Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Abstract:
Visual criminology can be defined broadly to include the use of photography and
videography for a number of purposes, including (1) ethnographic fieldwork and
research, (2) news media usages of visual materials (e.g., crime photojournalism
and war crimes photography) and (3) the collection of evidentiary (e.g., forensics)
and other legal materials. This essay will briefly discuss the second and third,
while focusing on academic research and related pedagogical issues. While
visual anthropology, visual sociology and the broader field of visual studies have
grown in significance in the recent past, visual criminology as a research
methodology remains an under-explored area ripe for ethnographic investigation
(data collection, analysis and theory building). This essay is based upon the
author's experiences of conducting both officially approved photography of law
enforcement activities, correctional facilities, forensic laboratories and anti-
terrorism exercises in the United States, as well as “street photography” of
police-citizen interactions in a number of countries (USA, UK, Italy, France,
Canada, Poland). Primarily these efforts focused on two related phenomenon: (1)
the criminal justice system as an everyday work experience for criminal justice
employees and (2) the nature of the communities and situations in which police
and correctional officers interact with citizens on the street and inside criminal
justice facilities. The social science issues to be discussed include (1) initial data
collection decisions, (2) entry into the field, (3) ethical and human subjects
concerns, (4) data analysis: from categorizing images to selecting specific
images that have an ethnographic “richness” for depth discussion and, finally, (5)
theory building. A theory-driven visual case study of police-citizen public
encounters is highlighted. In addition to research, the creation of visual materials
related to criminal justice has a number of pedagogical enhancement possibilities
by introducing visual materials into the classroom and electronic teaching
materials. Finally, a discussion of the role of visual imagery vis-à-vis text in
criminological ethnographic description is undertaken, and then compared to
academic criminology’s currently dominant research paradigm of combining
mathematics and text in the effort to describe behavior and the forces at play in
the social world. By combining both qualitative and quantitative methodologies a
closer verisimilitude to lived experience might be possible. Photography as a
form of visual criminology may have an important role to play in this process.
2
Visual Criminology: Using Photography as Research and Teaching
Tools in Criminal Justice Settings
Introduction
Visual criminology is a vital but largely overlooked aspect of the discipline
purposes, including (1) ethnographic fieldwork and research, (2) news media
photography) and (3) the collection of evidentiary (e.g., forensics) and other legal
materials. This essay will briefly discuss the second and third, while focusing on
visual sociology and the broader field of visual studies have grown in significance
countries (USA, UK, Italy, France, Canada, Poland). Primarily these efforts
everyday work experience for criminal justice employees and (2) the nature of
the communities and situations in which police and correctional officers interact
3
The social science issues which such research raises include (1) initial
data collection decisions, (2) entry into the field, (3) ethical and human subjects
of specific images that have ethnographic “richness” for depth discussion and,
text, used in the effort to discern the roots of deviant behavior and the forces at
play in the social world. Are qualitative and quantitative methodologies fated to
remain at odds with each other as they often are currently, or can they be used
in this process.
topics as visual imagery plays a critical role both within the criminal justice
system itself and in the production of the mediated view of criminal justice that
dramas and documentaries and Hollywood type films. The focus here primarily
will be on still photography, as motion picture and video imagery has been
4
discussed previously in our efforts to analyze the Gothic aspects of many of
these depictions (Picart & Greek, 2003; Greek, forthcoming). The still camera is
one means of capturing what is seen by the human eye, and creating data which
are stories covering aspects of crime and criminal justice. These include but are
not limited to the work of traditional crime reporters and war crimes
photographers.
Like crime reporting in general, photojournalists who work the crime beat
often engender less respect than those who cover other assignments. While
50 percent of local TV news broadcasts, crime reporting itself has been viewed
Just as the media’s particular focus on crime has been criticized from a
lurid and pandering to the lowest denominator of public fascination with open
and affix viewer interest during television news broadcasts (Hannigan & Sante,
1999).
5
Decisions about which crime photographs to run are the topic of frequent
frequently opt not to publish or broadcast graphic photos (Friendly, 1990). As the
entire journalism world has shifted toward tabloidization, the more graphic
images are less subject to ethical censure by editors (Sparks and Tulloch, 2000).
point of revulsion, journalism has preferred black and white photography to more
images and their creators, the worlds of journalistic and art photography
occasionally blur. Weegee (2002), one of the most famous of New York City’s
superior one, etc. However, a quality photo may have academic, journalistic and
6
the atrocities of war, including genocide and ethnic cleansing. Renowned
this type of dangerous work (Frei, 2001). Given the inherent difficulty of getting
process of getting tacit approval from those he was about to photograph by using
a knowing nod. If the person’s body language indicated back to Nachtwey that it
was alright to take the photo, he assumed he had permission. This has become a
War crimes photography has also been featured in Hollywood films. For
occurred in late 1991 in Vukovar, within the former Yugoslavia. The Serbian
troops invaded the town while the Croatian people offered resistance in
protecting their town for three months until they were eventually overrun. The
film stated that over 40 photographers died during the Yugoslavian conflicts of
the 1990s.
that images of war atrocities are now being photographed more frequently, and
quickly making there way to the Internet. These include photos of civilian
(Irregular Times, 2003) and the notorious images of Iraqi prisoners being abused
and tortured by the American military assigned to guard them at Abu Graib prison
(Antiwar.com, 2004; Sontag, 2004). Some of these efforts are similar to those
7
to allow self-documentation of human rights abuses. The unbelievable twist is
that in the Abu Graib case the images of torture were taken by the soldiers
themselves as souvenirs of their sojourn to Iraq and treated like fraternity hazing
turns.
