for, 97
task type and, 269 peer influence in, 521 autonomous motivation influenced by,
Clarification Oriented Therapy, 453, 457 for physical activity, 521–522 89–90, 96–97
Clark, R.A., 142–143 positive effect in, 521–522 BTAE and, as pancultural, 308
classical conditioning, unconscious goal self-perception of competence in, 521 choice influenced by, 265–267
pursuit and, 233 skill mastery in, 521 female self-objectification and, 330
close relationships, 560 youths and, for physical activity, group belonging and, 52–53
advantages of, 351–352 521–522 need satisfaction and, 97
index 567
responsibility of children to parents delegation hypothesis, 219 education, 561–562. See also academic
and, 345 democratic systems, 100–101 function; learning; student
SDT and, 86–87, 96–97 Demosthenes, 304 motivation
social cognitive theory and, relevance depression grading systems and, 470
of, 25–26 failure and, 69–70 transition to schools and, 469–471
student motivation influenced by, hedonic incentive and, 431–432 as value, in student motivation, 465
473–474 personal goals and, 447–448 EEG. See electroencephalography
values in, 97, 97 priority management and, 36 effectance motivation, 521
worldview validation through, 52 promotion-focused individuals efficacy. See collective efficacy; self-efficacy
curiosity, 557–558 and, 70 effortful control, in feedback control, 37
in behavior theory, 160 self-system theory and, 70 effort intensity, 561
diversive, 159 desirability, motivation and, 209 ability and, 424–425
drive-reduction model for, 158 developmental psychology cardiovascular reactivity to, 423
emotional theory for, 160–161 children’s responsibility to parents difficulty in, variability of status for,
as “for its own sake” motivation, in, 344 421–422, 423–427
159–161 choice in, 267 ego involvement in, 430–431
future research applications for, effortful control in, 37 empirical evidence for, 423–432
163–164 Dewey, John, 159–160, 160 fatigue and, 425–426
global, 162 DFI. See Decision-Fostering Intervention future research implications for,
I-D model of, 162 DFS-2. See dispositional flow scale-2 433–435
individual differences in, 161–163 diet and nutrition, energetic arousal hedonic incentive for, 431–432
information gaps model for, 159 and, 410 implicit determination of, 433–434
interest as influence on, 161 Dinnerstein, Dorothy, 326 individual differences in, 434
novelty reduction and, 157–159 discrepancy-enlarging feedback loop, measurement for, 422–423
openness to experience and, 162–163 29–30 mood and, 426–427, 431–432
reward-aversion model for, 160 for overt behavior, 30 in motivation intensity theory,
specific, 159 in personality psychology, 30 420–422
uncertainty reduction and, 157–159 in social psychology, 30 outcome expectancy for, 428–429
cybernetic processes, for self-regulation, discrepancy-reducing feedback loop, 29 personality and, 434
28–29, 555–556 for overt behavior, 30 physiological correlates of, 435
feedback control, 29–31 in personality psychology, 30 self-evaluation of, 431
hierarchy for, 29 in social psychology, 30 social evaluation of, 429–430
for motivations, 38–40 disinhibition effects, in vicarious success in, variables for, 427–432
theory development for, 28–29 learning, 16 task context and, 434
Cyrenaics, 304 dispositional flow scale-2 (DFS-2), 134 theory development for, 418
dissonance theory, choice in, 252 egocentrism, BTAE and, 309–310
D cognitive dissonance, 252 ego depletion, 7, 557
death, awareness of. See also existential diversive curiosity, 159 aggressive behavior and, 116
anxiety; existential psychology diversive exploration, 158 alcohol consumption and, 114–115
DTA hypothesis and, 47 dopamine system, in reward-based autonomy and, 121
escaping from, 56–58 motivated action, 367–368 as biologically mediated, 118
flight fantasies and, 49 dopamine hypothesis of positive causes of, 113–114
from frailty of human body, 48–49 affect, 370 from choice, 256
health-promoting behaviors from, expectancy and, 376 cognitive effects of, 116
48–49 drive-reduction model, 158 consequences of, 114–117
religious belief and, 55 diversive exploration as revision conservation of resources and,
self-esteem and, 49–51 of, 158 119–120
in TMT, 46 optimal arousal approach to, 158–159 decision making with, 116
in wilderness settings, 49 drive theories, choice in, 249 EEG methodology for, 117
death-thought accessibility (DTA) DTA hypothesis. See death-thought ego strength and, 112–113
hypothesis, 47 accessibility hypothesis EMG activation and, 116–117
Decision-Fostering Intervention (DFI), Dweck, C.S., 192 expectancy accounts in, 117–118
453–454 dysfunctional goals, alcohol future research models for, 123
decision making consumption and, 448 glucose levels and, 118
dopamine hypothesis of positive implementation intentions in, 120
affect and, 370 E inhibitions of urges with, 115
ego depletion and, 116 eagerness-related approach strategies, 215 interpersonal behaviors and, 113–114
implicit motivational states for, neural early grade school, student motivation interpersonal effects from, 115–116
bases of, 370–371 during, 469–471 moderators of, 120–121
rational motivational states for, neural economic systems, in SDT, 97–99 motivation and, 119
bases of, 371–372 corporate capitalism, 98 operations for, 117–118
somatic marker hypothesis for, 371 human capital in, 98 physiological markers of, 116–117
delay of gratification tasks, 221–222 The Economist, 50–51 positive affect and, 120–121
568 index
after rest, 120–121 for altruism, 395 in SSB, 306
risk taking and, 116 for appearance, 393 success and, from effort intensity,
self-affirmation and, 121 background for, 386–387 428–429
self-control and, 111 behavioral syndromes and, 389–390 expectancy theory, work motivation and,
as self-fulfilling, 117–118 for commitment, 394–395 506–507
self-perception with, 116 components of, 388 critical assessment of, 506–507
from suppression of self, 114 in dyadic domains, 392–394 employee belief changes under, 507
susceptibility to persuasion with, 115 for environmental inquisitiveness, 392 planned behavior theory and, 506
ego involvement for illness avoidance, 391–392 expectancy-value theories
in achievement goal model, 192–193 in individual domains, 391–392 attainment values in, 527
success and, 430–431 for interpersonal inquisitiveness, 392 choice in, 249–250, 250
ego strength in large group domains, 395–396 gender in, 527
development of, 121–122 MAT for, 387 interest values in, 527
from self-control, 112–113, 122 for meaning, 397 in neuroscience, 373–374
electroencephalography (EEG), 117 for mental efforts, 393–394 parental influence in, 527–528
electromyographic (EMG) activation, motives in, 389–390 utility values in, 527
116–117 in multilevel selection theory, 395 for youth motivation, for physical
embedded contexts, motivations in, 86–87 operational definitions for, 389–390 activity, 526–528
EMG activation. See electromyographic physical stature and status, 394 Experience Sampling Method (ESM),
activation PRF for, 387 130, 133–134
emotions, 560–561 sexuality and, 393 experiential system, in feedback control,
affect and, 32 for social exchange, 395–396 37
in close relationships, 357–358 theory development for, 387–391 explicit motives, 557
curiosity and, 160–161 for threat avoidance, 391 consistency in, 150–151
interest and, 172 tradeoffs in, 391–397 correspondence of content for,
