GHANA ARMED FORCES COMMAND AND STAFF COLLEGE (GAFCSC)

EXPLORING THE ROLE OF HUMAN SECURITY IN THE FIGHT AGAINST

TERRORISM IN AFRICA

AHMED ISSAHAQUE

10176006

THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED TO THE GHANA ARMED FORCES

COMMAND AND STAFF COLLEGE (GAFCSC), IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE MASTER OF SCIENCE
DEGREE IN DEFENCE AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (MDIP)

AUGUST 2019

i
 DECLARATION

I Ahmed Issahaque, hereby declare that, this dissertation presented is my own work supervised

by Dr. Fiifi Adu-Afful. I also declare that I have not submitted this work to any institution for

assessment, publication, or for any other purpose and that all references have been duly

acknowledged.

...……………………………. ………..…………………………

AHMED ISSAHAQUE DR. FIIFI ADU-AFFUL

(STUDENT) (SUPERVISOR)

Date …………………………. Date ………………………….

ii
 DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to God Almighty who has enabled me to get this far and also to my

family who supported me with their prayers and understanding. I also want to dedicate this work

to my boss and colleagues at my work place for their assistance throughout my course of study

despite my heavy schedule.

iii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to acknowledge the Lord Almighty for His grace, peace, and favor. I also acknowledge

that it would have been difficult or almost impossible to successfully complete this dissertation

without the good counsel and guidance from my supervisor, Dr. Fiifi Edu-Afful. Dr. Afful

displayed rare selflessness; in that despite his tight schedules he found time to guide me through

this study. Thank you very much and may the Almighty God bless you. To my generous brother,

Kwesi Nyantekyi and mum, i cannot thank you enough for your encouragement, support and

prayers. I also thank, my brother Mankama and wife Majida for their sacrifice and support.

Finally, I thank all who helped in diverse ways to make this dissertation a success.

iv
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

HDR - Human Development Report

UNDP - United Nations Development Program

UN - United Nations

HDI - Human Development Index

IR - International Relations

ISIS - Islamic State of Iraq and Syria

AQIM - Al Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb

AMISOM - African Union Mission in Somalia

ICC - International Criminal Court

CIA - Central Intelligence Agency

NGO - Non-Governmental Organizations

ICISS - International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty

CHS - Commission on Human Security

MEND - Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta

WAGP - West Africa Gas Pipeline

RECs - Regional Economic Communities

AU - African Union

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ICU - Islamic Court Union

UNHCR - United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

IOs - International Organizations

LRA - The Lord's Resistance Army

LRM - Lord's Resistance Movement

FDI - Foreign Direct Investment

GDP - Gross Domestic Product

OECD - Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development

FAO - Food and Agriculture Organization

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION……………………………………………………………………………….ii

DEDICATION………………………………………………………………………………….iii
ACKNOWLEGEMENT…………………………………………………………………………….....iv

ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………………...…………v

TABLE OF CONTENT………………………………………………………………………….vii

LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………………….x

LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………………………xi

ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………………………………xii

CHAPTER ONE ......................................................................................................................... 1

INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 1
1.1 Background ........................................................................................................................... 1
1.2 Problem Statement ................................................................................................................ 2
1.3 Research Objectives .............................................................................................................. 4
1.4 Research Questions ............................................................................................................... 4
1.5 Research Methodology .......................................................................................................... 4
1.5.1 Research Design ..........................................................................................................6
1.5.2 Data Collection ...........................................................................................................7
1.5.3 Data Analysis ..............................................................................................................7
1.5.4 Ethical Considerations .................................................................................................8

1.5.4 Concept of Validity and Reliability .............................................................................8

1.6 Theoretical Framework ....................................................................................................... 10
1.6.1 Relative Deprivation Theory......................................................................................10
1.6.2 Frustration Aggression Theory ..................................................................................11

1.6.3 Concept of Human Security .......................................................................................13

1.7 Literature Review ................................................................................................................ 15
1.7.1 Terrorism in Africa .......................................................................................................15
1.7.2 Human Security in Africa .............................................................................................17
vii
1.7.3 Human Security and Terrorism in Africa .......................................................................... 19
1.8 Significance and Justification of the Study .......................................................................... 21
1.9 Scope and Limitations of the Study ..................................................................................... 22
1.10 Organization of the Study .................................................................................................. 22
1.11 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 22
References ................................................................................................................................ 24
CHAPTER TWO ...................................................................................................................... 28
TERORRISM AND HUMAN SECURITY: AN OVERVIEW .................................................. 28
2.1 Introduction......................................................................................................................... 28
2.2 Conceptualizing Human Security ........................................................................................ 28
2.2.1 Human Security Threats ............................................................................................32
2.3 Defining Human Security and Terrorism ............................................................................. 34
2.4 Global Terrorism ................................................................................................................. 34
2.4.1 Al-Qaeda ...................................................................................................................35
2.4.2 Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) ........................................................................37
2.5 Terrorism in Africa.............................................................................................................. 38
2.5.1 Al Shabaab ...................................................................................................................39
2.5.2 Boko Haram..................................................................................................................41
2.5.3 Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) ....................................................................44
2.5.4 The Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO) ..................................47
2.6 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 47
References ................................................................................................................................ 48
CHAPTER THREE................................................................................................................... 53
HUMAN SECURITY AS A TOOL IN THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM IN AFRICA .... 53
3.1 Introduction......................................................................................................................... 53
3.2 Nature of Terrorism in Africa .............................................................................................. 53
3.3 Factors that are Causing Terrorism in Africa ....................................................................... 57

viii
 3.3.1 Socioeconomic Factors .................................................................................................58
3.3.1.1 Poverty ...................................................................................................................58
3.3.1.2 Mass Youth Unemployment ...................................................................................59

3.3.1.3 Food Insecurity.......................................................................................................60

3.3.2 Political Factors ............................................................................................................61
3.3.2.1 Fragile States/Failed States .....................................................................................61
3.3.2.2 Ungoverned Spaces ................................................................................................62
3.3.2.3 Bad Governance .....................................................................................................65
3.4 Analyses of the Causes of Terrorism in Africa ..................................................................... 66
3.5 The Human Security Situation in Africa .............................................................................. 67
3.6 Impact of Terrorism on Africa ............................................................................................. 68
3.6.1 Economic Security ....................................................................................................69
3.6.2 State Security ............................................................................................................70
3.7 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 71
References ................................................................................................................................ 72
CHAPTER 4 ............................................................................................................................. 76
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ......................... 76
4.1 Introduction .....................................................................................................................76
4.1 Summary of Findings .......................................................................................................76
4.2 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................78
4.3 Recommendations............................................................................................................78
Bibliography ............................................................................................................................. 81

ix
 LIST OF TABLES
Table:1 Forms of Human Security and Associated Threats…………………………………….32

x
 LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Al-Shabaab’s Domain of Control in Somalia………………………………….40

Figure 2: Comparing Boko Haram-ISIS……………..…………………………………..44

Figure:3 Northern Africa’s Growing Chaos…………..………………………………….64

xi
 ABSTRACT

There has been an uptick of terrorism in Africa recently. This rising threat of
terrorism in Africa is the effect of the sociopolitical upheaval born out of poor
socio-economic conditions which have been with Africa since the days of
independence. African governments depend largely on using military approach
to address this scourge. However, the war on terrorism does not seem to be
ending anytime soon. This is what prompted this study to examine the role of
human security in the fight against terrorism in Africa. Basically, the role of
human security in fighting terrorism remains very critical in governance as the
actions of terrorist groups directly affect the growth of the state in several
facets including a social and psychological impact on state security. For a
detailed and in-depth information on the study, the research was conducted
using qualitative content analysis approach which enabled the researcher to
make use of secondary data including journals, websites and articles. One vital
outcome of the study is that, there is a plethora of challenges with regards to
human security in Africa including poverty and youth unemployment, food
insecurity, illiteracy and so on. These challenges have not seen frantic efforts
aimed at eradicating or minimizing them and so they continue to persist in the
continent whilst providing smooth grounds for terrorism to flourish. Generally,
in search for a panacea to these problems which will go a long way to arrest the
scourge of terrorism in Africa, the study recommended, based on the
conclusion drawn from the research, that: African governments must embark
on effective poverty alleviation and human capital development programs for
youth who are most vulnerable to recruitment and radicalization and that
human security must be a necessary component of counter-terrorism
approaches.

xii
 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background
Although terrorism has haunted the global political landscape for centuries, never in the entire

history of man has it assumed the influence and hostility it displays in the present century.

Terrorism has enforced a new strategic climate on the present global system by making every

human a potential target of its various forms. Barely a day passes without news of some acts of

terrorism in one or other trouble spot on our planet. If it is not a suicide bombing, car bomb,

kidnapping, hostage taking, plane hijacking or an assassination by an aggrieved person or

persons, it is the indiscriminate bombing of selected targets by state authorities or agents

(Imobighe, 2009).

The point is that we are now living in a world that is constantly being disturbed by incessant

doses of terrorism. As a result, no one any longer feels totally safe whether at home, at work or

walking along the streets. Just like many parts of the world, terrorism is evident on the African

continent. Africa is a harbor of terrorism on account of prevailing circumstances of bad

governance, conflict, poverty, diseases and corruption (Sosuh, 2011). It is no shock therefore,

that some parts of the West African sub-region are under the siege of terrorism from groups such

as Boko Haram in Nigeria and al Qaeda in Mali.

Since the birth of this millennium, terrorism has been on a steady rise. Indeed, the world-wide

manifestations of terrorism has been evident in Africa (Oche, 2014:36). Most worrisome is the

fact that despite all sorts of activities to address the problem in Africa, terrorism has not abated in

any significant manner. With the increasing joblessness, poverty, discrimination against civil,
1
political, economic, social and cultural rights, and political turbulence that plague Africa as a

whole, the fear is that greater emphasis on military approach to fighting the scourge may not

yield the desired results. It is thus accurate to find out the connection between these

vulnerabilities and terrorism in Africa. The essence of this research therefore is to bring to light

how human security can contribute to preventing terrorism in Africa.

1.2 Problem Statement

Terrorists activities weaken state’s ability to provide peace for its citizens (Mapolisa, 2013).

Women, children and men have all suffered the consequences of terrorism. The attack of the

USA on 9/11 has indicated that it is not only the small actors in the international system who can

succumb to the ills of terrorism but also the most powerful states and dominant players in the

system (Mapolisa, 2013). The damage of infrastructure is impulsive to an extent that billions of

dollars are wasted in rebuilding structures. Environmentally, the ecosystem is affected by

bombings and toxic gases, but humans always pay a heavy price in the form of killings,

kidnapping, hostage-taking and unleashing of violence such that their memories always bear

traumatic and tormenting events (Mapolisa, 2013).

With the proliferation of technology and unregulated social media, coupled with the increasing

numbers of unemployed youth and poverty, communication between extremist groups and

individuals (most of whom are youth) is lot more enhanced; making it unavoidably attractive for

such contacted individuals to turn down mouthwatering proposals (Ray, 2016). Terrorism in

Africa is largely the product of economic hardship, poverty, unemployment, illiteracy,

2
corruption, alienation and economic, social and political marginalization and dispossession of the

masses (Rice, 2001).

Up to 41 million youths under 25 years of age in Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and

Niger alone face hopelessness and are at risk of joining terror movements (Mapolisa, 2013). This

means that there a clear indication of poor human security situation in Africa. Insecurity and

instability in much of Africa has become a single, complex and interrelated problem that is an

intrinsic part of the debate about the nature and capability of the African state. The proliferation

of terrorist groups and the number of casualties as a result of their activities is on the increase in

Africa. Although scholarly works on the phenomenon of terrorism is mushrooming, there is yet a

paucity of compelling scholarship on human security as a determinant of terrorism, especially in

terms of the economic origins of the phenomenon with reference to Africa’s political economy.

Considering the medley of prevailing opinions, which are sometimes contradictory as far as the

impetus for terrorism is concerned, the efficacy of policy response in long term rests on a well-

informed understanding of the causal factors of which human security is crucial. Hence, an in-

depth and comprehensive scholarly investigation that can positively influence policies geared

towards ending this portentous scenario in Africa is pertinent. Indeed, the better the issue is

understood, the more efficacious would be the policies aimed at combating not just the current

terrorist groups that exists in the continent but other like-minded individuals that might arise in

the future due to the deterioration of the human security conditions in Africa. Accordingly, this

study seeks to investigate the relationship that exists between human security and terrorism in

Africa.