Some photographic images will (or can) have legal significance, serving
noted:
possible for the first time to preserve permanent and unmistakable traces
If such photos are to have evidentiary value, the scale, focus, and exposure must
(Crimescene, 2003) and using cameras that automatically include GPS data in
every shot add to the ability to contextualize the images for evidentiary purposes
(Norton, 1999).
8
One example of a broader use of crime scene photography can be seen in
were then processed, scanned (unaltered), and made part of a Web page by
eleven o’clock the next morning. The page also included all officers’ reports, a
digitized version of the emergency 9-1-1 call and any other audio recorded at the
scene, plus contact information on the victim. The Web page, while password
protected, was made available to law enforcement, the state attorney’s office, the
judge who would be handling initial case processing (suspects could no longer
claim injuries were minor when photographs indicated otherwise), and a local
victim’s shelter (who could contact the victims to help them safely leave the
residence before the perpetrator was released and returned home). The results
of this program were quite remarkable, as virtually all suspects pled guilty rather
Similarly, juries will take evidence photos at face value rather than
question that the images might be only partial truths or limited by the perspective
and frame chosen by the photographer. As a result, lawyers on both sides fight to
have photos introduced in court or keep them out, depending upon whether they
long history (Tilt Works, 1996). While used today only for identification purposes,
in the 19th century, such photos were sometimes used by prison administrators in
9
their efforts to read external signs of physiognomical or phrenological
Visual Ethnography
anthropology and visual sociology (Collier & Collier, 1986). Here historical
tradition.
(1890) of poor immigrants living in squalid New York City ghettoes and Lewis
10
encompassing detailed view of a typical industrial city. In 1908, the National Child
Labor Committee hired Hine to photograph child labor practices. For the next
alert the public to the dangers of child labor. Many considered his photographs
as one of the driving forces that led to stricter child labor laws.
published in the first decades of the American Journal of Sociology (Greek, 1992;
Stasz, 1979). During this era American sociology was characterized by its ties to
the social gospel movement and its efforts at social amelioration (Vidich &
encourage progressive reforms. As the discipline came to adopt the position that
it must reject all vestiges of religion if sociology was to make a claim of being
One recognized a return to the use of visual imagery similar to the social
11
themselves photograph abuses for later Internet display. Photovoice also
provided cameras to citizens so that they could document their health and work
bringing about social change through the recognition of social injustices in areas
significant comeback within the discipline until the emergence of semiotics in the
1970s. An interesting aside during this era was Corsini’s (1959) use of
carried these to other prisons, asking inmates to the rate the depicted inmates
the primary crimes of these offenders. He found, for example, robbers overall to
be more attractive than burglars and pedophiles as a group the least attractive of
all. He theorized that robbers like to meet people face-to-face while burglars
hope to steal while no one is home to see them, thus crime specialty is motivated
by physical attractiveness. Pedophiles were deemed too ugly to attract adult sex
partners and therefore turned to children who could be dominated and abused
photography as an essential feature in research since the 19th century, and the
12
two have parallel histories of development (Pinney, 1992). Nineteenth and early
the photograph as literal truth, and largely ignored issues related to the power
differential between those who employed technology (the camera) and those
literal and now use photography for a number of purposes, including historical
remains the predominant use of photography. However, issues of who, when and
spent with the subjects. Does the researcher photograph early in his/her stay or
only after a true rapport has been established? Does one ever pose photographs
aware that their answers to them may change over time during the period spent
for framing purposes (Collier and Collier, 1986: 29-44). Just as a Hollywood film
frequently begins with establishing shots showing city, neighborhood, and finally
13
geographic, architectural, and cultural ritual location shots that place the
which individuals are embedded. Typically, these are done early in the
researcher’s stay with the subjects, but frequently are included in the final
that photographing local sites often led to town members asking why, and
and others trained in social science recognize that the images can be seen to fall
into categories. Typically, these also are the categories that matched the
categories include those that demonstrate material culture, clothing and body
development” and “rites of passage.” Whether the categories are applied to the
14
Anthropologists today, more than any other group, support the position
within the lived experience of the image subjects themselves. The photos could
always inseparable from their cultural roots. The images therefore required
descriptions was to share the taken images with the subjects themselves, asking
them to more fully describe the objects, activities and persons depicted. Thus,
discussion while the photos were being taken and reflective conversation when
they were shown to the subjects (Collier and Collier, 1986:99). Thus, the
resulting images and description were not merely the result of the photographer’s
15
Outside of anthropology, interest in visual media as worthy of analysis
reemerged within the broader contemporary social sciences during and after the
criminological research are lacking, so that methods are largely borrowed from
visual anthropology and sociology. Authors such as Banks (2001), Banks and
Morphy (1999), Emmison and Smith (2000), Pink (2001), Prosser (1998), Lister
et al (2003) and Rose (2001) have written in these more general areas.