mood compared to, 408 in very large group domains, 396–397 147–148
priority management and, influenced for wealth accumulation, 394 disattenuation approaches in,
by, 36 existential anxiety, 48–58 148–149
self-efficacy and, 22 flight fantasies and, 49 incongruence in, 154
in social interaction, 357–358 future research on, 58–59 independence of, 154
youth physical activity motivation group belonging and, 52–53 integrative general model for, 145–146
and, 542–544 health-promoting behaviors from, measure methodology for, 142–146,
employees, in expectancy theory, 507 48–49 148–149
enactive learning, 15 hero worship and, 56 MTMM analysis of, 149
encoding biases, 311–312 from human sexuality, 49 omnibus effect of multiple
End Poem (Rilke), 59 materialism and, 49 methodological factors, 146–147,
energetic arousal, 409–412 after 9/11 attacks, 57 154
calm energy mood, 414 personal dimensions of, 49–51 private body consciousness in,
cognition and, 411–412 personal relationships and, 53–54 150–151
complex moods from, 413–415 physical dimensions of, 48–49 in psychotherapeutic motivation, 442
diet and, 410 from problems of body, 48–49 self-monitoring of, 150–151
endogenous cycle of, 409 psychopathology of, 51 statistical independence in, 144
physical activity and, 411 religious belief and, 55 exploration, as tradeoff
sleep and, 410–411 self-esteem and, 49–51 through materialism, 75
stress and, 412 social dimension of, 52–54 maximization desires and, 75
subjective, 409–410 spiritual dimension of, 54–56 for promotion-focused individuals,
well-being and, 409–410 SSB and, 50 75–76
environmental incentives, 369 symbolic immortality and, 50–51 unintended losses from, 76
environmental inquisitiveness, 392 worldview validation in, 52–53 external regulation, in OIT, 484
cognitive function and, 392 existential psychology, 45 extraversion
Epicureans, 304 objectification theory and, 326–327 in behavioral syndrome theory, 386
episodic memory, self-efficacy and, 376 TMT and, 45–48 in fluctuating phenotype selection,
equity theory, work motivation and, existential self-awareness, 45 for FFM, 384
507–508 anxiety from, motivational role of, in personality psychology, 381
critical assessment of, 508 48–58 extrinsic achievement goals, 196
ESM. See Experience Sampling Method expectancy process focus for goals and, 284
evolutionary psychology, sexual dopamine systems and, influence on, extrinsic life goals, 91–93
objectification in, 324–325 376 attainment of, 92–93
evolutionary theory, individual differences ego depletion and, 117–118 basic psychological needs and, as
in motivation in, 382 neural foundation for, 375–376 antagonistic to, 92
evolved individual differences, in reward prediction error and, 375 corporate capitalism and, 99
motivation, 386–397 in self-enhancement, 313 manipulation of, 93
with aggression, 392–393 in self-protection, 313 psychological health influenced by, 92
index 569
pursuit of, 92 females. See women fluctuating selection for phenotypes,
research on, 93 feminism, sexual objectification and, 324 in FFM, 383–384
extrinsic motivation, 88–89 Five-Factor model of personality (FFM), extraversion in, 384
as external regulation, 88 382–386 focalism, BTAE and, 310
identified regulation in, 89 background of, 382 forethought, 376
integrated regulation in, 89 balanced selection in, for phenotypes, “for its own sake” motivation, 159–161
introjection in, 89 384 Four-Phase model, of interest, 167,
neural foundation for, 374–375 behavioral syndromes and, 385–386 169–171
outcome focus for goals and, 284 comparative psychology in, 384–385 developmental factors in, 170–171
for physical activity, 523–524 criticisms of, 386 individual interest in, 169
social context effects on, 96 evolution mechanisms for, 382–386 learner characteristics in, 175
work motivation and, 511 fluctuating selection in, for situational interest in, 169
phenotypes, 383–384 Frenzel, A.C., 178–179
F life history theory and, 385 Freud, Anna, 304
failure, as tradeoff, 67, 67–71 stabilizing selection in, for phenotypes, Freud, Sigmund, 153–154, 304
affective consequences of, 295–296 382–383 friendships, youth motivation influenced
behavioral consequences of, 294–295 tradeoffs in, 383–384 by, 536–537
depression and, 69–70 flight fantasies, 49 FSS. See Flow State Scale
emotional intensity for, 68 flow, as concept, 57, 557
emotional quality of, 68–69 action awareness in, 128–129 G
goal focus after, consequences of, autotelic experience and, 129–130 game structures, 455
294–296 calm energy mood and, 414 game theory, 400
happiness and, 69 challenge-skills balance in, 128, 130 gender. See also objectification theory
as means-related, 294 in computer-mediated environments, in expectancy-value theories, 527
as outcome-related, 294 132 vicarious learning and, 17
strategic preferences and, 71–72 control in, 129 gender development, for girls
fantasy realization, theory of, 211 creativity and, 132 by age level, 328–329
fatigue, effort intensity and, 425–426 definition of, 127–128 cognitive developmental theories for,
mental, 426 dimensions of, 128–130 328–330
feedback ESM for, 130, 133–134 media influences on, 331
autonomous motivation and, 94 facilitation of, 136–137 sexual objectification and, 328–330
in flow, 129 feedback in, 129 socialization theories for, 328
self-enhancement and, 313–314 Flow Scales for, 132, 134–136, gendered body project, 323, 331
self-protection and, 313–314 137–138 self-esteem and, 331
in unconscious goal pursuit, 239 FSS for, 132 general bodily arousal, 415–416
for youth motivation, 532–533 future research applications for, General Psychotherapy (GPT) model, 451
feedback control, 29–31. See also negative 137–138 generational differences, in work
feedback; positive feedback goal clarity in, 129 motivation, 514
affect and, 32–36 hypnotic susceptibility and, 137 global curiosity, 162
approach and avoidance processes in, 32 identification of, 127 glucose levels, ego depletion and, 118
effortful control in, 37 influential factors for, 136 goals. See also achievement goals; goal
experiential system in, 37 macro experiences, 128 orientation; goal pursuit; goal
goal sequences in, 31, 38 measurement of, 133–136 setting; goal striving; learning goals;
hierarchical organization of, 31–32, model for, 128 performance goals
37–38 motive congruence and, 152 abstractness of, 210–211
impulsive systems in, 37 neural foundation for, 375 for adult development, 281
levels of abstraction in, 31 perfectionism and, 132 avoidance, 447
loops in, 29–30 qualitative methodology for, 133 change, 289–290
in overt behavior, 30–31 quantitative methodology for, close relationships and, 355
planfulness in, 38 133–136 definition of, 4, 18, 191
principles in, 31 research examples of, 130–132 difficulty of, 18
processes in, 29–30, 30–31 self-consciousness in, loss of, 129 dysfunctional, 448
programs in, 31 self-reporting measures for, 138 extrinsic, in life, 91–93
rational system in, 37 in sports settings, 131 extrinsic achievement, 196
reflecting systems in, 37 task concentration with, 129 feedback control and, as sequences,
self-control and, 38 time perception and, 129 31, 38
two-mode models for, 37–38 Flow Scales, 132, 134–136, 137–138 in flow, 129
feedback loops, 29–30 Core, 135 habits and, as automatic, 237
concurrent function for, 34 Long, 134, 134–135 inequality of, 281
