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GRAHAM SHAW looks at what the first Indian Bible, printed 300 years ago in January 1714,
specifically achieved, and the chain of events it unwittingly sparked off.
One sharp pull on the hand-press bar and the Indian Bible was born. Three hundred years ago -
on January 3, 1714 - missionaries in the tiny Danish coastal colony of Tharangambadi began
printing an edition of the Four Gospels and Acts of the Apostles in Tamil. This was the first
Biblical translation ever printed in an Indian language — and a landmark in the history of Indian
Christian literature.
Nearly 500 pages long, the Tamil edition took nine months to print, until September 25. It was
hailed by its creators as “a treasure in India, which surpasses all other Indian treasures”. The
translator was Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg, a German Pietist who had arrived at Tharangambadi in
1706 with his fellow countryman, Heinrich Plütschau. They were the first of many Protestant
missionaries to India.
Just two years after beginning to learn Tamil, in October 1708, Ziegenbalg started translating the
New Testament. This was a remarkably ambitious initiative for a young man just 26 years old.
One month later he had already translated as far as the 23rd chapter of St. Matthew’s Gospel.
Then came an unwelcome interruption. The Danish Governor imprisoned Ziegenbalg for four
months without pen, ink and paper, indicative of the opposition the missionaries faced even from
their fellow Europeans. In any case, the work of translation had to be fitted in between other
pastoral duties — instructing catechists, running a school for Tamil children, and undertaking
preaching tours. Little wonder Ziegenbalg only completed his New Testament translation in
March 1711, two and a half years after he had begun.
In the absence of a printing press, Ziegenbalg paid professional Indian scribes to copy out parts
of his translation onto palm-leaves with an iron stylus, imitating traditional Indian manuscripts.
The resulting texts were used as teaching materials in the mission’s Tamil school and also
distributed to the local population at every opportunity. When a Tamil press was set up in 1713,
the missionaries started steadily with some smaller works. These included the pamphlet
Akkiyânam — “Ignorance” — introducing the anti-Hindu polemic to Indian Christian literature.
But does this anniversary really matter in Indian cultural and historical terms? Is it worth
remembering by anyone other than bibliophiles and book historians? Arguably it does in two
senses: for what was specifically achieved, and more significantly for the chain of events it
unwittingly sparked off.
Tamil and Tamil Nadu have always been at the forefront of Indian printing and publishing
history. The first work ever printed in an Indian language in Europe was a Tamil and Portuguese
catechism and prayers published at Lisbon in 1554. The Tamil text was printed using Roman
letters as no Tamil types had yet been cast. Three decades later, in 1577, a Tamil catechism was
issued by Portuguese Jesuits at Goa. This time locally cast Tamil letters were used, making this
the first work ever printed in an Indian script. Another century on, in 1679, Antão de Proença’s
Vocabulario tamulico was published at Ambalakad near Kochi — the first dictionary of any
Indian language to be printed.
Much later, in 1761 Chennai became the first of the British Presidency capitals to acquire the
services of printing, well before Mumbai and Kolkata. This was due to a French press, taken as
booty by the East India Company at the siege of Puducherry. In 1794 Chennai became the
birthplace of Armenian journalism with the appearance of Azdarar — “Herald” — reflecting the
Indian Armenian community’s desire for the restoration of an Armenian homeland. Thus the
achievement in 1714 of printing the first Biblical translation in an Indian language fits into a long
line of innovation, both earlier and later.
To prepare and print Christian literature was not enough. Nothing would be achieved if Bible
translations never left the mission’s book depository. Christian literature would only impact
society if actively promoted to the people for whom it was intended. As John Murdoch, the
‘godfather’ of Protestant missions in 19th-century India, warned: “As much energy must be
devoted to securing a circulation for books in India as is expended in their preparation, or they
will lie as lumber on the shelves”. So perhaps we’ve already just missed the more significant
anniversary.