Some have combined photography with the reading of cultural signs and
traditional visual ethnography with semiotics. For them, bodies, identities and
interactions were seen together as all part of the symbolic universe available for
observation and recording. To give just one related example, culture critic
visual imagery that bombarded potential purchasers at every turn. As the urban
“blasé personality” first described by Simmel (1950) has become a given of post-
modern culture, advertisers believed they must uncover, arouse and appeal to
Given the current interest in visual culture studies, this essay will attempt
16
photography as a research (and teaching tool). Within criminology, the most
in a quest to get depth description photographs for use within college criminal
justice textbooks and classroom lectures, but moved in directions beyond the
The social science issues which such research raises included (1) initial data
collection decisions, (2) entry into the field, (3) ethical and human subjects
concerns, (4) data analysis and (5) theory building. Suggested ways the data
might be coded and analyzed and used in theory building are highlighted here.
Primarily the images focused on two related phenomenon: (1) the criminal justice
system as the everyday work experience for criminal justice employees and (2)
the nature of the communities and situations in which police and correctional
officers interact with citizens on the street and inside criminal justice facilities.
from a visual perspective, the areas in which criminal justice employees interact
17
with citizens might be even more critical, as interactive spaces offer a number of
criminal justice courses, the author sought to document through still photography
system employees, and specifically interaction with the public that takes place in
law enforcement, the courts and corrections. Creating photographs was chosen
over just writing descriptions for existing ones, as the author would have full
knowledge of the production process and the situational and cultural contexts in
which the photos were embedded. With existing photographs these background
frequently analyzed for their subcultural-like nature and the role this has to play in
criminal justice employees interact with the public are unique from any other
social encounters in that police and correctional staff may carry weapons and
18
have the legal right to use force when necessary, while attorneys and judges
help determine who gets punished for alleged wrongdoing and who does not.
Thus, citizen interaction with criminal justice system employees is fraught with
potential peril to life, limb and freedom. One only has to stop and think about
one’s first “instinctual” reaction when seeing a police officer or police car come
into view. For most it is not a positive “feel good” moment (unless one is in
constantly aware of the fact that they make be attacked, harmed or even killed
during encounters with both free civilians and those held in total institutions.
Given these background facts, it may be all the more remarkable that police, for
example, are also called upon to interact with citizens as victims, those in need of
medical or social services, crowd control, traffic control, etc., and that most of
these encounters are nonproblematic. The call for police to adopt community
policing and problem solving orientations over more traditional crime control
policies has left many police wondering what their real jobs descriptions ought to
social settings (e.g., buildings such as courtrooms, jails and prisons; communities
19
host of related social problems. Our courts and prisons are disproportionately
filled with citizens from such communities, resulting in frequent debates about
The latter fact creates a unique challenge for the visual ethnographer.
of the current system, and perhaps be criticized for in effect reifying the situation,
or choose to select subjects for photography which do not show criminal justice
Factually, the deeper one descends into the criminal justice system the more
disproportionate the minority representation. By not focusing upon this fact, is the
that can in no way be construed to document that minorities are more impacted
by the criminal justice system than any other group of citizens. The topic can, of
interaction with minority populations became one of the reasons that data
include everyday street encounters between police and citizens in which neither
may have known they were being photographed. Furthermore, as Diop Kamau
may be quite different from actual “street justice” administered when agents
20
believe no credible witnesses are present. Police autobiographies bear this out
Given the above concerns, the project started with officially approved ride-
alongs and prison tours in which photography was permitted, with the focus on
individuals encountered, the nature of the interaction that took place and the
settings in which these encounters occurred. Later the project shifted to street
Initial efforts were based upon establishing good rapport with criminal
was not difficult as long as the author had a high-level contact within the agency
as a starting point. Requests going down the chain of command were more
effective than trying to push requests up for permission. If one had to start by
going through the media relations office, the task was more difficult because the
presumption was that such requests were being made by a journalist or someone
with a journalistic interest, a fact that documented the negative attitudes police
sometimes hold towards media. When questioned about intentions, the author
stated that the goal was to document ordinary criminal justice-civilian encounters.
permissions; the latter will be discussed as the essay proceeds, and then
21
Explaining exactly what one wanted to photograph was crucial, both in
securing permission for the ride-along or tour and obtaining the widest discretion
police precincts were selected and requested by the author based upon
Manhattan was selected because it included Chinatown, Little Italy, Wall Street,
etc., and thus would guarantee ethnic diversity. Shopping districts were also
addition, neighborhoods with distinctive landmarks (e.g., the Brooklyn Bridge, the
Italian North End of Boston) were chosen as photo backgrounds, so that viewers
would recognize the city and agency affiliations, rather than trying to disguise
locations.
22
NYPD officers respond to a rooftop crime report. Brooklyn Bridge is in the background.
immediate disclosure. In these cases one might have to promise not to publish
open to the press, and therefore photos were considered public information.
23
Police and EMS Workers respond to a simulated terrorist attack at a college football game.
When working with police agencies the author spent the day before the
anthropology, the goal was to get to know the primary landmarks, community
activity centers, and people living and commuting through the neighborhood.
homeless persons sleeping in the streets, etc.] were photographed at that time.
police stations, patrol cars, etc. were photographed as part of contextualizing the
24
Window sign in Chinatown, NYC, shows NYPD is recruiting in Chinese language
Boston homeless man sleeps in the street in 40 degree F weather near major shopping district at Quincy Market.
25
Boston homeless man sleeps in the snow outside JFK Federal Building. The irony of the fact that President
Kennedy fought to eliminate poverty was noted.