discrepancy-enlarging, 29–30 potential uses of, 135–136 inhibition of, in prevention
discrepancy-reducing, 29 Short, 135 orientation, 69
elements of, 29 Flow State Scale (FSS), 132 inhibition of, in promotion
homeostasis in, 30–31 FSS-2, 134 orientation, 69
570 index
interference of, 239 by life domain, 212 High Performance Learning Communities
intervention studies for, 225–226 mental contrasting in, 212, 212–213 Project (Project HiPlace), 472
intrinsic, in life, 91–93 for performance goals, 210 high school, student motivation during,
learning, 18–19 psychopathology and, 447 470
of motivational psychotherapy, 456 self-regulation of, 211–214 high-stakes rewards, 99–100
motivation compared to, 208–210 as theory, for work motivation, economic malfeasance from, 100
new, sources of, 39–40 508–509 in SDT, 99–100
performance-approach, 198–199 theory of fantasy realization and, 211 homeostasis, in feedback loops, 30–31
performance-avoidance, 198–199 goal striving, 214–225, 558 human capital, 98
shielding of, 217 approach versus avoidance processes human sexuality. See sexuality
social, for physical activity, 525 in, 215 hypnotic susceptibility, flow and, 137
social achievement, 196–197 aspirational standards and, 215
in social cognitive theory, 18–19 content as influence on, 214 I
stability, 290 delegation hypothesis for, 219 IAT. See Implicit Association Test
work-avoidance, 196 determinants of, 214–218 identified regulation, 89
goal focus, 283–296, 559. See also goal eagerness-related approach strategies in OIT, 484
orientation; outcome focus, for in, 215 for physical activity, 524
goals; process focus, for goals functions of, 214 identity-relatedness, in goal striving, 216
adaptation of, 289–290 future research applications for, identity status, 152
affective consequences after failure, 225–226 I-D model, of curiosity, 162
295–296 identity-relatedness in, 216 illness avoidance, 391–392
age and, 285–288 implementation intentions in, 218– immortality
approach versus avoidance processes 219, 219–221 through religious belief, 55
in, 288 intervention studies for, 225–226 symbolic, 50–51
behavioral consequences after failure, lack of willpower and, 221–225 implementation approach, to physical
294–295 learning-performance model for, 215 activity, 487–488
for change goals, 289–290 orientation framing in, 215 implementation intentions, in goal
change in, 288–290 positive affect and, 217 striving, 218–219, 219–221
after failure, consequences of, power status and, 217–218 ADHD and, 219
294–296 in self-completion theory, 216 lack of willpower, 224
maintenance in, 286 self-regulation of, 218–225 Implicit Association Test (IAT), 494
means usage frequency in, 289 shielding in, 217 implicit motives, 8, 557
motivational phase and, 291–293 structural features of goals in, consistency in, 150–151
resources for, 287, 289 214–215 correspondence of content for,
in self-system theory, 287–288 Goetz, T., 178–179 147–148
for stability goals, 290 GPT. See General Psychotherapy model disattenuation approaches in, 148–149
stability of, 288–290 grading systems, student motivation and, IAT for, 494
time perspectives and, 287–288 470 incongruence in, 154
goal-interference, 239 groups, work motivation for, 512–513 independence of, 154
goal orientation, 281, 559 group belonging, 52–53 integrative general model for, 145–146
adaptation of, 283 culture and, 52–53 measure methodology for, 142–146,
age as influence on, 283 group learning, student motivation 148–149
compensation in, 282–283 and, 469 MTMM analysis of, 149
goal selection and, 282 omnibus effect of multiple
multidirectionality of, 281–283 H methodological factors, 146–147,
multiple goal management and, 282 habits 154
optimization for, 282–283 as automatic goal-directed behavior, 237 for physical activity, 493–494
outcome focus for goals and, 284–285 stimulus-response rules and, 235–236 private body consciousness in,
process focus for goals and, 284–285 in unconscious goal pursuit, 235–238 150–151
resource conservation in, 282–283 happiness, 69 in psychotherapeutic motivation, 442
student motivation and, 466 Harter, Susan, 521 self-monitoring of, 150–151
goal pursuit, 558–559 health care, autonomy climates in, 95 statistical independence in, 144
achievement goals and, 234 health-promoting behaviors, 48–49 impression management, in SSB, 307
performance and, 281 Heckhausen, Heinz, 291, 292, 373 impulsive systems, in feedback control, 37
research on, 233, 234–235 Heckhausen, J., 283, 291 incentives, motivation and, 209
triggers for, 234 hedonic incentive, for success, 431–432 for close relationships, 354
goal setting, 558 hedonism, 304 current, 354
determinants of, for content and hegemonic masculinity environmental, 369
structure, 210–211 definition of, 325 hedonic, for success, 431–432
future research applications for, power and, 325 material, for success, 427–428
225–226 sexual objectification of women and, incongruence, of motives, 154
intervention studies for, 225–226 325–326 individual differences, in motivation,
for learning goals, 210 hero worship, 56 560–561, 563–564
index 571
AIM-Q for, 398 knowledge in, 181 L
assessment strategy development for, learning and, 177 lack of willpower. See willpower, lack of
398–399 Punnett square for, 182–183 leadership
in behavioral syndrome theory, 382 research on, 175–181 Leadership Scale for Sport, 533
in control theory, 400 shifts in, 176, 177–178 transformational, 511–512
for effort intensity, 434 study methodology for, 173, 175–181 for youth motivation, 533, 538–539
in evolutionary theory, 382 survey methodology for, 173 Leadership Scale for Sport, 533
evolved, 386–397 sustainment factors, 176, 177–178 learners, in Four-Phase model of interest,
in FFM, 382–386 triggers for, 175–176, 176–177 175
future research applications for, International Association for Positive learning. See also vicarious learning
399–400 Psychology (IPPA), 127 in achievement goal models, 192
in game theory, 400 interpersonal inquisitiveness, 392 associative, as motivational state,
for legacies, 396–397 interpersonal motives, model for, 455 369–370
in life history theory, 382 interventions context, stimulus-response rules and,
in personality psychology, 381–382 DFI, 453–454 236
reliability of, 398 for physical activity, mapping of, cooperative, 471
theory development for, 381–382 495–496 enactive, 15
validity of, 398–399 in psychotherapeutic motivation, goals, 18, 18–19
for youth physical activity, 540–544 449–450 in goal striving, 215
in Zurich Model of Social Motivation, for student motivation, 471–473, 474 in groups, student motivation and,
400 intervention studies, for goals, 225–226 469
individual interest, 169 interviews. See motivational interviewing interest development and, 177
information gaps model, for curiosity, 159 intimacy motivation, 353–354 observational, 16, 16, 537–538
inhibition effects, in vicarious learning, 16 intrinsic life goals, 91–93 performance compared to, 15
inquisitiveness attainment of, 92–93 social influences on, 463–464
environmental, 392 for basic psychological needs, 92 learning goals, 18, 18–19
interpersonal, 392 manipulation of, 93 goal setting for, 210
integrated regulation, 89 pursuit of, 92 learning-performance model
in physical activity, 524 research on, 93 of achievement goals, 192
intention, physical activity and, 480 intrinsic motivation, 87–88 for goal striving, 215
