National Identity Construction in Pakistan's School Curriculum

Drawn Swords: Subtle and Brazen
An exploration into the construction of national identity

through school curriculum
Aneeq Ahmed Cheema

Supervisor: Taimur Rehman
Lahore University of Management Sciences
Senior Project, 2010
'In accordance with Regulation of the General Regulations for the Social Science Senior Project, I
declare that this thesis is substantially my own work. Where reference is made to the works of others
the extent to which that work has been used is indicated and duly acknowledged in the text and
bibliography'
1
Abstract
The peculiar nature of the origin of the state of Pakistan and the turbulent path it treaded since
independence led to emergence of a configuration of identity that revolves around Islam. This
identity is produced and reproduced through the state-controlled education system. The process
of limiting the scope of school curriculum to officially produced and endorsed textbooks—
combined with a regressive education system— ensures that official textbooks are read and
(aided by the pattern of exercise questions and exam pattern) rote-learned. These textbooks
then form a mainstay for the state-agenda of the construction of national identity
through justifying the creation of Pakistan within the broad Indian struggle for independence,
up to the partition of India in 1947, by establishing ancient origins for Pakistan, Islamizing
history, categorically distinguishing Muslims from Hindus, and exaggerating the scope and
historicity of the Two Nation Theory. The struggle towards maintaining and upholding the
Islamic ideology of Pakistan is created laboriously by narrating a natural transition from the
Two Nation Theory to the Ideology of Pakistan. The struggle of survival against the arch
rival— India— and Pakistan’s dependence on warfare and the military institutions. The
national image constructed here excludes all religious and sectarian minorities; instilling a
feeling of marginalization, which fuels discontent and anguish. The results of this
indoctrination are visible today in the prevalent discord on all fronts of identity within Pakistan
– regional, ethnic, religious and sectarian.
2
CONTENTS
1 Introduction 1
2 Theoretical framework 5
3 Research context & literature review 10
4 Education system of Pakistan 16
5 Content analysis 18
Phases of national identity construction 19
5.1 Justifying the creation of Pakistan within the Indian 20

independence movement
5.1.1 Search for primordial origins 20
5.1.2 Islamizing the Past 21
5.1.3 Muslims vs non-Muslims 22
5.1.4 The “fighting people” of Islam 26
5.2 Battlefronts for upholding Ideology of Pakistan 29
5.2.1 The Unworthy Equation: Ideology of Pakistan and the Two- 29

Nation Theory
5.2.2 Fixing India as the enemy 34
5.2.3 Militarization and acceptance for violence 37
5.3 Islam as Criterion for Citizenship 40
5.3.1 Pan-Islamism 40
5.3.2 Suppressing difference 42
5.3.3 Islamic ideals for all 43
6 Conclusion 47
7 Bibliography 49
3
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Extract from list of contents of Social Studies 6, Punjab Textbook Board,
21
2009.
Table 2: Topics on early Muslim struggle and patriotism for Pakistan in the Islamiat
27
syllabus for classes 3–12.
Table 3: Extract from list of contents of Social Studies 5, Punjab Textbook Board,
38
2005.
Table 4: Islamic Content in Primary level Urdu textbooks, 2009. 46
APPENDICES
Appendix I Screen image of the Board of Intermediate & Secondary Education, 52

Lahore website.
Appendix II Selected translations of Urdu, book 2. 53
Appendix III Extract from Crescent Model Higher Secondary School Prospectus 67
4
1. Introduction
Pakistan was carved out of a united India as a result of a Pakistan Movement fuelled by the
Two Nation Theory. According to the Two Nation Theory the Muslims and Hindus living in
colonial India were two separate nations, thus entitled to separate states of their own. And
hence a separate state was created for the Muslims of India in August 1947.
This narrative is the briefest possible rendering of the “Ideology of Pakistan” as posited by the
state textbooks of Pakistan in various lengths and degree of detail. The titles for such sections
are identified simply as “The Ideology of Pakistan”; they are placed right at the beginning of
“Pakistan Studies” textbooks and aim to impart exactly this; the ideology of Pakistan espoused
by the state as evolved till the date of publication. This paper will focus on the official Pakistani
curriculum sampled through the textbooks published under the aegis of Punjab Textbook
Board, given the huge share of students it caters to, and draw out the different aspects of
political identity conveyed by them.
The territorially-divided state called Pakistan— created in the Indian subcontinent— came into
existence too soon into the struggle waged for it. This aforementioned struggle was in fact
largely focused to convince those who were later to become a part of it. The Pakistan
Resolution in Lahore did demand separate states in India but the particular shape and form was
not clear to even its own movers. The demand itself evolved with the struggle for it. So did the
political command over Muslims for the political party that made this demand on behalf of the
Muslims. Even after the trumpeted 1945 elections in the subcontinent, the All India Muslim
League came into power in only two of the provinces that were later to become a part of
Pakistan; Sind and Bengal (the bigger of which later broke away to become Bangladesh in
1971).
The struggle for Pakistan was waged in the name of one Muslim nation in all of India. But not
all of them became a part of either the struggle or the Pakistan it resulted in. Conversely, the
residents of this new state were yet to situate themselves as a nation, for they had not even
fought for it. The fight had been staged by those who had just come in from the new ‘outside’:
the Muslim minority provinces in India. Therefore, the national reality was yet to be imagined
5
for the nation now within its new boundaries. The image to be created was of extreme
significance; for it could bind it together or divide it further. This dilemma becomes even more
complicated with the breaking away of its eastern wing. Add on to that a legitimacy-starved
military dictator’s regime, the solution was found—or at least, sought—in religion, beyond the
banality of territoriality. It was to be known as an Islamic state and not just as a state for
Muslims as it was intended to be.
The struggle for salvaging the national pride after the secession of East Pakistan in 1971 was
fought on multiple fronts. The then President—and later Prime Minister—Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
created a populist fervor in the name of Islamic Socialism and managed to create a
unanimously approved constitution for the country. But for unanimous support from the
legislature, Bhutto had to join hands with the religious parties represented in the parliament.
This was achieved by including clauses that made Pakistan an Islamic state and expected it to
perform the roles associated to one, such as Article 31 which goes:
“Islamic way of life.