3
1.3 Research Objectives

The general objective of the study is to examine the role of human security in the fight against

terrorism with particular emphasis on Africa.

Specifically, the study will seek to achieve the following:

1. Identify the nature of terrorism in Africa;

2. Identify the factors causing terrorism in Africa;

3. Examine the situation of human security in Africa; and

4. Examine the impact of terrorism on Africa;

1.4 Research Questions

In the quest to address the above objectives, the study seeks to answer the following questions:

1. What is the nature of terrorism in Africa?

2. What are the factors causing terrorism in Africa?

3. What is the situation in Africa with regards to the concept of human security?

4. What is the impact of terrorism on Africa?

1.5 Research Methodology

The research approach used by a researcher for a particular study is usually informed by the

objectives he hopes to achieve. According to Ghauri and Gronhaug (2002), methodology is to

inform or tell the reader of the research design; which may influence the research methods
4
employed, the sources of data, and methods of data analysis. This section discusses the

methodology to be used for the study. According to Babbie and Mouton (2008) research

methodology refers to the researcher’s general approach in carrying out the study. Collis and

Hussey (2003) define this general approach as processes; from theoretical underpinning the study

to the collection and analysis of data. MCNaab (2015) also posits that research methodology

involves the selection of

appropriate styles or steps for conducting a research. This section therefore presents in detail the

research method and design, data collection instruments, data collection process and analysis

employed for the study.

The research method adopted for this study is the qualitative research approach. According to

Kumar (2011) a study is classified as qualitative if the purpose of the study is primarily to

describe a situation, phenomenon, problem or event; or the information is gathered through the

use of variables measured on nominal or ordinal scales (qualitative measurement scales). Again,

if the analysis is done to establish the variation in the situation, phenomenon or problem without

quantifying it, the study is classified as qualitative. Examples of qualitative research include the

description of an observed situation, the historical enumeration of events, an account of the

different opinions people have about an issue, and a description of the living conditions of a

community (Kumar,2011).

Patton (2002) posits that qualitative analysis offers a platform whereby the researcher does not

attempt to manipulate the study for purposes of the evaluation. He further explained that the

qualitative methods permit the researcher to study selected issues, cases, or events in depth and

detail as data collected for the study and its analysis is not constrained by predetermined

categories of analysis, allowing for a level of depth and detail that quantitative strategies cannot
5
provide. These proposals by Patton (2002) influenced the choice of qualitative method for this

study. It is therefore believed that an in-depth and detailed analysis of data that is not

manipulated just to suit the demands of academic research but will enable me come out with

meaningful recommendations as far as the role of human security in the fight against terrorism in

Africa is concerned.

1.5.1 Research Design

A lot of study designs exist under the qualitative research design approach. Some of these are

Action Research Design, case study Design, Causal Design, Cohort design Cross-Sectional

Design, and Descriptive Design. Research design refers to the overall strategy that is chosen to

integrate the different components of the study in a coherent and logical manner, thereby

ensuring the research question is effectively answered (Trochim, 2001). The function of research

design is to enable the researcher effectively use the information obtained to address the research

question logically and unambiguously (Trochim, 2001). It constitutes the blueprint for the

collection, measurement and analysis of data (De- Vaus, 2001).

Qualitative research is a formal, objective and systematic process for generating information

about the world (Burns and Grove, 1997). In this research, the causal research design was

employed. According to Babin, Carr, Griffin & Zikmund (2012) It is a design conducted in order

to identify the extent and nature of cause-and-effect relationships. Causal research can be

conducted in order to assess impacts of specific changes on existing norms, various processes

and so on. Causal studies focus on an analysis of a situation or a specific problem to explain the

patterns of relationships between variables. This design was chosen because it is appropriate for
6
the research objectives of the study as the aim of the study is to explore the connection between

terrorism and human security in Africa.

1.5.2 Data Collection

Data collection is a systematic way of gathering information which is relevant to the research

purpose or questions (Burns and Grove, 1997). The study made use of secondary data.

Secondary sources of data are information or data that are already available or have already been

collected by other researchers, individuals or organizations for one reason or the other (Kumar,

2011). They provide second hand data. In this case the content may not be strictly tailored to the

specific requirement of the researcher and the researcher would have to extract relevant potions

for use in his research work.

Some sources of secondary data are government, semi-government publications, newspapers,

bulletins and documents presented by experts, earlier research, personal records, mass media,

scholarly articles, unpublished works, books and internet websites. A large number of data on the

subject matter was also sourced from libraries, international and domestic journals, periodicals

and publications. The quality of the research combined with the experiences of various authors

are sufficient enough to help achieve the objective of this research.

1.5.3 Data Analysis

The research adopted content analysis in analysing data collected for the study. Content Analysis

is defined as a method of observation in the sense that instead of asking people to respond to

questions, it “takes the communications that people have produced and asks questions of those

7
communications” (Kerlinger, 1973). It is an unobtrusive or non-reactive method of social

research and is very ideal for this research because of the negation of contact with respondents.

Generally, content analysis may be seen as a method where the content of the message forms the

basis for extrapolations and conclusions about the content (Nachmias and Nachmias, 1976).

Additionally, content analysis falls in the interface of observation and document analysis. In this

study, a content analysis was used to identify the nature and causes of terrorism in Africa, it was

also used to examine the situation in Africa with regards to the concept of human security

terrorism as well as establish the impact of terrorism on Africa.

1.5.4 Ethical Considerations

Stake (2003) points out the confidential position of the qualitative researcher when he says:

“Qualitative researchers are guests in the private spaces of the world. Their manners should be

good and their code of ethics strict”. The ethical considerations include approval of the research

by the Academic Department of the Ghana Armed Forces Command and Staff College. All other

data or materials used were also referenced accordingly.

1.5.4 Concept of Validity and Reliability

The concept applied in establishing the appropriateness, quality and accuracy of a research

process is called validity. Inaccuracies can be introduced into a study as a whole or at any stage

of the research process. Due to the flexibility, freedom and spontaneity given a researcher in the

methods of data collection, it is difficult to establish standardization in data collection, hence the

validity and reliability. As a result of these difficulties, same methods have been proposed to

8
establish validity and reliability in qualitative research (Kumar, 2011). Validity is the degree to

which the researcher measures what he sets out to measure. Validity in research takes a look at

the ability of an instrument to measure what it is designed to measure (Kumar, 2011).

Babbie (1989) posits that validity refers to the extent to which an empirical measure adequately

reflects the real meaning of the concept under consideration. In qualitative research, validity is

difficult to establish because it mostly explores feelings, experiences, perceptions, motivations

and stories among others. The reliability of an instrument refers to its ability to produce

consistent measurements each time. When an instrument is administered under the same or

similar conditions to the same or similar population and obtain similar results, the instrument is

said to be ‘reliable’. The more similar the results, the greater the reliability. Reliability is viewed

from two sides: reliability (the extent of accuracy) and unreliability (the extent of inaccuracy). In

qualitative research, ‘reliability’ is measured through ‘dependability’ and ‘confirmability’ as

suggested by Guba and Lincoln (1994). Trochim and Donnely (2007) compare the criteria

proposed by Guba and Lincoln (1994) and define them thus:

A. Credibility: Credibility involves establishing that the results of qualitative research are

credible or authentic.

B. Transferability: Transferability refers to the degree to which the results of qualitative

research can be generalized or transferred to other contexts or stings. Transferability is

difficult to establish mainly because of the approach the researcher adopts. However, if

the researcher extensively and thoroughly describes the process adopted for others to

follow and replicate, transferability can be achieved. The results of this study are not

limited to Africa but everywhere in the world where terrorism is happening.

9
 C. Dependability: Dependability is related to whether the same results will be obtained if

the same thing could be observed twice (Trochim and Donnelly, 2007). Since research

advocates flexibility and freedom, it may be difficult to establish unless an extensive and

detailed record of the process is kept for other to replicate to ascertain the level of

dependability.

1.6 Theoretical Framework

In an attempt to establish theoretical guide to examine the role of human security in the fight

against terrorism in Africa, a number of theories exist which can be employed in the study.

However, the study will adopt Relative Deprivation Theory, Frustration Aggression Theory and

the Concept of Human Security.

1.6.1 Relative Deprivation Theory

Relative deprivation Theory refers to any perceived discrepancy between people’s expectations

and their capabilities to fulfil those expectations. The greater the intensity of relative deprivation

the greater the magnitude of violence (Gurr, 1971). Gurr (1971) further explains that relative

deprivation theory is the anxiety that emanates from an inconsistency between the ‘ought’ and

the ‘is’ of collective value satisfaction and this disposes men to violence. He went on to posit that

relative deprivation varies strongly in terms of the average degree of perceived discrepancy

between value expectation and value capabilities. Touching on religion, Gurr asserts that,

religion is an easy way of mobilizing people against the state. In Gurr’s opinion, the higher the

degree of frustration the greater the degree of political instability.

10
This means that, the more the relative deprivation in terms of inequality in prosperity, political

participation, social status and so on, can lead to the decline in coherence of ideas which goes a

long way to result into violence and collapse of social order. Terrorism in Africa employs

religion as well as using the disparities in social status to mobilize people against the state as

argued by Gurr. Contributing to the theory of relative deprivation (Buzan, 2009) established that,

security in the society centers on states. When the people in the society assume that their identity

is threatened then insecurity gradually sets in. This perceived threat can be attributed to a

collective feeling and perception of relative deprivation in economic, political, cultural or social

aspects of life. Such conditions form a recipe for insecurity in the society.

Expanding the meaning of societal threats, (Buzan, 2009) establishes that, threats come in

various forms but the most basic ones include economic threat, physical threat, threat to rights,

threat to status or position. The gap between what people expect and what they can benefit forms

the basis for frustration. This theory could be said to have helped the study in the sense that, it

has established the connection between the security of the people in terms of economic, political,

cultural and social security and what they stand to benefit from and the effect of which largely

ends up in violence. With this analysis and with particular reference to terrorist groups in Africa.

They have employed religion to mobilize people even though they aim at economic

emancipation.

1.6.2 Frustration Aggression Theory

Frustration aggression theory ca be traced to the works of Leonard Doob, John Dollard, Neal

Miller and Robert Sears (1939). The frustration aggression theory forwards some basic assertions

to explain the origin and effect of all human aggression. The major assumptions have to do with
11
effects of frustration but other ideas dealt with the target of the resulting aggression and even

others have to do with the possibility of a cathartic lessening of the instigation of aggression.

Writers like Ban-Dura (1973) and Zillman (1979) have discussed these assertions as a single

interrelated package.

This research focuses on the notion of frustration as a single cause of aggression. Aggression is

the consequence of frustration (Dollard, 1939). By inference, the occurrence of aggressive

behavior always presupposes the existence of frustration and the existence of frustration always

leads to aggression. The Yale group explained frustration and aggression as follows: “the word

frustration is one of the many psychological concepts originating in every day speech that is too

susceptible to radically different meanings”. Psychologist have used the term in many different

ways, sometimes referring to external instigating conditions and sometimes to the organism’s

reaction to this event (Berkowitz and Heimer, 1989).

According to Dollard (1939), frustration was an interference with the occurrence of an instigated

goal -response at its proper time in the behavior sequence. This means that an impediment to a

goal is not a frustration unless the organism is striving, implicitly or explicitly to reach this

objective. The last part of this definition implies that the organism or person has also been

making anticipatory goal consuming responses. Dollard identified some factors that are likely to

affect the resulting instigation to aggression with particular attention to the strength of the drive

whose gratification was blocked, the level of interference with the satisfaction of this drive, the

degree of interference and the number of frustrated response sequences.

Going by these factors, the suggestion therefore is that, the greater the satisfaction anticipated the

more inclined people will become when kept from reaching their goal. The resulting instigation
12
to aggression will be reduced as people obtain gratification and the nature of aggression will be

dependent on the repeated instances of unsatisfied expectation. The frustration aggression theory

has provided a platform for a vivid understanding and explanation of how frustration amongst

people could endanger aggression. This has contributed to the research because human security

cuts across all aspects of human desires, aspirations, needs and once these things are perceived to

be denied by any individual or collective, the deprived persons are likely to use violence in order

to realize or register their displeasure and such violence can be in the form of terrorism.