The overall goal of the field visit itself was to photograph a “typical” day at
the agency. Thus, on the ride-along or tour date, photographing started at roll call
for police officers or with early morning activities at the courthouse or jail and
continued until shift change or end of the work day. At the police station one
could photograph not only the roll call activities itself, but also station interiors
working at the precinct station in their work areas and commanding officers in
their offices.
introduce the photographer during roll call, offered him the opportunity to explain
what he was doing, and requested cooperation from the patrol officers. Typically,
the author was introduced as a college professor writing a book about criminal
that all photographs taken during the day could be used as textbook illustrations.
26
At roll call, coverage of new legal rulings, police union issues, community
policing hot spots and crime trends would provide excellent material for
discussions during the day with officers. Thus, in effect, the day was spent as an
Besides topics introduced at roll call, the author initiated discussion during
the day about issues widely known based upon the history and innovative
history of graft and corruption inside NYPD (Greek, forthcoming), and both their
responses to 9/11 and whether a new public attitude toward the police had
emerged following this catastrophic event. With Riker’s Island jail officials,
from the early 1990s to the present (Wynn, 2000). Chicago Police Department
27
As the day progressed, incidents would occur that naturally led to
additional discussions. If officers received free coffee or small food items during
stops at convenience stores, the author was often told, sometimes without even
asking the officers, what the agency’s policy in these matters was. This then
asked about how much time or how important that activity was on a daily basis.
NYPD officers stop for morning coffee and bagels. They paid for it themselves.
focused on how they perceive their experiences within the criminal justice
system. For example, in New York City, the author was partnered for part of the
day with officers of Italian and Chinese descent. The Chicago Police Department
escort was a female sergeant who had finished a law degree as well. This
with law degrees, promotion structures, etc. The majority of the correctional
officers inside the visited jails were frequently African Americans, offering the
28
Efforts were not made to formally record any of these conversations as
this might have inhibited the subjects, but could have been done with the aid of a
small tape or video recorder. It was the author’s observation that subject
more positive than they would have been had a tape recorder or video camera
been introduced. This in all likelihood reflected the overall positive feeling that
memories of work and family (Musello, 1980). On the other hand, tape or video
Photos taken during the day were both candids and posed. Permission
was typically asked for before taking a posed shot of a citizen. In a candid shot,
the photograph was taken first to capture more natural interactions, then written
permission was requested after the image was made. If someone asked to see
the photo first before signing a photo release form, the author could show the
image to the subject using the LCD screen review possible with digital cameras.
Few did. Candids were taken of such activities as police waking citizens sleeping
29
Candid shot of NYPD officer waking a sleeping man on a park bench inside a children’s playground
Posed Photo of NYPD officer interacting with owner of Korean green grocery
author was interested in focusing on the work environment itself, moving from the
interior of the police car as a work space to the streets and neighborhoods in
30
Interior of NYPD patrol car shows quite obsolete text communications device
of the work is done inside a car, followed by periods in which police interact with
the public, the great majority being total strangers, and a number of these in
day during the ride-alongs was spent responding to calls for service, many of
which turned out to be false alarms or reports. In the post 9/11 big city
seriously.
significant immigrant and minority populations, while the officers may not come
31
from those groups, a fact which compounds understanding. At some business
locations the author stopped with officers in lower Manhattan, it was difficult to
32
The exterior of an NYPD Precinct station
In jails and prisons this included exterior walls, barbed wire fences, tiers, and
cells. One of the locations, Riker’s Island (Wynn, 2000) in New York City proved
to be unique in that in its multiple jail facilities it had a new generation jail (Zupan,
1991), a floating hulk, a three-tiered “big house” era style facility, a boot camp
facility and a juvenile facility, while housing both pretrial detainees and sentenced
offenders.
33
Boot camp facility at New York’s Riker’s Island Jail has pod type buildings but campus is surrounded by razor
wire.
Though the essay already has mentioned some of the issues related to
courtroom or jail/prison, (2) some of photos included group and crowd scenes
which would make getting photo permissions from everyone in the photograph
difficult, and (3) the project shifted to include non-agency sponsored street
lenses.
Agency permission for what could and could not be photographed varied.
34
inside jails/prisons was much more restrictive than taking images of police/citizen
themselves reaffirmed this if a camera was pointed in their direction). Thus, when
photographed (from a distance), while visitation by friends and relatives was not.
Lunch inside Riker’s Island Jail. Different color jump suits indicate different status.
signed for photographs taken of citizens when images produced during ride-
use of all photos to be taken during the entire day with squad police officers were
signed at roll call. No police officer refused to sign a release form, and all citizens
who were photographed agreed to sign a model release as well. Of course, the
35
Other events in which official photography was permitted created greater
was not possible to stop the exercise to seek individual photo releases every
training incident, for example, there were hundreds of law enforcement, fire, and
emergency workers present, all being monitored for their response times. News
the research focus from officially approved tours and ride-alongs to street
citizen encounters, homeless persons, alleged criminal activity (e.g. drug use),
etc., wherever he had his camera handy, and sometimes when using 200mm or
longer distance lenses. At such distances the subjects in the images may or may
have noticed they were being photographed. The method might not be
effort to hide what he was doing. The shift was made for several reasons and
with the understanding by the researcher that these photos would not be
published in books, as there were no signed model releases; but used only for
36
First, many of the photos were taken in foreign countries (UK, France,
Italy, Poland, Canada) during teaching and vacation trips and while attending
large scale public events that had considerable police presence. As an approach
street life gatherings, attention always turned to criminal justice presence. For
protest rally during a visit by President Bush, a massive Trafalgar Square fan
rally after the English team won the Rugby World Cup, crowds outside major
neighborhoods were attended. Police were out in force at all of these public
events, as were citizens and the press. Discussions with police officers at that
time indicated that the majority did not want to be there, as many of these
37
These London officers were the only ones spotted who seemed to be enjoying having a duty shift at Carnival.