(1) Steps shall be taken to enable the Muslims of Pakistan, individually and collectively,
to order their lives in accordance with the fundamental principles and basic concepts of
Islam and to provide facilities whereby they may be enabled to understand the meaning
of life according to the Holy Quran and Sunnah.
(2) The state shall endeavor, as respects the Muslims of Pakistan:
(a) to make the teaching of the Holy Quran and Islamiat compulsory, to encourage and
facilitate the learning of Arabic language and to secure correct and exact printing and
publishing of the Holy Quran;
(b) to promote unity and the observance of the Islamic moral standards; and
(c) to secure the proper organization of zakat 1[ushr,] auqaf and mosques2”.
Zia’s regime was instrumental in expanding the religious coloring of the state’s institutions,
with his Islamization program. Whereby the laws and judiciary were being radically Islamized
and all forms of political contestation by the civil society largely oppressed, it was deemed
1
Inserted by P.O. No. 14 of 1985, Art. 2 and Sch.
2
Pakistan, The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, (Islamabad: Ministry of Law, Justice and Human
Rights, 2004), p. 17.
6
necessary to erase all things non-Islamic from the minds of the coming generations itself. At
one hand when all political parties were banned, the student-wing of the largest Islamic
political party was heavily patronized and gradually became the only face of student politics in
Pakistan. On the other hand, “petty officials”3 on government payroll were assigned the task of
Islamizing the national curriculum as well. This legacy is largely intact till day.
Today, the office built to educate the nation identifies this nationalistic discourse creation and
perpetuation as its stated vision:
“Our education system must provide quality education to our children and youth to
enable them to realize their individual potential and contribute to development of
society and nation, creating a sense of Pakistani nationhood, the concepts of tolerance,
social justice, democracy, their regional and local culture and history based on the basic
ideology enunciated in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.4”
The italicized message in the above vision-statement runs throughout the curriculum designed
by the Curriculum Wing of the education ministry and the textbooks officially produced as a
result of them by the respective provincial boards. The sense of “Pakistani nationhood” is
constructed in the following manner; a Pakistani is a Sunni Muslim who hates India and reveres
militarism and the Pakistani military forces. This truth creation is largely channeled through
Social Studies (and its senior form: Pakistan Studies, implemented from ninth grade onwards),
Urdu and Islamiat. Assessing the form of this truth, the process of its construction and the
alarming rigidity it binds our nation in with reference to our foreign policy engagements of the
day is the task for this paper.
The paper divides itself into six sections.The first builds a theoretical framework for
understanding the tasks that a state takes upon itself to produce nationalism – i.e. loyalty to
itself. The works discussed in this part shall take as base Benedict Anderson’s reading of
nationalism as a produced imagination through the spread of vernacular. This idea shall be put
3
Ayesha Jalal. “Conjuring Pakistan: History as Official Imagining” International Journal of Middle East Studies,
27, No. 1 (1995): 77.
4
National Education Policy 2009. (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, 2009), p. 10.
http://www.moe.gov.pk/nepr/NEP_2009.PDF (accessed June 29, 2010) – stress added.
7
into flux with the work of Ernest Gellner and Anthony Smith which shall be brought together to
form a theoretical framework to be applied to the produced national history of Pakistan.
In section two, the paper intends to undertake a literature review. It shall concentrate on the
groundbreaking works of K. K. Aziz, Ayesha Jalal and the detailed report by A. H. Nayyar and
A. Salim and other works in relation to these.
In section three, the closed natures of the education system in Pakistan will be explored to seek
out the dependence on textbooks.
In section four, the paper moves into its core. It tackles the textbooks and excavates the
memory and value structures it intends to impart and its impacts. This section shall look at the
textbooks and conduct an analysis of how they produce the three characteristics in an
individual.
Section seven shall be cursory remarks on the work linking it to the prevalent strife in the
society and explore avenues to fully explore the identity creation process in the education
system of Pakistan.
8
2. Theoretical Framework:
Foucault maintains that truth should be understood as a “system of ordered procedures for the
production of, regulation, distribution, circulation, and operation of statements”5. The truth-
creation process in Pakistan can be seen through the closed system of development and
production of textbooks and the created dependence of matriculating students on them
described above. It is certainly contestable that these textbooks and the examination system,
even combined are not enough to command the discourse production in the whole society, but
the state uses these textbooks to standardize the discourse that shapes the societal identity as a
whole. This standardization has historically been affirmed through the state owned television
and radio content and continues today in the parameters adopted by the electronic media. The
state’s success in creating the boundaries of its choice can be observed in the discourse of
exclusion the fringe ethnic parties protest about6. Foucault also postulates the space for
contestation of the institutionalized truth within the educational system as well: “Every
educational system is a means of maintaining or modifying the appropriateness of discourses
with the knowledge and power they bring with them”7. But will the established truth ever allow
us to use this educational system for “modifying the…discourse” or for that matter even open
our eyes?
Before we indulge in a discussion on the contestation of the established truth, the nature and
choice of this truth needs consideration. The truth-construction in process is seen as actively
aligning the territory and identity and then more importantly state and nation. Borrowing from
Derrida, David Campbell calls this imminence of streamlining as ‘ontopology’8. He suggests
that this norm, leads to a desire for a coherent, bounded, monoculutural community9. The same
is observed in the discourse produced in the official textbooks whereby all cultural differences
5
Michel Foucault. Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977, ed and trans. Colin
Gordon. (Sussex: Harvester, 1980), p. 33.
6
The example of the Muhajir leader Altaf Hussain of Muttahida Qaumi Movement as noted in Ayesha Jalal.
“Conjuring Pakistan: History as Official Imagining” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 27, No. 1
(1995): 83.
7
Michel Foucault. L’ordre du discourse. (Paris: Gallimard, 1971), p. 46.
8
David Campbell. National Deconstruction: violence, identity, and justice in Bosnia (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 1998), p. 80.
9
Ibid. p. 168-9
9
are suppressed and the idea of Pakistan equated to the boundaries that exist today as an
inevitable reality.
What is this bounded community? A ‘nation’ has historically been defined in terms of the
shared characteristics of the people that constitute it as commonly found in standard
dictionaries today and in fact still ascribed to by many, specially where their own nations are
concerned10. An example of its prevalence is found in the Oxford English Reference
Dictionary: “a community of people of mainly common descent, history, language, etc. forming
a state or inhabiting a territory”11. This approach is known as the perennialist perspective
whereby nations had existed since time immemorial12 and the history of commonness of these
characteristics dates the existence of the nation. This approach to nationalism came under
heavy attack after the Second World War when it was increasingly explained as a product of
modernity and the changes in the socioeconomic, sociocultural, political and ideological
fronts13.
However, it is in the constructionist approach, where the state’s spurring of national identity
creation can be best understood. According to constructionism nations are taken as historically
contingent products of human cultural construction14. The most relevant approach however, for
understanding national identity creation through state apparatus is the. Benedict Anderson
speaks from the constructionist perspective and defines nation as “an imagined political
community-and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign. It is imagined because the
members of even the smallest nations will never know most of their fellow-members, meet
them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives an image of their community.”15
This definition has been chosen to guide this work because of the particular nature of the
Pakistan movement and the process of creation of the Muslim nation in India. The nation
certainly did take form, but was certainly not falsely invented to serve a corresponding existing
10
Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism: theory, ideology, history (Malden: Wiley-Blackwell, 2001), p. 49.
11
Judy Pearsall and Bill Trumble, Oxford English Reference Dictionary (New York: Oxford University Press,
2002), p. 963.
12
Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism, p. 49.
13
Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism, p. 48.
14
Liah Greenfeld and Jonathan Eastwood, ‘Naionalism in Comparative Perspective’ in The Handbook of political
sociology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 249.
15
Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, (London: Verso, 1983), p. 15.
10
state or a state to be achieved, as it should be if Gellner’s dependent relation of the nation with
the state is considered16. This can be observed through the political developments in the early
first half of the twentieth century in India, the Muslim community became to be recognized as a
separate political entity as early as 1909 with the introduction of the separate electorates for
Muslims. Journals and popular magazines (like Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s Tehzeeb-ul-Akhlaque
and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad’s Zamindar) issues by the intelligentsia of the time produced a
new framework for Muslim Nationalism . In consequence, the religiously defined nation took
form as a result of the processes found in constructionist discourse i.e. print capitalism but this
nation could not transform into a nation-state of its own as a very limited Pakistan surfaced on
the map when Muslim-majority areas were arbitrarily demarcated into a new state.
Anderson describes the nation as “imagined because the members of even the smallest nation
will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the
mind of each lives the image of their communion.”17 Anderson's definition is important because
it emphasizes the central role played by the image of a nation in creating a national reality. It is
imagined because its existence is contingent on its members' sustaining a certain image of it
that is based on their perceptions and feelings. It is worthwhile to notice that Anderson
carefully distinguishes his definition from Ernest Gellner's claim that nationalism “invents
nations where they do not exist.”18 Gellner, he argues, is so anxious to show that nationalism
masquerades under false pretences that he equates invention with fabrication and falsity rather
than with imaging and creation.
The second pillar of Anderson’s definition poses the real challenge for choosing to define the
Pakistani nation in terms of religious affiliation.
“The nation is imagined as limited because even the largest of them, encompassing
perhaps a billion living human beings, has finite, if elastic, boundaries, beyond which
lie other nations… The most messianic nationalists do not dream of a day when all the
16
Liah Greenfeld and Jonathan Eastwood, ‘Nationalism in Comparative Perspective’ in The handbook of political
sociology, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 248.
17
Ibid.
18
Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983), p. 4.
11
members of the human race will join their nation in the way it was possible, in certain
epochs, for, say, Christians to dream of a wholly Christian planet.”19
Practically, the dependence on using Islam for defining the distinctness of Muslims is
problematic since Islam was neither a coherent nor a limiting identity for its followers in the
region. There were, and are today even more, significant divides within. The huge spectrum of
ideological and sectarian categories existing within this larger category had divergent centres of
ideological leanings and the political affiliations that sprouted from them. Furthermore, the
pan-Islamic ideas postulated in the curriculum as well as in the discourse furthered by Islamic
political parties today allude to a type of Muslim planet, which the conception of this nation is,
ironically, completely at odds with. The struggle to deal with these contradictions is apparent
throughout the school curricula and will be discussed in detail in sections 5.3.1 and 5.3.2.
Now that a basic understanding of nationalism in the constructionist perspective and the
challenges faced in the imagining of the Pakistani nation has been attained, a brief exploration
of the power of nationalism in itself to be chosen as the prioritized disseminated identity over
all others is mandated here. The power of nationalism, argues Smith, should be attributed to the
fact that membership in a nation provides" a powerful means of defining and locating
individual selves in the world through the prism of the collective personality and its distinctive
culture.”20 This contextualization as members of a particular continuous community influences
one's perception of oneself, as well as of one's past and future. Similar, yet distinct from
perennialism which connects today’s nations with their past, Yael Tamir connects its
individuals with their future generations. “Membership in a nation, unlike membership in a
gender, class, or region, enables an individual to find a place not only in the world in which he
or she lives, but also in an uninterrupted chain of being. Nationhood promotes fraternity both
among fellow members and across generations. It endows human action with a meaning that
endures over time, thus carrying a promise of immortality.”21 This offer of redemption from
personal oblivion is echoed as Anderson22 and Smith23 both emphasize the immortality only
19
20
Anthony D. Smith. National identity. (Las Vegas: University of Nevada Press, 1991), p.17.
21
Yael Tamir, “Enigma of nationalism” World Politics, 47, no. 3 (1995): 430.
22
23
Anthony D. Smith. National identity. (Las Vegas: University of Nevada Press, 1991), p.160.
12
nationalism can offer when one dies for one’s nation and this is precisely what we can observe
these textbooks doing by allocating separate chapters for each of the soldiers awarded the
“Nishan-e-Haider” – the biggest military award in Pakistan.
13
3. Literature Review
This subject matter has been discussed and written about for quite some time by academics and
researchers in Pakistan as well as abroad. In a way this age old relevance creates the space for
more work in this field, the nexus of politics and curriculum in Pakistan.
Firstly, despite a consistent criticism on the curriculum, particularly that of history textbooks in
Pakistan by the most eminent historians and scholars of Pakistan, the aim, intent and
methodology of teaching history have not seen any variation which may be labeled as change.
Reform reports fail to bring about any significant turbulence in how the textbooks convey the
national narrative to the young minds.
Secondly, a considerable amount of literature exists and focuses on how Pakistani governments
have changed the curriculum content as per their ideology, using tools ranging from
exaggeration to falsehood. However, these studies are either unable to locate particular
examples from the textbooks or have to take refuge in the seminal work of K K Aziz: The
Murder of History24. In this phenomenal book, he has extracted and corrected an extensive list
of errors from 66 Pakistan Studies and History textbooks, in use all the way from primary to
undergraduate level. Where this collection of errors offers a great opportunity for students and
particularly their parents and teachers to either avoid them or offer factual insight, it has its
share of limitations in being a reference for research on curriculum in Pakistan. Most
importantly, where the variety of the books used should accord this study a more representative
status, it in fact leads towards more confusion for the reader concerning the extent of the
calamity of these errors, since the prevalence of the concerned book is often unrecognized,
especially those taught at the undergraduate (BA) level. This problem arises because students at
this level prefer privately published guide books which continue to be replaced by newer and
better books. Though this might seem insignificant in terms of the contribution K K Aziz’s
work has made, the consequent conflation of errors that is presented to the reader is harmful for
a research effort, or more importantly for a policy proposal, given that all the errors are jointly
answered to and synthesized at the end.
24
K. K. Aziz. The Murder of History: A critique of history textbooks used in Pakistan. (Lahore: Vanguard, 1993).
14
There have been other works focusing on the deliberate distortion of history for ideological
reasons; the first of which was from Pervez Hoodbhoy and A. H. Nayyar 25, pointing to the
policy directive which brought about the change in writing history to paint Islamic origins for
Pakistan and the subsequent distortions entering the Pakistan Studies textbooks, the foremost
target of the process of Islamization of education. This piece effectively articulates the main
strands of Islamization which Rewriting the History of Pakistan has undergone. It highlights the
Islamic nature of “Ideology of Pakistan”, the Islamized depiction of Jinnah, the attempt to
establish Ulema as heroes of the Pakistan Movement and the emphasis on ritualistic Islam as
presented in the textbooks and then brings forth historical proof in order to clear the haze of
subjectivity from these facets of common text-book description. This piece paves the way for
defogging the history of Pakistan but falls into the same temptation other investigators into the
representation of national narrative have faced; looking at the most blunt misrepresentations in
the wide range of ‘consumables’ available for a candidate of the Bachelors examination. For
example, one of the culprit historians referenced here is M. D. Zafar, author of Pakistan Studies
for Medical Students26. It is worth noting here that medical students are a very small proportion
of the total undergraduate students and a product manufactured to serve them cannot serve as a
representative for ‘textbooks in Pakistan’.
Apart from the theme, the abovementioned culprit is the only common factor Hoodbhoy and
Nayyar’s chapter and Ayesha Jalal’s eloquent critique of the history taught in Pakistan. Her
insight into the matter demolishes the projected connection between the Ideology of Pakistan
and the Two Nation Theory. She explores the myths regarding the origins of Pakistani nation
and the implicit message within these origins for example the demonization of Hindus as a
reference sample of the historical narrative. Furthermore, the struggle of silencing all inner
dissent, particularly regionalism through historical writing, has been dealt with effectively.
Nonetheless, the problem of referencing books without contextualizing them with their
relevance to the student of the age recurs throughout the abundant use of private Intermediate
and BA books. Thus, a disconnection with the earlier introduction to the writing of textbooks
25
Pervez Amirali Hoodbhoy and Abdul Hameed Nayyar, “Rewriting the History of Pakistan”. Islam, Politics and
the State: The Pakistan Experience, ed. Asghar Khan (London: Zed Books, 1985), pp. 164-177
26
M. D. Zafar, Pakistan Studies for Medical Students (Lahore: Aziz Publishers, 1982).
15
by “petty officials”27 and the provincial textbook boards is exposed when not a single official
textbook is used for analysis.
A much deeper content analysis of social studies textbooks was carried out in 1993 by Rubina
Saigol, conducted to uncover the gendered articulation of educational discourse in Pakistan28.
She also explores the amount of hate material found in textbooks along with nationalistic and
militaristic ideological indoctrination. Whereof the text has good views to offer, the work must
be contextualized as one which situates itself in a feminist framework. Moreover, the text is in
fact a PhD thesis, and hence differs in structural concerns from a book, wherefrom the response
it draws from the reader is off a different kind. A more minor drawback perhaps, but the text
may drag at times and disinterest the reader.
Overall, therefore, an excessive focus on history with a damaging exclusion of Urdu and
Islamiat continues with the choice of social studies and Pakistan Studies repeatedly; despite the
extensive potential for uncovering more subtle ideological statements and hence possibly prime
subject matter for the detailed content analysis like this.
A much more riveting work by an eminent scholar of education in India, Krishna Kumar
compares school histories of the freedom struggle in India and Pakistan to bring out the master
narratives of the two states: the closed Islamic state in Pakistan and the gradual
communalization of the secular India. He examines the representation of major episodes – like
the 1857 rebellion, the Khilafat Movement and Partition – and the opposing portrayals of
significant personalities such as Gandhi, Jinnah and Iqbal. The distinguishing characteristic of
his work is the recurring recourse of highlighting the “politics of mention”, “pacing” and the
“conception of end”29, making the content analysis that follows much more accessible as well
as ordered in the reader’s mind. But again, the scope is limited to history and even more so to
only the hundred year period preceding partition.
27
27, No. 1 (1995): 77.
28
Rubina Saigol, Knowledge and identity: articulation of gender in educational discourses in Pakistan.(Lahore:
ASR Publications, 1995).
29
Krishna Kumar. Pride and Prejudice: School Histories of the Freedom Struggle in India and Pakistan (New
Delhi: Viking, Penguin India, 2002), p. 72.
16
The Sustainable Development Policy Institute report30 produced by a group of 29 scholars,
educators and researchers is the most comprehensive work done till date on the state of
curriculum and the textbooks in Pakistan, with particular focus on the textbooks produced by
the state, along with the policy directives that went into producing them. This is the first work
which does not limit itself to Social Studies and considers, instead, the varying array of places
where text-book ideologies hold sway, including Urdu, English and Civics but still leaves out
Islamiat for the political message therein. The report touches upon important components of the
curriculum that need immediate attention. The analysis systematically bring out the problematic
aspects of the curriculum, such as the distortion of our history through inaccuracies of fact and
omissions, sheer insensitivity to the existing religious diversity of the nation, glorification of
war and incitement to militancy and violence, and an overall dependence on outdated and
incoherent pedagogical practices that hinder the development of interest and insight among
students. While this comprehensive report covers good ground, it fails to gain any significant
depth in reaching any of the particular conclusions given above. Given also the lack of serious
work on the militarization aspect of the curriculum31 there is a welcome inclusion of a chapter
titled “Glorification of War and the Military”, which unfortunately falls short of a truly
outstanding piece of work by not penetrating far enough into the topic. After an introduction, it
provides a description of a Bhutto era two-year course on ‘Fundamentals of War’ and ‘Defence
of Pakistan’ for class XI and XII respectively and then launches on to listing particularly hate-
invoking learning outcomes from the curriculum documents followed by examples from
textbooks depicting Hindu-hatred as well as a listing of the topics glorifying Jihad and
Shahadat (martyrdom), without any textual analysis of any of the above. Thus this
groundbreaking work exposes many frontiers where the curriculum functions on ideological
grounds but does not fully recreate all the identities, the curriculum produces for school
children.
30
A.H. Nayyar and A. Salim, eds. The Subtle Subversion: A report on Curricula and Textbooks in Pakistan.
(Islamabad: Sustainable Development Policy Institute, 2002).
31
Only a few fancily written opinionated pages exist on “Support Military Rule”, “Glorify War” and “Hate India”
by K. K. Aziz in The Murder of History, p. 190-195.
17
A much deeper content analysis of social studies textbooks was carried out in 1993 by Rubina
Saigol conducted to uncover the gendered articulation of educational discourse in Pakistan32.
She also explores the amount of hate material, and nationalistic and militaristic ideological
indoctrination found in textbooks.. Thus the focus on history with a damaging exclusion of
Urdu and Islamiat continues with the choice of social studies and Pakistan Studies repeatedly
despite the huge potential for uncovering more subtle ideological statements and hence possibly
prime subject matter for the detailed content analysis like this.
The most recent work on this subject is Marie Lall’s 2007 paper: “Educate to hate: the use of
education in the creation of antagonistic national identities in India and Pakistan”. In this paper
she compares the politicization of curriculum in the Zia ul Haq regime in Pakistan (1977-1988)
with that of the BJP-led government in India (1998-2004) and highlights how national curricula
was respectively colored with Zia’s Islamization and BJP’s Hindutva33 ideologies. In terms of
the contribution to the literature on assessment of politicization of curriculum in Pakistan, it
gives a good summary of education reforms under Zia’s regime but falls short of actually
referencing any of the books. Though one contribution serves the beginner in the field for
whom the lessons of imparting Islamic ideology through textbooks have been reproduced very
successfully from the reports and articles discussed above, there is a clear lack of direct
engagement with textbooks. The only direct reference she does make is to a privately published
book34 used in “preparing for GCSEs”35even though this system of education has not been
introduced anywhere in the paper. Interestingly, even this book was published in 1991, well
after the end of Zia era, and no direct reference is made to any book from the Zia period, other
than this justification: “Whilst original Pakistani textbooks from the late 1970s and mid 1980s
are virtually impossible to get hold of today, the textbook boards and schools ensured that
anything printed before 1991 was a carbon copy of the books printed under Zia36”.
32
Rubina Saigol, Knowledge and identity: articulation of gender in educational discourses in Pakistan.(Lahore:
ASR Publications, 1995).
33
Hindutva is based on the premise that India is a Hindu nation. Any non-Hindus in India have to either accept the
majority’s domination or leave.
34
Nadeem Qasir. Pakistan studies: an investigation into the political economy 1949–1988 (Karachi:
Oxford University Press, 1991).
35
Marie Lall, 'Educate to hate: the use of education in the creation of antagonistic national identities in India and
Pakistan', Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 38, no. 1, (2008): 113
36
Ibid.
18
Marie Lall has also contributed a chapter to a recent compilation on state of education in
Pakistan, “Shaping a Nation: An examination of education in Pakistan” by the title of “What
role for Islam today? The political Islamisation of Pakistani society” in which political
socialization through education has been studied as a route to Islamisation. So much for the
word ‘today’, the whole section on education has been copied verbatim from the above
mentioned article, without failing to call the Nayyar & Salim report a “recent review”37 and
quoting the same piece from the 1991 book. More problematic is the fact that the revised books
which are out in the market are being referred to only as a curriculum directive sent out in 2006
which falsely claims that “all references to Islam have been removed from all textbooks bar
Pakistan Studies and Islamiyat.”38
It can be seen therefore that there has been no comprehensive review of the latest curriculum
documents released in 2007 and the textbooks produced as a result of them. Further the lack of
textual analysis prevails in all of the work done in this field, save Rubina Saigol’s PhD thesis.
And then there is the omission of Islamiat as a source of developing (Muslim) national identity,
while of course the only works that actually go beyond noting the historical errors and listing of
problematic material, and aim to draw out the master national narrative from the officially
dictated educational discourse are those of Ayesha Jalal and Krishna Kumar.
37
Marie Lall, “What role for Islam today? The political Islamization of Pakistani society” in Shaping a Nation: An
examination of education in Pakistan ed. Stephen Lyon and Iain R. Edgar, (Karachi: Oxford University Press,
2010), p. 103.
38
Ibid. p. 104.
19
4. System of education in Pakistan
The stated aim of ordering the lives of Pakistanis according to the principles of Islam in the
constitution has been implemented on various fronts; one of the most significant of which is the
education system of Pakistan. Pakistan’s ministry of education maintains a sprawling network
of public schools which aim to educate a characteristically young population. Since these
schools have proved, even to the present date, insufficient to reach the whole of the population,
they are supplemented with private schools all over the country. Still, an overwhelming
majority goes to public schools. The Matriculation exam taken after the tenth grade is a
significant stage of education in Pakistan after which a majority of students discontinue
education. Thus enrollment at the Matriculation level can be used to gauge the coverage of
public schools. In 2007-08, a total of 2,426,255 were enrolled in the high school level (leading
to the Matriculation exam) in Pakistan, out of which 1,723,30939 were in public schools which
amounts to 71% of the total students. Punjab accounts for a huge 1,360,757 high school goers
(957,145 go to public schools) i.e. 56% of the total high school students in Pakistan.
Furthermore, private schools too largely prepare students to sit for these exams, and only a
small number of students from large urban centers take the British O/A level exams. Thus,
every year at least more than a million students read the textbooks produced by the Punjab
Textbook Board to take the Matriculation exam. The number of students attending public
primary and secondary schools is phenomenally larger at 5,770,429 and 20259,435
respectively40, also denoting the certain minimum number of students reading Punjab Textbook
Board books at these levels.
The direct equation between public school education and officially produced is simple, there
are no other books taught in public schools. Further the examination system makes sure that
official textbooks are completely memorized which makes any study outside these textbooks
redundant. The questions posed in these exams are usually directly borne out of particular
subsections in the respective textbooks. These exam question papers are set by officials of the
39
Pakistan Education Statistics 2007-08, (Islamabad: Academy of educational planning and management,
Ministry of Education, 2009), Table 0.2: Enrollment by stage.
40
Ibid. Table 1.2: Enrollment (Public sector) by Province, Stage, Gender and Location.
20
individual boards like Board of Intermediate & Secondary Education Lahore and are patterned
on model papers released by the Board well in advance from the actual paper (see appendix I).
The students are so conveniently conditioned into following these model papers and the limited
syllabus that if anything “out-of-course” is posed in the exams, protests or walk-outs are likely
to occur. Interestingly, this “out-of-course” does not necessarily mean something popping up
completely out of the topics noted in the syllabus but actually exact questions from the
officially prescribed textbook. This sheds light on the dependent relationship students are
taught to develop with the textbooks prescribed by the ‘boards’.
Once these exams conclude, the papers are gathered and distributed among examiners on
government payroll. These examiners make sure that only the officially sanctioned ideas are
reproduced by the students to the fullest. The ideal candidate would have reproduced the
relevant section in the textbook the best and presented it in the most linear fashion. A glance on
the production of textbooks is mandated here. The responsibility for designing them lies with
the Curriculum Wing of the Federal Ministry of Education and the provincial Text Book
Boards. The Curriculum Wing is mandated to design all pre-university curricula and issue
guidelines to textbook writers and school teachers. Provincial Textbook Boards commission
writing of textbooks and get them printed after their contents are approved by the Curriculum
Wing. Thus, the tightly controlled process makes sure that the official discourse is perpetuated
in the young minds of this nation.
21
5. Content Analysis
Before we attempt to scale the national identity project in the national curriculum, it is worthy
of our investigation to discern the ordering of identities it provides for the nation’s youth and
their reference for the life to come. The grade II Urdu book (see Appendix II) provides the
reference point for the nation that sharply resisted the slogan of Sub se pehlay Pakistan –
Pakistan first41. It starts from a poem on the praise of Allah, followed by an account of the
Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) and a poem on his praise42. “Pakistan” comes right on number four.
After an interval of two lessons, “tales of great personalities”43 appears, of which the first one is
the Prophet of Islam followed by a companion of the Holy Prophet and a scholar of Islam. The
choice of the personalities finely confines the young children’s imagination and scope for
‘great men’ to not only being Muslims but also either the Prophet himself or at least belonging
“to that era”, as it is commonly referred to. The questions that follow the lesson leave no room
for any questioning when “Muslim” and “infidel” are asked to be matched as antonyms44. But
then confusion is introduced by bringing in the very contemporary “Quaid-e-Azam” in the next
lesson. There could only be two meanings for the seven year olds studying this book in this
order, either Quaid-e-Azam (and the phenomenon of his making of Pakistan) also belong to
that category or he comes right after these people in historical standing, as Pakistan does after
Allah and the Prophet. This ordering of identity through prioritization of knowledge is no mere
accident. This order is particularly delineated for Urdu books, all the way from grade I to XII,
in the official curriculum directive guiding the textbook writing process45.
The following opening sentences for the lesson on ‘Pakistan’ in the above mentioned book
succinctly summarize the national identity formulation this paper seeks to identify:
“Our dear country’s name is Pakistan. Pakistan is an Islamic country.
41
“Sub se pehlay Pakistan” – Pervez Musharraf’s popular slogan. His autobiography In the line of fire is published
in Urdu with this title.
42
Meri kitab (Urdu): Jamaat Doam, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2010), p. iv.
43
Ibid. p. 15.
44
Ibid. p. 18.
45
Qaumi nisaab baraye Urdu (lazmi): pehli ta barhween jamaat kay liye, (Islamabad: Ministry of Education,
Government of Pakistan, 2006), 52-78.
22
Non-Muslims live here too who are less in number…”46
Here we can see the basic equation for Pakistan with Islam and the secondary status accorded
to non-Muslims. This political identity sits in the context of long struggles to officially classify
Ahmedis as non-Muslims and episodes like the burning of a Christian village in Gojra, though
no direct link between this episode and the identity formation has been explored here.
‘Pakistan’ – Phases of its Construction
The national identity construction is phased in this manner:
1) Justifying the creation of Pakistan within the broad Indian struggle for independence
up to the partition of India in 1947) by
i. establishing ancient origins for Pakistan,
ii. Islamizing the past,
iii. categorically distinguishing Muslims from Hindus, and
iv. exaggerating the scope of the and historicity Two Nation Theory
2) Description of the struggle towards maintaining and upholding the Islamic ideology
Pakistan was purportedly created to serve. This struggle requires the textbooks to
function on all these fronts:
i. The transition from the “Two Nation Theory” to the “Ideology of Pakistan”
ii. India – the arch-enemy and the survival against its evil designs.
iii. Glorification of violence and the military
3) Establishing the exclusivity of Pakistan for Muslims by
i. linking the Muslims of Pakistan to a bigger whole; the Muslim Ummah and
ii. denying any recognition and representation to religious and sectarian
minorities.
iii. forcing non-Muslims to read Islamic religious teachings,
46
Meri kitab (Urdu): Jamaat Doam,p. 7 – my translation.
23
5.1. Justifying the creation of Pakistan within the Indian independence movement
For serving this purpose, History writers do not hesitate in personally intervening in the history
that actually unfolded in the region by withholding characters or incidents or by pacing up
through those times which are deemed insignificant for contributing towards creation of
Pakistan in the subcontinent.
“Although the Pakistani story of the ‘awakening’ is a historical story, it is represented to