1.6.3 Concept of Human Security

In the search for the factors which foster terrorism, a general concept which emphasizes basic

needs and values of the individual is highly valuable. Human security has proven to be such a

concept and has major advantages. It is an accepted concept in political as well as in scientific

discussions. It is not only based on root causes but, takes their interconnectedness and

multidimensional aspect into account (Zwitter, 2010). Another advantage of human security is

that it is closely tied to human rights and human development. These considerations have led to

the conclusion that, human security as a concept is the most useful and most realizable approach

of international law and international politics preventively to tackle the root causes of terrorism

in the long run (Zwitter, 2010).

Human security represents the core values of human life and dignity and thereby emphasizing on

the root causes of violence. The human security concept is very useful in conceptualizing on how

to decrease threats on individuals. Human security emphasizes those threats which threaten

people on a structural level and which are not easily resolved by the people themselves. The

development of human security can be associated with if not traced back to the growing
13
dissatisfaction of the predominant notion of militarized security and development in the 1960s-

1980s. During the Cold War, the referent object of security was the state. Emphasis on military

force as a means of guarding the state against external aggression was prevalent. With the end of

the Cold War, calls for new thinking about security grew rapidly because it was realized that

states were now engaged in in-fighting. People were being killed by their own governments and

inter-state wars were diminishing (Zwitter, 2010).

These occurrences helped fuel the awareness that the exclusive emphasis on the classical military

approach to security has become increasingly obsolete. New vulnerabilities have emerged. States

using traditional concepts of security are increasingly unable to protect their citizens against the

new threats such as global warming, terrorism, diseases, among others. The underlying problems

that are breeding terrorism which include but not limited to ethnic discrimination, economic

exclusion, disregard for others’ social, cultural and religious beliefs need a more integrated

approach like human security to be addressed rather than allowing such problems to manifest

into security threats which may likely escalate into terrorism. The cost of fighting terrorism in

Africa by use of force and by increasing security arrangements of all kind are enormous. It might

well be higher than the cost of dealing with the underlying problems which are breeding

terrorism (Zwitter, 2010).

In 1994, the UNDP, first used the concept of human security with reference to basic economic

and social rights such as the right to food, health, and social security among others. It was noted

that the world can never be in peace unless people have security in their daily lives (UNDP,

1994). The (UNDP, 1994) through HDR, sought for the first time to broaden the traditional

notion of security focused on military balances and capabilities to include economic, food,

14
health, environmental, personal and political securities. It is obvious that, the fight against

terrorism needs a more systematic, pragmatic and integrated approach proposed by the human

security concept (UNDP, 1994).

Since terrorism is somewhat an expression of dissatisfaction by people with the state in aspects

such as political, social, cultural among others, it is important for countries to resource their

commitment to pursue social, cultural and political policies designed to secure justice, human

rights and wellbeing. The concept could be said to have helped this study in the sense that, it has

brought to light the realization that a more integrated approach like human security is needed to

address the issues that serve as catalyst for terrorism in Africa.

1.7 Literature Review

This section reviews relevant existing literature on the subject matter of the study. Amongst the

concepts reviewed are terrorism in Africa, human security in Africa and human security and

terrorism in Africa. All these concepts are discussed in different sub-headings below.

1.7.1 Terrorism in Africa

Krutz (1995) believes that Africa is a continent with huge Muslim population and consequently

presents fruitful grounds for the development and increase in violence and terrorism connected

with Islam. In recent times, this situation has manifested itself principally in the Northern

African region, where the majority of the population is largely or absolutely Muslim, in contrast

to the mainly non- Muslim sub Saharan Africa, where Islamic militancy is a growing

phenomenon (Krutz (1995). In the late 1990s, Islamic extremism was visible in two different

15
areas on the African continent. The first is the containment of Islamic subversion in the horn of

Africa and in west Africa- Ethiopia, Eretria, Nigeria and Senegal. While the second is the intense

activities of radical organization that manifested in violence in the eastern and Southern regions-

Uganda, Tanzania and South Africa. Krutz seems to attribute the act of terrorism in Africa to

Islam as a religion. He has failed to understand and take into cognizance that, terrorist groups

like Boko Haram often attack and kill Muslims in their homes and in the mosque. From the point

of view of Krutz, terrorism is associated with Islam in Africa as against attributing it to social

inequalities and injustice that are prevalent in the continent.

Arquilla and Zanini (2000) argued that, since 1995 Africa has witnessed an increase in the

number of terrorist attacks against foreigners or foreign interest. Most attacks stemmed from

internal civil unrest and spilled over from regional wars, as African rebel movements and

opposition groups resorted to terrorism in an attempt to advance their political, social and

economic objectives. Only eight percent of international acts o terrorism were committed on

African soil between 2005 and 2011, making it the fifth most targeted continent after Latin

America, Western Europe, Asia and the Middle East (Arquilla and Zanini, 2000). African

countries as with the rest of the third world, lack the resources to prevent acts of terrorism,

making it a suitable playing field, although the primary target might be the Western world. Both

Arquilla and Zanini tend to look at terrorism as being targeted at foreigners in Africa. They were

both ignorant of the fact that terrorism in Africa will later be targeted at both Africans and

foreigners as demonstrated by the activities of Boko Haram in Nigeria.

Obi (2006), believes that most of the countries in Africa especially West Africa are ‘suitable’

terrorist hubs due to their "geo-strategic" boundaries. He observed that the West African sub-

16
region is open to influences from North Africa which has retained its long-established trade and

migration routes with West Africa. Some of these routes, he explained, serve as freeways across

the Sahara Desert for African migrants in search of better life in Europe and beyond, as well as

North African trading links to the West African Sahelian states. These permeable borders of

trans-Sahara and trans-Sahelian African highway have lured a lot of geo-strategic attention as

plausible paths for terrorists.

Obi, on his part, examined the risk of violence in West Africa in relation to the 1990 era of

conflict and civil wars in the sub-region. Within this era, at minimum three civil wars occurred in

West Africa, that is Guinea Bissau, nearby Sierra Leone and then Liberia, In the Liberian civil

war, for example, he drew proof from several sources including a report from the UN-supported

War Crime Court in Sierra Leone to settle that "half a dozen of senior Al Qaeda operatives

worked closely with top officials in Liberia onwards from 1999 during the rule of former

Liberian President Charles Taylor. It says they were essentially given a safe refuge to make

illegal diamond deals. Obi’s work is invaluably important to this research since it provides a

historical backdrop as well as current terror activities within West Africa.

1.7.2 Human Security in Africa

Mair (2003) revealed that there is a development of a genuine African variant of terrorism. The

necessary ingredients he believes, will give rise to terror in Africa are lack of economic

perspectives, social deprivation, political repression and dysfunctional states. All that is needed

is a mobilizing idea and agitators in order to direct the violence bred by these factors externally.

Mair’s work is important to this research since he provides valid factors on conditions relating to
17
human security that allow for terrorism to thrive in Africa. Again, the contribution of Mair’s

(2003) literature is important in this research because it provides a basis for which we can

understand the causes of terrorism. at some point we agree with his mention of the development

of a genuine African variant of terrorism. The necessary ingredients he believes, will give rise to

terror in Africa are lack of economic perspectives, social deprivation, a loss of cultural identity,

political repression and dysfunctional states.

However, Mair’s literature emphasis on the influence of external factors as the main source of

mobilizing people for terrorism in Africa. He failed to throw more light on some of the terrorist

groups that sprung up not because of initial external support but through the initiative of the local

people such as Boko Haram. Again, Mair could not have been right due to his resolve that, it is

unlikely that extremist Muslims in sub-Saharan Africa will become an important and integral

part of al-Qaeda’s terrorist network. Sub-Saharan Africa will become one because the terrorist

groups in Africa are already pledging their allegiance to the bigger and far dangerous ones in the

Middle East.

Mullin (2004) observes that there are a number of reasons why Africa should matter when it

comes to terrorism. One, he says, is moral, referring to famine, disease and unspeakable brutality

that have haunted the continent for much of the twentieth century. According to Mullin, it is a

little-known fact that there have been more Al Qaida attacks in Africa than anywhere else in the

world. The fact that in parts of Africa such as Somalia entire societies have imploded makes

them a ready breeding ground for terrorism.

18
1.7.3 Human Security and Terrorism in Africa

Ghanmi (2007) opines that socio-economic conditions and terrorism have a link. Although this is

an extremely sensitive matter, there are indications that when a number of factors such as

poverty, unemployment and the large gap between the elite and majority exist, ordinary people

may feel that they have nothing to lose. If found in combination with political factors, it could

lead to alienation and radicalization. However, it would seem as if poverty alone is not a

sufficient reason to explain why individuals resort to terrorism.

In Morocco, for example, the backgrounds of individuals involved in the suicide attacks pointed

to a combination of unemployment, poverty and social tensions, with the disillusionment and

poverty in turn fueling feelings of bitterness. Particularly persons involved in petty crime or

drugs became the targets of Islamist extremist elements who used these conditions to their

advantage to recruit foot soldiers who needed to redeem themselves and had nothing to lose.

According to estimates, more than 35 per cent of Morocco’s 30 million people are poor and more

than 40 per cent are illiterate, while the wealth gap reflects a grim social picture in which 10 per

cent of the population owns 85 per cent of the wealth (Ghanmi 2007). Both the suicide bombers

in the 2003 Casablanca attacks, and those involved in the March and April 2007 attacks, grew up

in slums such as Sidi Moumen and Douar Sekouila.

Apart from poverty and poor socio-economic conditions, a lack of education which limits

prospects for the future as well as limited access to information create fertile grounds for

recruiting the disenchanted to the terrorist cause. University graduates who struggle to find jobs

are equally vulnerable.

19
Botha (2014), indicates that, marginalization is another leading contributing factor to terrorism.

Religious, ethnic and cultural marginalization has contributed to numerous conflicts in Africa.

Feelings of marginalization tend to exist in situations where a group has a specific geographic

location but no or little government representation. This is often followed by actual isolation,

again providing fertile conditions for radicalization.

Stefan (2003) noted that Africa remains an area largely omitted in the conversations on the war

on terror. Generally, terrorism has seen a growth of formidable followership in Africa (Stefan,

2003). Reported cases of terrorist incidents in sub-Saharan Africa increased dramatically from

three in 1970 to 449 in 1990. This figure surged another 100% in 1992. Although there was an

annual average decline of about 50% of reported terrorist cases from 1998 to 2004, within a

range of 4 years before (1994) and 4 years after this period (2008), the number of reported

terrorist episodes peaked to 381 and 372, respectively. In particular, the Nigerian situation has

been very troubling. Between 1983 and 1992, for example, reported incidents of terrorism in

Nigeria increased by 300%. Terrorist cases rose, again, by 41.6% (17 incidents) in 1997. There

were major declines in 1998 and 2002. However, in 2008 and 2010, reported cases of terrorism

climbed to all-time highs of 75 and 62 incidents, respectively (Global Terrorism Database,

2011). Stefan has provided deep insight regarding terrorism in Africa which is relevant to this

research. He however, failed to uncover the causes that led to the manifestation of these acts of

terrorism in Africa.

20
1.8 Significance and Justification of the Study

The significance of the study derives from the fact that it is expected to proffer newer insights

into the ongoing discourse on the problem of terrorism. Most recent studies on the subject matter

have not adequately addressed the employment of human security in fighting terrorism. The role

of human security in fighting terrorism remains very critical in Africa and global governance as

the actions of terrorist groups directly affect the progress of the state in several facets including a

social and psychological impact on state security. The study therefore holds impact for both

theory and practice in the role of human security in fighting terrorism. This brings to light the

concept of human security and its role in reducing terrorism to its barest minimum in Africa. In

terms of academia and literature, the study shall serve as a valuable document for students and

researchers alike who want to conduct works on the role of human security in fighting terrorism

in Africa.

In terms of policy directions, the study shall make information available to institutions and

individuals that are relevant to policy making such as the ministry of national security,

government agencies, security experts or analyst, security organizations, parliament, scholars and

other policy makers in further studies with the view of easing policy design and decision making.

Moreover, this research attempts to investigate the efficacy of human security in the fight against

terrorism. The findings of the study shall therefore be relevant to all other institutions with

national security mandate. The significance of the study is further reinforced as it will engender

different dimensions of human security that are capable of empowering the individual to become

self-reliant and better informed.

