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This is the political environment Baru artfully describes in his book. Indian politicians cannot
afford to be polarized. They learn early on to be flexible and to compromise. The political
process is one of constant negotiation between individuals, parties and factions.
Americans increasingly think in terms of black and white, Democrat and Republican, liberal and
conservative. Thus when an American starts looking at India, he/she wants to divide the country
into two warring camps, and find out which is the “good” party and which is the “bad” party.
This approach was evident in Ambassador Mulford’s book Packing for India. Mulford identified
the BJP as the party that represented economic “progress,” in that it claimed to back economic
liberalization and the neo-liberal agenda and to be pro-American. He contrasted this with the
Congress Party, which was suspect because of its socialistic heritage and skepticism regarding
neo-liberalism. Baru demonstrates that life in India my not be that simple.
Baru is a journalist by profession and a talented writer. He has a refreshing style. He does not
engage in hyperbole, but rather is dispassionate and coolly analytical. He provides lots of
information without getting mired in specifics.
I generally avoid political memoirs. The authors want to convince the reader they are powerful
inside players. They try to overwhelm with inside stories of intimate access to the rich, famous,
and powerful. In most political memoirs the author is always at the center stage of crucial events
and is convinced that he/she played a crucial role in world history and had a profound influence
on the outcome of world events.
This book was quite refreshing because Baru did not fall to these depths. He served as Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh’s Media Advisor throughout most of his first term in office (2004-
2009). Baru was not a close friend of Singh’s when he was selected, but grew close to the Prime
Minister as the two men worked closely together. Over time, Manmohan Singh came to rely on
Baru for more than media management. Baru was frank and forthcoming with his advice on a
wide variety of subjects. Singh listened patiently to the advice but often did not follow it.
Manmohan Singh came to power in the 2004 election. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had
served a full term in office with the popular Atal Bihari Vajpayee as Prime Minister. The Indian
economy was doing well. The BJP declared “India Shining” and was confident of victory. The
Indian electorate proved the pundits wrong. The BJP lost the election. When the votes were
counted, the Congress Party had the largest number of MPs, but not an absolute majority. For the
first time in its history the Congress Party was forced to cobble together a coalition government.
Congress is a left of center party. In European parlance it would be called a Social Democratic
Party. It is populist and believes that the government should play a strong role in the economy. It
is also socialist, not averse to public sector enterprises and a planned economy. The left wing of
the Congress overlaps with the “Left Parties.” This is a group of Communist and radical left
parties with a Marxist orientation. During the Cold War, these parties allied with the Soviet
Union or the PRC, but have over time morphed into another version of Social Democratic parties
and have successfully ruled Indian states. The Left parties are committed to democracy and
honor the electoral outcome, even when it goes against them.
To form the government, Congress had to rely on Left Party support. The Left decided to support
“from outside,” meaning they declined formal membership in the coalition. Left MPs therefore
were not eligible to occupy cabinet positions. This set-up gave the Left considerable power over
decision-making. The Left could threaten to withdraw support and bring down the government if
it did not get what it wanted.
The Congress Party is a family fiefdom. It belongs to the Gandhi family. Whenever Congress
was in power, a member of the Gandhi family served as Prime Minister. However, in 2004 there
was no viable candidate from the family to take over. Sonia Gandhi, the widow of assassinated
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, served as the family placeholder as the President of the Party. Her
son Rahul Gandhi was the designated heir apparent, but not yet ready to serve. Sonia determined
that she could not herself serve as Prime Minister. She was convinced that the Indian population
would not accept a naturalized Indian of Italian decent and Roman Catholic faith as Prime
Minister. In a dramatic move, Sonia addressed Parliament and turned down the honor, saying that
she had searched her conscience and determined it best for the nation. She named Manmohan
Singh to the post. Singh was not a politician. He had only contested one election in his life, when
he ran for Parliament from a Delhi constituency and was defeated. He was a member of India’s
upper house (the Rajya Sabha) an appointed position.
Manmohan Singh tried to occupy a middle position. His first and foremost loyalty was to India.
He was a true patriot. He believed it was in India’s best interest to liberalize its economy and
cultivate closer ties to the United States. This did not mean, however, that he wanted to abandon
all the socialist elements of the Indian system and adopt American economic thinking in Toto.
Singh’s Left allies were suspicious of economic liberalization and of the United States. Singh
had to bring them along. He relied on persuasion and compromise and cultivated a group of
Leftists who backed his agenda.
The crucial factor that caused the Left and Singh to part company was the “nuclear deal.” This
was the proposal put forward by the Bush Administration to recognize India’s status as a nuclear
weapons state without India signing the Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Baru shared Singh’s
commitment to this deal. His chapter in which he describes the nuclear deal is artfully written. It
is one of the best descriptions I have seen of a complex agreement that is very controversial. This
chapter alone makes the book worth reading.
While Singh was able to bring the Left along when it came to his economic liberalization
proposals, the nuclear deal proved to be a bridge too far. The Left could not support the deal and
split with the Congress-led government over this issue. Baru is highly critical of the Left’s
actions and continues to defend the deal, while conceding that it did not deliver many of the
promised benefits.
Although Baru left the government towards the end of Singh’s first term, he describes how the
UPA unraveled during its second term and set the stage for the BJP’s triumphant return to power.
While Baru is a strong admirer of Manmohan Singh, he lays the blame for these developments
squarely on the Prime Minister. Time and again, asserts Baru, Manmohan Singh did not assert
himself. He was the Prime Minister, but constantly deferred to Sonia Gandhi and the Gandhi
family. While personally incorruptible, Singh overlooked corrupt behavior in others. By the end,
Manmohan Singh became an object of ridicule in the Indian media. The Gandhi family was bent
on making Rahul Gandhi the next Prime Minister and did not back Singh. Although an
economist, Singh failed to artfully manage the economy and budgetary process. Singh continued
populist programs after their funding dried up. The impact of the great recession and ever-
growing outlays to import energy slowed economic growth and increased inflation, and the
Prime Minister did not have an adequate response.
By the end, the stage was fully set for the return of the BJP. The Indian electorate was fed up
with corruption and economic mismanagement. To win an absolute majority in the 2014 election,
the BJP merely had to play a one-note song. Narendra Modi cleverly put aside his party’s Hindu
nationalist agenda and emphasized economics. He promised to straighten out the economic mess
and won an absolute majority in the 2014 election.
Baru ends on a sad note. He points out that Manmohan Singh could have saved his legacy by
resigning. He could have gone to the Gandhi family and said he would not tolerate corrupt
ministers in his cabinet, especially when they were not selected by him but were foisted on him
by the Party. He could have demanded freedom to act without interference. He could have used
these points to justify his resignation and keep his reputation intact. Baru points out that had
Manmohan Singh done so, he would now be playing the role of a distinguished former
statesman. Instead, he occupies a space in historic limbo.
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