children in a timeless mode. Events that occurred in different epochs and around
personalities as different as Shah Waliullah, Syed Ahmad Khan and Jinnah are welded
together to form an account that makes the ‘awakening’ of Muslim people in the Indian
subcontinent a predestined, stepwise revelation.”47
The creation of Pakistan is conveniently constructed as the teleological culmination of the

history of the subcontinent. Rather, there is no history of the whole subcontinent; there is only
the history of ‘Pakistan’. Hence the introduction of the subject “Pakistan Studies” was
imperative, for that can warrants all such historical engineering; inclusion, exclusion and
pacing.
5.1.1. Search for primordial origins
Tracing the historical origins of the country can serve as a very fruitful exercise in discerning
this sense of timelessness that surrounds the phenomenon. Ayesha Jalal’s Conjuring Pakistan
provides a detailed analysis of the various origins of the idea of Pakistan traced by multiple
authors in publication48. Here, the exploration shall be restricted to the official textbooks. A
beginner’s chapter on “History of Pakistan” conveniently dates “our country” to the first known
inhabitants of this region. It says, “About 5000 years before, the majority of the people did not
know the art of constructing fine houses…But, even in those days, the people of our country
lived in good looking houses which had all the basic facilities of life”.49Crafting ancient origins
47
48
27, No. 1 (1995): 78-81.
49
Social Studies 5 (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2005), p. 114.
24
is not an entirely novel exercise, whereby many modern day nations strive to establish their
nationhood in long-past days with any remote connection. The subtle novelty introduced here is
dating the existence of the political entity in its own to the first known habitation of this region.
Or it is more likely that the authors simply do not deem children worthy of such
disambiguation.
In more advanced texts, the creation of Pakistan is slightly delayed to serve the Islamic
connection. Though these texts fail to note the time and occasion for the saying, they do
certainly pin the origin of Pakistan to the first conversion to Islam according to a paraphrased
saying of Quaid-e-Azam5051. Apart from erasing the significance of time and chronology for a
historical inquiry from the students of history, it also drills in them a very restricted picture of
the astute founder of Pakistan as one who sees nothing but the demand for a separate state for
the Muslims of India, taking away the margin Jinnah sought to create for himself in the
constitutional battle through claims of religion in the public sphere52.
5.1.2. Islamizing the Past
With ancient roots defined for both the nation as well as the state, history of South Asia is
allowed to proceed only with a clear Islamic direction. A simple indicator of this ordering is
found in the titles for the chapters covering history in grade VI Social Studies textbook53. Here
is the history section of the contents list:
Sr. No. Chapters Page
5 Society in South Asia before Islam 81

6 Advent of Islam in South Asia 93
7 Advent of British in South Asia 110
Table 5: Extract from list of contents of Social Studies 6, Punjab Textbook Board, 2009.
50
Pakistan Studies 9-10 (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2010), p. 2.
51
Mutalia-e-Pakistan 11-12 (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2005), p.2.
52
Sugata Bose and Ayesha Jalal, Modern South Asia: History, culture, political economy (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2004), p. 146.
53
Social Studies 6 (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2009), p. iv.
25
Given the classification above, it is expected that the categorization of “Advent of Islam” till
the next impending “Advent” will have accounts of the different Muslim kingdoms that formed
and withered in India but the machinations of the official historian go one step beyond. After
accounting for Muhammad Bin Qasim’s arrival; the standard marker of the beginning of
Pakistan’s Muslim history, the rest of the chapter is devoted to extractions aimed at extolling
the virtues of Muslim rule with no differentiation in terms of chronology or political impact of
say, even the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal Empire, let alone different Mughal emperors. The
evident clumping together of all Muslim rulers of the subcontinent into a continuous “Muslim
rule” here is attempted much more actively in the fifth grade history textbook through
statements like: “The Muslim ruled over the sub-continent for about eight hundred years after
Sultan Mahmood Ghaznavi54” and “In 1206 A. D. Sultan Qutb-ud-Din Aybek conquered Delhi
and his successors ruled over South Asia until 185755” or through the brevity in this statement
from the more important tenth grade book, “The Muslim rule in the South Asian sub-continent
started with the conquest of Sindh by Muhammad Bin Qasim in 712 AD56”. The united and
even singular category of “The Muslim” now embedded in the Muslim rule spanning centuries
provides substance for an overall framework that classifies not being in power as ‘slavery’57
and demands an imminent return to the natural order – one which truly transformed the caste-
ridden Hindu society58 into one based on “justice, equality and brotherhood” inherent in the
system of Islam59.
5.1.3. Muslims (All India Muslim League) vs non-Muslims (Hindus – All India Congress &
the British)
The foundations for communalization of the subcontinent’s history are also laid here. This
communalization runs both ways, of establishing the superiority of social system Islam
introduces as well as denigrating other religions particularly Hinduism e.g. compare “Islam
54
Social Studies 5 (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2009), p. 131.
55
Ibid. p. 116
56
Pakistan Studies 9 – 10 (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2009), p. 9.
57
Social Studies 5, p. 118.
58
Social Studies 6, p. 86- 88. Also mentioned in the chapter on Musawaat (Equality) in Islamiat 7, (Lahore:
Punjab Textbook Board, 2005), p. 46-47.
59
Ibid. p.101.
26
preached equality, brotherhood and fraternity and respect for all the people 60” with “The
foundation of Hindu set up was based on injustice and cruelty”, right in the next paragraph. The
use of “Hindu set up” is worthy of attention here. While this phrase wisely avoids implicating
the Hindu religion in itself but certainly fixes it with a sense of artificiality in contrast with the
natural and divine Islam. Further on however, even this refrain is done away with at the end of
the chapter through a “right/wrong” question, “There is no place for equality in Hinduism.61”
After a firm introduction to the essentially unjust and unequal society that Hinduism had
ordered, the narrative moves on to establishing Hindus in a relationship of a complete and
comprehensive rivalry with Muslims; one that comfortably transcends the limited political
sphere.
The first step in this connection is by creating the ‘Other’ out of Hindus in the social realm.
Such a definitive claim is attributed to the nineteenth century reformer Sir Syed Ahmad Khan
whereby he had “made clear to the Muslims that the Hindus could never be their friends 62”,
after duly noting that “the non-Muslims, especially the Hindus, did not like the Muslims as they
looked upon them as usurpers63” under the heading “Advent of the Muslims”. Sir Syed’s saying
is then claimed to have proved true as “Hindus proved by their actions that they were a separate
nation and were enemy of Muslims64”. In point of fact Sir Syed mainly warned the Muslims to
stay away from the Indian National Congress, keeping in view the impending democratic
reforms in the colonial setup; where he viewed western democracy to be harmful for the
Muslims of India. This commands that this warning is referring to the Indian National Congress
as can be seen through a rushed account of “The Freedom Movement” in the grade VI Social
Studies book. This account problematically pins the foundation of Congress on the Hindus and
informs students of its Hindu-centric politics, thus laying down the divide in identity between
the Congress and Hindus in two quick sentences spaced only by the formation of Muslim
League in response: “The Hindus in 1885 founded Indian National Congress…The Congress
60
Ibid. p.100.
61
Ibid. p. 92.
62
63
64
Social Studies 5, p. 134
27
didn’t care for the interest of the Muslims but it only served the political cause of Hindus 65”.
One other account emphatically lays down the mutual power dynamics between the three
‘actors’ namely the Hindus, the Muslims and the British in the post-185766 era:
“The British had not forgotten the War of Independence waged by the Muslims against
them. The Hindus had never forgiven the Muslims for having ruled India for centuries.
Therefore, the both the communities conspired against the Muslims to turn them into a
poor, helpless and ineffective minority.
The Hindus soon learnt the English language, adopted the western ways of living and
occupied important government posts. Muslims were left far behind socially,
educationally and economically. Then the events took a new turn. Hindus who had
received western education in England or some other countries of Europe formed in
connivance with the British rulers a political party called the Indian National Congress
which aimed at sharing power with the British in ruling India. They were successful in
their plans. But Muslims were losers and so when councils were set up, they were left
out. The ruling British sensed this and felt concerned because the Muslims did not get
adequate representation.67”
The stamp on the pupil’s memory is explicit and clear:

i) The Hindus are a clever and cunning people.
ii) The Hindus and the British had schemed together to suppress the
Muslims.
iii) The Muslims were in deep trouble and needed to break away from it.
As a linear consequence of the above, it is noted that since “Muslims of India had no political
organization of their own; therefore in 1906 they decided to form a political party known as All
65
66
The year 1857 marks the beginning of the “British Raj” in India under the Queen after the British Army
successfully suppressed the military uprising of many names and hence many interpretations: Great Rebellion, the
revolt of 1857, the Sepoy Mutiny or the War of Independence. See Rubina Saigol’s devoted chapter “” in Shaping
a Nation: An examination of education in Pakistan ed. Stephen Lyon and Iain R. Edgar. Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 2010 on the revolt for a comparison of representation in the textbooks of the two countries or
Krishna Kumar’s Prejudice and Pride for a discussion on tracing origins of the Freedom Movement for the two
countries: “A beginning located”, p. 87-101.
67
Social Studies 8, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2009) p. 74.
28
India Muslim League68”. Here at its founding and henceforth, the Muslim League will continue
to be the only Muslim political party mentioned in all of official textbooks. All those opposing
Pakistan, whether they were religious in nature – in the form of Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind, Majlis-i-
Ahrar-i-Islam or Jamat-i-Islami; or secular – like the Khaksar Tehrik or the Congress affiliated
Khudai Khidmatgars in North West Frontier Province, have been erased from the officially
sanctioned school history. The Unionists manage a mention only for their eventual compromise
with the idea of Pakistan. And yet, Jinnah’s claim that Muslim League is the only
representative party of Muslims in India is repeated time and again as reinforcement 69. The
need for such defences are often lost on the student, for only one Muslim political party ever
existed for them. The space for opposition to partition of India and its proponents is warranted,
thus situating an inclusion within exclusion.
In this way Muslim League and Congress are fixed into identical relationships with Muslims
and Congress respectively. This identity serves to create the epic battle between the Muslim
League and the Congress and by implication, from hereon, between the Muslims and the
Hindus. The battle in which “Congress only wants the domination of Hindus70” and the
Muslims fought for “the establishment of the new state71” one the Pakistan Resolution was
passed on 23rd March 1940. The maneuvers in the above narration are worth assessing to
gauge the susceptibility of national education to the “petty officials” to whom writing school
history has been entrusted with. The birth of Congress is noted as if to be ‘set up’ like an
institution or enterprise72.
The official textbooks completely strip the Congress of any context in terms of educational and
societal reform movements taking shape in India or the impact of Colonial administrative and
economic reforms, whereas the Muslim League had clear origins in inadequate representation
of Muslims, bigoted opposition of Hindus to the partition of Bengal province and the
(unexplained) British attitude73. Consider now, the claim of Congress aspirations of Hindu
68
69
?
70
Meri kitab (Urdu)5 (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2010) p. 19.
71
Ibid.
72
73
Pakistan Studies 9-10 (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2010), p. 11.
29
hegemony in India. It is a known fact that many Muslims including religious scholars held
important positions in the Congress right up till 1947, only to find them marginalized in the
newly constructed official history of Pakistan.
The categorization accords significant room for the state, individual governments and the
media alike to concoct conspiracy theories with which all of Pakistan’s problems can be
explained away. For example, Lahore’s Commissioner comfortably blamed India’s Secret
Agency for the recent bombings in the tomb of the city’s revered saint within minutes of its
occurrence to hide the administration’s incompetency74. Stories of a “Brahmin-Zionist” nexus
conspiring against Pakistan are regularly churned out by the Pakistani media75 and often
extended to include America in a variety of these conspiracy plots. Krishna Kumar summarizes
the convenience accorded by this lumping together of millions of people to potential
exploitation. “Such categories serve to create stereotypes which can be conveniently invoked
for the arousal of hatred or empathy76”.
5.1.4. The “fighting people”77of Islam
Once the Muslims are affirmed as an oppressed people at the hands of the conniving Hindus
and the brutal British rulers, the texts imbeds in them a spirit of inexorable resilience: they were
weaker and lesser in number, yet they fought bravely and defeated all their fears and achieved
the ultimate goal of creating their own homeland. A theme that echoes the early Islamic history
taught parallel in Islamiat course texts; when early converts bore all the hardships inflicted by
the infidels, yet persisted in the most humane ways and managed to take back not just Mecca
but burgeoned the boundaries of the Islamic frontiers to the Persian and Byzantine empires.
74
Kunwar Idris, “Laws that stoke violence,” Dawn, June 6, 2010, editorial.
75
Paul Rockower and Aneeq Cheema, “Dancing in the Dark: Pulling the Veil off Israeli–Pakistan Relations” in
Muslim Attitudes to Jews and Israel: The ambivalences of rejection, antagonism, tolerance and cooperation ed.
Moshe Ma'oz. (Sussex Academic Press, 2010).
76
77
30
Here is a list of the relevant topics from the prescribed topics for the school syllabus for
Islamiat78:
Grade Topics on the Struggle Topics propagating national ideology.