21
1.9 Scope and Limitations of the Study

The study could cover a larger geographical area. However, the study makes a comprehensive

examination of the role of human security in the fight against terrorism in Africa. The research is

likely to face challenges which may affect the outcome of the results. The challenges envisaged

include inability to adequately cover the study on the ground due to limitation of time and

restricted access to classified information. Additionally, the subjectivity of some authors whose

works were reviewed affected their analysis of the subject matter. These limitations however had

no significant impact on the validity of findings made and the suggested solutions proffered.

1.10 Organization of the Study

The research is organized into four chapters. Chapter one constitutes the research design, the

background of the study, research questions, research objectives, the significance of the study,

research methodology. Also covered in chapter one includes the theoretical framework, literature

review, sources of data and organization of the study. Chapter two looks at terrorism in Africa. It

also highlights the concept of human security in Africa and terrorism at the global level. Chapter

three looks at the analysis of human security issues and how they prepare the grounds for

terrorism in Africa. Chapter four is a summary of findings, conclusions and recommendations.

1.11 Conclusion

Summing up, it is clear that, state security is inadequate to describe the current security needs.

Present development necessitates the broadening and deepening of the security agenda. New

vulnerabilities have emerged. States using traditional concepts of security are increasingly unable

to protect their citizens against the new threats, partly because of their nature, including their
22
international dimension. These threats are characterized by poverty, natural disasters,

unemployment, organized crime, drug problems, internal conflicts resulting in the creation of

refugees and displacement. The targets or victims mainly are civilians. Based on this

phenomenon, placing the individuals as a core referent object of security instead of states has

taken the center stage in security discussions.

23
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 CHAPTER TWO

TERORRISM AND HUMAN SECURITY: AN OVERVIEW

2.1 Introduction
This chapter of the study presents an overview of human security and terrorism. The chapter is

divided into four parts. The first part takes a look at conceptualizing human security and human

security threats as indicated in the HDR. The second part delves into definition of human

security and terrorism. The third part looks at the global nature of terrorism and some terrorist

organizations that operate on a global level. The final part looks at terrorism in Africa and

explores the major terrorist organizations in Africa.

2.2 Conceptualizing Human Security

The formal origins of the concept of human security can be generally attributed to the 1994 HDR

of UNDP and some of the concurrent writings of Mahbub ul-Haq. The initial impulse was to

shift the referent from the state to the legitimate concerns of ordinary people who seek security in

their daily lives (UNDP, 1994: 22). In other words, the objective was to bring security down to

the level of human life by seeking to develop strategies in the provision of both safety from such

chronic threats as hunger, disease and repression and protection from sudden and hurtful

disruptions in the patterns of daily life whether in homes and jobs or in communities (UNDP,

1994: 23). As envisioned by UN, security should be people-centered, rather than state centered.

Its most basic components would be freedom from fear and freedom from want. This kind of

security redirected attention away from the nation-state and toward individuals and local

communities. It required an emphasis on economic development and mandated the creation of a

safe and secure environment for all people. The UN approach emphasized humanitarian
28
intervention to protect against various traumas. According to the UN, the new kind of security

required two levels of urgent change by world societies: “from exclusive stress on territorial

security to a much greater stress on people’s security and from security through armaments to

security through sustainable human development (UNDP, 1994).” This vision of human security

broadened even further, and by 2003 it had come to include a concern for populations on the

move and adequate conditions of knowledge. In the view of UN, security could not be donated

by the state and responsibility for it could not be monopolized by the state. Human security

required the interdependent, purposive, collaborative partnership of individuals, civil societies,

international organizations and state institutions (UNDP, 1994).

In so doing, security was to be decoupled from the particular national interest of states and tied to

the universal concerns of all people. In articulating itself universally, human security was

therefore initially meant to be built upon the bedrock of universal human rights. This move

would be accompanied by efforts to identify a comprehensive list of threats that the ‘all

encompassing’ (UNDP, 1994: 24) concept of human security would respond to, that is,

economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community and political security (UNDP,

1994: 24–25). Clear connections were made between severe impediments to human development

and pervasive and chronic threats to the fulfilment of human potential. Such a broad formulation

sought to transcend the state, insofar as it brought into question its role as a provider of security

relative to other actors, for example, international organizations, Non-Governmental

Organizations (NGOs) and non-military government agencies while simultaneously identifying

the state itself as a potential source of insecurity.

29
Whereas security tended to be understood in terms of defining historical moments centered

around the survival and integrity of the state, we now see emerging an understanding of

insecurity that ‘arises more from worries about daily life than from the dread of a cataclysmic

world event’ (UNDP, 1994: 22). Although the concept of human security receives positive

feedback, it does not mean that the human concept is a perfect security framework. In fact, is has

been criticized due to several weaknesses. Among the critiques are the lack of standard

definition, too broad and vague classifications of security threats and the absence of standard

measure and evaluation system to identify and determine the level or conditions of human

security circumstances. For example, Alkire (2003) criticizes the human security concept as “less

organized, vague, too broad and arbitrary as well as might not be sufficient enough to address the

elements of human security”.

The lack of proper identification and evaluation system to identify the threats has proven that this

concept is unable to develop a deterrence mechanism that prevents the threats from extending.

There is an ethical responsibility to reorient security around the individual in line with

internationally recognized standards of human rights and governance (Alkire ,2003). Some

critiques have also said that the presence of human security will reduce and or abolish the role of

the state as the source of security. Other than that, there is also the argument that this concept

may threaten the sovereignty of states, in particular, in the era of post -cold war. On the contrary,

human security concept is seen as a complement to state security rather than a threat to the

traditional role of state as security purveyor (Tadjbkhsh and Chenoy, 2007). In this way, human

security certainly featured in the broader redefinition of security beginning from the 1970s and

1980s. However, it also set off on new terrain, in that shifting its referent to the individual

30
introduces as threats a host of contingencies that emerge from daily life. This initial deployment

of the concept in the mid-1990s was subsequently accompanied by other efforts to theorize

human security in ways that would be more amenable to the multilateral and middle-power

approaches found in the foreign policy concerns of certain states. Examples like the

Responsibility to Protect generally moved away from the broader development concerns of the

HDR towards a narrower focus on introducing a new set of international norms on intervention

that would guide and restrict the conduct of the state and the international community in

‘extreme and exceptional cases’ (ICISS, 2001: 31).

Here, the threats are concomitantly narrowed down to ‘violent threats to individuals’ (Human

Security Center, 2005), such as ‘mass murder and rape, ethnic cleansing by forcible expulsion

and terror, and deliberate starvation and exposure to disease’ (UNDP, 2004: 65). Emphasis shifts

from an understanding of threats that stem from a broad set of quotidian political, social,

economic and environmental contingencies, to what are deemed to be avoidable catastrophes

(UNDP, 2004: 65). Within this context, there is a partial but significant return to the state, in that

it is through the nexus of the state that the provision of both security and insecurity, by state and

non-state actors, is predominantly understood. The traditional apparatus of the state as concerns

its monopoly over the legitimate use of violence also makes its return in the form of military

intervention as a response of last resort to the extreme violation of rights that are held as

inviolable. This then enables the shift towards tying security to the notion of the state’s ability or

inability to fulfil its responsibility to protect the human beings within its care. In this sense, the

referent and threats continue to be articulated in non-territorial forms, as within the broader

notion of human security (UNDP, 2004).

31
2.2.1 Human Security Threats

Human security is based on a multi-sectoral understanding of insecurities. Therefore, it entails a

broadened understanding of threats and includes causes of insecurity relating for instance to the

seven aspects of human security as categorized by the (UNDP, 2004). These include economic,

food, health, environmental, personal, community and political security (UNDP, 2004). The

table below indicates the various aspects of human security and their main threats.

Table 1: Forms of Human Security and Associated Threats

Type of Security Examples of Main Threats

Economic security Persistent poverty, unemployment

Food security Hunger, famine

Health security Deadly infectious diseases, unsafe food,

malnutrition, lack of access to basic health

care

Environmental security Environmental degradation, resource

depletion, natural disasters, pollution

32
 Personal security Physical violence, crime, terrorism, domestic

violence, child labor

Community security Inter-ethnic, religious and other identity-based

tensions

Political security Political repression, human rights abuses

Source: S. Tadjbakhsh and A. Chenoy (2007)

As a context-specific concept, human security acknowledges that insecurities vary considerably

across different settings and as such advances contextualized solutions that are responsive to the

particular situations they seek to address (CHS: 2003: 2). In addressing risks and root causes of

insecurities, human security is prevention-oriented. As indicated in the table, economic security

faces threats like persistent poverty and unemployment and in response to these threats, the

human security concept proposes responses such as assured access to basic income, public and

private sector employment, government financed social safety nets and diversified agriculture

and economy. When it comes to food security, the focus is on people’s entitlement to food,

whether by growing it themselves, having the ability to purchase it or through a public food

distribution system.

Health security pays attention to access to basic health care and health services, risk sharing

arrangements that pool membership funds and promote community-based insurance schemes and

interconnected surveillance systems to identify disease outbreaks at all levels. For environmental

security, steps such as sustainable practices that consider natural resource and environmental

33
degradation (deforestation and desertification), early warning and response mechanisms for

natural hazards and/or man-made disasters at all levels are the main areas of concern. With

regards to ensuring personal security, the areas of concern are rule of law, explicit and enforced

protection of human rights and civil liberties.

On community security, there is the need for explicit and enforced protection of ethnic groups

and community identity, protection from oppressive traditional practices, harsh treatment

towards women, or discrimination against ethnic, indigenous and refugee groups. Lastly,

political security focuses on protection of human rights, protection from military dictatorships

and abuse, protection from political or state repression, torture, ill treatment, unlawful detention

and imprisonment (Tadjbkhsh and Chenoy, 2007).

2.3 Defining Human Security and Terrorism

For human security, the working definition in this study would be a deliberately protective

approach that recognizes that people and communities are fatally threatened by events well

beyond their control. Such events include terrorism, disease, financial crises, famine (Alkire,

2003). The working definition for terrorism in this study would be the actual use or threat of use

of force, intended to influence or instigate a course of action that furthers a political, ideological,

or social goals (Laqueur, 1987).

2.4 Global Terrorism

Terrorism is now a global phenomenon due to the fact that its activities traverse national

boundaries. Several trends associated with globalization such as the ease with which people

move from one place to the other and greater transnational reach of institutional structures have

34
worsened international terrorism (Enders and Sandler, 2000). In today’s globalizing world,

terrorists can reach their targets more easily because these targets are exposed in more places,

and the growth of mass media has made news available to more people in more countries

facilitating the speed and spread of controversial and inflammatory events that might impel some

people to violence (Enders and Sandler 2000). New Arab satellite television stations such as the

Qatar-based Al-Jazeera, for example, now quickly inform mass audiences in the Middle East of

details of partisan clashes that would once have reached far fewer people far more slowly in the

past (Pillar, 2001). Information technology is one of the biggest factors that is advancing the

global nature of terrorism currently. Communications and information technology have

facilitated worldwide terrorist operations just as they have normal commerce. Satellite phones

are now standard equipment for terrorist leaders, who can remain otherwise inaccessible in a

place such as Afghanistan while influencing events thousands of miles away (Zanini and

Edwards, 2001). Terrorists also use the Internet for long-distance operational direction, with

some larger groups using it for propaganda and proselytization as well (Zanini and Edwards,

2001). Today’s globalized terrorism is exemplified by the following terrorist organizations.

2.4.1 Al-Qaeda

Al-Qaeda, a global terrorist network largely created by Osama bin Laden, can justifiably be

characterized as the archetype of the ‘New Terrorism.’ Unlike the more traditional types of

terrorist groups, it is transnational in its fullest sense, it has a universalistic ideology aimed not

only at forcing the United States of America to withdraw its forces from the Arabian Peninsula

and to stop supporting Israel, but also at toppling the governments of Arab and other Muslim

35
states it accuses of collaborating with the USA and its allies, and its ultimate aim is to establish a

pan-Islamic Caliphate. It is not dependent on any single regime or government for its survival

and financial resources. It has a presence in at least fifty countries. Its activists are drawn from a

wide range of Muslim countries, and some originate from the Muslim diaspora within Western

societies (Wilkinson, 2004). In addition to its central leadership and coordinating committees on

military, legal, media, and other matters, al-Qaeda has a worldwide network of operational and

preparative cells and affiliated organizations capable of being activated at any time and carrying

out terrorist attacks on their own initiative. It is because of this, despite the major setback of

losing its safe haven in Afghanistan, that the global network is still capable of continuing the

terrorist campaign (Wilkinson, 2004). This has been clearly demonstrated by a series of terrorist

attacks. The use of overseas support networks and international terrorist attacks are of course

nothing new in the history of terrorism. What is new about the al-Qaeda network is the scale of

its diffusion around the world, and, as was demonstrated in the September 11 attacks (Badey,

1998).