methods was the limitations placed upon photography by the agencies. As one is
document what the tour or ride-along provides. A model for the kind of agency
worlds and public interactions would be the unfettered access Bruce Jackson
revisit the prison over a four year period, walk through the institution
other than approved topics, this has to be done without agency support. Not that
it was thought that the researcher might be on hand for the next Rodney King
38
First Amendment freedom of assembly rights in efforts to keep protesters away
from the convention itself (Walter, 2004). Taking photographs of such police-
This project raised a number of issues which have been discussed in the
social science literature on the ethics of research that involves human subjects.
discussed here.
subjects exists among some in the social sciences. Susan Sontag (1979)
and “shot.” In her view to photograph people is to violate them. This compares to
the idea that exists in some cultures that to photograph or otherwise try to
While one must always remain sensitive to the feelings of those one wishes to
Photographs, Film and Television (Gross et al, 1998a) and Image Ethics for the
Digital Age (Gross et al, 2003). Of particular note is the extended discussion of
39
the Columbine High School mass murders of 1999 (Moritz, 2003). While the
photography per se, the questions raised regarding intrusion and sensitivity are
showed up at the high school almost immediately, while the panic was still in
progress, and stayed on the story through the funerals. Using telephoto lenses it
was possible to capture highly visceral emotional reaction photos from immediate
fear through later profound grief. After the photographers captured these images,
their editors had to agonize over which of them to print and in what context (e.g.,
the front page or the middle of the paper, the type of story in which they would be
embedded, etc.). In some cases editors sat at tables reviewing hundreds of daily
photos before selecting the ones for that day’s edition. Collectively the twelve
news photographers on the scene won a Pulitzer Prize, demonstrating that this
sensitivity (Moritz, pp. 80). Of course, the editorial decisions sometimes were
questioned by parents and friends; and rightly so, the result hopefully leading to
coverage also has been the subject of numerous media journalism ethics
conferences.
the photojournalist (Wang & Redwood-Jones, 2001)? Or should both use the
Gross, Katz and Ruby (1988b) suggest that several factors be considered at all
40
times. These include (1) intrusion (2) embarrassment (3) false light and (4)
journalists. As ethical standards they should remain open ended and applied
subject permission to photograph, but also changed the names of all depicted
inmates, though no one asked that he do that. As nearly thirty years has passed
since these photos were originally taken, and the resemblance to the person as
they might look today fades, the historical importance of the images as
41
camps did not have photographs of victims of all ages who died there and cases
filled with the personal objects brought into the camps by those murdered there,
the emotional impact of the visit by contemporary students and other visitors
required categorization beyond the original foci of the researcher. Dowdall and
categorization that included (1) appraisal (2) inquiry and (3) interpretation. Each
will be discussed in turn, by giving examples of what was done with the criminal
justice images. While Dowdall and Golden used a set of historical photographs,
42
the same techniques were applied here to a combination of agency approved
intended purpose was not part of the original project. The primary purpose of
collecting the images was to document the work experiences of criminal justice
practitioners, including their interactions with the public. This was to be done in
including: courtrooms, jails and prisons, police stations, law enforcement vehicles
might be categorized for more in depth analysis purposes. One way to order
categories was to start from the individual and move outward in a concentric
circle type way to include the larger community as depicted in the images. Thus,
on the personal level, a major category for categorizing criminal justice personnel
the lack thereof, vehicles). The impact that these items might have during
interaction with citizens could then become part of the later analysis of images
that show the two, criminal justice agent and citizen, together.
Clothing patterns and other external visual clues seen in the photos that
Obviously, prison inmates were required to wear uniforms that designate their
43
captive status, but were sometimes permitted to wear personal objects (chains,
for example) or might have distinctive visible body adornment such as tattoos.
the photos pictured the work spaces of criminal justice personnel. These included
offices and cubicles; courtrooms; jail and prison corridors, cells and
command/control rooms; cars; and the public world of streets and building
facades. The photo below, showing the personal computer work space of an
2004).
While this Boston Police Sgt. Works primarily in his office on community policing projects, he still wears a
uniform. Note the children’s stuffed animals and toys which surround his computer.
addition, the type of district (poverty stricken, homeless area, adult entertainment
44
London cop patrols in one of the seedier parts of the adult entertainment district in Soho.
research. Could such visual interactive features as interpersonal space and body
agencies, but quite differently while in neighborhoods where their presence may
not always be wanted but where they nevertheless must maintain control.