4 Sabit Qadmi (Perseverance)
Migration to Abyssinia
Watan se Muhabbat (Love for the
homeland/ Patriotism)
Migration to Medina
5 Battle of Badr
Battle of Uhad
Battle of the trench
Islami Akhuwat
6 Battle of Khyber
Mulk-o-millat kay liyay isaar ka jazba
(Passion for Sacrifice for the country
and the nation)
7 Conquest of Mecca
Battle of Hunain
Battle of Tabuk
Salah-ud-Din Ayyubi
8 Muhammad bin Qasim
Ittehad-e-Milli (Unity of the Nation)
Table 6: Topics on early Muslim struggle and patriotism for Pakistan in the Islamiat syllabus for class 3–12.
The idea of fighting for ‘their’ Islam is instilled unabashedly through every subject matter that
can be exploited. At one place, the eighth grade Social Studies textbook narrates the resistance
of Indian Muslims in the following words: “The Muslims did not rest after defeat in the War of
Independence. They could not be cowed down by the atrocities committed on them by the
78
Qaumi Nisaab baraye Islamiat (lazmi): Jamaat soam ta dawazdaham (National Syllabus for Islamiat
(Compulsory): Grade Three to Twelfth), (Islamabad: Curriculum Wing, Ministry of Education, Government of
Pakistan, 2006), p. 6-14.
31
British and the Hindus. Rather, they continued their struggle more vigorously, which
culminated in the creation of Pakistan in August 194779”. This summary of the Muslim struggle
builds on the epic battle discussed above as a foundation towards the ‘creation of Pakistan’
(which at this point sounds very imminent) – a permanent replacement for ‘partition’80. This
seems rather logical at this point. Given the degree of glorification of the path to achieving
Pakistan, the scope for ‘history’ in the official narration of past events seems limited. The
creation of Pakistan could not possibly be seen as an outcome of banal political contestation,
particularly those which could actually aim at dividing a land Muslims had ruled in entirety for
centuries. The word ‘Partition’ could not therefore be used – lest the children could imagine
that dividing a land is a possibility, let alone the country created to serve and protect Islam.
Hence, the Achievement of Pakistan was the result of a grand wrestle between the forces of
‘good’ and ‘evil’ – in which the Muslim League is the obvious champion for the good in its
limited odds against the united British-Hindus front of evil81.
The other notable avenue selected for inculcating the ideal of fighting for religion is Islamiat. A
lesson in the Fourth Grade Islamiat book on Watan say Muhabbat (Patriotism) neatly knits the
narrative of struggle and sacrifice for realizing the homeland of Pakistan with the Prophet
Muhammad’s sacrifice of migration from Mecca82. The ideologically loaded paragraph that
follows is best translated as:
“Pakistan is our beloved country. Pakistan was attained so that we can save ourselves
from the slavery of foreigners and freely live our lives according to the Islamic way of
life and prosper. Our elders have given countless sacrifices for it. We value these
sacrifices and are ready to offer any sacrifice for it. We love Pakistan more than our
own lives because this is Allah’s gift. It is mandated upon us that we try our best to
protect our lives and defend it at any condition…83”
79
80
I owe Taimur Rehman for introducing to this particular of many vagaries Pakistani school history is plagued
with in a lecture delivered to Seeds of Peace gathering at the Divisional Public School, Lahore in 2005.
81
“The Muslims of the subcontinent…forced the two enemies, the British and the Hindus, to accept the demand
for an independent Pakistan.” In Social Studies 8, p. 83.
82
Islamiat 4, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2005), p. 59.
83
Ibid. – my translation and emphasis.
32
5.2. Battlefronts for upholding Ideology of Pakistan
5.2.1. The Unworthy Equation: Ideology of Pakistan and the Two-Nation Theory
“Quaid-e-Azam said that the foundation of Two Nation Theory was laid on the day the
first Hindu became a Muslim. Thus the Two Nation Theory originated with the arrival
of Muslims in the sub-continent. In fact the concept of ideology originated in the same
period.84”
The above quote is from a critical chapter in the Pakistan Studies textbook for the student about
to take the matriculation exam. This concise statement embodies three important messages
aimed at these students. The first of these; antiquating the Muslim nation has already been
discussed. The second seeks to establish the separateness of Muslims wherever they are, in
whatever number, since even a single Muslim here in a non-Muslim land constitutes a separate
existence. This separateness essentially warranted the whole Pakistan Movement based on the
Two Nation Theory, which demanded that Muslims be recognized as a separate nation in India,
along with Hindus. Whereas this significance necessitates some introduction of the concept of
separate identity, the treatment school historians actually bestow to this concept breaches
today’s norms of international society. For example, consider here the inherent disrespect for
sovereignty in the description of Muslim majority and minority countries in the world in terms
of ruling status: “In some countries Muslims are in a majority and there they have their own
government and at some places their population is less (in a minority) and they live subordinate
to some other nation’s government.85” If such an ideology of Two Nation Theory is applied in
each of these countries then the result would be many more states sprouting from the original
countries in the name Muslim separateness.
The most disturbing, though, is the way last sentence has been worded, and the implication it
creates. The use of the term ‘ideology’ runs rampant in the syllabi of Pakistan Studies, Urdu
and Islamiat with complete disregard for defining the concept itself so as to free it of the
various connotations it carries. Krishna Kumar’s surprise on the frequency and ease of its use
creates a small comparison on the bluntness of educational policy discourse compared with the
84
Pakistan Studies 9-10, p. 9.
85
Islamiat 5, p. 89 - elaboration in original.
33
‘enemy’. He writes, “As an Indian reader of Pakistan’s educational policy…one is struck by the
ease with which the word ‘ideology’ is used to define or justify the orientation of the system
and its curriculum86.” He later settles with the idea only to hit right at the heart of the intention
of the Pakistani educational system, “[it] is used in Pakistan to indicate a rationale for national
self-identity87”.
The most common use of ‘ideology’ is in statements equating Ideology of Pakistan to Islam
through the Two Nation Theory. The section on “Meaning of the Ideology of Pakistan” in the
chapter “Ideological Basis of Pakistan” opens with the following ambiguous statement in the
Pakistan Studies textbook: “The ideology of Pakistan and the Islamic ideology are having the
same meaning88”. The explained link between the two, however, is limited to realizing the
separateness of the Muslim subcontinent “on the basis of Islamic ideology89.” The mental
imprint of such draped statements is much larger than a mere historical misunderstanding of the
Pakistan movement. Later on in the chapter, the following constituents of ideology of Pakistan
are identified “in the light of Islamic ideology90”:
1. Islamic beliefs,
2. Islamic worship,
3. Supremacy of law in the light of Quran and Sunnah,
4. Fraternity and equality
5. Justice
A glance at the adept removal of context from Quaid’s sayings offers an understanding into the
created space for equating the Two Nation Theory, Ideology of Pakistan and an extremely
restrictive Islamic ideology. Consider the choice of quotes for explaining the Ideology of
Pakistan. Extracts from addresses to the armed forces and then one on the inauguration of the
State Bank, both specialized institutions of the state, are paraphrased. Whereas, Jinnah's
86
Krishna Kumar, p. 57.
87
Ibid.
88
89
Ibid.
90
Mutalia-e-Pakistan baraye jamaat dehem, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2005), p. 7.
34
presidential address to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan two days before Pakistan was to
be a sovereign state has been completely glossed over91.
This vacuum of detail is not left unexploited in the religiously charged nation. Religious
organizations – political, militarist or just revivalist – all clamor to fill in this knowledge gap in
the young minds with their own versions of Islamic ideology, and that too with significant
success. The remarkable stronghold commanded by Islami Jamiat e Talaba; the student wing of
the mainstream religious political party Jamaat-i-Islami, on large public universities and
colleges in Pakistan92, reflects the vulnerability to religious propaganda a public school
education in Pakistan exposes one to. Jamiat’s astounding influence in student politics
compared with the dismal election performance achieved by the Jamaat-i-Islami is the starkly
ideological character of both organizations93 that limits its membership to the urban educated
class at the cost of the more numerous rural voter.
The troubled times of today, when the manifestations of religious indoctrination have far
exceeded the petty hooliganism of the Jamiat, demand a serious review of feeding such
jingoistic cries to pliable adolescents. But whenever any such review or reform is attempted, it
is met with severe protest. In 2004, such an attempt was heavily criticized by parliamentarians94
hailing from religious parties when Zubaida Jalal, the education minister in Musharraf’s
government, proposed changes such as the removal of Quranic verses from higher secondary
level Biology textbooks95. In the face of the pressure from religious parties, the proposed
changes were withdrawn and these verses still mark the opening of each chapter in the said
science book.
91
“…everyone of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the
past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights,
privileges, and obligations…
“You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place or
worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed that has nothing to do with the
business of the State…”
in Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah: Speeches and statements 1947-48, (Islamabad:
Directorate of Films & Publications, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of Pakistan, 1989), p.
46.
92
Waqar Gillani, “2004 — education issues, problems and reforms”, Daily Times. July 24, 2010.
93
Seyyed Vali Raza Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press,
1994), p. 72.
94
Juliette Terzieff, “Pakistan’s inner battle for education reform / Fight pits as rivals progressive forces and old-
school religious factions”, San Francisco Chronicle, May 30th, 2004.
95
Waqar Gillani, “2004 — education issues, problems and reforms”, Daily Times. July 24, 2010.
35
As a response to all the touted protectors of the Islamic ideology of Pakistan, a brief
examination of the origins of this oft-mentioned concept with reference to the textbooks is
carried out here.
However long the debate on Jinnah’s proposed “ideology of Pakistan” goes on, and it seems
unlikely to be resolved whether he intended Pakistan to be an Islamic state or a secular liberal
democracy. What is relevant here is how textbooks practically quote him to base their preferred
Pakistan’s Islamic foundations. Pakistan Studies textbooks for the vital Matriculation (IX-X
grades) and Intermediate (XI-XII) have specific sections on “Ideology of Pakistan and Quaid-e-
Azam” starting right from the first96 and second page respectively. While they stop short of
titling it “Quaid-e-Azam’s Ideology of Pakistan” or “Ideology of Pakistan according to Quaid-
e-Azam”, the progression of quotes provided here lay down a peculiar foreground for the
overall ideology of Pakistan constructed in detail in the senior book. The first two establish the
Two Nation Theory and the demand for partition: establishing that the Two Nation Theory is
the Ideology of Pakistan. The third and fourth help perceive Pakistan in the “North West” and
consisting of “Punjabi, Sindhi, Balochi and Pathan”, thus categorically removing Bengal from
the Quaid’s conception of Pakistan97. Finally the term ‘ideology’ appears; an incorrectly dated
address is quoted next. It is then reported to have been delivered to “the officers of the
Government of Pakistan”, the most subtle tampering of historicity by a textbook – that actually
hides a reference to the military forces rather than highlighting – since it was an address to the
“Civil, Naval, Military and Air Force Officers of Pakistan Government at Karachi”98. These
assertions are being made in the light of the striking resemblance of the two quotes found in the
textbook and a compilation of Quaid’s speeches and the fact that there is no noted and recorded
address on the 1st October even in the Ministry of Information compilation. The two are
similar, but not identical, for an exact reproduction could possibly break the particular frame of
history Pakistan is allowed to be seen through. Here’s how the textbook paraphrases it:
96
97
The quote from Iqbal’s Allahabad address of 1930, though correctly, repeats the same geographical bounds to
further strengthen the image of Pakistan as the “current Pakistan” since the time its demand was made.
98
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah: Speeches and statements 1947-48, (Islamabad:
74.
36
“On 1st October 1947, while addressing the officers of the Government of Pakistan, he
said that their mission was the establishment of a state where they could live like free
people in their own socio-cultural set up necessary for the promotion of social justice
and Islamic Ideology99”.
The Urdu edition of the same textbook actually puts quotation marks from “their mission”
onwards100. The original text of the speech however says:
“The establishment of Pakistan for which we have been striving for the last ten years
is, by grace of God, an established fact today, but the creation of a State of our own was
a means to an end and not the end in itself. The idea was that we should have a state in
which we could live and breathe as free men and which we could develop according to
our own lights and culture and where principles of Islamic social justice could find
freeplay.101”
The contradictions in the two statements are apparent. The original does not refer to any
Islamic ideology, rather seeks to focuses only on Islamic ideas of social justice.
There is also no dearth of opposition to this crafty manipulation of Quaid’s words and the
crafted “Ideology of Pakistan”. And this opposition’s apostle is Justice Munir who writes in
From Jinnah to Zia:
“Quaid-i-Azam never used the words “Ideology of Pakistan” … For fifteen years after
the establishment of Pakistan, the Ideology of Pakistan was not known to anybody until
in 1962 a solitary member102 of the Jama’at-I-Islami used the words for the first time
when the Political Parties Bill was being discussed. On this, Chaudhry Fazal Elahi,
who has recently retired as President of Pakistan, rose from his seat and objected that
99
100
Mutalia-e-Pakistan baraye jamaat dehem, p. 9.
101
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah: Speeches and statements 1947-48, (Islamabad:
74.
102
K. K. Aziz and Bakhshish Yousaf Chaudhry identify this member as Maulvi Abdul Bari of Lyallpur.
37
the ‘Ideology of Pakistan’ shall have to be defined. The member who had proposed the
original amendment replied that the ‘Ideology of Pakistan was Islam’ …103”
Thus the phrase Ideology of Pakistan had no historical basis in the Pakistan movement.
Today’s projected understanding of Ideology of Pakistan resonates with the concept of Islamic
state proposed by Maulana Mawdudi. Thus, the ideology of Pakistan in vogue today is a
symbol of Mawdudi’s success in salvaging his lost cause at the creation of Pakistan, a
phenomenon he bitterly resented and criticized.
5.2.2. Fixing India as the enemy
One of the most significant aspects of the Pakistani national identity is the classification of
Pakistan and India as arch-enemies. Survival against the arch-enemy – India — appears as a
major in theme in the curriculum of Social Studies and Urdu. The creation of this enemy is
facilitated by the already completed task of vilification of Hindus. As the Hindus had proved
through the Congress politics that they are a separate nation, the India that formed was
obviously a Hindu country. Furthermore, in an attempt to deny the secular image India seeks to
project, all Social Studies texts for middle classes consistently use “Bharat” to refer to India
even in English editions. Thus, the whole baggage of hatred created for Hindus is conveniently
carried over to the state they inhabit: India.
Keeping India fixed in the mould of hatred also requires maintaining a simple, uniform and
most importantly, a cunning yet cowardly image of Hindus and India – which keeps creating
one problem after the other for Pakistan and its citizens. Right after ‘independence’ (again, not
partition), Hindus created various problems “like the unfair division of assets, the problem of
rehabilitation of the refugees and the ill-treatment of the Muslims by the Hindus. Moreover,
India did not transfer the administrative records to Pakistan in time104.”
The easy substitutability of ‘Hindus’ with ‘India’ in successive sentences is apparent here.
Also, the lack of concern for helping students make sense of cause and effect in history
103
Muhammad Munir, From Jinnah to Zia, (Lahore: Vanguard, 1979) quoted in A.H. Nayyar and A. Salim, eds.
The Subtle Subversion: A report on Curricula and Textbooks in Pakistan. (Islamabad: Sustainable Development
Policy Institute, 2002), p. 72.
104
Pakistan Studies 9-10, p. 20 – my emphasis.
38
effectively removes the impediment to link the mass ‘transfer’ of populations with the parallel
eruption of violence on both sides. Thus, these two ‘problems’ are also attributed to the Hindus
with ease.
In a similar vein, Hindus and India continue to create problems for Pakistan till date:
i. Conspiring with Hari Singh and sending their army to Kashmir to oppress Muslims.
Later India itself requested the “U.N.O” for a cease-fire when the Mujahideen
defeated the Indian army at various places105.
ii. Surprise-attacked Pakistan “early in the morning on September, 6 1965106” and
“when the Indian government realized that Pakistan will inflict a crushing defeat on
her, she requested the U.N.O. to intervene” – both statements being historically
false, with Pakistan’s infiltration plan “Operation Gibraltar” was the main instigator
and the result of war can be at best be called a draw, Pakistan was in the more
vulnerable position at the ceasefire.
iii. India instigated the Muslims of East Pakistan using Hindu teachers and traders
living in East Pakistan, ultimately attacking it to help the ‘East Pakistanis’ to sever
their relations with West Pakistan107. Even a more detailed listing of “Causes of
Separation of East Pakistan108” pins three out of eight causes to either Hindu
scheming or Indian interference.
iv. Launched surprise attacks on Kargil, as evidenced by “Hawaldaar Lalik… was
home on leave. He got to know that the enemy has launched a massive attack at the
Kargil front109”.
These mostly false anecdotes “serve as the alphabet and the grammar110” of hatred with help
from the national media. Thus, the daily discourse produced in this manner continuously
informs the citizen of the tensions between the two states. India is maintained as a threat to
Pakistan and its citizens, but in effect as the never-ceasing reason to exist – existence in
105
106
Ibid.
107
Ibid, p. 123.
108
109
Meri Kitab 3, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2010), p. 98 – my translation.
110
Ayesha Jalal. “Conjuring Pakistan: History as Official Imagining” International Journal of Middle East
Studies, 27, no. 1 (1995): 77.
39
specifying exclusion and specification of a threatening other111. Fixing India as the threatening
‘Other’ constitutes the Pakistan’s statehood itself. As Ayesha Jalal succinctly puts it, “in
contexts of competing and multiple identities – and there are hardly any free of contestation
and diversity – the narrative of ‘us’ in its myriad imaginings requires a parallel construct of an
equally imagined ‘them’112 .”
David Campbell offers valuable help on understanding the exigency of this discourse. “The
constant articulation of danger through foreign policy is thus not a threat to a state’s identity or
existence; it is its condition of possibility113”. This “condition of possibility” clause not only
makes this state possible but also permits the Army to remain as the biggest power wielding
institution within the state apparatus.
Consider, for example, “India is our traditional enemy and we should always keep ourselves
ready to defend our beloved country from Indian aggression.114”
By maintaining the looming Indian threat over the existence of Pakistan, the Army poses as the
savior institution which can safeguard the sovereignty of the state through its excellent training
and discipline. This image serves two purposes, (a) to keep the Army at its best it needs to get
the most up-to-date equipment and training and hence keeping large sums of money flowing
from the national exchequer and (b) legitimacy as the only disciplined institution to take over
the country when the politicians repeatedly bring the country to the brink of extinction115.
111
Richard Devetak. "Postmodernism" in Theories of international relations, Scott Burchill et al. (Palgrave
Macmillan, 2001), p. 177.
112
Studies, 27, no. 1 (1995): 73.
113
David Campbell. Writing Security: United States foreign policy and the politics of identity, (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1992), p. 12.
114
115
General Ayub's Message to the Nation, October 8, 1958.
“Fellow Citizens of Pakistan, As-Salam-o-Alaikum
…History would never have forgiven us if the present chaotic conditions were allowed to go on any further.
These chaotic conditions as you know have been brought about by self-seekers who in the garb of political leaders
have ravaged the country or tried to barter it away for personal gains…”
As accessed from http://pakistanspace.tripod.com/archives/58ayub.htm on 15 July 2010.
Musharraf’s address to the nation on the night of coup, 2: 45am, 13th October, 1999.
“My dear countrymen, Assalam Alaikum
40
5.2.3. Militarization and acceptance for violence
“maar liya, maar liya, dushman ko maar diya, dushman ko maar daina chahiye116”.
Translation: “killed it, killed it, killed the enemy, the enemy should be killed.”
This is how Rashid Minhas, the youngest martyr to achieve Nishan-e-Haider, exclaims after
killing a squirrel that disturbed his pet birds.
Usually, the whole point of telling stories of brave heroes from history is to inspire children to
act like them. While it is indeed true that Rashid Minhas valiantly gave away his life for the
nation; but inclusion of this cry represents a much broader endorsement of violence than just
the warzone. As evidenced above, creating enemies should be an easy task for the hate-trained
students of the public education system.
Nayyar and Salim make this excellent observation on glorifying violence:
“The minds that have been taught to hate do not have always to hate the enemy they
have been told to hate; they can create ‘the other’ from amongst themselves and
exercise violence against anyone, even against their own countrymen. Violence comes
naturally to those to whom the military and the use of force have been glorified.”117
The disproportionately higher representation given to the Military and its heroes in textbooks in
Pakistan reveals the roots of the fervor for joining the military in children all over the country
as well as the trust enjoyed by the armed forces for their own jobs, as well as some that usually
civilians perform. Consider the following three chapters in the fifth class Social Studies book:
You are all aware of the kind of turmoil and uncertainty that our country has gone through in recent times. Not
only have all the institutions been played around with, and systematically destroyed, the economy too is in a state
of collapse. We are also aware of the self-serving policies being followed, which have rocked the very foundation
of the Federation of Pakistan.
The armed forces have been facing incessant public clamor to remedy the fast declining situation from all sides of
the political divide…”
As accessed from http://presidentmusharraf.wordpress.com/2007/07/10/address-nation-13-oct-1999/ on 15 July
2010.
116
Meri Kitab 6, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2010), p. 15.
117
A.H. Nayyar and A. Salim, “Glorification of War and the Military” in eds. The Subtle Subversion: A report on
Curricula and Textbooks in Pakistan. (Islamabad: Sustainable Development Policy Institute, 2002), p. 79-80.
41
No. Chapter Page
12. Population and Occupations 74