While the world’s attention had been riveted on the rise and now near demise of the Islamic

State, al-Qaeda has quietly rebuilt, solidifying its influence in Syria, Yemen, and Somalia,

returning to Afghanistan, and adding new affiliates in places like Kashmir. So argues veteran

terrorism scholar Bruce Hoffman in a report published recently by the Council on Foreign

Relations. According to Hoffman’s report, this resurrection comes despite the killing of many of

al Qaeda’s top leadership, including Osama bin Laden at the hands of US forces in 2011. A key

moment, he argues, comes in 2012-13 when thousands of al-Qaeda veterans were freed from

Egyptian prisons during the tumultuous Arab Spring period in that country. The al-Qaeda

36
franchise in Syria, Jabhatat al-Nusra, now known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, has emerged as the

largest rebel group still standing, having helped eliminate most of its secular and Islamist rivals

(Hoffman, 2018).

2.4.2 Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)

Another terrorist group that has a serious global reach is the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria

(ISIS). ISIS emerged out of al-Qaeda in Iraq, which was founded under a different name in 1999

by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, a Jordanian militant. His movement gained momentum after the U.S.

intervention in 2003. He was killed in a U.S. airstrike in 2006. Even in its early days, al Qaeda in

Iraq which evolved into ISIS engaged in brutal sectarian killings that al-Qaeda opposed as

theologically illegitimate or potentially alienating to Sunni populations (Wilkinson, 2004).

Whereas al-Qaeda promoted a unified Islamic front against the West, al-Qaeda in Iraq prioritized

killing Shiites and others it considered apostate Muslims who deserved death. The group

rebranded as the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI) in 2006 views itself as a global movement with eight

formal branches, divided into 37 wilayats or provinces, which have pledged allegiance to the

caliphate (Zelin, 2014).

The active provinces tend to be well organized; some communicate with each other. The

organization has published or broadcast in 35 languages, including Mauritian Creole (Zelin,

2014). The caliphate does not have total control over all its provinces. The organization won a

safe haven in Syria, and forged alliances with other terrorist groups. It became strong enough to

challenge and ultimately break away from core al-Qaeda and refined the tactics it would later use

to great effect in Iraq. It leveraged the internet and social media to achieve enormous recruiting

feats and established a two-way foreign-fighter communication belt that brought radicalized
37
individuals to the Middle East and sent them back to host countries around the world. In all of

these ways, the Syrian civil war was the crucible in which ISIS was hardened and forged

(Gerges, 2017). ISIS’s rise in Syria paralleled the decline of political order there, and the civil

war, particularly Assad’s repression of Sunnis, was a plus for an organization whose growth

depended on access to ungoverned places and the weaponization of Sunni bitterness. These two

major terrorist groups have had great impact on their home origins so much that, they now seek

to expand their operation to other regions, to people who share their sentiments and most

especially to civilizations that share the same history of an Islamic background. Their next steps

seem to be shifting towards Africa. Aside the fact that they are expanding to Africa because they

can, their move to Africa is also being quickened because the global war on terror seems to be

taking a toll on their operations. Once they lose their ability to operate at home, the only

available space that would serve their interest is in Africa (Gerges, 2017). It is already evident in

the affiliations being created with home grown terrorists like Boko Haram and Al Shabaab and al

Qaeda in the lands of the Maghreb.

2.5 Terrorism in Africa

Africa’s susceptibility to terrorism has been attributed to a critical thread that links Islamic

militancy in the continent to North Africa (Cilliers, 2003; Mentan, 2017). Algeria, whose fighters

were trained by US forces against pro-Soviet forces in Afghanistan during the 1980s, is one such

enclave of terrorism. After the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989, returning veterans

from the war spread with their contagion rapidly through the North of Africa. These veterans

returned home well-equipped to exploit domestic conditions in intra-Islamic religious politics.

These Islamists were to constitute the strategic and tactical core of Al Qaeda and similar militant
38
groups across North Africa (al-Zayyāt, Abu-Rabi & Fekry, 2004). Although most contemporary

writings on terrorism focus more on the international dimensions or manifestations of terrorism,

sub-national terror and even state terror has been a long-standing feature of Africa. This is stated

emphatically by Cilliers (2003), that ‘All terrorism, including international terrorism, have

domestic roots and is originally fueled and driven by domestic injustices in a particular country

or region’. Below are the most prominent terrorist organizations in Africa.

2.5.1 Al Shabaab

The Somali militia Al-Shabab rose in 2004 and 2005 in Camp Al-Huda, in the Bakool area. Al-

Shabab has followers from many different clans, a fact that basically distinguishes them from the

wide diversity of other Somali militias and parties, most of which are ordered on a clan basis

(Krech, 2011). In the northern part of Somalia, Al-Shabaab’s influence also grew as militia from

Puntland joined forces with them in 2010, and a raiding patrol from the terror organization soon

reached the pirates’ territories. Al-Shabaab progressed as the de facto government, providing

consistent security in the vast terrains under its control (Hansen, 2013). For years, individual

leaders in Al-Shabaab entertained contacts with Al- Qaeda before officially joining it on 1

February 2010 (Krech, 2011).

Al-Shabaab developed into the strongest Islamist militia in the country and flourished, by 2011,

in conquering the entire south of Somalia from the Kenyan border to Mogadishu. Until early

August 2011, Al-Shabaab also controlled many of Mogadishu’s suburbs. Although it has lost

control of most towns and cities, it still dominates in many rural areas. It was forced out of the

capital, Mogadishu, in August 2011 following an offensive spearheaded by about 22,000 African

Union (AU) troops and left the vital port of Kismayo in September 2012. The loss of Kismayo
39
has hit al-Shabab's finances, as it used to earn money by taking a cut of the city's lucrative

charcoal trade. The US has also carried out a wave of air strikes, which led to the killing of the

group's leader, Aden Hashi Ayro, in 2008 and his successor, Ahmed Abdi Godane. In March

2017, US President Donald Trump approved a Pentagon plan to escalate operations against al-

Shabab. The US has more than 500 troops in Somalia and conducted 30 airstrikes in 2017, more

than four times the average number carried out in the previous seven years, according to The

Washington Post.

Figure 1: Al-Shabaab’s Domain of Control in Somalia.

Source: (http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-15336689)

Al-Shabaab does not consider their movement as an organization. Rather, it officially calls itself

“Harakat Al-Shabaab Al-Mujaahidiin” (the Youth Movement for Jihadists). As a Somali

intellectual puts it, Al-Shabaab stands as an Islamic state, while the government represents

40
secular (clan) state (Ingiriis, 2018). Observers, such as Bakonyi (2015), have rightly pointed out

that “Al-Shabaab is so far the only political actor with a viable political vision and able to

provide an alternative model of governance and social order.”

2.5.2 Boko Haram

Over the past decade, the northern region of Nigeria has experienced a surge in terrorist violence

instigated by the sectarian group known as Boko Haram. Several analysts have advanced the

view that poverty, longstanding economic disparities within Nigeria (Adesoji, 2010) and

structural violence, (Walter, 2012) are key factors underlying the crisis.

Boko Haram in Nigeria provides an important example of the combination of religion and

violence in the conditions of the twenty-first century. It is both a movement in the pattern of

religiously-justified violence and a significant representative of the emergence of new types of

modern terrorism in recent years. It promotes a version of Islam which makes it "haram", or

forbidden, for Muslims to take part in any political or social activity associated with Western

society. This includes voting in elections, wearing shirts and trousers or receiving secular

education. Boko Haram regards the Nigerian state as being run by non-believers, regardless of

whether the president is Muslim or not, and it has extended its military campaign by targeting

neighboring states.

The Arabic name of Boko Haram is “Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad” (People

Committed to the propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad) (Kalu, 2010). The group

became best known by its Hausa name ‘Boko Haram’ as it was a local radical Salafist movement

which transformed into a Salafi-jihadist terrorist organization after 2009. It is based in the

41
northeast of Nigeria, in the areas predominantly populated by the Kanuri people. Boko Haram is

believed to have its origin dating as far back as 1995 in a movement named ‘Sahaba’, which was

led by Abubakar Lawan. When he travelled to study at the University of Medina in Saudi Arabia,

he passed leadership to Mohammed Yusuf (Falode, 2016). After some clashes with police and

armed attacks on some villages by the group, the organization entered a teaching and organizing

period in which Yusuf abandoned some of the old cleric’s doctrines, reorganized Sahaba and

changed its name in 2002. Between 2002 and 2009, Yusuf successfully managed to gain a huge

followership, comprised of youths, mostly from poor families, aged between 17 and 30 years. He

had established a religious complex that included a mosque and a school in the northern city of

Maiduguri for the propagation and indoctrination of the group’s belief system. The bulk of the

students were from Borno in northern Nigeria and the country’s neighbors; Niger, Cameroon and

Chad. The organization changed path in 2009, when Muhammad Yusuf was killed by the police,

and moved steadily in the direction of militantly violent campaigns to gain control of the region.

Although there was some splintering of the group, Muhammad Yusuf’s successor, Abubakar

Shekau, led the group into more international networking in an effort to establish an extremist

Salafi-style state in Nigeria with ties to a global jihad and caliphate.

On the 14th of April 2014, Boko Haram militants attacked a government secondary boarding

school in Chibok, Borno state. The school was targeted because of its inclination towards

Western education, of which the militants believe corrupts the values of Muslims. The school

dormitories were raided and 276 girls loaded onto vehicles. Some managed to escape within

hours of their kidnapping, mostly by jumping off the vehicles and running off into the bushes.

This incident alone received a very keen international focus which led to a twitter revolution

42
hashtag “#BringBackOurGirls”. For two years, little was heard of the abducted girls. Then in

May 2016, an army-backed vigilante group in the Sambisa Forest, a Boko Haram stronghold

close to the border with Cameroon, found one of the girls with a child which confirmed the

suspicion that the Chibok girls were being kept in the forest.

Counter attack measures had been taken earlier in the previous year in which a coalition of

military forces from Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, and Niger began a counter-insurgency campaign

against Boko Haram. The Chadian Army killed over 200 Boko Haram militants. Soon

afterwards, Boko Haram launched an attack on the Cameroonian town of Fotokol, killing 81

civilians, 13 Chadian soldiers and 6 Cameroonian soldiers. The Nigerian military retook

Monguno in a coordinated air and ground assault. Today, most of the cities formerly taken by

Boko Haram militants are now being taken back by the army (BBC News, 2017).

The attacks of Boko Haram are believed to be twice as deadly as that of ISIS but rarely catches

the attention of media coverage as that of ISIS. According to 2014 statistics Boko Haram had

453 attacks as compared to 1071 attacks of ISIS, but Boko Haram killed 6644 people as

compared to 6073 of ISIS. Boko Haram believes in being productive and targets crowded places

and schools instead of going for individual or small targets. Boko Haram pledged its allegiance

to ISIS in March 2015 although they are believed to operate separately.

43
Figure2: Comparing Boko Haram and ISIS

Source: (http://www.petertrumbore.com/this-week-in-terrorism-history-march-11-17/)

The figure above shows that Boko Haram in Africa is far lethal than ISIS and in addition is more

arbitrary in its operations. Although ISIS terrorist incidence is more in number (1071) as

compared to Boko Haram’s terror attacks whose incidence value is (453), the effects of Boko

Haram’s activities are more resonant than in the ISIS camp. Comparing the inverse relationship

between events and deaths recorded shows the heartlessness with which terrorism is taking lives

in Nigeria.