These steps were modeled after Max Weber’s use of ideal types as constructed
item analysis (Coser, 1977: 223-224). During the appraisal stage the researcher
compared the overall patterns that appear in the categorized visual imagery to
the literature in this area. During the inquiry phase the analyst looked for themes
45
demonstrated new directions of potential interpretation. Finally, during
this process. One example of how this approach was applied will be given here,
having to do with the physical appearance and presence of the police in public
spaces during interaction with citizens. The analysis in this area is an ongoing
finished.
some informing theory. There are too many opportunities for selection, for
inclusion and exclusion, etc. For example, Jackson’s (1997:26) starting theory for
anyone much good.” His photographs documented that fact, but also
demonstrated his other major theoretical conclusion that “the primary function of
prison is to hurt people, and prison succeeds at that quite well.” Images of bodies
The theory of this case study, which is only one of many that could be
tested by employing the collected and coded data, is rooted in visual social
(Emmison & Smith, 2000). If it is true that public interaction in both pre-modern
46
and modern cultures is primarily symbolic and visual, based upon clothing, make-
up and insignia, then how both law enforcement officials and civilians appear in
current urban setting may be more problematic than the Victorian city was for
reading civilian clues, as in our post-modern major cities there are less and less
task. As police look for indications of deference in the external appearance and
nonproblematic exchanges and those that break down into aggressive or even
violent encounters might be offered. As a form of visual data, police and civilians
regarding gaze, territoriality, gesture and presentation of self (Emmison & Smith,
2000, 190). Neighborhood features thus become even more important as dress
becomes less class specified. The collected photographs in this study offered
one way of documenting and discussing these issues and their contextual nature.
analysis was built upon the theory that police must dramatize the appearance of
These strategies would include material culture costumes and props (uniforms,
47
badges and insignia, outward display of weapons, vehicles, etc.) plus acting
(gaze, territoriality, gesture and presentation of self). Civilians who appear to not
understand or respect the law enforcement officers’ right to control these aspects
example, when police ask questions they expect to be answered. Refusal, even if
maintain control through conversation, dress and body language might be signals
that to the citizens involved in the encounter, the police were either unconvincing
actors, over-acting actors, poorly costumed actors, out of place actors, etc.
These ultimately are training issues. Similarly, police might have misread acting
(and survival) technique, might draw the wrong conclusions and escalate a
was doing the research during daylight hours rather than at night, and primarily in
heavily traveled shopping districts or public venues, not isolated lower class
soccer and football rallies, etc.) remained quite stable, with no events similar to
48
The first set of photographs below focus on police, comparing police
Boston police officer inside Quincy Market has dress typical of American police. Note the gun and walkie talkie,
yet his cell phone has become his primary communication tool.
London Metropolitan Police (“bobbies”) stand side by side during a rainy President Bush visit to 10 Downing
Street. There were hundreds of protesters between them and Tony Blair’s residence. They have no firearms.
49
Paris cops on roller skates near Notre Dame Cathedral.
While baseball caps indicate their approachability, they do carry guns. Tourists, particularly female ones, often
requested to be photographed with these cops as travel souvenirs.
If police wish to shift their image from one as “to be feared” crime fighters
uniforms, demeanor and speech patterns, and even vehicles may need to be
replaced with more user friendly modes, like roller skates. While the public may
not be willing to approach an officer in a police car, they may be more willing to
tell an officer on a horse or bicycle that they have a problem. If Terrill, Paoline
and Manning’s (2003) findings that police attitudes toward the use of coercion
50
would include changing the visual images that police display through their dress,
demeanor, body language and situational control techniques. This second set of
Note the aggressive questioning by London officers in this shot. The two citizens were operating a sausage
stand outside a museum without a license.
This Boston citizen had to rap on the police officer’s window a few times before he was willing to roll it down to
talk to her. It’s very difficult to interact with police while they are in a car.
51
Horse Patrol is used as crowd control on New Orleans' Bourbon Street, in particular during Mardi Gras. It is not a
community policing strategy.
This Naples, Italy police officer, dismounted from his horse, encourages grandfather and child to approach.
52
Here, in an effort to increase citizen understanding, police encourage a community resident to hold a S.W.A.T.
style weapon. Police-community events aim to lessen the gap between the two.
Would this American police officer be more approachable? This community policing officer is on foot rather than
in a car. His dress is much more casual than ordinary patrolmen.
53
Would such of image of American cops as teddy bears be even conceivable?
These are example photos that visually demonstrate themes related to police
The primary original purpose of the photography described here was for
textbook publication. Secondarily, this essay has shown how the collected
images can be categorized and used for qualitative data analysis and theory
testing. Finally, several direct teaching applications were made of the images.
points. For example, forensic equipment such as fingerprint and DNA scanners
so that students have a better idea of what this equipment looks like.
54
Fingerprint technician scanning prints to be sent to FBI
Because each photo was taken by the Web page author, additional information
to contextualize the image was presented. Students also know the faculty
member was present when the photo was taken which adds credibility to the
(2) The author has shown the photos in class to illustrate police and correctional
work to first year criminal justice students. Community policing, police community
relations, urban policing, technology and criminal justice, anti-terrorist efforts, and
jail and prison architecture were some of the topics illustrated. The photographs
also helped to foster class discussions in ways that traditional lectures and
PowerPoint presentations did not. As today’s students are much more visually
oriented than in the past (Lister, 2003), new media presentations have an appeal
Other types of photos taken by the author have been shown in class as
well. A set of photos made in 2002 during a tour of the Auschwitz and Birkenau
about human rights crimes and genocide. Photos included images of objects left
55
behind or used as part of the killing such as empty Zyklon-B cans, along with
Hundreds of empty cans of Zyklon-B document the massive human extermination practiced at Auschwitz
classes, the faculty member can share through photographs their own
create their own visual assignments could share their findings with the class. For
(3) A very different classroom use of the photographs has been made as well.