in planned behavior theory, 483 choice and, 253 learning theory, motivation in, 209
interest. See also interest development external pressure and, 94 legacy motive, 396–397
awareness of, 168–169 information internalization in, 88 Lewin, Kurt, 251
choice influenced by, 263 neural foundation for, 374–375 life history theory, 382
conceptualizations of, 171–172 in OIT, 484 FFM and, 385
curiosity influenced by, 161 organizational goal-setting and, 512 liking, in associative learning, 369–370
definition of, 169 outcome focus for goals and, 284 Linnenbrink-Garcia, L., 179–180
development of, 170–171, 175–181 outcomes from, 89–90 Long flow Scales, 134, 134–135
emotions and, 172 for physical activity, 523 DFS-2, 134
Four-Phase model of, 167, 169–171 as pleasurable, 88 psychometric characteristics
future research applications for, process focus for goals and, 284 of, 134–135
183–184 social context effects on, 96 Lowell, E.L., 142–143
individual, 169 for students, 464–466, 467
knowledge and, 169 work motivation and, 511 M
measurement considerations for, introjection, 89 MacKinnon, Catherine, 325
172–175 in OIT, 484 macro flow experiences, 128
Punnett square for, 182–183 IPPA. See International Association for maladaptive choices, 249
research on, 168–169 Positive Psychology Manzy, C., 179–180
situational, 169 mastery experiences
student motivation and, 465 J outcome focus for goals and, 284–285
study methodology for, 173, 175–181 James, William, 48, 304 process focus for goals and, 284–285
survey methodology for, 173 Job Characteristics Model, 510 self-efficacy and, 23–24
task competence and, 172 job design, work motivation and, in student motivation, 467
vocational, 172 510–511 MAT. See Motivation Analysis Test
Interest and Effort in Education (Dewey), 160 from Job Characteristics Model, 510 material incentives, for success, 427–428
interest development, 169, 170–171, materialism. See also wealth accumulation,
558 K evolved individual motives for
affect and, 176 Keillor, Garrison, 307 from corporate capitalism, 99
case studies for, 178–179, 179–180, Keller, Helen, 167–168, 167–168 existential anxiety and, 49
180–181 knowledge exploration through, in promotion-
fluctuations in, 176, 177–178 interest and, 169 focused individuals, 75
future research applications for, in interest development, 181 maximization desires, exploration and, 75
183–184 Koskey, K.L., 179–180 Mayer, Richard, 365
572 index
McClelland, David, 141–142, 142–143 activation of, 8 difficulty in, variability of status for,
independence interpretation of, appearance, 393 421–422, 423–427
143–145 biological purpose of, 4–5 fatigue in, 425–426
McDougall, William, 161–162 for choice, 249–251 mood in, 426–427
meaning schemas cybernetic approach to, 38–40 motives. See also explicit motives;
evolved individual motives for, 397 definition of, 13, 367 implicit motives
through religious belief, 55 desirability and, 209 activation of, 8
media, sexual objectification of women drive-reduction model for, 158 affiliation, 353
and, 331 ego depletion and, 119 appearance, 393
memory. See episodic memory, self-efficacy within embedded contexts, 86–87 congruence, 142
and; selective self-memory “for its own sake,” 159–161 consistency in, 150–151
menstruation, sexual objectification and, goal focus and, 291–293 correspondence of content for, 147–148
327 goals compared to, 208–210 definition of, 141
mental contrasting, in goal setting, 212, as implicit, 8 disattenuation approaches in,
212–213 incentives and, 209 148–149
commitment in, 212 individual differences for, 563–564 in evolved individual difference theory,
mediating processes for, 213 intimacy, 353–354 389–390
motivation and, 213 in learning theory, 209 game structures as, in personality
for negative futures, 212–213 mental contrasting and, 213 disorders, 455
for present reality associations, 213 nonconscious, 8, 8, 251 incongruence and, 154
as problem-solving strategy, 213 in observational learning, 16 integrative general model for, 145–146
mental fatigue, 426 for physical activity, theoretical interpersonal model, 455
middle school, student motivation during, frameworks for, 521–528 legacy, 396–397
470–471 postactional phase for, 291 measure methodology for, 142–146,
Mill, John Stuart, 304 preactional phase for, 291, 292 148–149
Mischel, Walter, 222 predecisional phase for, 291, 291–292 MTMM analysis of, 149
mnemic neglect, 312 priming methods for, 8 omnibus effect of multiple
moods, 561. See also depression psychological models for, 5–7 methodological factors, 146–147,
alternative models for, 412–413 social, 353–354 154
arousal systems, 113, 409–412 in social cognitive theory, processes private body consciousness in, 150–151
cognition and, 411–412 for, 18, 17–24, 209 PSEs for, 141–142
complex, formation of, 413–415 for student, 464–466 questionnaires for, 141–142
diet and nutrition and, 410 tradeoffs for, 67–78 self-determination in, 150
effort intensity and, 426–427, 431–432 in unconscious goal pursuit, 239–242 self-monitoring of, 150–151
emotion compared to, 408 motivation, studies on social exchange, 395–396
energetic arousal, 409–412 academic resurgence for, 7–9 statistical independence in
function of, 408 causal explanations in, 5 measurement for, 143
future research applications, 418 consilience in, 6 TAT for, 141
general bodily arousal, 415–416 coordinated analyses for, 9 motive congruence, 142
in motivation intensity theory, 426–427 experimental methods in, 8–9 affect regulation and, 151
muscular tension and, 416 interdisciplinary nature of, 4–7 analysis of, 154
pleasantness and activation model practical applications for, 9–10 antecedents of, 151
for, 412 psychological models in, 5–7 consequences of, 151–153
pleasure/displeasure model for, 412 statistical methodology changes for, 8 flow and, 152
positive and negative activation model Motivational Attunement approach, 449 Freud and, 153–154
for, 412 motivational climate identity status and, 152
positive and negative affect model for physical activity, 492, 533–534 incongruence and, 154
for, 412 for SDT, 492 need satisfaction in, 151
self-regulation of, 416–417 for youths, for physical activity, 526, research models for, 153
task difficulty and, 426–427 533–534 stress and, 151
tense arousal, 412 motivational interviewing, 453 unintegration of, 154
two-dimensional models for, 412 motivational theory, 4. See also control volitional strength and, 152
mortality salience (MS) hypothesis, 46–47 theory; regulatory focus theory; well-being and, 152–153
motivations. See also curiosity; evolved self-determination theory; MS hypothesis. See mortality salience
individual differences, in social cognitive theory; terror hypothesis
motivation; extrinsic motivation; management theory MTMM analysis. See multitrait-method
goals; intrinsic motivation; cognitive approaches to, 3 analysis framework
motivational theory; neuroscience, coordinated analyses for, 9 multilevel selection theory, 395
motivation and; psychotherapy, psychological models in, 5–7 multiple goals model, 198
motivation in; relatedness, for Motivation Analysis Test (MAT), 387 multitrait-method (MTMM) analysis
children; rewards, motivation and; motivation intensity theory, 420–422 framework, 149
individual differences, in motivation ability in, 424–425 Murray, J. Clark, 159
actional phase for, 291, 292–293 benefit in, 421 muscular tension, 416
index 573