13. Administration of the country 86
14. Public Security 92
Table 7: Extract from list of contents of Social Studies 5, Punjab Textbook Board, 2005.
The first describes some population characteristics of Pakistan and then gives brief descriptions
of some occupations, namely farming, cattle-rearing, mining, craftsmen and laborers, banking
and then a section on ‘Other Occupations118’. This section counts off other occupations as
“teachers, doctors, engineers, nurses, advocates, traders, office employees, soldiers, army men
etc.” followed by one-liner introductions to each of these. The seventh sentence in these
introductions is about “our brave army men” who protect the boundaries of the country,
whereas none of the previous six had been qualified by adjectives suitable for their jobs. The
teachers aren’t called ‘devoted’, nurses didn’t qualify for ‘caring’, engineers aren’t ‘skillful’
enough, police officials are obviously not ‘efficient’ and not even the doctors are ‘intelligent’
or ‘devoted’.
Moving on, the next chapter is a four page description of all three pillars of the state with the
title “Administration of the Country” but interestingly enough the legislative and the executive
are dealt with under the heading “Federal and Provincial Government”, without any marker of
separation between the two. On the other hand, the chapter on Public Security – of which all
the departments come under the broader ambit of bureaucracy are explained separately. Even
here the five lines on the “Armed Forces” manages to announce that “At the time of its
establishment…Pakistan Government devoted its attention to improve its military force and
warfare equipment119” and declare “the neighboring country…Bharat” a threat. This chapter
also manages a remarkable Orwellian feat rest of the curriculum falls just short of: “during the
war, the enemy’s agents spread false statements to upset the common people and demoralize
118
119
Ibid. p. 97.
42
them120”. Pakistanis have been keen on calling each other traitors and enemy agents. Political
leaders and liberals have been particularly targeted with such titles. The ingredients of mistrust
for all who dissent with the popular truth and an entrenched trust and confidence on the
country’s army have been spread profusely.
Finally, the chapter closes on the note the entire curriculum seems to converge upon: “Our
homeland is important and valuable for us. You are given the responsibility of its security121”.
Redemption from Oblivion – Appropriation of national recognition
Anderson and Smith’s congruence on the idea that nationhood helps achieving oblivion has
been noted above. This strength of nationalism is capitalized upon by the modern nation-state
by institutionalizing recognition in the form of nationally awarded decorations. By
appropriating the tools and means to express gratitude from through institutionalization of
recognition to citizens showing brilliance and commitment in service, military or civil the state
of Pakistan asserts that it represents one united nation, the Pakistani nation. Those awards in
turn incorporate Islamic symbols; in their names and form alike to assert the Islamic face of the
nation-state. The text turns the highest military award ‘Nishan-i-Haider’ into a national
narrative its own. What is significant here is that only the Shaheeds (martyrs) who have been
awarded this medal make it to the exclusive club whose stories are narrated in the textbooks, no
recipient of any civil decoration is ever mentioned. Even the only Pakistani Nobel laureate Dr
Abdus Salam is not deemed fit to earn a mention. There are (at least) two lessons to be learnt in
the inclusion of ‘Nishan-i-Haider’ stories in Urdu textbooks from grade I onwards.
(a) Military achievement is to be seen as superior to achievement in any other sphere of

life and hence more worthy of being emulated by the young students.
(b) All those who have been awarded this medal are seen as possessing very clear
Islamic sense of purpose for their lives and their military service. This country can only
120
121
Ibid. p. 98.
43
be guarded from outside threats through an Islamic sense of purpose and nothing else.
The nation itself is not presented as the source of motivation, courage or valour for to
give up the life for. The soldier, and in turn all the soldiers-to-be will struggle with these
two identities for all times or submit to the state provided ordering of the two, the life is
to be lain for the country; the nation-state but the direction for such a ‘goal’ comes from
the more sublime source; Islam*.
It serves two purposes, first, never letting the existence of non-Muslims be recognized in
Pakistan and then secondly when this fact is realized, it does not permit Pakistanis from other
religions to be possibly seen as truly devoted to the defense and interest of this country. This
subtext is not directly readable in the textbooks but abundantly available in the popular
discourse.
5.3. Islam as Criterion for Citizenship
5.3.1. Pan-Islamism
The curriculum is also utilized to deal with the fundamental quandary that comes from defining
the Pakistani nation with the religion its people ascribe to and are yet bounded by the profane
territorial confines of colonial inheritance. Pakistanis are informed that they are part of a bigger
whole: the Muslim Ummah. That Pakistan is just one of the manifestations of the strength of
Islam – it actually spans the “Muslims World”. A world that has its own land features, climatic
regions, history of colonial rule and demography as the whole seventh grade Social Studies
book explores each one by one.
Fifth grade Islamiat has a chapter on Ittehad-e-Milli. It is defined as: “Such a nation is called
‘millat’ which is based upon a belief or an ideology. Ittehad means being one. Thus, ‘ittehad-e-
milli’ means such a national unity and cooperation, which is based on a belief. When we
Pakisanis use this word (ittehad-e-milli) then it means the unity and concord of Pakistani nation
44
on their belief122”. The inherent connection with the whole Muslim world follows soon:
“Millat-e-Islamia is not just limited to Pakistan only but is spread all over the world. A fifth of
the whole population of the world consists of Muslims….But in whichever part of the world
Muslims are; they are one millat, members of millat-e-Islamia123”.
The eighth grade Islamiat text develops this concept in a chapter with the same title. It
categorically denies any variation within Muslims all over the world: “Muslims have one
standard for good and bad. Their political and economic systems are based on identical
principles. Since Islam has made our thought process similar (yaksaan), therefore our actions
and characters are alike. It has established our Ittehad-e-Milli on very strong foundations124”.
The possible motivation for this suppression of differences within Muslims could be to prevent
divisions and demarcations within their religion. But it doesn’t work too well in the context the
students live in. Since these textbooks cannot possibly cover all the teachings of Islam, this task
is essentially left to the local mosque’s Imam. This ‘Mulla’ as this Imam is popularly known
(and feared) as, usually specializes in instilling that the particular sect of Islam he preaches is
the only true Islam. The fear of this suppression of difference often motivates parents to feed
their children with identification of their particular sectarian identity as basic truths of life125.
The author’s recent interaction with his driver’s 6-year old son resulted went as follows:
“Q: What is your name?
A: Taimour Ahmed.
Q: Who are you?
A: I am a Sunni126 Muslim.”
122
Islamiat 5, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2002), p. 88 – the latest syllabus has a similar lesson on “Islamic
Fraternity”.
123
Ibid.
124
Islamiat 8, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2002), p. 69.
126
Sunni refers to Barelvi Muslims in the popular language as Deobandis have distanced themselves from this
title in order to better differentiate from Barelvis
45
5.3.2 Suppressing difference
The suppression of difference is not restricted to internal sectarian suppression. The

homogenizing project spans all provinces:
“Gul Khan said, ‘that is what Allah has instructed Muslims, “Allah’s men! Become
brothers with each other.” All of us Muslims are brothers with each other. Whichever
family one is from, whichever clan one is linked with, whether one is white or black, all
are brothers with each other. All are one.’
Our country was founded in the name of Islam. This bond is stronger in its inhabitants.
Whether one is Pathan or a Balochi, Sindhi or a Punjabi, all are one127”.
While Muslims of all provinces are Bhai Bhai (brothers – the title for the chapter quoted
above), people from other religions are not. They are never mentioned. Care is taken that their
existence is not noticed by the people of Pakistan – unless of course a Danish Kaneria pops into
the national cricket team – the first Pakistani Hindu, whom many Pakistanis had ever heard of.
The preoccupation with war heroes, martyrs specifically, denies space to even Cecil Chaudhry
who flew successful missions in both the 1965 and 1971 wars and of course to Bapsi Sidhwa,
an author who pioneered Pakistan’s entry into English literature. Ahmadis also are not brothers.
Recently two-time ex-Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, was condemned widely for describing
Ahmadis as “brothers and sisters” who are “assets to the country” after the recent attacks on
Ahmadi worship places128. Their exclusion too is celebrated in the textbooks, though indirectly,
when the inclusion of the definition of Muslims is noted as a development in the “Islamic
Clauses in the Constitutions of Pakistan129”.
Even though accepted inside fold of Islam, the official curriculum narrative excludes Shiites
and maintains a strict preference for Sunni heroes. The historic episode at Karbala is
remembered by Sunnis and Shiites all over the world as a story of true devotion to Islam but
still Karbala and Hussain, the slain grandson of the Prophet (pbuh) are both denied space in
127
Meri kitab (Urdu): Jamaat Doam, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2010), p. 32.
128
“PML-N defends Nawaz’s remarks about Ahmadis”, Dawn, June 10, 2010, front page.
129
Mutalia-e-Pakistan 11-12 (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2005), p.89.
46
Islamiat or Urdu textbooks which profusely write about many companions of the Holy Prophet
(pbuh).
5.3.3. Islamic ideals for all
Pakistan was named ‘the land of pure’ as an exercise in jugglery of initials, not meant to be a
criterion for purging those who do not classify as ‘pure’ – Muslims, as set by the explanations
in the official textbooks. General Knowledge, Social Studies and Pakistan Studies are
compulsory subjects for all those entering the public education system taught to grade I – III,
IV – VIII and IX onwards respectively. Minorities in Pakistan are just short of four percent of
its total population. Of this proportion, Hindus make up 1.6%130 which translates into a
considerable 2.7 million people, a population bigger than around 70 nation-states in this world.
It is this significant minority at which most of the hate-material is directed at. Although the
majority (93%) of Hindus are in Sindh and the textbooks implemented there are slightly more
receptive in terms of religious exclusivity compared to the Punjab Textbook Board surveyed in
this paper. Regrettably, though, the National Curriculum Guidelines are produced centrally and
have to be strictly adhered to by the provincial textbook boards.
The restrictive learning objectives of the curriculum guidelines along with a sample paragraph
that addresses these is reproduced here.
General Knowledge Syllabus for grade I identifies the following learning outcome based on
“our beliefs”:
“All students will be able to…

 Recognize that Almighty Allah has created us.
 Recognize that everything in the world is created by Almighty Allah.
 Name the creations of Almighty Allah (human beings, animals, plants, trees, stars, sun
etc).
130
Population Census Organization, “Population by religion,” Population Census Organization,
http://www.statpak.gov.pk/depts/pco/statistics/other_tables/pop_by_religion.pdf.
47
 Recite Kalimah Tayyiba with its meaning.131”
Thus forcing the fundamental tenets of Islam down the throat of non-Muslims in Pakistan.
The learning outcomes required for the theme ‘Prayer’ are particularly noteworthy. They
require that “students be able to:
 Name the five prayers Muslims offer daily
 Recognize Azan as a call for Namaz.
 Find out a Mosque/Masjid in their neighbourhood.
 Inquire about other places of worship in their neighbourhood (Church/Temple) etc132”.
The Curriculum itself sees Christian and Hindu places of worship as “other”. These learning
outcomes reflect the intended interpretation of “tolerance”, enunciated in the National
Educational Policy quoted in the introduction. It is tolerance of ‘other’ religions by Muslims –
the true holders of national self-identity in Pakistan – not mutual tolerance.
As for the national self-identity, the learning objectives of Pakistan Studies begin as:
“Broadly speaking, the Curriculum of Pakistan Studies is designed to:

1. Inculcate a sense of gratitude to Almighty Allah for blessing us with an independent
and sovereign state.133”
The textbooks (IX-X and XI-XII) produce the components of Islamic system listed in
subsection 5.2.1 above, in response to the even more specific learning objective, “explain the
ideology of Pakistan with reference to the basic values of Islam134”.
The passage covering the first two of those components; beliefs and worships, equates pretty
much everything that is Islamic as a component of the Islamic system on which Pakistan is
founded on. It’s reproduced in entirety from XI-XII textbook as follows:
131
National Curriculum for General Knowledge, Grades I-III, (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, Government of
Pakistan, 2007), p. 12.
132
Ibid. p. 14.
133
National Curriculum for Pakistan Studies, Grades IX-X, (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, Government of
Pakistan, 2006), p. 1.
134
Ibid. p. 2.
48
"One idea behind the claim of Pakistan was that if such a state comes into being then
the Muslims will be able to lead their lives according to their own beliefs and will not
face any difficulty in the performance of their rights. These include belief in Oneness of
Allah, Prophet Hood of Muhammad (pbuh), the Day of Judgment, angels and the
revealed books. Worships include prayers, fasting, alms-giving and pilgrimage. Islam
pays significant importance to Jihad as well. Islam is all about worshipping none other
than Allah Tallah and to spend one’s time in an effort to please him. Jihad refers to be
ready to sacrifice one’s life and possessions for Allah, the greatest personage at all
times. Jihad Bin Nafs (fighting with the self) and Jihad Bil maal (spending one’s wealth
for the purpose of jihad) have both been advised to all. All these rights and jihad aim at
submitting oneself to the will of Allah Almighty. These worships prepare Muslims to
follow the path of Allah almighty and to live and die for Him only and prevent him from
being dependent on anything other than Allah Almighty.135”
It can be seen here that every tenet of Islam is reproduced to supposedly contribute to the
Pakistani ideology since it is part of the overall way of life Islam proposes. On one hand, it is
downright excluding those who do not ascribe to these particular beliefs from having any
ownership of the country they live in. On the other, it is also a needless exaggeration of the idea
of an Islamic state closer towards that of an Islamist state, which insists on doing everything
that goes on in the society through narrow Islamic injunctions – something neither Pakistan is
nor does any relevant party intend to make it, including religious political parties.
The imposition of Islamic religious teaching on non-Muslims does not end here in the Social
Studies stream of curriculum. Islamic lessons occupy a significant amount of Urdu school
textbooks. The number of lessons with direct and indirect Islamic teachings in Urdu textbooks
from grade I to V is summarized as follows:
135
Mutalia-e-Pakistan 11-12, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2005), p. 4 – my translation.
49
Lessons with
Total No. Indirect Islamic Total proportion of
Grade direct Islamic Total
of lessons lessons Islamic content
content
1 18 7 3 10 56%
2 39 7 7 14 36%
3 43 12 2 14 33%
4 45 6 7 13 29%
5 34 6 5 12 35%
Table 8: Islamic Content in Primary level Urdu textbooks, 2009.
By ‘direct Islamic content’, lessons like ‘hamd’ (praise of Allah), Na’at (praise for the
Prophet), Reading Quran and Dua (supplication) are referred to. And the indirect lesson contain
mentions of Allah’s creation of human beings, animals, plants etc and that Pakistan is a God-
given gift for ‘us’.
This fundamental truth is presented to the school-going children in the most sacred of forms.
The slogan equating Pakistan with the fundamental proclamation of belief in Islam, echoes all
through the Urdu, Social Studies and Islamiat textbooks alike.
“Pakistan ka matlab kya: la ilaha illallah!”136
Translation: “What is the meaning of Pakistan: There is no God but Allah!”
136
Meri kitab (Urdu): Jamaat Doam p. 8, Mutalia-e-Pakistan 11-12 (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2005), p.30
& Islamiat 5, (Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2002), p. 93.
50
6. Conclusion
While it is widely observed that today Pakistani society is leading towards a gradual
liberalization as seen through the opening up of media and a sharp rise in consumption, the
forms of resistance shaping in response to these trends need to be explored as well. Sufficient
attention is being paid to the hate-mongering Madrassahs, but the public education being meted
out to the masses, with all the embedded messages of hate, mistrust and violence needs to be
debated widely as well. Apart from the curriculum, it is pertinent to look at the teaching
methods involved in conveying these messages across to the students. Pervez Hoodbhoy, a
leading physicist in Pakistan, remarks:
“Public school education today is premised on a belief that repeated sermonizing, and
strict regimentation of the school environment, will produce moral and patriotic
Pakistanis137”.
During the course of this research, it has been found that this statement offers more truth than it
might have intended to. The noted ‘sermonizing’ here is taking place as a regular practice, not
just in the course of teaching the Islamized textbooks explored in this paper, but in daily
assemblies138 or in the increasingly popular specially designed “Nazariati (ideological)
Summer School139”. As for the success of producing ‘moral and patriotic’ students, a number of
validation studies, based on extensive interviews and group-discussions with students are in
order. A wide variety of students, hailing from different regions, religions, ethnic backgrounds
and economic classes, pursuing the public education system leading towards Matriculation and
Intermediate exams should be included in these studies. Also, while the national identity frame
embodied curriculum has been explored and discussed, it needs consideration that most of the
critics of this curriculum have also passed through it and yet managed to break free. Thus
particular attention should be given to exploring the origins of this disconnect in these
validation studies that is how well do the students receive this system of thought.
137
Pervez Hoodbhoy, "What are they Teaching in Pakistani Schools Today?" Chowk. Available from
http://www.chowk.com/articles/4740. Internet; accessed 12 July 2010.
138
See Appendix III for “The aims of the school” from the prospectus of a large trust-based school in Lahore,
Crescent Model Higher Secondary School.
139
See: http://nazariapak.info/summer_school/
51
The mass-suppression of alternate identities inherent in the official curriculum has led to wide
social discontent. In its short existence, Pakistan has experienced all kinds of backlashes such
suppression engenders; sectarian, nationalist and ethnic. What these authors of nation-making
fail to notice is that most of these movements are not secessionist in nature, but only seeking
representation in the national stream. Their fear of further cleaving of this cherished country
has led them to believe that denying regional, religious, ethnic and sectarian diversity will lead
to a united Pakistan. But closing access to the official medium of representation has led to
adoption of others, ranging from newspapers to new television channels and from street
protests to suicide bombings. It is when the last of these alternates surfaced, that society was
shaken out of its slumber – barely.
It cannot be sensibly claimed that suicide bombings are a direct outcome of the narrow
worldview taught in the official textbooks, for there’s obviously a broader religio-political
context to it. Pakistani youth has grown up in an age when there was one international Jihad
front or the other always active in this region: the US keeps launching military campaign in one
Islamic country after another and Islamic clerics have not given up all along that suicide
bombing is a legal means of Islamic warfare. But the ideological training imparted through this
curriculum need not be dismissed either. Zia’s Islamization process has brought a lot of
misfortune and disrepute to Pakistan. Whereas the veneer has been peeled off, structurally it
remains firmly embedded in the Pakistani state. While the constitutional tampering is still
prominent and the infamous ‘Hudood’ ordinance is still debated about, the remains of the
Islamized educational system and the curriculum have hardly been revised. If there is any true
concern for the rampant militancy and intolerance, the society and its intelligentsia need to rise
above the bare awakening they experiences today.
“At a time when the virus of national bigotry – religiously or territorially defined – is
assuming epidemic proportions, it is worth rethinking the terms of a discourse which
gratuitously celebrates collective imaginings that flourish by muzzling challenges from
within and threatening to crush, conquer, or convert targeted others140”.
140
Studies, 27, no. 1 (1995): 73.
52
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Appendix I: Screen image of the Board of Intermediate & Secondary Education, Lahore
website
Note the model papers given right in the middle of the page.
Accessed: 5th July, 2010
56
Appendix II
MY BOOK (Mairi Kitaab)
Grade/Class 2 (age: 7-8 years old)
Punjab Textbook Board – January 2005.
57
Contents
Sr. Page Sr. Page

Titles Titles
No. No. No. No.
Praise [for Allah], orig:
1 1 21 Etiquette of conversation 53
Hamd] (poem)
2 Our beloved Prophet (pbuh) 3 22 Let’s learn Arabic 55
Na’at [Praise for the Prophet
3 (pbuh) in the form of poetry] 5 23 Means of transport 57
(poem)
4 Pakistan 7 24 Faithful horse 60
Dog and reflection
5 Prize 9 25 63
(poem)
6 Book (poem) 13 26 Flood 65
Tales of great
7 15 27 Weather 67
men/personalities
Quaid-e-Azam – rh
8 [abbreviation of rehmat ullah 19 28 Saving 71
alaih]
Living in harmony [orig: mil Where did the butterfly
9 21 29 74
jul kar rehna] go?
Kabaddi [a youngsters game
resembling prisoner’s base.
10 23 30 Doll (poem) 77
Ref: Ferozson’s Urdu
English Dictionary] (poem)
11 City, town and village 25 31 Early morning 79
12 Result of deceit 28 32 Light and heat 81
“Chanda mamun door kay”
[a verse from a lullaby, can
13 be translated literally as 30 33 Pictorial story 83
“Uncle Moon from
Faraway”]
Brother Brother [orig: Bhai Whenever you have your
14 32 34 84
bhai] meal (poem)
Sweet Eid [referring to eid-
15 34 35 Humair and Huma 86
ul-fitr]
16 Beneficial animals 37 36 88
Love – Affinity
17 Punctuality 41 37 90
[muhabbat]
18 Parrot (poem) 44 38 Muslim children 93
19 Plants and trees 46 39 Prayer [orig: dua] (poem) 96
20 Walk/stroll [orig: sair] 49
58
PAKISTAN (p. 7)
Our dear country’s name is Pakistan. Pakistan is an Islamic country.
Non-Muslims live here too who are less in number. There are two colors in our country’s flag.
White color represents the non-Muslims and green color represents the Muslim population.
Allah taala has made our country very beautiful. There are lush green grounds/meadows,
flourishing fields and gardens laden with fruits here. There are mountains like Nanga Parbat
and K2. There are salt mines. Ravi, Chenab, Jehlum, Sindh are its famous rivers. Small and
large forests are there. One famous forest’s name is Changa Manga. Pakistan’s villages and
cities are very beautiful. Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar and Quetta are the big cities of our
country. Karachi is the biggest city of Pakistan. There is a sea near it which is called the
Arabian Sea.
We are proud of being Pakistani. We pray that Sindh, Punjab, NWFP, Balochistan and Kashmir
progress. These are all Pakistan. We love every nook and corner of Pakistan.
Exercise
1. Write the answers:

i. What are the names of the five famous cities of Pakistan?
ii. How many provinces are there in our country?
iii. Name any one famous mountain of Pakistan.
iv. Name any one famous river of Pakistan.
(p. 8) Activities
1. Deliver a speech in your class on “My beloved Pakistan”.

2. Recite the national anthem in the school assembly.
3. Join the words with the opposite meanings like morning, evening.
morning far
more Small
flatland Mountainous
high Low
big Less
near evening
4. Re-write these sentences by adding a ‘not’ like
a. This mountain is very high. This mountain is not very tall.

b. There is a sea near Karachi. __________
c. There is a forest near Lahore. ___________
59
d. Jehlum is a famous river. ___________
For teachers:
1. Get it written in fine handwriting. What is the meaning of Pakistan, la ilaha illallah.
2. For dictation-writing. Area [orig: ilaqa], Quaid-e-Azam, belonging to a sandy desert

place [orig: Raigistani], Pakistan.
3. Tell the children the names of famous rivers of Pakistan.
4. Listen to the national anthem orally from the children and correct their pronunciation.
TALES OF GREAT MEN/PERSONALITIES (P. 15)
Ahmed and Ali’s Dada Jaan (grandpa) was resting/lying in his room. He was thinking that ‘its
children’s bedtime but they haven’t come to me for listening to the story’. In the meanwhile
Ahmed and Ali came running to Dada Jaan and said “Dada Jaan! We were talking to Daadi
Jaan (grandma). This is why (we) got late in coming. She was telling us that we should speak
the truth at any cost [orig: har haal (condition) main], be brave and make honesty a habit”.
Dada Jaan was very happy to hear this and said that ‘we find these traits in all great
men/personalities. We’ll be talking about these things today as well.’
Our beloved Prophet sala allah u alaih wassalam was the greatest person [orig: insaan (human
being) of this world. People trusted him so much that when the atrocities of infidels exceeded
limits and he ۖ had to leave Mecca, even then heۖ had people’s deposits [orig: amanatain].
The infidels had surrounded his ۖ house and wanted to kill him. He made Hazrat Ali (rz) stay at
his place so that he could after returning people’s deposits. This tells how honest he (saw) was.
It also tells demonstrates Hazrat Ali’s (rz) bravery.
(P. 16) Hazrat Abu Hanifa (rz) was great scholar and accomplished (person). He was a big
trader. One day a woman came to sell him a silk piece. The woman asked for a hundred
dirhams for that piece. He said to her “this cloth isn’t worth less than five hundred dirhams,
you’re asking for a hundred dirhams only?” The woman took it as a joke but when she received
five dirhams, she was amazed that there are such honest people in this world as well.
Similarly there used to be a great revered man Hazrat Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilani (rz). When he
was a child, at the time of leaving with a caravan his mother sew some gold coins in his shirt’s
inside pocket and advised him to always speak the truth. On the way, the caravan was looted by
dacoits. One of the dacoits asked him that ‘do you have something as well’ so he said all
truthfully. Then the leader of the gang asked him “Why did you lose your money by telling
about it yourself?” He said, “I have obeyed my mother and spoken the truth.” (p. 17) The leader
of the gang was very influenced by this. He and his fellows renounced robbery and returned the
booty.
60
Then Dada Jaan said to the children “these are the great tales of great people”. Ahmed and Ali
said “Dada Jaan! We will become honest InshaAllah as well and will always speak the truth.”
Exercise
a. Why did the children arrive late to listen to the story?

b. Who stayed in the house to return the deposits?
c. What was the name of the child who spoke the truth?
2. Make sentences from these words: honest, brave, honest, trader.
(p. 18) Activities
1. Fill in the blanks:
a. Ahmed and Ali listened to the …..

b. The tales of great people are also….
c. The woman …..for hundred dirhams for the piece.
d. The dacoits renounced from bad deeds. [orig: Daku’on nay buray say tauba …(kar)...
li.]
e. The dacoits ….the booty.
2. Join the following letters to make a word like K.A.P.R.A – kapra (cloth)
/…./
3. Join the antonyms with an arrow. Like night, day…
Truth tomorrow
Happy Muslim
Today Friend
Infidel Unhappy
Enemy Lie
For teachers
1. For dictation writing. Honest [orig: sadiq], guardian [orig: ameen], conviction [orig:
yaqeen], caravans [orig: qaflay], sum of money [orig: raqm].
2. Get it written in fine handwriting.
Our beloved prophet SAW was the greatest man of this world.
3. Make the children read the third paragraph of the lesson and correct their pronunciation.
61
BHAI BHAI (p. 32)
Kamran’s Abbu used to go to Peshawar regarding his job. When he came from Peshawar
yesterday, his friend Gul Khan [Aneeq: the stereotypical name for a Pathan] and his
younger son Saeed was with him too. Kamran was very happy on seeing Saeed. Seeing the
two friends playing and talking about their books [Aneeq: hence these are the activities
what children should do when with friends], their fathers were happy as well. Kamran’s
Abbu said, ‘our children have become each other’s brother.”
Gul Khan said, ‘that is what Allah has instructed Muslims, “Allah’s men! Become brothers
with each other.” All of us Muslims are brothers with each other. Whichever family one is
from, whichever clan one is linked with, whether one is white or black, all are brothers with
each other. All are one.’
Our country was founded in the name of Islam. This relationship is stronger in its
inhabitants. Pathan or a Balochi, Sindhi or a Punjabi, all are one. Kamran said: “Abbu, the
way you and uncle Gul Khan are brothers, likewise I and Saeed are brothers. I want to give
a present to my brother.”
(P. 33) His Abbu spoke: “yes, giving gifts increases love. You should definitely give your
brother Saeed [Aneeq: “brother Saeed” this indeed resonates with the way IJT people or
any Jihadi org, people address each other!] a nice gift.”
Kamran embraced his brother Saeed and took him to the market so that he can get him a
nice book as a gift.
Exercise
a. What has Allah taala instructed the Muslims?

b. What are Pathan, Balochi, Sindhi among each other?
c. From what city had Kamran’s friend come?
d. What gift would you like to give your friend? [An: and here by the way
I did think of the usual answer instructed at this age in children’s
magazines and textbooks as well perhaps: Quran majeed].
2. Write plurals of these words. Black, child, gift, small, relationship.
Activities
1. Complete the sentence by filling in the right word: Saeed, bhai bhai, Islam,
muhabbat (love).
a. Their younger son ___ , was with them as well.

b. All are ____ among each other.
62
c. Our country was made in the name of ____.
d. ____ increases from giving gifts.
For teachers
1. Give brief information about all four provinces to the children.