Instead of having the author provide an analysis of the photo, the class is told
nothing about the image and asked to discuss what they see in it. Mitchell’s
(2002) method of “show and tell” was used, in that students were instructed to
56
society that has no concept of visual culture. They were not to take for granted
that their audience had any knowledge of the everyday things which might be
seen in the images and to describe what they see to such an audience. Trying to
phenomena.
This essay attempted to show the value of using visual data (photography)
between police and citizens. Given that the opportunities to do similar projects
are only limited by the imagination of a researcher (and gaining access), why are
there not more photographic essays within criminology? One has to wonder why
(and visual data in general) as a research tool, in comparison to the focus upon it
phenomenon is relevant here. Martin traced this debate back to Plato through its
modern variant; focusing here is on those who supported the primacy of drawing:
For Plato, there were two ways of representing a man, either by saying his
name or by drawing his portrait. Whereas words were taken to be arbitrary
signifiers without any necessary relation to what they signified, images
were understood to be tied by natural forces to what they resembled,
57
iconic analogues of their objects. Mimesis of the real was assumed to be
better served by vision than by any other sense.
Even within the history of the Judeo-Christian tradition the debate over the
use of language versus images has played a crucial role. The early Hebrews
reviled all forms of image making while naming was considered an approach to
truth and the divine (the name of God was written without vowels so that ordinary
mortals could not invoke it, so great was its power). In comparison, the Catholic
church long made use of imagery and icons to communicate the faith to the
masses, while reading the Bible in a language no one in the congregation could
comprehend. Only with the coming of the mass printed Bible in native languages
did the primacy of the “word” over the visual take place within western
Christianity. The visual, no longer needed to point toward the supernatural, was
The social sciences emerged from a social milieu in which the written
depiction, with the visual limited primarily to art worlds. The thing that separated
first generation social scientists from their modernist heirs was the shift of focus
from describing what they could see (the visual world) to trying to comprehend
58
the hidden world of social forces through the use of mathematics and statistics.
Mathematics combined with text largely replaced the visual and depth
descriptions of it; the latter remained separated from positivistic social science by
response to Dilthey’s (1883) call for the creation of methods for studying human
beings that separates social science from the natural sciences? It seems that
photography alone is not sufficient in this regard, as the natural sciences also
have been interested in and employed visual data to document findings. Ordinary
photographs, microscopic imagery and x-rays all have important natural scientific
uses. Therefore, the question better asked is why the social sciences seem to
how that situation might be changed. Emmison and Smith (2000: 11-15) discuss
within social science depends upon the use of quantitative statistics. Second,
social science has promised that it can understand or interpret social action, thus
category for mainstream social research post Durkheim has been quite limited
form of surveillance on the poor and marginalized. All of these objections to the
59
have been themselves attacked in post-modernist discussions, thus reopening
drawn. A good example of the former problem, the dangers of uninformed visual
analysis, can be seen in the debate over multiple interpretations of the famed
(Robson, 2004). The photograph in question depicted a child between one and
one and a half years old (although the newspaper stated that he was only 5
months old). The child was Palestinian, from the West Bank town of Hebron, and
was shown dressed in the ‘uniform’ of a Hamas suicide bomber, including belts
The raid in which the photo was discovered was part of the hunt for a man
described in the press as ‘an alleged Hamas militant’. He was not captured that
night during the raid, but the Israelis circulated the photograph, citing it as an
60
policy of incitement … which involves the brainwashing of an entire people. This
yields enormous hate and a future generation of terrorists down the road.” Other
voices in the debate claimed the photo was only a Halloween type image, or
family dress up photo, and not indicative of early indoctrination. Some claimed
the photo was itself staged and not authentic, the result of Israeli attempts to
manipulate the media. Without an intimate knowledge of the context of the image
social claims as to the image’s truth value abounded, ultimately making the
case for having truth value than any sole image. Through use of ethnographic
of the strengths of qualitative research are in its ability to uncover trends and
patterns over time, locate the embeddedness of individuals within cultural worlds,
and yet retain focus on individual level responses and uniquenesses. Still
Conclusion
until this point been inadequate, particularly given the use of photographic
materials for not only ethnographic, but also for journalistic, documentary, and
61
forensic purposes. A more complete analysis of these uses of photography and
involves:
experience of those who work within or come into contact with the criminal justice
primarily from Hollywood films, prime-time crime dramas and journalism, while
the 2004 documentary Control Room, about the Al Jazera satellite television
network, the final (deleted) scene showed the company's producer, Sameer
Khader, coming to New York City to promote the documentary (Noujaim, 2004).
He had never been to the United States and admitted to having only Hollywood
images of America in his head. His comment on the most striking thing about his
first taxi ride from airport to midtown Manhattan was that he didn't notice any
police cars along the way. He said he had always assumed America was a police
62
state because police cars were ubiquitous in Hollywood films of New York.
role to play in the process of creating materials that offer other perspectives than
63
References
Antiwar.com. (2004). The Abu Ghraib prison photos. Retrieved 10/09/2004 from
http://www.antiwar.com/news/?articleid=2444
Barker, E. (1999). Danger, duty and disillusion. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland
Press.
Bateson, G., & M. Mead. (1942). Balinese culture: A photographic analysis. New
York: New York Academy of Sciences.