In the second half of November 1713, one of the missionaries embarked on a preaching tour
down south from Tharangambadi along the coast to Nagapattinam. For the very first time, he
took with him copies of printed Christian tracts. His route deliberately took in well-known Hindu
religious centres in the vicinity where he would preach and distribute tracts. These included
Karaikal and Thirumalairayan Pattinam with its Ayiranlaiamman temple. He also presented tracts
to village headmen and Hindu schools along the way. On previous tours, the missionaries had
only limited numbers of Christian texts copied on palm-leaves to give away. Now, thanks to
printing technology, they could distribute evangelical literature on a large scale.
Tharangambadi had set the precedent. This modest beginning unleashed the enormous industry
of Christian tract publication and distribution that characterised the 19th century. The tour also
displayed two of the strategies routinely adopted by missionaries later. They ‘plugged into’ the
existing network of religious sites and the annual cycle of festivals and pilgrimages to maximise
the audience for their literature. They also targeted the impressionable minds of children as
potential carriers of the Christian message into whole families, signalling the start of missionary
intervention in Indian education beyond their own schools.
Inevitably these aggressive tactics provoked responses from indigenous religions, most notably
Hinduism and Islam. Both felt an urgent need to defend their communities against attacks by
Christian missionaries and more positively to evangelise on their own behalf. The missionaries
now found the very methods they had used turned against them. New educational institutions
were established and a whole variety of social reform initiatives undertaken. In this process of
turning the tide, print played a vital role. Religious presses were founded; magazines and
newspapers published; tract societies set up.
In Chennai, R. Sivasankara Pandiah was just one of those who adopted these tactics. In 1882, he
began teaching young people the fundamentals of Hinduism in his home before raising sufficient
funds to open the Hindu Theological High School in 1889. For Pandiah, print was as crucial as
education in the modernising process. In 1884, he began publishing The Hindu Excelsior
Magazine and, in 1887, set up the Hindu Tract Society that sent its own evangelists all over
South India with anti-Christian pamphlets in their thousands. The first in the Hindu Triumph
Series was named ‘One hundred and fifty contradictions of the Bible’. Its sub-title declared its
defiant purpose: “A Bible hand book for mission school students and inquiring Christians”. This
was Hinduism on the counter-offensive.
From cultural and religious revival came a resurgence of national identity and growth of political
consciousness. Ultimately, through the rapid production of nationalistic posters and collections
of patriotic poems and songs, print proved an essential component of the freedom movement.
The printing press, revered by the missionaries as the great engine of conversion, had become an
effective tool of subversion, not only of Christianity but of the colonial power itself. The Indian
Bible’s birth at Tharangambadi in 1714 had backfired.
Note: The writer was formerly Head of Asia, Pacific and Africa Collections, The British Library,
London. E-mail:shawgraham3@gmail.com
A PRINTERS' REMEMBRANCE
The Hindu, March 5, 2012
Yesterday, the printers of Madras began a year-long celebration of the Diamond Jubilee of the
country's first printers' association, the Madras Printers' and Lithographers' Association, which
was inaugurated on July 28, 1952. Appropriately, the first President of the organisation was the
Manager of the oldest surviving printing press in the country, V.M. Phillip of what was then the
Diocesan Press and is now the CLS Press but which had its roots in a printing press started in
1761 as the Vepery Press by the Rev. Johann P. Fabricius and which became the SPCK Press in
1798.
If these founders are little remembered by the industry today, even less remembered is that this
year should more importantly be celebrated as the 300th anniversary of the birth, or, rather, the
re-birth, of printing in India.
True, printing had its beginnings in Goa in 1556, when the Portuguese Jesuits established a
printing press there and that by 1577 the first language types — Malabar as it was called, but in
fact Tamil — had been cast and used for printing. But by the late 17th Century, printing in India
died out completely and all printed material was imported from abroad.
It was Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Plutschau, the first Protestants to establish a
mission in India, who brought about that revival. The two Germans who came out to Danish
Tranquebar to establish the Tranquebar Mission in 1706 had been strongly influenced by the Rev.
August Hermann Francke, one of the founders of the Pietist movement which valued highly
knowledge and scholarly enlightenment. And dissemination of knowledge collected required a
printing press. Which duly arrived in Madras in June 1712 together with some English type and a
quantity of paper and was transported to Tranquebar. Using a soldier who had once worked in a
printing press in England, Ziegenbalg got printed in Portuguese a few religious pamphlets before
the end of the year. Printing had got a new lease of life in India — and has flourished in the
country ever since.