N openness to experience, curiosity and, perceived versus actual choice, 257
need for affiliation. See affiliation, need for 162–163 perfectionism, flow and, 132
need satisfaction, 151. See also basic optimal arousal approach, to drive- performance
psychological needs, in SDT reduction model, 158–159 in achievement goal models, 192
cultural values and, 97 optimal experience, 127. See also flow, as goal pursuit and, 281
need thwarting, 488–489 concept in goal striving, 215
negative affect organismic integration theory (OIT), learning compared to, 15
goal striving and, 216–217 484 outcome focus for goals and, 284–285
priority management and, 30 external regulation in, 484 process focus for goals and, 284–285
unconscious goal pursuit and, 243 identified regulation in, 484 self-efficacy and, 21
negative feedback, for overt behavior, 30 intrinsic motivation in, 484 tradeoffs in, 76–78
neuroscience, motivation and, 560. See introjection regulation in, 484 performance-approach goals, 198–199
also decision making organization performance-avoidance goals, 198–199
for agency, 372–373 intrinsic motivation and, 512 performance goals, 18–19
associative learning states for, purpose of, 3 goal setting for, 210
369–370 work motivation and, 513 Perkun, R., 178–179
automatic states for, 368–369 outcome expectations persistence, self-efficacy and, 23
dopamine hypothesis of positive affect, choice and, 269 personal goals
370 self-efficacy and, 19, 19, 23 alcohol consumption and, dysfunction
dopamine system in, 367–368 in social cognitive theory, 19 in, 448
for expectancy, 375–376 outcome focus, for goals content dimension of, 446–447
in expectancy-value theory, 373–374 age and, 290 depression and, 447–448
for extrinsic motivation, 374–375 definition of, 284 in psychotherapeutic motivation,
for flow, 375 extrinsic motivation and, 284 442–443, 444–445
future research applications in, goal orientation and, 284–285 in teleonomic model, 446
377–378 intrinsic motivation and, 284 well-being as, 445–448
implicit states for, 370–371 performance and, 284–285 personality
for intrinsic motivation, 374–375 process focus compared to, 285, 285 effort intensity and, 434
key constructs in, 372–377 An Outline of Intellectual Rubbish lack of willpower and, 224
neural core for, 367–372 (Russell), 315–316 structure, 143
neurotransmitters in, 378 overt behavior, 30–31 personality disorders, 455
priming in, 370–371 discrepancy-enlarging feedback loop game structures in, 455
rational motivational states, 371–372 for, 30 model of interpersonal motives, 455
for self-efficacy, 376 for discrepancy-reducing feedback personality psychology
for self-regulation, 376–377 loop, 30 comparative psychology for, 384–385
somatic marker hypothesis, 371 negative feedback processes for, 30 discrepancy-enlarging feedback loop
taxonomy for, 366–367 positive feedback processes for, 30 in, 30
for value, 373–374 discrepancy-reducing feedback loop
for volition, 373 P in, 30
Nicholls, J.G., 192–193 parents. See also attachment, personal extraversion in, 381
9/11 attacks, existential anxiety after, 57 relationships and; attachment feedback control hierarchy in, 32
nonconscious motivations, 8, 8 theory; relatedness, for children FFM in, 382–386
choice and, 251 in attachment theory, 337–338 focus of, 386
Nussbaum, Martha, 324 parental affect, in SDT, 339–340 individual differences in motivation,
physical activity motivation, influence 381–382
O on, 528–532 Personality Research Form (PRF), 387
objectification theory, 559–560 pressure by, for physical activity, personal relationships. See also attachment
evolutionary adaptation in, 324–325 531–532 theory; parental relationships,
existential motivations in, 326–327 responsibility of children to, 341–342, in attachment theory; peer
framework of, 324–327 344–345 relationships; teacher relationships
gendered body project and, 323, 331 sensitivity of, in attachment theory, attachment and, 53–54
girls’ gender development and, 338 existential anxiety and, 53–54
328–330 parental relationships, in attachment mutual autonomy support in, 95–96
hegemonic masculinity maintenance theory, 337–338 teacher-student, student motivation
in, 325–326 sensitivity towards child in, 338 and, 468, 466–469
media influences in, 331 PDP. See Process Dissociation Procedure persuasive messages
power in, role of, 325 peer relationships ego depletion and, 115
self-objectification in, 327–331 in attachment theory, 338 from self-efficacy, 21–22, 24
objective self-awareness theory, 44 in competence motivation theory, 521 physical activity, 562
observational learning, 16 mutual autonomy support in, 95–96 achievement goal theory and,
motivation in, 16 student motivation and, 468–469 485–487, 492–493, 524–526
for youth motivation, 537–538 youth motivation influenced by, basic psychological needs and,
OIT. See organismic integration theory 535–540 484–485, 488–489, 524
574 index
competence motivation theory for, dopamine hypothesis, 370 intrinsic motivation and, 284
521–522 ego depletion and, 120–121 outcome focus compared to, 285, 285
energetic arousal and, 411 goal striving and, 217 performance and, 284–285
expectancy-value theories for, with multiple concerns, 36 programs, in feedback control, 31
526–528 unconscious goal pursuit and, 240, Project HiPlace. See High Performance
extrinsic motivation for, 523–524 241–242 Learning Communities Project
identified regulation of, 524 positive and negative activation model, for promotion orientation, in regulatory focus
implementation intention approach mood, 412 theory, 6, 66. See also failure, as
to, 487–488 positive and negative affect model, for tradeoff; success, as tradeoff
implicit motivation for, 493–494 mood, 412 creativity and, 76–77
integrated regulation of, 524 positive feedback, for overt behavior, 30 depression and, 70
intention and, 480 postactional phase, for motivations, 291 desired end states for, 66–67
intervention mapping for, 495–496 posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 51 exploration and, 75–76
intrinsic motivation for, 523 power. See also willpower, lack of for failure, 67, 67–71
measurement methodology for, of choices, 248 happiness and, 69
493–496 goal striving and, through status, intergoal inhibition in, 69
motivational climate for, 492, 217–218 life experiences and, 71–72
533–534 in objectification theory, 325 performance and, 76–78
need thwarting and, 488–489 rape and, 325–326 strategic preferences for, 71–72
in planned behavior theory, 481–484, Powers, William, 29 for success, 67, 67–71
489–491 preactional phase, for motivations, 291, system constraints for, 78–80
psychology of, 480 292 tradeoffs, for motivations, 67–78
range of, 521 implementational mindset for, 292 PSEs. See Picture-Story Exercises
RCTs for, 494–495 predecisional phase, for motivations, 291, psychological distance, in goal striving,
in SDT, 484–485, 488–489, 291–292 216
489–491, 492–493, 523–524 preferences, choice influenced by, psychopathology, development of, 446
self-efficacy and, 480 270–271 goal setting and, 447
social goals for, 525 prevention orientation, in regulatory focus psychotherapy, motivation in, 561
theoretical advances for, 487–493 theory, 6, 66. See also failure, as ACT, 453, 454–455, 457
theoretical motivation frameworks for, tradeoff; success, as tradeoff Alliance Fostering Therapy, 449