Berg, B. (2003). Qualitative research methods for the social sciences. 5th
Edition. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Buckland, G. (2001). Shots in the dark: true crime pictures. NY: Bulfinch Press
Conover, T. (2001). Newjack: Guarding Sing Sing. New York: Random House
Publishers.
64
Dilthey, W. (1883). Introduction to the human sciences. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press.
Friendly, F. (producer). (1990). The other side of the news-The Boston hoax: The
police, the press and the public. NY: Insight Media. (documentary).
Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. Garden City, NY:
Doubleday.
Greek, C., K. Choi, S. Wang, & J. Higgins. (2000). The future of community
policing in Florida: Final report. Unpublished Manuscript for the St.
Petersburg College RCPI. Available on line at:
http://www.criminology.fsu.edu/faculty/greek/future/futurefinalreport.htm
Greek, C. (1992). The religious roots of American sociology. NY: Garland Press.
Greek, C. (forthcoming). The big city rogue cop as monster: Images of NYPD
and LAPD. In Monsters among and within us: Evil, crime and the Gothic in
films (edited by Picart, Caroline Joan and Cecil Greek).
Gross, L., J.S. Katz, & J. Ruby. (eds.). (1998a). Image ethics: The moral rights of
subjects in photographs, film and television. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Gross, L., J.S. Katz, & J. Ruby. (1988b). Introduction: A moral pause. In Gross,
L., J.S. Katz, & J. Ruby. (eds.). (1998b). Image ethics: The moral rights of
subjects in photographs, film and television. New York: Oxford University
Press. pp. 1-34.
65
Gross, L., J.S. Katz, & J. Ruby. (eds.). (2003). Image ethics in the digital age.
Minneapolis: U. of Minnesota Press.
Hannigan, W. and L. Sante. (1999). New York Noir: Crime photos from the Daily
News archive. NY: Rizzoli International Publications.
Irregular Times. (2003). Images of civilian deaths from Iraq, Spring 2003.
Retrieved 6/13/2004 from http://irregulartimes.com/dead.html
Jackson, B. (1977). Killing time: Life in the Arkansas penitentiary. Ithaca: Cornell
University Press.
Katz, J. (1990). Seductions of crime: Moral and sensual attractions in doing evil.
NY: Basic Books.
Kelling, G. (1998). Fixing broken windows: Restoring order and reducing crime in
our communities. NY: Touchstone Books.
Kephart, T. & B. Berg. (2002). Gang graffiti analysis: A methodological model for
data collection. Paper presented at the annual meeting of ACJS, March,
Anaheim, CA.
Largo, City of. (2003). Internet domestic violence project. Largo, FL: City of Largo
Police Department. Retrieved 1/12/2003 from
http://www.largo.com/index.cfm?action=dept&&drill=police&type=internet
66
Leuci, R. (2004). All the centurions: A New York City cop remembers his years
on the street, 1961-1981. New York: HarperCollins Publishers.
Levins, H. (1998). Crime News Reporters Demand Respect. APB News. Nov. 11.
Retrieved 1/12/2003 from http://www.levins.com/cjj03.html
Norton, P. (1999). Kodak DC265 Digital Camera and GPS. Fresh Gear: Tech TV.
Retrieved 6/7/2003 from
http://www.techtv.com/freshgear/products/story/0,23008,2304680,00.html
67
Payne, B. et al. (2003). Bringing the field into the criminal justice classroom: Field
trips, ride-alongs, and guest speakers. Journal of Criminal Justice
Education. 14(2): 328-344.
Riis, J. (1890). How the other half lives. NY: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Complete
hypertext edition with photographs available at:
http://www.yale.edu/amstud/inforev/riis/title.html
Robson, M. (2004). The baby bomber. Journal of Visual Culture, 3(1): 63-76.
Simmel, G. (1950). The Metropolis and Mental Life. in Wolff, K. (ed.). (1950).
The sociology of Georg Simmel. New York: The Free Press, pp. 409-424.
68
Sontag, S. (1979). On photography. Baltimore: Penguin.
Sontag, S. (2004). Regarding the torture of others. New York Times Magazine.
May 23. Retrieved May 23, 2004 from http://www.nytimes.com/
Sorokin, P. (1937). Social and cultural dynamics, New York: American Book
Company.
Sparks, C. & J. Tulloch (eds.). (2000). Tabloid Tales: Global Debates over Media
Standards. Boston: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Stasz, C. (1979). The early history of visual sociology. In Wagner, J. (ed.) Images
of information: Still photography in the social sciences. Beverly Hills:
Sage. Pp.119-136.
Terrill, W., E.A. Paoline & P.K. Manning. (2003). Police culture and coercion.
Criminology. 41(4): 1003-1034.
Tilt Works. (1996). Mug shots history. American Ephemera Archive. (CD-ROM).
Wang, C. (2000). Strength to be: Community visions and voice. Ann Arbor, MI:
U. of Michigan Press.
Witness. (2003). Witness: using video and technology to fight for human rights.
Retrieved 6/6/2003 from http://www.witness.org/
69
www.crime-scene-investigator.net. (2003). Crime scene and evidence
photography. Retrieved 2/14/2003 from http://www.crime-scene-
investigator.net/csi-photo.html
Zupan, L. (1991). Jails: Reform and the new generation philosophy. Cincinnati:
Anderson.
70