If Tranquebar gave new life to printing in India 300 years ago, its spread was due to another
Danish colony, Serampore in Bengal. Ziegenbalg's only son, Gottlieb Ernst Ziegenbalg, was
Governor of Serampore when William Carey and two other Baptist missionaries expelled from
Calcutta sought refuge there. It was from there that Carey and his colleagues spread the gospel of
printing throughout India. But that the seed for Carey's work was sown in Tranquebar by
Ziegenbalg 300 years ago this year should not be forgotten.
AN AMERICAN PRESS
By S. Muthiah, The Hindu, July 28, 2008
Some American students, recently discovering Madras, learnt that an American printing press
was established in Madras as much as 170 years ago. But the American Mission Press set up in
Popham’s Broadway in 1838 was not the first American printing press in India.
When two Americans informally established an `American Mission’ in Bombay in 1813, they
followed it up five years later by founding a printing press and printing much material in
Marathi. S.B. Fairbanks, who was in charge of this press at the time, introduced lithographic
printing in India here in 1854.
The American Mission Press (AMP) in Madras was run by P.R. Hunt who designed and
developed the finest Tamil founts cut up to that time; in fact, the founts he designed survived
well into the modern day, made popular by the Linotype Company.
The Bible in Tamil was the first book published by the AMP. It came out in 1840. The second
editions of G.U. Pope’s Tamil Grammar and Tamil Handbook came out from the Press in 1858
and were followed the next year by C.T.E. Rhenius’s Tamil Grammar. But the most important
publication of the AMP was released three years later.
The Rev. Dr. Myron Winslow’s Tamil-English Dictionary, work on which Winslow started with
Arumuga Navalar at the older American Mission in Jaffna and which they both continued in
Madras, was released in 1862. It provided the English meanings for nearly 67,500 Tamil words.
The Winslow Dictionary is as much of a classic for the quality of its lexicography as it is for its
printing, particularly the typesetting, considering it was all composed by hand.
The American Mission had bought this Press from the Church Mission in Madras in 1838. By
1866, the American missionaries had begun moving out to the districts and the Press was offered
for sale. It was bought by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) for Rs.40,000
that year and, together with the SPCK’s own printing press that Fabricius had started in 1761 (as
the Vepery Press), developed as the Diocesan Press, which survives today as the CLS Press.
Reference:
E. Arno Lehmann. It Began At Tranquebar. Translated by M. J. Lutz. The Christian Literature
Society, Chennai, 1956.
PRINTING IN TAMIL
(Ancient Printing Presses)
Protestant missionaries also contributed to education in India. King Frederick IV’s chaplain
insisted there should be a Lutheran presence in the Danish settlements. As a compromise, King
Frederick invited the Pietists from Halle in eastern Germany to send out priests to Tranquebar
now in Tamilnadu, near Chidambaram. The 23-year-old Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg and the
rather older Heinrich Plutschau answered the call. When they arrived in India on July 9th, 1706
they founded the first formal Protestant mission in Asia. Ziegenbalg realized that if he was to
interact with the local population he would have to learn not only the Lingua Franca of the coast,
Portuguese, but also the local tongue, Tamil, that the Portuguese called “Malabar”. He must
have been a born linguist, for within a couple of months he learnt sufficient Portuguese to be able
to use it to learn Tamil with the help of an untrained tutor, Ellappar, who taught him in the
traditional way by tracing the letters of the Tamil alphabet on a bed of sand. Within three months,
Ziegenbalg was writing in Tamil. Ziegenbalg converted only a few Malabarians and spent far
more time studying Tamil. He set up the first printing press in India after the Portugueses’ effort
ground to a halt. He established a publishing programme.
As early as 1709 Ziegenbalg requested a printing press from Denmark. The Danes forwarded the
appeal to London to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. The SPCK, not allowed a
foothold in India by John company’s merchants, was only too eager to help and in 1712 shipped
out to the Tranquebar mission a printing press with type, paper, ink and a printer. When the
SPCK consignment arrived in Madras, the printer was missing. Fortunately, a German soldier in
the Danish Company’s service knew something about printing and was recruited.