2.5.3 Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)

The origins of AQIM lie in the crucible of the Algerian civil war. Its current generation of

commanders, including the Emir Droukdel and commanders such as Belmokhtar and Djamel
44
Okacha all hark back to the original insurgency against the Algerian government. In 1992 a

broad Islamist movement was robbed of an impending electoral victory by a military coup that

cancelled the elections. Algeria immediately descended into violence that only abated at the end

of the decade, costing an estimated 200,000 lives. ‘Afghan Algerians’, the so-called foreign

fighters who had returned from ‘jihad’ or training camps in Afghanistan, played a central role in

the conflict. These trained combatants, many of whom had developed personal bonds with the

future Al Qaeda leadership and had been infused with its ideology, formed the nucleus of the

‘Groupe Islamique Armé’ (GIA). The GIA was initially only one of many groups fighting the

government, but by 1994 had become the predominant and most violent action. Based on Salafi–

jihadist ideology, it had a particularly uncompromising stance, symbolized by its motto: no

agreement, no truce, no dialogue (Martínez, 2000).

Those that the group labelled “takfir” (enemies of Islam), were classified as legitimate targets

and therefore deserved to be killed, even if they were Muslim elderly, women, or children.

Several notorious fatwas by the preacher Abu Qatada in the Salafist weekly bulletin Al Ansar

(the ‘Partisan’), justified GIA massacres (Humphrey, 2006).The GIA specifically targeted

foreigners; first in Algeria and later in France. In December 1994 the GIA hijacked Air France

8969 from Algiers to Paris. France was the former colonial oppressor, and it was hated for its

support of the military regime in Algiers. The hijackers probably intended to fly the plane into

the Eiffel Tower but were diverted to Marseille to refuel, where the plane was stormed by elite

French police. In 1995 eight bombs exploded in the Paris underground, and a year later, seven

Tibherine monks were abducted and beheaded in Algeria, horrifying the French public. These

actions, according to Amnesty International, contributed to continued international support for

45
the military regime in its fight against the Islamists, and a soft stance on the mass torture and

extrajudicial executions that had become institutionalized as part of its counterterrorism policy

(Amnesty International, 1994). There is a strong body of evidence, including testimonies from

military defectors, indicating that the security service, the Département du Renseignement et de

la Securité (DRS), infiltrated and manipulated the GIA. Agent’s provocateurs nurtured bickering

and purges, and its cruel violence undermined the reliability of the general Islamic opposition

among locals and the international community. Further investigations into the Air France

hijacking and Tibherine murders point to a two-faced role of the DRS (Baralon, 2015).

The turning point occurred in early 1998, when hundreds of civilians were massacred in the

villages of Rais, Benthalla, and others. Here, too, were worrying signs of military units aiding

and abetting mass murder (Yous, 2000). The magazine Al Ansar distanced itself from the GIA,

and a large faction split off, founding the ‘Groupe Salafiste pour la Prédication et le Combat’

(GSPC), vowing only to hit government targets. The last remnants of the GIA used the

government’s reconciliation programme to defect or were hunted down by the Algerian military.

Bin Laden and the newly formed Al Qaeda supported the creation of the GSPC and its Afghan

Algerians (Boeke, 2016).

While the new group firmly aligned itself with the Salafi–jihadist Al Qaeda ideology, in its first

announcement in September 1998 the group stressed its objective of collapsing the Algerian

regime, but in no way mentioned any external enemy (Guidère, 2007). On 11 September 2003,

the GSPC’s commander pledged allegiance to Bin Laden and Mullah Omar in a communiqué

(Tazaghart, 2011). On 11 September 2006, exactly five years after 9/11, Al Qaeda leader Al-

Zawahiri announced that the GSPC had joined Al Qaeda and urged them to become ‘a bone in

46
the throat of the American and French crusaders. On 26 January 2007 the GSPC, led by

Droukdel, announced that it had rebranded itself ‘Al Qaeda in the land of the Islamic

Maghreb’(Boeke, 2016).

2.5.4 The Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO)

The Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO) has origins dating back to

October 2011 when Hamad al-Khairy and Ahmed el-Tilemsi founded it as a branch of al-Qaeda

in the Lands of the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). It published its first military statement in October

2011 after it kidnapped three Spaniards and Italian aid workers in the town of Tindouf in

Algeria. The group is believed to contain mercenaries who fought in the Libyan crisis and moved

down to the Sahelian regions after the fall of Muhammar al Gaddafi of Libya. MUJAO is in

support of an Islamic state of Mali and have waged violence campaign against Tuareg separatist

who appear more secular.

2.6 Conclusion

To conclude, although most contemporary writings on the subject of terrorism focus on the

international dimensions or manifestations of terrorism, sub-national terror, and even state terror,

has been a longstanding feature of Africa. In fact, by any objective standard, Africa is the

continent most afflicted by terrorism though not yet by international terrorism. At the one

extreme, those figures provided by the US State Department’s “Patterns of Global Terrorism”

indicate that international terrorism is on the increase in Africa although from a very low base

with only six per cent of international terrorist incidents committed on African soil between 1990

and 2002 (Botha, 2014).

47
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 CHAPTER THREE

HUMAN SECURITY AS A TOOL IN THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM

IN AFRICA

3.1 Introduction
This chapter focuses on analyzing documents based on fulfilling the research objectives. The

relevance of this chapter is that it presents answers to the research questions outlined in the first

chapter of this dissertation. A content analysis of thirty terrorism and human security-related

documents on Africa is used to establish the relationship between terrorism and human security

in Africa. In so doing, the chapter discusses the nature of terrorism in Africa, the causes of

terrorism in Africa, the human security situation in Africa as well as the impact of terrorism on

Africa.

3.2 Nature of Terrorism in Africa

There is a strong conviction among experts and policymakers that terrorism in Africa is largely

the product of economic hardship, poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, religion, corruption,

alienation and economic, social and political marginalization and dispossession of the masses

(Rice, 2001). Much of Africa is a veritable incubator for the foot soldiers of terrorism. Its poor,

overwhelmingly young, disaffected, unhealthy and under-educated populations often have no

stake in government, no faith in the future and harbor an easily exploitable discontent with the

status quo. For such people, in such places, terrorism is as natural a response to their

circumstances as self-help. Violence and crime may be at least as attractive as hard work.

Perhaps that is part of the reason why we have seen an increase in recent years in the number of

African nationals engaged in international terrorism. Al-Qaeda and other terrorist cells are active

53
throughout East, Southern and West Africa, not to mention in North Africa (Rice, 2001). These

organizations hide throughout Africa. They plan, finance, train for and execute terrorist

operations in many parts of Africa, not just Sudan and Somalia. They seek uranium, chemical

weapons components and the knowledge of renegade nuclear, chemical and biological weapons

experts. Terrorist organizations take advantage of Africa's porous borders, weak law enforcement

and security services and nascent judicial institutions to move men, weapons and money around

the globe. They take advantage of poor, disillusioned populations, often with religious or ethnic

grievances, to recruit for their jihad (Rice, 2001).

The problems of terrorism in Africa are inextricably connected to other problems in the continent

(Mullin, 2004)."The factors which sustain and feed terrorist networks and activity in Africa stem

from a complex relationship between geography, institutional weakness, corruption, poor

borders, economic and social issues, radicalization and alienation” (Mullin, 2004). However, the

issues of poverty, unemployment and illiteracy that drive African youths to embrace terrorism in

Nigeria, Niger, Mali, Sudan, Egypt, Algeria, Kenya, Somalia, Tanzania and Mauritania among

others, are the product of another issue which is the bad African politics. As observed by Cilliers,

(2003), African politics easily degenerates into a life-and-death struggle over private access to

limited public resources; the zero-sum nature of the struggle compels would-be political leaders

to obtain material benefits in order to wield influence over followers and competitors.

Accordingly, what all African states share is a generalized system of patrimony and an acute

degree of apparent disorder, as evidenced by a high level of governmental and administrative

inefficiency, a lack of institutionalization, a general disregard for the rules of formal political and

economic sectors, and a universal resort to personalized and vertical solutions to societal

problems. In this zero-sum game politics, helping the masses to climb out of poverty isn't the
54
priority of the politicians. Once they are in power the politicians quickly forget about the

electorate and rather work hard to monopolize national resources and use it for their personal

gain. Part of the reason for the conflict-ridden nature of African polities is that a tiny elite has

often been allowed to monopolize the wealth of the nations giving precious little back to

ordinary citizens. President Mobutu Sese Seko's rule (1965-1997) of the former Zaire is perhaps

the typical example of this. For his entire 32-year rule, Mobutu gave his hapless citizens little

more than an ill-disciplined and predatory military rule while spending practically nothing on

public health and educational services (Solomon, 2013).

The danger is that because politicians refuse to address the extreme poverty facing the people,

poverty quickly gives way to grievances. The grievances when they mature also metamorphose

into secession, violence, ethnic-religious conflict and terrorism. In the last three decades for

example, Africa has experienced an increase of secessionist movements which has already

disintegrated Ethiopia and Sudan and may as well dismember Libya, Mali and Nigeria. The

reason is that poverty and marginalization of the masses from the largesse of the state by the tiny

political elite and their cronies usually force the marginalized to take extreme measures in order

to secure their share of the national resources. In Mali and Niger for example poverty has served

as a major motivational factor for both terrorism and secession by the Tuareg people who have

complained about poverty, neglect, and marginalization. In Mali for instance, while the poverty

rate averaged 64% of the population in 2004, the figure was much higher in the Tuareg

dominated north: Timbuktu had a poverty rate of 77%, Gao had 78.7% and Kidal had an

astonishing 92%. It is these conditions of poverty and despair that led Tuareg to join forces with

the terrorist group Ansar Dine to battle the government in Bamako in 2012 for the creation of
55
Azawad/homeland for the Tuareg people (Onuoha, 2014). Poverty has been a driving force for

terrorism in Nigeria (Onuoha, 2014). Since oil was discovered in the late 1950s the country has

earned more than $350 billion and continues to earn about $74 billion a year but a tiny elite of

top civil servants, military and civilian regimes have plundered the money leaving very little for

the people who live on one dollar a day (Adusei, 2014). Despite soaring oil prices benefiting the

Nigerian state, the growing impoverishment of the citizenry stands in sharp contrast to the

growing wealth of the political elite, and perceptions of endemic corruption. Since the end of

military rule in 1999, Nigerian politicians have reportedly embezzled between US$4 billion and

US$8 billion per annum. At a time when Nigeria's oil revenues are in excess of US$74 billion

per annum, more than half of Nigerians live on less than $1 a day and four out of 10 Nigerians

are unemployed (Adusei, 2014).

Apart from being Africa's largest oil producer and exporter, Nigeria is also a producer of natural

gas, accounting for an estimated output of 22 million tonnes per year. Natural gas exports

account for about $4 billion worth of earnings annually. Most of the natural gas is produced from

the Niger Delta or its coastal waters. However, this oil- and gas-rich region that generates

billions of dollars’ worth of revenues and profits annually is also paradoxically one of the least

developed and conflict-ridden parts of Nigeria (Adusei, 2014). In the absence of economic

opportunities for the average Nigerian, jihadist groups such as Boko Haram and Ansaru with

radical Islamic ideologies have found fertile ground in the country's north, recruiting the youth

and radicalizing them to carry out acts of terrorism against the state (Onuoha, 2014). Boko

Haram pays more than $3000 to each new recruit. As a result, the ranks of the terror group have

been swelled by thousands of destitute young men from even Niger who are willing to swap their
56
poverty and joblessness with terrorism and death (Adusei, 2014). The same poverty was

responsible for the insurgency that took place in the Niger Delta between 1999 and 2009. Many

of the youth sensing that they had been deceived by the politicians, after billions of dollars' worth

of oil and gas was taken from their land without any direct benefit, began to agitate for greater

control of their natural wealth as well as the revenue accrued from the exploitation of those

resources. When the government-corporate alliance failed to address their concerns, the

Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and other ethnic militias embarked

on armed rebellion, destroying and sabotaging oil and gas pipelines, flow stations, kidnapping oil

workers and killing security officers sent to confront them. This is one of the reasons why

Nigeria cannot supply gas to Ghana through the WAGP. It is therefore apparent that the outlook

of terrorism in Africa appears religious but driven but embedded in it are problems of

marginalization, poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, corrupt regimes, social exclusion and so on.

These problems drive African youths to embrace terrorism.