521–528 analytical processing and, 77 autonomous motivation approach to,
theory integration for, 489–493 anxiety disorders and, 70 443, 448–449
2 x 2 model for, 486–487, 492–493 commitment and, 72–75 Clarification Oriented Therapy, 453,
as value, 531 desired end states for, 66–67 457
well-being and, 479 for failure, 67 clinically relevant constructs in,
youth motivation for, 528–540 happiness and, 69 442–443
physical stature and status, evolved intergoal inhibition in, 69 DFI in, 453–454
individual motives for, 394 life experiences and, 71–72 experience as influence on, 443
Picture-Story Exercises (PSEs), 141–142 performance and, 76–78 explicit motives in, 442
statistical independence in, 143 safety as focus in, 78 factors in, 448–455
Plan Analysis, 445 satisfactory state as motivational future research applications for,
planfulness, 38 necessity for, 70 457–458
planned behavior theory, 481–484 strategic preferences for, 71–72 general models of change in, 451–452
attitudes in, 481 for success, 67 goals of, 456
choice in, 250 system constraints for, 78–80 GPT, 451
control beliefs in, 481–482 tradeoffs, for motivations, 67–78 implicit motives in, 442
critical assessment of, 482, 483–484 PRF. See Personality Research Form intervention facilitation in, 449–450
expectancy theory and, 506 priming methods, for motives, 8 Motivational Attunement approach,
intention in, 483 neural basis for, 370–371 449
SDT and, integration of, 489–491 principles, in feedback control, 31 motivational construct assessment in,
subjective norms in, 481 priority management 443–445
pleasantness and activation model, for affect and, 36 motivational interviewing in, 453
mood, 412 depression and, 36 patient ambivalence over, 453
pleasure centers, of brain, 235–236 emotions and, influence on, 36 patient relationship in, 449
pleasure/displeasure model, for mood, 412 private body consciousness, 150–151 personal goals in, 442–443, 444–445
political systems, 100–101 problem-solving strategies, mental Plan Analysis in, 445
democratic, 100–101 contrasting as, 213 Rubicon Model of Action Phases in, 451
totalitarianism, 100 Process Dissociation Procedure (PDP), 223 SDT in, 444
positive affect process focus, for goals SIM in, 448–449
coasting and, 35 age and, 290 SST, 452–453, 454, 457
in competence motivation theory, definition of, 284 theory development for, 441–442
521–522 extrinsic motivation and, 284 treatment goals in, 444, 443, 445,
as counterintuitive, 35–36 goal orientation and, 284–285 449–450
index 575
TTM, 452 responsibility, of children to parents, purpose of, 43
values in, 442 341–342 in SDT, 102
WBT, 454 academic functioning and, 341–342, self-regulation and, 44, 58
well-being as goal in, 445–448 344–345 TMT and, 57
PTSD. See posttraumatic stress disorder cultural variations of, 345 well-being and, 102
Pugh, K.J., 179–180 by developmental stage, 344 self-awareness theory, success in, 431
Punnett square, for interest, 182–183 parental values and, adoption of, 342 self-completion theory, 216
resting self-consciousness, in flow, 129
R ego depletion after, 120–121 self-control
randomized controlled trials (RCTs), energetic arousal after, 410–411 addictive behaviors and, 112
494–495 retention, for vicarious learning, 16 autonomy and, 121
treatment fidelity in, 495–496 rewards, motivation and conservation of resources and,
rape, feelings of power from, 325–326 automatic states for, 368–369 119–120
rational system, in feedback control, 37 choice based on, 249 ego depletion and, 111
RCTs. See randomized controlled trials dopamine system-influenced, ego strength from, 112–113, 122
reciprocal interactions, 14–15 367–368 feedback control and, 38
agency and, 14–15 neural foundations for, in motivated mood arousal and, 113
collective agency in, 15 actions, 367–372 as process, 111
self-efficacy and, 14 neurotransmitters for, 378 self-regulation compared to, 111–112
triadic reciprocality, 14 reward prediction error, 375 self-determination, in motives, 150
reflecting systems, in feedback control, 37 sources of, 368–372 self-determination theory (SDT), 4, 7,
reflection, in self-regulation, 376 in work settings, 515 556–557. See also autonomous
reform, of student motivation practices, reward-aversion model, for curiosity, 160 motivation; extrinsic motivation;
470–471 reward contingencies, in corporate intrinsic motivation
research implications for, 474–475 capitalism, 98–99 autonomy in, 85–86, 340
regulation. See external regulation, in as high-stakes, 99–100 basic psychological needs in, 87,
OIT; identified regulation; reward prediction error, 375 101–102, 484–485
integrated regulation; reward processing, in unconscious goal causality orientations in, 87, 90–91
self-regulation pursuit, 240–241 for children, 339–341
regulatory fit, 6 Rilke, Rainer Maria, 59 choice in, 253
regulatory focus theory, 6, 66–67 risk taking, ego depletion and, 116 cultural contexts for, 86–87, 96–97
choice in, 265 Rubicon Model of Action Phases, 451 economic systems under, 97–99
prevention orientation in, 6, 66 Russell, Bertrand, 315–316 embedded contexts and, motivations
promotion orientation in, 6, 66 safety, as focus, 78 in, 86–87
regulatory fit in, 6 extrinsic life goals in, 91–93
tradeoffs in, for motivations, 67–78 S high-stakes rewards in, 99–100
relatedness, for children, 560. See also SDT. See self-determination theory intrinsic life goals in, 91–93
attachment, personal relationships selective self-memory motivational climate for, 492
and from encoding bias, 311–312 OIT as subtheory of, 484
alternative factors to, 345–346 prevalence of, 311 overview of, 85
attachment theory and, 336–339 psychological health and, 314–315 parental affect in, 339–340
contextual variations, 344–345 psychological interests and, 315 physical activity in, 484–485, 488–
early, 342–344 the self 489, 489–491, 492–493, 523–524
function of, 335 ego depletion and, from suppression, planned behavior theory and,
responsibility to parents and, 341–342 114 integration of, 489–491
SDT and, 339–341 four constituents of, 48 political systems under, 100–101
theory integration for, 342–346 self-affirmation in psychotherapeutic motivation, 444
relationships. See attachment theory; close BTAE and, 309 self-awareness in, 102
relationships; peer relationships; ego depletion and, 121 social contexts in, 87
personal relationships self-enhancement and, 306, 312 socialization of children, 339
religious beliefs. See also spirituality self-protection and, 312 transformational leadership and,
existential anxiety and, 55 SSB and, 306 511–512
immortality and, 55 self-awareness, 44–45. See also existential 2 x 2 model and, integration of,
intrinsic, 55 anxiety; existential psychology 492–493
meaning schemas through, 55 autonomy and, 102 work motivation and, 511–512
psychological consequences of, 55 avoidance behaviors, 57 youth motivation and, 523–524
worldview validation through, 55 behavioral flexibility and, 44–45 self-efficacy. See also collective efficacy
resources escaping from, 56–58 behavioral control and, 515–516
in adult goal development, 282–283 existential issues with, 45 career choice and, 23
ego depletion and, 119–120 in flow, 128–129 in children, 25
for goal focus, 287 flow concept and, 57 from choice, 254, 264
self-control and, 119–120 functions of, 44 effects of, 22–23, 23
response facilitation, 16 in objective self-awareness theory, 44 emotional reactions and, 22