Johann Heinrich Schloricke, was 30 years old at the time, printed in Portuguese the Tranquebar
mission press’s first publications in 1712/13. With this, printing in India got its second wind and
the foundations for today’s thriving Indian Printing Industry were laid.
Ziegenbalg, however, was convinced that the Mission’s work could prove successful only if the
press produced books and other literature in Tamil. He therefore sent back drawings of the Tamil
alphabet to Halle with the request to create Tamil typefaces there. The Tamil type arrived in
Madras on June 29, 1713, together with three Germans who were to galvanize the press and
printing when they got to Tranquebar by the end of August and started work. Initially it was
purely Christian propaganda material that rolled out of here in Tamil. Slowly some educational
material came out. Ziegenbalg was only thirty-six when he died in 1719.
TRANQUEBAR:
Tranquebar is a Dutch, Danish, British Colonial heritage town of pristine beauty and perennial
charm, situated on the Coromandel Coast in the Nagapattinam District in Tamil Nadu, South
India. Tharangambadi, ‘the land of the singing waves’ as the town is known in Tamil, became
Tranquebar for the Danes! This picturesque coastal town lies 15 km south of the ancient Chola
port of Pumpuhar, and 15 km north of the former French comptoir of Karikal.
Motivated by huge profit made by the British and the Dutch East India Companies and driven by
the desire of the Danish Monarch to play a dominant role in the world trade of that time, the
Danish East India Company was formed in Denmark in 1616. In 1620 a treaty was entered into
between Christian IV, the king of Denmark and Ragunatha Nayak, the king of Tanjore by which
the Danes were given permission to erect a fortress at Tranquebar (the Dansborg Fort) and pay an
annual rent of Rs. 3111/-. Till 1845 Tranquebar was a Danish Trade Settlement ruled by
Governors, till the British took over its administration.
Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Pluetschau, the German Missionaries from Halle sent
by Frederick IV, the king of Denmark, to spread the Gospel in the Danish settlement, reached
Tranquebar in 1706 and founded the Tranquebar Lutheran mission. A printing press was installed
in the year 1712 and, in 1715, The New Testament, translated into Tamil by Ziegenbalg, was
printed in the Tranquebar Mission Press. For the supply of paper and printing ink a Paper Mill
and an ink manufacturing unit were established in nearby Porayar.
Since Lutheranism spread to the length and breadth of India from here and a mint started
functioning from 1753, Tranquebar is called “The Gateway of Protestantism to India”. Impressed
by the Mission work of the missionaries the king of Denmark sent Moravians to Tranquebar in
1760 to do missionary work in the Nicobar Islands. Since 43 out of 73 Moravians met with
untimely death due to tropical heat and yellow fever the enterprise in Nicobar was closed down
in 1803.
The 700 year old Masilamani Nathar Temple built in 1306 AD by the Pandya King Maravarman
Kulasekara Pandyan is unique in its architecture. It was built combining Chinese architecture
with Tamil architectural technique, possibly in an attempt to attract Chinese merchants who were
visiting India.
Tranquebar is also associated with personalities like the Governor General Peter Anker (a great
painter), Catherine Worlee (the great beauty who was to become the Marchioness of Tallerand),
Lady Clive, Mayuram Vedanayagam Pillai (the first Indian judge), Thillaiyadi Valliammai (a
Tamil Satyagrahi who sacrificed her life in South Africa).
Tranquebar is also famous for its train that functioned from 1926 to 1986.
(Continues)
TAMIL SAW ITS FIRST BOOK IN 1578:
By Karthick Madhavan, The Hindu, June 21, 2010
The first book in Tamil was printed in Kollam, Kerala, on October 20, 1578 by Portuguese
missionary Henrique Henriques. Titled 'Thambiran Vanakkam' it was translation of 'Doctrina
Christam'. The second book was 'Christiani Vanakkam'. Photo: Special Arrangement.