3.3 Factors that are Causing Terrorism in Africa

Going by the contents analyzed from twenty-six (26) out of thirty (31) coded documents with a

hundred and eighty-three (183) code frequency (data collected) showed that, Africa is becoming

vulnerable to terrorism because of several factors that are acting as attractive forces and drawing

terrorist. Factors such as poverty, unemployment, marginalization, corruption, inability of

governments to exert absolute control over their sovereign territories, fragile states and weak

governance structures creating power vacuums, low income and job opportunities for

communities and individuals and failing economic conditions. These factors are not exclusively

independent but are in a blend with others to attract terrorism to Africa. Among the most
57
paramount ones showing in the documents studied are expressed under the following thematic

areas: Socioeconomic and Political factors.

3.3.1 Socioeconomic Factors

3.3.1.1 Poverty
The idea of poverty defiles a precise meaning due to its multidimensional scope (Gordon, 2006).

Though, poverty is largely perceived through the prism of the lack of material possession

particularly in terms of income level, also related to poverty includes “dimensions of deprivation

that relate to human capabilities, including food, health, education, rights, voice, dignity, and

decent work” (Oshewolo, 2010: 265). This view is corroborated by the HPA, developed by the

UNDP which sees poverty as the absence of the capability to “lead a long, healthy, creative life

and to enjoy a decent standard of living, freedom, dignity, self-respect, and the respect of others.

There is acquiescence among scholars that an intricate relationship exists between terrorism and

poverty. The nature of the relationship is often complex but certain regions of the world such as

Africa presents appropriate landscape in which to consider the relations given.

Besides being the poorest of the world in terms of average incomes in the 1980s and 90s, it has

been the most plagued by civil strife. West Africa in particular in recent times seems to suggest a

positive correlation between poverty and terrorism. To be sure, 11 out of the 25 poorest and

underdeveloped countries in the world are in Africa particularly West Africa and which has also

become one of the most unstable continents in the globe (Ikejiaku, 2012: 129). The alarming

poverty rate in Africa is contributing to the emergence of violent extremists like al-Shabaab and

Boko Haram. The actions of these sects can be viewed as a response to insecurities about their

spiritual and socioeconomic future.

58
Annan (2012), argues that poverty creates conditions that allow for terrorism to thrive. Such

conditions are ample in several African states and have provided ready recruits for the jihadist

groups in the continent. The unequal distribution of economic resources (in this case, oil

revenues e.g. MEND) coupled with the desperate nature of people, their state of

undernourishment, and without any hope, continue to blame their governments and fight against

it. The alarming rate of poverty in Africa has been blamed on the political class due to their

constant neglect with regards to willfully sidelining the populace in promoting education and

infrastructural development in order to keep them vulnerable to manipulation. For instance, in

Nigeria, the North is divided between the masses who are in majority and the elites and rulers

who are in a minority.

The latter made sure the former is kept illiterate and poor so that they can manipulate them. This

situation coupled with the high rate of unemployment, high illiteracy and poverty in Africa, it is

apt to conclude that destitute youths and children who are not sure where their next meal will

come from let alone any life’s prospect will fall for these terrorist groups. This kind of situation

is what attracts terrorism into the continent of Africa. Against this backdrop, a number of

scholars have rightly linked the Boko Haram terrorism with the socio-economic conditions such

as the alarming poverty rate.

3.3.1.2 Mass Youth Unemployment

Botha (2014) claims that youth unemployment is a major driver of terrorism. A study in Kenya,

for instance, suggested that 57 percent of al-Shabaab respondents joined the group when they

were below 24 years (Botha, 2014). High unemployment among the youth is one of the most

destabilizing and potentially violent socio-political phenomena in any regime. If young people
59
are left with no alternative but unemployment or joblessness, they are more likely to join a

rebellion as an alternative way of generating income. Mass youth unemployment plays a

significant role in a nation’s risk of political instability, insecure environments, then, becomes

ripe for terrorism. Poverty and youth unemployment make the spread of violent extremism easier

in Africa. Without jobs, violent extremist organizations can be an attractive source of income,

and countries that fail to create employment opportunities for young people witness more

incidents perpetrated by these groups. It is not inapt to think that people that are defined by mass

misery and joblessness will fall prey to any terrorist group that can cater for their material needs,

as oppose to people who live in a community where basic needs of food, education, health,

housing, and sanitation are met for the majority of them.

3.3.1.3 Food Insecurity

For some time now, Africa has been fraught, in one way or another, with food insecurity. This

ongoing condition has been caused by a number of factors including distribution obstacles,

global climate change, a lack of successful local agriculture, and an inability or disinterest to act

by local officials. The situation has been further complicated by an inefficient and disorganized

international response to the crisis (Rademacher, 2012). Food insecurity in Africa is also linked

to increased risk of democratic failure, protests and rioting, communal violence and civil

conflict. Food insecurity can perpetuate conflict, although its effects depend on the context, with

the strongest links evident in states that already have fragile markets and weak political

institutions (Collier, 2003).

60
Though statistical evidence is lacking, rising food prices have been implicated in the wave of

demonstrations and transitions from authoritarian rule to fledgling democracy in some countries

across North Africa and the Middle East in 2011. Terrorism is taking a center stage in Africa and

for that matter, deductions made from the analyzed data suggests that people who feel that their

government is not doing enough to curb the issue of food insecurity may equally employ

terrorism tactics as a means of expressing their concerns. Similarly, due to a state of food

insecurity, already existing terror groups may capitalize on the situation to lure individuals to

take part in terrorism by making the point that violence is the only option for their salvation.

3.3.2 Political Factors

3.3.2.1 Fragile States/Failed States

Depending on how fragility is defined, it is estimated that between 370 million and 1.5 billion

people live in fragile and conflict-affected states (Muggah, 2014). They are distributed among as

many as 50 countries, although the number varies according to how fragility is measured. A

fragile state has weak capacity to carry out basic governance functions and lacks the ability to

develop mutually constructive relations with society. Fragile states are also more vulnerable to

internal and external shocks such as economic crises or natural disasters. Fragile states lack the

ability to manage and adapt to changing social needs and expectations, shifts in elite and other

political agreements, and growing institutional complexity (Muggah, 2014).

Most African countries, being former colonies, were heavily divided politically between the

colonial powers without recognition for pre-existing ethnic systems as Galito (2012) notes, these

borders were created without consideration of how the peoples were organized, connected, and

distributed in the territory, thus the African continent was fractured paving way for

61
dissatisfaction among its people, and consequently the drive to attain independence. With the

multiplicity of ethnic groups in Africa, the adoption of the colonial legacy of governance

institutions and the paralleled neglect of traditional systems has been a contributing factor

allowing for terrorism to plaque the continent today.

Nationalist movements that fought against governments hid the problem of legitimacy from the

onset of independence but with time, the veils of reality revealed how thin the ice of leadership

the states were standing on. Fragile states have spawned a variety of transnational security

problems with proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), crime, disease, energy

insecurity, and terrorism, the topmost among them. Around a third of African countries , home to

some 200 million people can be classified as fragile and are home to a growing share of Africa’s

deprived populations that are susceptible to instability with potential consequences beyond their

borders (Galito, 2012)

Fragile states in Africa have grown more slowly and have made less progress towards tackling

chronic poverty, and persistent inequality remains a key challenge. The growth registered has not

always led to more and better jobs or to increased income opportunities for a vast majority of the

poor, particularly women and youth. Failure to have growth that is inclusive with an equitable

distribution of income will lead to poverty and inequality. This can pose danger to sociopolitical

cohesion and also serve as reason for people to use terror means in addressing their grievances.

3.3.2.2 Ungoverned Spaces

Africa is endowed with vast land spaces, a largely desert and sparsely populated continent. This

makes it conducive for terrorists to find potential safe-havens. As Barnet (2004) would note

poverty mechanism suggests that ‘disconnected’ areas within states are the hotbeds for modern

62
political violence. Analyzed documents also revealed that, it is along these ungoverned areas that

drug traffickers, criminal organizations, and rebel groups operate. Reid (2014), portended that

Sahelian region in particular would catch the attention of several external actors because it was

regarded as a new front of religious extremist activities. As such, he stated that there would be

renewed concerns about West Africa, particularly Mali and Nigeria. In terms of prominence

these two regions are currently the hosts to two major terrorist organizations in Africa- AQIM

and Boko Haram. The failure of most African States to govern their territorial borders enables

the terrorist groups to utilize the absence of state control over the borders to further their cause.

Walter (2016), argues that terrorist groups and narco-traffickers from the South Americas use

these ungoverned spaces as sanctuaries to train, plan and organize, relatively free from

interference. A person only travels to the ungoverned space only to receive training and then

travels to another location to conduct an operation.

63
Figure:3 Northern Africa’s Growing Chaos

Source: (https://www.fragilestates.org/2014/07/14/libya-spillover-mapping-northern-africas-growing-chaos/)

The points of entry into certain States in Africa do not have government focus. Focus is only

placed on major entry points. However, other areas are neglected, allowing for terrorist to enter

and exit the unmonitored spaces at will. As shown in the illustration above, smuggling routes

exist because governments fail to enhance their presence on the routes. Coupled with this is the

fact that identifying a terrorist is difficult because they are able to blend in with the resident

population.

64
3.3.2.3 Bad Governance
In Africa, governance has been a concern since 1960s when some African countries got their

independence (khan 2006). There is strong evidence that bad economic and political governance

and institutions affect growth performance of Africa (World Bank, 2016). In Africa, bad

governance has led to poor economic growth and it is manifested through corruption, political

instability, ineffective rule of laws and institutions (Khan 2006). Due to bad governance in many

African countries, corruption takes place unchecked. This results in inefficiency and high

transaction costs as well as distortion of transparent and normal market operations and thus,

creating insecurity for investors. Typically, African countries have a weak tax base and the

policy makers lack integrity thus, facilitating corruption. Corruption is strongly correlated to

poor public governance (Siebert 2006).

As the unending level of corruption in the sphere of governance in Africa increases, the results

have been the absence of projects and other basic needs, massive vacuum in infrastructural

development as well as intensified economic and social gaps between the rich and the poor or

between the governed and the leaders. The result has also been a continued level of poverty,

illiteracy, and unemployment within the ranks of the average citizens, thus creating the perfect

arena for breeding violent militancy in the continent. This disconnect and the total absence of

social and economic services create a feeling of disorientation in the average citizens, more

especially the vulnerable ones that barely have enough to eat. Rotberg (2004) observed that there

is a link between bad governance, state failure and poverty and this combination provides a

perfect breeding ground for militancy and subsequent instability. Poverty and hunger together

with a very unequal distribution of income and other material goods, generate anger,

hopelessness, and a sense of unfairness and lack of social justice. This environment which is
65
characterized by weak governance elevates political instability and facilitates the recruitment of

youths by terrorist’s groups that promise to bring change and solve their problems.

3.4 Analyses of the Causes of Terrorism in Africa

By way of analyses, there is all indication that the points explained above as causing terrorism in

Africa borders more on human security. there exists a strong link between these factors and

human security. The economic reasons that are facilitating terrorism in Africa, such as low

income and job opportunities for communities and individuals in the continent, poverty,

unemployment, marginalization and failing economic conditions increase the vulnerability of the

individuals in the state. Such situation brings about frustration, anger and hatred which

culminates into aggression. Persons within this circle may not resort to taking arms to kill and

maim innocent civilians as a message to the state, but their situation serves as attractions that

would entice terrorist groups. A good example is AQIM. They have income-generating illicit

activities going on that create employment prospects for locals which further compounds the

problem of terrorism in Africa.

In Nigeria, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) is a loose web of

armed groups in Nigeria's oil-producing Niger Delta region. The group emerged as a terror

movement because they feel impoverished and cut off from the oil benefits in spite of fifty (50)

years of oil extraction. This situation is attributable to corruption and bad governance. They have

spent years kidnapping oil workers, terrorizing oil fields, blowing up pipelines and fighting

Nigeria's army. This group is fighting because they feel deprived and disadvantaged. It can

therefore be concluded that, the group would not have existed if the oil wealth was invested in

roads, schools, hospitals, clean water and power supply. Clearly, the formation of the movement
66
is precipitated by the high levels of poverty, unemployment, deprivation and corruption in

Nigeria. Likewise, the political reasons for terrorism to thrive in Africa includes inability of

governments to exert absolute control over their sovereign territories, corruption, bad economic

and political governance, failed states or power vacuums etc. all of which present opportunities

for terrorist groups to exploit these conditions to their benefit.