576 index
environmental factors for, 14 self-perception. See also self-awareness mnemic neglect and, 312
episodic memory and, 376 in competence motivation theory, 521 SSB and, 305–306
informational sources for, 21, 20–22 ego depletion and, 116 sexuality
mastery experiences and, 23–24 for youth physical activity motivation, evolved individual motives for, 393
multiplicative influences on, 22 540–542 existential anxiety and, 49
neural foundation for, 376 self-perception theory, choice in, 252–253 sexual masochism, self-awareness and, 57
outcome expectations and, 19, 19, 23 self-presentation, choice and, 268 sexual objectification, of women. See also
performance behavior and, 21 self-protection, 559 objectification theory
persistence and, 23 BTAE in, 307–311 breasts and, 326–327
personal factors for, 14 definition of, 303 components of, 324
from persuasive messages, 21–22, 24 expectancy differentials in, 313 definition of, 324
physical activity and, 480 feedback inconsistency and, 313–314 as evolutionary adaptation, 324–325
reciprocal interactions and, 14 future research development for, 316 existential motivations for, 326–327
research evidence for, 23–24 in hedonism, 304 feminism and, 324
self-modeling for, 21 information valences in, 313–314 gendered body project and, 323, 331
self-regulation and, 23 instantiations of, 304–314 hegemonic masculinity maintenance
in social cognitive theory, 20–24 nonmotivational explanations for, from, 325–326
social comparisons and, 20, 21 312–314 media influences in, 331
student motivation and, 464 psychological health and, 314–315 menstruation and, 327
task choice and, 23 psychological interests and, 315 power from, 325
self-enhancement, 559 selective self-memory and, 311–312 theoretical frameworks for, 324–327
BTAE in, 307–311 self-affirmation and, 312 by women, 327–331
definition of, 303 self-threat and, 312 shielding, of goals, 217
expectancy differentials in, 313 self-view valences in, 313–314 Short flow scales, 135
feedback inconsistency and, 313–314 SSB in, 305–307 SIM. See Striving Instrumentality Matrix
future research development for, 316 theory development for, 304 situational interest, 169
in hedonism, 304 self-regulation. See also commitment, as skills
information valences in, 313–314 tradeoff; feedback control; self- in competence motivation theory, 521
instantiations of, 304–314 control; self-determination in flow, challenges in balance with,
nonmotivational explanations for, choice and, 250, 256 128, 130
312–314 cybernetic processes for, 28–29, in unconscious goal pursuit, 236–238
psychological health and, 314–315 555–556 sleep, energetic arousal and, 410–411. See
psychological interests and, 315 forethought in, 376 also resting
selective self-memory and, 311–312 of goal setting, 211–214 Smith R.E., 532
self-affirmation and, 306, 312 of goal striving, 218–225 social achievement goals, 196–197
self-threat and, 312 happiness and, 69 social bonds, 350–351
self-view valences in, 313–314 of mood, 416–417 social isolation and, 350–351
SSB in, 305–307 neural foundation for, 376–377 social cognitive theory, 6, 555
theory development for, 304 reflection in, 376 collective efficacy and, 24
self-esteem self-awareness and, 44 conceptual framework for, 14–15
existential anxiety and, 49–51 self-control compared to, 111–112 cross-cultural relevance of, 25–26
gendered body project and, 331 self-efficacy and, 23 developmental appropriateness of, 25
youth physical activity motivation in social cognitive theory, 17 enactive learning in, 15
and, 540–542 unconscious goal pursuit and, 243 future research applications for, 24–26
self-evaluation. See also self-enhancement; self-serving bias (SSB), 50 goals in, 18–19
self-protection expectancies in, 306 modeled observations in, benefits
of effort intensity, 431 impression management in, 307 of, 25
in social cognitive theory, 19 nonmotivational explanations for, motivational processes in, 18, 17–24,
social comparisons and, 20 306–307 209
of success, 431 prevalence of, among populations, 305 outcome expectations in, 19
self-modeling, for vicarious learning, 17 psychological health and, 314 performance in, learning compared
self-monitoring, of motives, 150–151 psychological interests and, 315 to, 15
self-objectification, by women, 327–331 self-affirmation and, 306 reciprocal interactions in, 14–15
cognitive developmental theories for, in self-enhancement, 305–307 self-efficacy in, 20–24
328–330 in self-protection, 305–307 self-evaluation in, 19
cultural messages and, 330 self-threat and, 305–306 self-regulatory processes in, 17
factors for, 327–328 self-system theory social comparisons in, 20
gendered body project and, 323, 331 depression and, 70 symbolic processes in, 17
girls’ gender development and, goal focus in, 287–288 values in, 19–20
328–330 Self-System Therapy (SST), 452–453, vicarious learning in, 15, 15–17
through media, 331 454, 457 social comparisons
situational motivators for, 330 self-threat, 312 development of, 20
socialization theories for, 328 BTAE and, 309 self-efficacy and, 20, 21
index 577
self-evaluation and, 20 in early grade school, 469–471 task-ego model, of achievement goals,
in social cognitive theory, 20 education as value in, 465 192–193
social competence, student motivation goal orientation and, 466 TAT. See Thematic Apperception Test
and, 468–469 by grade level, 469–470 teacher relationships
social contexts, in SDT, 87 grading systems and, 470 children and, in attachment theory, 338
social exchange motive, 395–396 group learning and, 469 collective efficacy for, 24
social goals, for youth physical activity, in high school, 470 student motivation and, 468,
525 interest and, 465 466–469
social information, in close relationships interventions for, 471–473, 474 for youth motivation, for physical
interpretation of, 356–357 intrinsic motivation and, 464–466, 467 activity, 532–535
weight of, 357 mastery experiences as part of, 467 teleonomic model, of well-being, 446
social interaction, emotion in, 357–358 in middle school, 470–471 personal goals in, 446
social isolation, negative effects of, peer influence on, 468–469 television consumption, self-awareness
350–351 through Project HiPlace, 472 and, 57
socialization, of children, 339 reform efforts for, 470–471, 474–475 tense arousal, 412
social learning theory, choice in, 250 in research study, 474 calm energy mood, 414
social motivation school influence on, 466–469 complex moods from, 413–415
affiliation motives in, 353 self-efficacy and, 464 muscular tension and, 416
Zurich Model, 400 social competence and, 468–469 tense energy, 415
social psychology TARGET approach to, 467–468 tense tiredness, 414–415
discrepancy-enlarging feedback loop task assignment and, 466–467 terror management theory (TMT), 4,
in, 30 teachers’ influence on, 468, 466–469 6–7, 45–48, 556
discrepancy-reducing feedback loop transition to school and, 470, anxiety-buffer hypothesis in, 47
in, 30 469–471 criticism of, 58–59
feedback control hierarchy in, 32 subjective energy, 409–410 death as inevitability in, 46
socioeconomics, choice influenced subjective norms, in planned behavior development of, 45–46
by, 265–267 theory, 481 DTA hypothesis in, 47
somatic marker hypothesis, 371 success, as tradeoff, 67, 67–71 existential anxiety in, 48–58
specific curiosity, 159 ego involvement in, 430–431 future research on, 58–59