The history of publishing and printing in Tamil is as interesting and rich as the language itself.
The first book dates back to October 20, 1578. On the eventful day, Portuguese missionary
Henrique Henriques (also Anrique Anriquez) published ‘Thambiraan Vanakkam' with paper
imported from China.
Tamil historian Pulavar S. Raju says the 10x14 cm book had 16 pages of 24 lines each and had
the very Tamil font that was then used on palm leaves and stones.
The book was a translation of the Portuguese ‘Doctrina Christam,' authored by Francis Xavier.
Mr. Raju says the book was published as a result of Father Henriques' efforts to have a prayer
book in Tamil.
The book was printed in Kollam using a printing machine imported from Portugal in 1556. “This
was the first book to be published in an Indian language,” he points out.
That was the age when Vijayanagar Empire King Sriranga Rayar the first (1578-1586), Mysore
ruler Raja Woodayar (1578-1617), Madurai ruler Veerappa Nayakar (1572-1595) and
Thanjavur's Achuthappa Nayakar (1572-1614) were still using copper plates and stones for
disseminating information.
Prior to ‘Thambiraan Vanakkam,' a Tamil book was published, but in Portuguese script. Mr. Raju
says the book, ‘Carthila e lingoa Tamul e Portugues,' was printed in Lisbon, the capital of
Portugal.
Father Henriques was born in 1520 in Vila Vicosa, Portugal. After his education at the University
of Coimbra in Portugal, he arrived in India in 1546. The missionary was so fond of Tamil that he
replaced ‘Amen' with ‘Om' while greeting people, says Mr. Raju.
He also authored ‘Christiani Vanakkam' (1579), ‘Confesenario' (1580) and ‘Adiyaar Varalaaru'
(1586). He died on February 6, 1600 in Punnaikayal and was buried in Tuticorin.
Mr. Raju says much of the books published for long thereafter had to do with Christianity. The
first Tamil book to be published in Tamil was Thirukkural in 1812, thanks to the efforts of the
then Chennai Collector Francis White Ellis, who established the Chennai Kalvi Sangam.
It was only in 1835 that Indians were permitted to establish printing press.
Newspapers began as instruments of colonial communication among Westerners, but the people
of the Subcontinent soon saw what a great idea newspapers were, and wanted to set up their own.
For locals, newspapers soon performed new functions. While some papers, such as the
semi-serious ‘news’ reports published in Bengali by Battala printers in Calcutta retailing
salacious stories about babus and rulers, retained their original purpose as scandal sheets and
gossip-shops, others, in the hands of the educated elites, became more like the coffee-shop
papers of 18th-century London: reformers of manners and forums of debate. Indians had always
been talkative people, but before print, debate had been a face-to-face thing, with the written
manuscript only marginally extending the reach of the word beyond the circle of actual listeners.
Now debates could be folded, tied neatly with string and carried all-round the country, to be
unfurled where needed and argued all over again.
The colonial centres catalysed this process. In the south, after the establishment in 1812 of the
Press of the College of Fort St George at Madras, the 1830s saw the rise of the ‘pundit presses’,
with Kalvi Vilakkam, the joint venture of Charavanaperumal Aiyar and Vichakaperumal Aiyar,
established in 1834. Nathaniel Brassey Halhed’s Grammar of the Bengali Language appeared in
1778, and was printed with Bengali types designed and produced by Charles Wilkins and
Panchanan Karmakar. Interestingly, the Honourable Company’s Press initially had nothing to do
with the East India Company: it was a private venture begun in 1780 by James Augustus Hicky,
formerly in prison for debt, and took Company work on contract. Hicky printed the Bengal
Gazette, which carried much scandal and rumour but was also an important voice against
corruption, until Arthur Wellesley outlawed freedom of the Southasian press in 1799, largely
because England was at war with France. Wellesley’s strictures on the press remained in force till
the 1830s and generated much friction with the native intelligentsia; Rammohan Roy along with
Several Indian magazine owners and James Silk Buckingham, editor of the The Englishman,
unsuccessfully challenged Wellesley’s directives in 1823. It is to be noted that the press in
England during the time was also heavily censored, through taxation and surveillance, because of
fears that the French Revolution would infect the general population and cause an uprising at
home.