3.5 The Human Security Situation in Africa

Africa has traditionally followed an expansive approach to the concept of human security. For

example, the draft African Non-Aggression and Common Defense Pact: under this pact, “human

security means the security of the individual with respect to the satisfaction of the basic needs of

life; it also encompasses the creation of the social, political, economic, military, environmental

and cultural conditions necessary for the survival, livelihood, and dignity of the individual,

including the protection of fundamental freedoms, the respect for human rights, good

governance, access to education, healthcare, and ensuring that each individual has opportunities

and choices to fulfil his/her own potential” (Cilliers, 2003).

On the contrary, analyzed documents have shown a clear indication of poor human security

situation in Africa. Insecurity and instability in much of Africa has become a single, complex

and interrelated problem that is an intrinsic part of the debate about the nature and capability of

the African state. Because of the weaknesses in most African states, governance has contracted

rather than expanded in recent decades, parallel with the acute economic crises experienced by

the continent. Thus, in Liberia some 250,000 people are believed to have died in war related

circumstances since 1989, about ten per cent of the country’s three million population. Liberia

returned to war shortly after the carnage in neighboring Sierra Leone was brought under control,
67
after free and fair elections in 2002, and at a time when francophone West Africa saw its most

prosperous country, Ivory Coast, divided between a rebel-held north and government-controlled

south after conflict broke out in September 2003 (Cilliers, 2003).

That widening regional conflict has threatened Guinea and Liberia, and affected Mali, Niger and

even Ghana. In the DRC, an estimated three million people have died during the past three years

as a result of conflict. In neighboring Rwanda, 40 per cent of the population have been killed or

displaced since 1994. In Burundi, some 300,000 people have been killed over the past decade

and fighting between the government and Hutu militias force about 100,000 to flee their homes

each month. In Uganda, the war with LRA that started in 1986 has displaced an estimated one

million people since 1986. To the north, the 20 years of civil war in Sudan have claimed the lives

of two million people and caused the greatest displacement of people in Africa (Cilliers, 2003).

Recently, 110,000 people have crossed the border into Chad to escape the conflict between rebel

movements, militias and the Government of Sudan, while an estimated one million people have

been displaced inside Darfur. Elsewhere in the Horn, the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea

between 1998 and 2000 cost around 100,000 lives. Neighboring Somalia, with the limited

exception of Somaliland and the region of Puntland, has had no government since the abortive

UN peacekeeping mission ended in failure in 1993 (Botha, 2014). political choices by African

élites is an important factor that has determined the present state of the continent.

3.6 Impact of Terrorism on Africa

The impact of terrorism on Africa as deduced from analyzed documents revealed some important

thematic categorization i.e. Economic Security and State security.

68
3.6.1 Economic Security

Economic security is directly linked to both national and human security in that, whereas the

progress of the economy goes into enhancing state machinery e.g. the military, ordinary people

who are economically engaged also improve their livelihoods physically and mentally. Business

owners make their profits which translate into ensuring that their human security needs are

satisfied. However, terrorism works against the securing of these values the individual and the

state hold dearly at heart. it makes the investment environment unfriendly as investors shy aware

because of compromised safety and weak national security, which affects economic growth. The

potential threat to investors’ confidence in the economy can deter investment, as most investors

are risk averse, posing a fear of not been able to remove their investment.

The economic cost in Africa is far beyond the direct outlay, because terrorist incidents can deter

future investment in affected countries, reduce FDI and deter economic growth. Indeed, there is

evidence to suggest that in the case of Boko Haram, the increase in the number of terrorist

incidents attributed to them has contributed to FDI decline from US$8.28 billion in 2009 to

US$6.1 billion in 2010, which constitutes 36 percent decline (Umejei 2011). Also, tourism once

drove a significant amount of business activity in West Africa, but visitor numbers have dropped

sharply as a consequence of AQIM kidnappings in the Western Sahel area. Another effect is that

a key airline that serviced several Sahelian cities, Point Afrique, recently suspended flights,

further isolating the region from the rest of the world. This is a down turn for tourism business

operators and the airlines as well. However, as far as we can determine, the existing economics

literature provides no explicit empirical insight into the direct consequences of terrorism in

Africa.

69
3.6.2 State Security
From analyzed documents, the impact of terrorism on state security in Africa is enormous.

Countries such as Algeria, Burundi, Nigeria, Egypt, Somalia, and Congo, which rank high with

respect to the number of terrorism incidents, have in recent history been spending on average

about 30 percent of their GDP on efforts to combat terrorism as a threat to national security

(OECD, 2002). Given that radical groups operate in border areas and across two or more

countries, acts of violent extremism in one country could generate claims and counter-claims

regarding the complicity of neighboring countries, or lead to cross-border raids worsening into

violations of territorial integrity or lead to counter-terrorism activities having unintended

consequences (refugees and displacement, straining of ethno-religious relations and reprisal

attacks against nationals) across borders.

Boko Haram returned to Nigeria in 2010 after a harsh crackdown on the sect by the Nigerian

police, which led to the death of its leader and founder Mohammed Yusuf. The rest of the

leadership and the remaining sect members reportedly fled Nigeria to neighboring Niger, Chad

and Cameroon, to regroup, recruit more members and prepare for future attacks (The Economist,

2013). The sect became a more vicious organization by employing sophisticated weapons and

strategy to conduct attacks that killed more than 3,000 people as well as shattered private and

public properties worth millions of dollars (Maiangwa, 2013). The sect became a more vicious

organization by employing sophisticated weapons and strategy to conduct attacks that killed

more than 3,000 people as well as shattered private and public properties worth millions of

dollars (Maiangwa, 2013).

70
3.7 Conclusion
In a nut shell, there are a myriad of problems confronting Africans and the African states. These

problems are problems of economic underdevelopment, social degeneration, political

development, small arms, child soldiers’ menace, communal and inter-communal conflicts, the

rise of mercenaries, women combatants, religious crisis, and the rising activities of the terrorist

networks among others. Without concerted efforts to improve issues related to the human

security situation in the continent, these problems will continue to exist for the benefit of terrorist

groups. as it has been indicated already, much of Africa is a veritable incubator for the foot

soldiers of terrorism. Its poor, overwhelmingly young, disaffected, unhealthy and under-educated

populations often have no stake in government, no faith in the future and harbor an easily

exploitable discontent with the state.

71
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 CHAPTER 4

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

4.1 Introduction

This section contains the summary of the major findings of the research relative to the objectives

set at the beginning, the conclusions drawn from the findings and some recommendations. The

chapter is therefore in three sub-sections, each section dealing with one of the above outlines.

4.2 Summary of Findings

The findings of the work are summarized in the following bullet points below. The human
security conditions in Africa make it a fertile ground for terrorism to flourish. As these
conditions are present in the continent, it attracts terrorists and also necessitates the setup of
infrastructure that aid in their operations.

• Terrorism will mostly emanate from countries with high levels of poverty, unemployed

youths, deprivation and marginalization, corruption, political turmoil, the unequal

distribution of political power and economic resources, ethnic alienation, poor

governance, armed conflicts, violent separatist projects, secessionist insurgency, weak

government institutions, ungoverned spaces and porous borders, availability of

sophisticated arms and criminal networks. Surely, there is an intricate relationship

between these factors and terrorism

• African countries are actively involved in tackling the problem of terrorism based on

military approach. However, their efforts do not seem to be working well to deter the

terrorism threat in Africa because the concept of terrorism is perhaps not fully understood
76
 in a context that fits the African variant of terrorism which is precipitated by deprivation

and marginalization, corruption, political turmoil, the unequal distribution of political

power and economic resources, ethnic alienation, poor governance,

The impact of terrorism on economic security includes the reduction of FDI, reduced

capital inflows, stalls stock markets, shifts investment both capital and labor. It ushers in

higher uncertainty thus reducing confidence among potential investors. The state shifts its

priority from projects designed for growth to higher demand for security and once

security is given higher priority, other sectors begin to suffer. Besides, industry will act

below capacity or forced to close due to the lack of labor.

• Weak government institutions, ungoverned spaces, porous borders and ethnic, religious

and tribal tensions enable organized crime networks, militants and terrorist groups to

operate with relative impunity.

• The human security situation in Africa is largely characterized by deplorable conditions

such as food insecurity, poor access to health, environmental insecurity, community

insecurity, economic insecurity among others. This situation breeds a perfect breeding

ground for militancy and subsequent instability. It may also facilitate the recruitment of

youths by terrorist’s groups that promise to bring change and solve their problems.

• Ungoverned spaces in Africa have facilitated the swift movement of terrorists from

country to country whenever they perform a major terror related activity. The lack of

absolute control by African governments along parts of the borders allow for these terror

groups to swoop in and out at will.

77
4.3 Conclusion
From the analysis, it can be concluded that human security needs more attention in the fight

against terrorism in Africa. In view of the fact that the nature of terrorism in Africa cannot be

described without ascribing it partly to socio-economic factors, African countries need to put in

place measures or policies that will address and give maximum priority to the needs of their

citizens since these are the precursors of violence and which sometimes escalate into terrorism.

It is again evident from the analysis that terrorism is fast spreading in Africa as a result of the

presence of these socio-economic factors which serve as terror-attracting magnets or features in

the continent. The needy and problem-ridden nature of most African countries allows for

terrorism to thrive in the continent.

Economic security and state security, in the presence of terrorism in Africa are unfavorably

affected by the consequences of any major terrorist operation. Normal operations of government

institutions are curtailed, livelihoods are affected, and businesses are forced to close down.

Insecure environments and general fear for life are some of the vagaries of terrorism.

4.4 Recommendations
Centered on the findings of the research and additional readings, the following recommendations
are made for policy considerations.

a. African governments must embark on effective poverty alleviation and human capital

development programs for youth who are most vulnerable to recruitment and

radicalization.

b. Governments must enhance provision of education and literacy programs. High levels of

illiteracy in Africa contribute to young people becoming more easily susceptible to

78
 manipulation and recruitment into extremist groups. Although the right to education is

one of the basic rights of every person, access to this right is hardly attained in Africa.

c. Human security is a necessary component of counter-terrorism approaches. It requires

creating the political, social, environmental, economic, military, and cultural systems

necessary for people’s survival and dignity. Poverty and unemployment must be

addressed to guarantee economic security. However, counter-terrorism efforts in Africa

typically involve armed combat and are more reactive than preventive. Measures such as

job creation and empowerment, on the other hand, can stem the growth of terror outfits

before they become a threat. Addressing this will require collaboration between national

governments, international organizations and development partners, and domestic private

sectors.

d. Improved anticorruption campaigns must be embarked on by governments and civil

society organizations. This is because growing animosity towards the government and

particularly corruption, especially among young people, makes youth more vulnerable to

recruitment. Governments need to urgently reinvigorate the fight against corruption by

repositioning institutions that have the mandate to deal with corruption.

e. Closing development gaps within countries would help diffuse the anger and frustration

of youth living in deprived regions. Ghana, Nigeria, and Mali all have striking divides

between a destitute north and a more affluent south. This problem might be solved by

revitalizing obsolete local industries and directing foreign direct investment to such areas.

One of such initiatives is the establishment of the Youth Employment Authority and

recently Nation Builders Corps (NABCO); these are government initiatives to address

79
 graduate unemployment to solve social problems in Ghana, by providing temporary

employment opportunities, improving skills and employability, improving public service

delivery, improving revenue mobilization and improving access to basic public services.

A step that is in the right direction to indirectly tackle terrorism in the country.

f. African weak and failed states are potential safe haven for terrorist groups, training and

recruitment centers. This calls for the strengthening of all democratic institutions to

ensure that all weak and failed states in Africa recover from their present state to

economically vibrant and democratic nations. To this end, the ideology of uniting Africa

as a united state might help salvage the situation.

g. Incidence of local conflicts as manifested by civil wars in Africa is continuously

registering acts of terrorism which African states will have to come to terms with. This

means that, domestic laws need to be tailored towards international instruments in

dealing with these crimes.

h. Governments should appropriately fund their social welfare institutions to enable them to

formulate and implement robust rehabilitation programs for destitute children in Africa.

Government at all levels, should partner with credible civil society organizations to

design and implement effective re-orientation programs for destitute children to provide

them with the support and training they need to function effectively in society.

80
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