2. Also tell them about Azad Kashmir.
3. The brotherhood Hazur SAW established between the emigrants and Ansaar in
Medina, tell them about it.
PUNCTUALITY (P. 41)
[An: the purpose for selecting this piece was its theme that punctuality is based upon the
timings of prayers….which, I was about to say is not practiced, but no observant, practicing
Muslims who pray regularly, often schedule their day this way]
Morning broke. Azaan’s sound came in. People went to the mosque to pray. The sun rose
from east. Light spread all over. Shadows became smaller gradually. The sun came right
above the head. To save themselves from the afternoon’s heat, animals and humans came to
sit in the shade.
Now the sun started falling towards west. Zuhar prayer was offered. Shadows became
longer towards east. Now Asr prayer has been offered.
See, the sun is setting. Redness has spread all over. The warmth has reduced. The time for
Maghrib prayer has come. Stars have started shining in the sky. The moon has come up.
Moonlight has been spreading. People went to sleep after Isha prayer. A quiet has took over
all.
The sun rises in the morning. Sets in the evening. A time is fixed for the five prayers. The
time to arrive at the school and for the school to close is set. Everything should be done on
time.
(P. 42) If punctuality is not observed, it causes loss to work. [An:!] If you get late for
school, instruction is affected. If the prayer is not offered on time, Allah’s order is not
obeyed.
Those who want to succeed in life, do everything on time.
Exercise
1. Write answers:
a. What direction do the shadows lengthen at Asr time?
63
b. How many prayers are offered in the day?
c. If the punctuality is not observed what happens?
2. Complete the sentences:
a. When the sun is at its peak, shadows become the most ____. (small, big)
b. When the sun starts setting towards west, then the ___ prayer is offered. (Zuhr, Isha)
c. If one gets late for school then ___ is affected. (instruction, work)
(P. 43) Activities
1. Write the words with opposite meanings:
Morning
East
Sky
Loss
Success
2. Make plurals:
Animal
Human
Prayer
Sky
For teachers
1. Have some more discussion on the importance of punctuality.

2. Make the children write the prayer timings.
3. Dictate the second paragraph for writing.
64
PLANTS AND TREES (p. 46)
[Aneeq: this lesson is about basic knowledge about different types of plants and their
parts like root, stem, branches and leaves etc. Then it goes on to talk about root-plants.
Finally it converges on how useful these are for human beings…]
Asad and Rehman went to their Chacha’s [father’s brother in Urdu] village. Chacha
took them to the fields. Many vegetables were grown there. There were big mango trees
there too. Mangoes hanging on them looked very nice. The two brothers asked a lot of
questions from Chacha.
/…/
(p. 47) Rehman: Yesterday a friend of mine was saying that people eat roots of some
plants as well.
Chacha: Yes. Carrot, radish, turnip, sweet-potato are all roots. We eat them as
vegetables.
Asad: We eat fruits as well. Some stems and roots also for eating. Tell us about leaves.
Chacha: Some plants’ leaves are also used as vegetables. /…/
Rehman: Chacha Jaan! That means Allah taala has created these different plants and
trees for humans?
Chacha: Yes! We should also be conscious about taking care of them.
[An: The point is the whole creation vs evolution debate is not even an issue here.
Perhaps it shouldn’t be, but we were never even let aware of all the work Darwin did in
any book (including science) till grade 12]
Exercise
/…./
ETTIQUETES OF CONVERSATION (p. 53)
Aisha and Ahmed were watching a children’s show on TV with their Ammi. There was
a knock on the door. When Aisha’s Ammi opened the door, she saw that Omer and
Amna have come from the neighbor’s. They said “Assalam-o-alaikum” while entering
the house. Aisha’s Ammi replied “wa alaikum salam”. [An: the point is that the proper
way to talk is the Islamic way]
Aisha and Ahmed were very happy to see them and started talking them loudly. Aisha’s
Ammi softly said, “Kids, it isn’t nice to talk at the same time. You should talk turn by
65
turn. The other should be listened to intently and then should be replied to after careful
thinking.
Amna said” Yes! Our miss (teacher) also told us these things as well.” /…/
LOYAL HORSE (p. 60)
/…./ [Am: paragraph about the characteristics and uses of horses]
In the olden times, horse-riding was more common in Arab [An: This is my major
major concern with our curriculum. Our traditions, folk stories do not come from olden
Punjab and its rich history but all the way from Arab. Check out the question I quote
from the exercise…]. Once upon a time an Arab trader was going somewhere on his
horse. Robbers surrounded him on the way. They took the trader to their base. They tied
the trader with ropes and slept peacefully.
The horse put the rope in his mouth and pulled with full force and picked up his master.
It kept walking like this all night. By morning, he had got to the door of the master’s
house. It placed the master on the ground in front of the door. The master called his
servant and he came and cut all the ropes. The master had got home getting his freedom
(p. 61) but the horse was so drained from this tough journey that he fell on to the ground
with a bang and died. This is an animal’s memorable example of loyalty with his
master. What we need to think about is that if a horse can be so loyal to his master that
it gives away his life for him then why cannot us humans do this for our master i.e.
Allah taala. [An: sacrifice (of life) for Allah taught in grade 2!...]
Exercise
1. Answer these:
a. What use does the horse serve?

b. What special quality does the horse have?
c. In which country was horse-riding common? [An: Country!? = Arab?...]
/…/
For teachers
1. Get it written in fine handwriting. We are all Allah taala’s men.
/…/
66
WEATHERS (p. 69)
/…/
[An: a discussion between Ammi and her two sons Usman and
Zahid about the four weathers we have and the enjoyable
experiences of each and concludes at…]
Ammi: Yes son! All these nice weathers, Allah taala has made for our benefit.
Exercise
/…/
SAVING (p. 71)
Asma and Junaid’s Abbu returned from office then he saw that in front of the door,
water has gathered in the street. He felt very bad. He asked the children why water has
gathered in the street.
Asma: Abbu Jaan! I opened the tap next to the door to wash my hands. Forgot to close
in a hurry and started doing school work. Much later I remembered suddenly that I have
left the tap open. I went running and closed the tap but a lot of water had spilled by
then.
Abbu: Water is a blessing of Allah taala. It should not be wasted. /…/
Exercise
/…/
For teachers:
1. Give more information to children about saving.

2. Tell the children about other blessings of Allah.
3. /….
67
EARLY MORNING (p. 79)
[An: The chapter title written in the backdrop of a young boy

praying on a prayer-mat laid out in a middle-class house
setting]
The sun had not risen yet. Rafiq’s Abbu and Ammi performed ablution. Washed hands,
rinsed the mouth, washed the face, washed arms all the way till the elbow, stroked the
head with wet hand, washed feet.
Rafiq really liked this method of cleaning. He used to observe Ammi and Abbu perform
ablution earlier as well. Today he woke up quickly as well. Got done with the
washroom. Performed ablution like Ammi, Abbu and stood for prayer like them.
His Abbu and Ammi were very happy on seeing this. They expressed a lot of love
/fondled him after the prayer. They said that one should stay clean and pure. For the
cleaning of the body, ablution and bath with the required rites observed [orig: ghusal]
are very necessary. Staying clean and pure is very liked by Allah taala. Abbu said: “our
beloved Prophet SAW has declared hygiene/cleanliness to be half of Iman (belief)”.
Ammi said: “son! I put clean clothes on you. Do not let them get dirty. When you return
from school, put them away safely and wear clothes for home.
Abbu asked: When you wear clean and laundered clothes, you do like it, right(na)!
Rafiq said: When I wear neat and clean clothes after washing up, I like it very much.
My friends and teachers complement me. Ammi said: son! You are a good boy. You
say good things. Stay neat and clean. We should keep our bodies clean as well. Keep
our street and neighborhood clean. How nice would it be if we keep our village and city
clean cooperatively.
Exercise (p. 80)
1. Write answers:
a. What is the method for performing the ablution?

b. What has our beloved messenger SAW said about cleanliness?
c. How do you keep your body clean?
d. What did Ammi say to Rafiq?
2. Use in sentences: Wudhu, farigh, ga’on, khubsurat.
3. Write the words with the meanings of the following words: safai, acha, peechay,
adha.
For teachers
68
1. Tell the children about the importance of prayer.
2. Tell the children what should be done to keep the street and neighborhood clean.
3. Dictate-write the first paragraph.
WHENEVER YOU HAVE YOUR MEAL (p. 84)
Wash your hands and rinse your mouth
lay the table-spread [An: on the ground, as the picture above suggests]
First you recite Bismillah
Then eat with the right hand
/…./
HUMAIR AND HUMA (p. 86-87)
[An: a lesson on personal safety etc and concludes at…]
Ammi said: “our body, life and all things for our use are blessing ofAllah. We should
protect them so that we can take full advantage of them.
/…/
MUSLIM CHILDREN (p. 93)
Muslim children speak of Allah taala’s greatnes.
[An: and it goes on to list basic Arabic phrases required in the daily life at various
times. The following are written in Arabic font followed by phrasal translations and
preceded by exigence, in this order: Allah-u-akbar, auzu Billah…, Bismillah…, La
ilaha…, Alhamdulillah, Subhanallah, Jazaakallah, Astaghfirullah, Rabbi zidni ilma (My
Lord, increase me in knowledge), SAW]
Now you memorize these two Surats of the Holy Quran.
Surat al-Asr
/…/
Surat al-Feel
69
PRAYER [orig: dua] (p. 96)
Every heart, every life’s Protector
Your honor is distinct from all others
You are the Giver for all
Everything You have nourished
Everything praises You
Plants, stones, fruits and branch
Fill my (begging) sack with knowledge
Increase me in my status
70
Appendix III
AIMS OF THE SCHOOL (Crescent Model Higher Secondary School – Boys Section)
The primary aim of the school is to develop to the full student's character, and to train their
intellect as well as their physique, that is, to educate the whole man. it aims at development of
the child's personality with special emphasis on the basic element of character, namely,
truthfulness, honesty, integrity, sense of duty, sincerity of purpose, justice and fair-play,
disciplined behaviour, above all, to make the students good Muslims and Pakistanis.
Efforts are made to impart knowledge of the ideology of Pakistan to generate a sense of
national pride and to develop a spirit of patriotism and loyalty. From time to time, senior boys
are given true perspective of the situation which led to the division of the subcontinent as an
ultimate resort to establish Pakistan. As an essential part of the development of self respect,
abiding faith in her future – a faith that must stimulate them to lead lives of service. From a
student's early years in school, efforts are made to try and establish in him habits of punctuality,
attention to obligation and honesty.
Islamic outlook is focused in the daily morning assembly in the Junior, Senior, and Girls
sections. By rotation, students recite selected verses from the Holy Quran with their translation
in Urdu. The Islamiat teacher delivers an address related to the recitation, concluded by an
appropriate "dua" in Urdu, English or Arabic. Then the staff and students sing the national
anthem.
71

National Identity Construction in Pakistan's School Curriculum

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Drawn Swords: Subtle and Brazen

An exploration into the construction of national identity

Aneeq Ahmed Cheema

3 Research context & literature review 10

4 Education system of Pakistan 16

Phases of national identity construction 19

5.1 Justifying the creation of Pakistan within the Indian 20

5.1.1 Search for primordial origins 20

5.1.2 Islamizing the Past 21

5.1.3 Muslims vs non-Muslims 22

5.1.4 The “fighting people” of Islam 26

5.2 Battlefronts for upholding Ideology of Pakistan 29

5.2.1 The Unworthy Equation: Ideology of Pakistan and the Two- 29

5.2.2 Fixing India as the enemy 34

5.2.3 Militarization and acceptance for violence 37

5.3 Islam as Criterion for Citizenship 40

5.3.2 Suppressing difference 42

5.3.3 Islamic ideals for all 43

Appendix I Screen image of the Board of Intermediate & Secondary Education, 52

“Islamic way of life.

“Our dear country’s name is Pakistan. Pakistan is an Islamic country.

‘Pakistan’ – Phases of its Construction

The national identity construction is phased in this manner:

“Although the Pakistani story of the ‘awakening’ is a historical story, it is represented to

The creation of Pakistan is conveniently constructed as the teleological culmination of the

5.1.1. Search for primordial origins

5.1.2. Islamizing the Past

Sr. No. Chapters Page

5 Society in South Asia before Islam 81

The stamp on the pupil’s memory is explicit and clear:

5.1.4. The “fighting people”77of Islam

Grade Topics on the Struggle Topics propagating national ideology.

5.2.2. Fixing India as the enemy

Nayyar and Salim make this excellent observation on glorifying violence:

12. Population and Occupations 74

Redemption from Oblivion – Appropriation of national recognition

(a) Military achievement is to be seen as superior to achievement in any other sphere of

5.3. Islam as Criterion for Citizenship

The suppression of difference is not restricted to internal sectarian suppression. The

5.3.3. Islamic ideals for all

“All students will be able to…

“Broadly speaking, the Curriculum of Pakistan Studies is designed to:

“Pakistan ka matlab kya: la ilaha illallah!”136

Translation: “What is the meaning of Pakistan: There is no God but Allah!”

Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities, London: Verso, 1983.

Devetak, Richard. "Postmodernism." Theories of international relations. Palgrave Macmillan,

Foucault, Michel. Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977, ed

--- L’ordre du discourse. Paris: Gallimard, 1971.

Islamiat 4. Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2005.

Islamiat 5. Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2002.

Islamiat 8. Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2002.

Jalal, Ayesha. “Conjuring Pakistan: History as Official Imagining” International Journal of

Meri kitab (Urdu) 5. Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2010.

Mutalia-e-Pakistan 9-10. Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2005.

Mutalia-e-Pakistan 11-12. Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2005.

National Education Policy 2009. Islamabad: Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan.

Pakistan Education Statistics 2007-08. Islamabad: Academy of educational planning and

Pakistan Studies 9-10. Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2009.

Population Census Organization, “Population by religion,” Population Census Organization,

Saigol, Knowledge and identity: articulation of gender in educational discourses in Pakistan.

--- Nationalism: theory, ideology, history, Malden: Wiley-Blackwell, 2001.

Social Studies 5. Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board, 2009.