Rammohan Roy’s Persian paper, Mirat ul Akhbar, was an important forerunner of middle-class
print culture, and perhaps it was this middle-class engagement with newsprint that scared the
government more than the scandal sheets. Along with Roy, who was writing for a highly
educated, cosmopolitan, Persian-speaking but largely Hindu traditional elite, James Silk
Buckingham, in his Calcutta Journal, addressed the European friends of freedom, in other words
liberal-minded Britons in Calcutta, in their joint campaign for the end of censorship in 1823 – a
rare example of colonial cooperation across racial and political divides. To the Supreme Court
they presented a plea, titled the ‘Areopagitica of the Indian Press’, taking the name of John
Milton’s famous anti-censorship tract. Roy fought his case all the way to the Privy Council, but
was eventually forced to close his paper. In the final issue he cited as forerunners both Milton
and Hafiz, and rued that he had not been victorious in his quest for Indian intellectual freedom.
Wellesley’s restrictions were lifted in 1835, but the war of 1857 led to further clampdowns in the
1860s.
Peeping:
While working for an indigo planter, William Carey had translated the New Testament into
Bengali. His plans to print it were scuttled by the Company’s antipathy to missionaries, which
forced him to shift to Srirampur, a Danish colony. There the new press, joined by Panchanan
Karmakar, produced Carey’s Bible, Krittibas’s Ramayana (a popular Bengali transcreation of the
original Sanskrit epic) and the first four parts of Kashiram’s Mahabharata (1803), as well as
Bengali textbooks for the mission’s schools. In 1818, the Baptists began two Bengali periodicals,
Digdarshan and Samachar Darpan, both landmark periodicals aimed at providing useful
information on science, current affairs, administration and history to the youth. Between 1800
and 1832, when the press burned down, the Baptist Mission Press printed 212,000 volumes in
forty languages – the first truly industrial print house in Southasia.
By 1807, Babu Ram’s press in Kidderpore was printing Hindi and Sanskrit books for Fort
William College, by which Babu Ram was said to have earned lakhs of rupees. A decade later,
Gangakishor Bhattacharya was printing the first Bengali periodicals. Around 1815, the first
printer (probably Biswanath Deb) set up shop under a banyan tree (which is also called battala
and from which the press derives its name) in the Shobhabazar area, laying the foundations of
the popular Battala press. The early Battala books were printed on imitations of palm-leaf
manuscripts, in ‘landscape’ format on a strip-like page, bound at the top margin and without
copyright notice. Most of the Battala output was religious or cultic texts, often dealing with the
Indian erotic sublime (with appropriate illustrations) – earning the press a reputation of being a
pornographer, at least in European eyes. Collections of obscene songs sung on wedding nights by
women were also popular, and much of the Battala readership was female. Organisations such as
the Brahmo Samaj, influenced by European disgust, campaigned to ‘clean up’ Bengali literature
and life, including Battala books. Eventually, this led to a change in the religious landscape of
Bengal, sending the Tantra-influenced Vaishnav and Shaiva/Shaktite sects and their sexually
uninhibited literatures underground or concealing them in esoteric enclaves.
Books did not just allow the pre-Independence Southasia to peep through the European eye; they
also brought a whole new way of arranging one’s life. Previously, people had always written
sitting on the floor, using one hand as a rest and the other to write with a metal stylus, usually on
a palm leaf or a piece of paper folded to fit the dimensions of the hand. Or they might use a low
desk, in front of which they sat cross-legged. But now European reading and writing desks were
on show at the big shops in the Western parts of town, and foreign-returned travellers furnished
their lavish houses in the latest fashion, with rococo gilt-edged mirrors, dining tables and dinner
services, kissing-seats, grand pianos, sofas and sideboards. A study had to have walls of
leather-bound books – leather would never have wrapped a Hindu holy text, of course, though
tooled-leather covers for Qurans were often things of beauty. The new way of dealing with words
transformed the interiors of our houses: the codex book came trailing clouds of wood varnish.