spirituality, 56 emotional intensity for, 68 group belonging and, 52–53
existential anxiety and, 54–56 emotional quality of, 68–69 MS hypothesis in, 46–47
sports, flow in, 131. See also youth happiness and, 69 psychopathology of, 51
motivation, for physical activity material incentives for, 427–428 PTSD and, 51
SSB. See self-serving bias outcome expectancy for, 428–429 purpose of, 43
SST. See Self-System Therapy in self-awareness theory, 431 research strategy for, 46–48
stability goals, 290 self-evaluation of, 431 self-awareness and, 57
stabilizing selection for phenotypes, social evaluation of, 429–430 worldview validation in, 52–53
in FFM, 382–383 strategic preferences and, 71–72 Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), 141
statistical independence, in motive success, effort intensity and, 427–432 theory of fantasy realization. See fantasy
measurement, 143 material incentives for, 427–428 realization, theory of
in explicit motives, 144 Sullivan, Anne, 167 theory of planned behavior. See planned
in implicit motives, 144 symbolic immortality, 50–51 behavior theory
McClelland’s interpretation of, 143–145 hero worship and, 56 The Story of My Life (Keller), 167–168
in personality structure, 143 thirst, as motivational state, 368–369
problems in, 143 T threat avoidance
Steinbeck, John, 50 TARGET approach, to student in close relationships, 354
Stewart, V.C., 179–180 motivation, 467–468 evolved individual motives for, 391
stimulus-response rules, 235–236 evaluation techniques in, 468 time
context learning and, 236 grouping arrangements in, 468 goal focus and, 287–288
in pleasure centers, of brain, 235–236 task design in, 468 perception of, flow and, 129
stress time allocation in, 468 in TARGET approach, 468
energetic arousal and, 412 tasks work motivation influenced by,
motive congruence and, 151 in achievement goal model, 192–193 513–514
Striving Instrumentality Matrix (SIM), choice and, by type, 269 TMT. See terror management theory
448–449 delay of gratification, 221–222 tobacco use, self-control tasks and, 122
student motivation, 464–466 effort intensity by, 434 Tomkins, Silvan, 160–161
classroom practices, 466–467, 473 flow and, 129 totalitarianism, 100
competence and, 464 interest in, competence and, 172 tradeoffs, for motivations, 67–78, 556.
control and, 464 mood and, 426–427 See also prevention orientation, in
cooperative learning approach to, 471 self-control, with tobacco use, 122 regulatory focus theory; promotion
with CORI, 472 self-efficacy from, 23 orientation, in regulatory focus theory
cultural influences on, 473–474 student motivation from, 466–467 commitment as, 72–75
development of, 466 in TARGET approach, 468 in emotional life, 67–72
578 index
within evolved individual differences, through observation, 16 for groups, 512–513
391–397 production processes of, 16 intrinsic motivation and, 511
exploration as, 75–76 response facilitation in, 16 job design and, 510–511
for failure, 67, 67–71 retention of, 16 organization through, 513
in FFM, 383–384 self-modeling for, 17 parameters of, 505
in performance, 76–78 types of, 16, 16 rewards in, 515
for success, 67, 67–71 violence, from threats to worldview SDT and, 511–512
transformational leadership, 511–512 validation, 53 temporal perspectives on, 513–514
transition to schools, student vocational interest, 172 theoretical perspectives on, 505–512
motivation and volition transformational leadership and,
in grade school, 469–471 neural foundation for, 373 511–512
in high school, 470 strength of, 152 worldview validation, 52–53
Transtheoretical Model (TTM), 452 through culture, 52
triadic reciprocality, 14 W through religious belief, 55
trichotomous model, of achievement Watt, H.M.G., 178–179 threats to, violence from, 53
goals, 194 WBT. See Well-Being Therapy
TTM. See Transtheoretical Model wealth accumulation, evolved individual Y
2 x 2 model, of achievement goals, motives for, 394 Yalom, Irvin, 45, 49, 51. See also
194–195 weekend effect, 101 existential anxiety
for physical activity, 486–487 well-being Young, Iris Marion, 326–327
SDT and, integration of, 492–493 avoidance goals and, 447 youth motivation, for physical activity,
energetic arousal and, 409–410 528–540, 562
U motive congruence and, 152–153 achievement goal theory and,
unconscious goal pursuit. See also goal as personal goal, 445–448 524–526
setting; goal striving physical activity and, 479 attitude and behavioral modeling for,
academic development of, theories for, self-awareness and, 102 529–530
232–233 social isolation and, 350–351 autonomy-supportive behaviors for,
active maintenance of representations teleonomic model of, 446 534–535
in, 238–239 Well-Being Therapy (WBT), 454 coach/teacher influence on, 532–535
classical conditioning and, 233 wellness, autonomous motivation and, competence for, 540–542
conceptual parameters of, 233–235 96–97 competence motivation theory and,
control of, 235–239 White, Robert, 521 521–522
feedback processing in, 239 will, unconscious goal pursuit and, 240 controlling behaviors in, 534–535
flexibility of, 238–239, 243 willpower, lack of, 221–225 emotional influences on, 542–544
goal-interference and, inhibition in academic settings, 222 expectancy-value theories for,
of, 239 affective responses and, 223 526–528
habits in, 235–238 behavioral responses and, 223–224 expressions of competence for, 530–531
monitoring in, 239 cognitive responses and, 223 feedback patterns for, 532–533
motivation in, 239–242 competition and, 222 friendship quality as influence on,
negative affect and, 243 conscientiousness and, 224–225 536–537
positive affect and, 240, 241–242 delay of gratification tasks and, future research applications for,
research on, 233–234 221–222 544–545
reward processing in, 240–241 habitual responses and, 222–223 individual differences in, 540–544
self-regulation and, 243 implementation intention and, 224 leadership styles for, 533, 538–539
skills adjustment in, 236–238 PDP for, 223 motivational climate for, 526,
stimulus-response rules and, 235–236 personality attributes and, 224 533–534
will and, 240 women. See also gender; gender negative evaluative behaviors,
urges, with ego depletion, 115 development, for girls; 539–540
objectification theory; sexual observational learning for, 537–538
V objectification, of women parental influence on, 528–532
values commitment motivations in, 395 peer influence on, 535–540
education as, 465 in media, sexual objectification of, 331 perceived competence and, 540–542
as internalized process, 374 self-objectification by, 327–331 pressure by parents for, 531–532
neural foundations for, 373–374 work-avoidance goals, 196 SDT and, 523–524
physical activity as, 531 work motivation, 562 self-esteem and, 540–542
in psychotherapeutic motivation, 442 aging of employees and, 513–514 self-perceptions and, 540–542
in social cognitive theory, 19–20 autonomy climates in, 95 social-contextual factors for, 528–540
vicarious learning, 15, 15–17 creativity within, 514–515 social goals for, 525
cognitive modeling for, 17 equity theory and, 507–508 social support for, 529, 536
disinhibition effects in, 16 expectancy theory and, 506–507 as value, 531
gender and, 17 extrinsic motivation and, 511
inhibition effects in, 16 generational differences in, 514 Z
modeling for, 16–17 goal setting theory and, 508–509 Zurich Model of Social Motivation, 400
index 579