The 1830s saw the spread of printing to the Ganga plain. A feature of presses in these areas was
the widespread use of lithography, since many of the texts used the Perso-Arabic script, for
which the cutting of type that can match the sinuous beauty of calligraphy is difficult and
expensive. So, the preferred method was to print from a litho stone, on which a skilled
calligrapher had written the laterally inverted script. Lucknow, Benaras and Kanpur became
centres of printing. The Newal Kishore Press was established in 1858 by the journalist Neval
Kishore Bhargava, and printed on the latest European presses. In the second half of the 19th
century, with the spread of British rule up the Ganga plain, the cantonment towns of Meerut,
Allahabad, Agra and Bareilly acquired nascent printing industries, as did some pilgrimage
centres such as Mathura and Gorakhpur. Missionaries also brought presses with them as they
pushed north and west into the Punjab. The output of these presses included Urdu qissas, dastans
(tales and exploits) and masnavis (long poems).
By the 1870s the, spread of primary education in both English and the vernaculars had created a
huge book market. The Battala presses added notebooks and ‘keys’ to their repertoire, as well as
a little piracy of ‘set’ textbooks. The Calcutta presses, both respectable and otherwise, supplied
books and pamphlets to Lucknow, Allahabad, Delhi and the Punjab, north to Assam and states of
the Northeast, or south to Orissa and the nizamate of Hyderabad. Meanwhile, Bombay served the
western coast as well as East Africa, and Madras served the south including many princely
states. Wholesalers could get the latest books and journals from London within 18 months,
reduced to six months after the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869.
Hands-off approach:
Thacker & Spink, trading as ‘Thacker’ in Bombay, was one of the best known ‘Anglo-Indian’
booksellers. Another was A H Wheeler & Co, which had bookshops in most of the major railway
stations. Wheeler was set up in 1887 by Emile Moreau, T K Banerjee, two Englishmen and
another Indian; since 1950, Banerjee’s heirs have owned it. A H Wheeler now has 258 railway
bookshops, but its exclusive right to serve the railway is gone. Oxford University Press(OUP)
published many Indological titles during the 19th century; in 1912 E V Rieu set up the Indian
Branch in Bombay. OUP’s first Indian titles were Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s Essentials of
Psychology and J N Farquhar’s The Crown of Hinduism. Blackie was also active, especially in
Bombay, and published one blockbuster title, Wren & Martin’s Grammar.
By the 1910s, subsequent to Viceroy George Curzon’s criticism of Indian education, many
rounds of ‘Indian-isation’ were undertaken by the increasingly Indian-staffed and native-funded
school system, and books such as the Panchatantra were now favoured over European texts for
children by many textbook committees. Statistics gathered by the Departments of Public
Instruction show that the number of children in primary education rose steeply in the early 20th
century, and new universities began to come up everywhere. Subcontinental publishing included
small scholarly presses such as Shams ul Ulama Zakaullah of Delhi, which won a case against
Macmillan regarding the translation of mathematics textbooks. There were presses such as S K
Lahiri & Co, run by scions of aristocratic families (Lahiri’s grandfather was Ramtanu Lahiri, an
important Brahmo reformer). There were booksellers such as D B Taraporevala, who traded not
only all over India’s western coast but in East Africa as well. There were also firms such as
Radhabai Atmaram Sagoon of Bombay, run by a woman. There were missionary presses, like the
centuries-old SPCK at Vepery near Madras, the YMCA Press in Calcutta and the Basle Mission
Press at Mangalore. There were presses that printed nationalist, revolutionary material, often
underground outfits functioning in secret locations.
From its inception, print had been a double-edged sword, with the Goa press producing both
tracts against the Jews by orthodox writers, and a catalogue of spices, herbs and simples by
Garcia da Orta, a Sephardic Jew. For every tract praising the government and furthering its
agendas, there were twenty that did the opposite. Few in the steel frame of colonial Indian
government approved of this, but they did remarkably little to check it, moving in to break up
seditious presses only if the people running them were also active wagers of war against the
state. By and large, the press was watched, but not warded: information was gathered but rarely
acted upon. This was partly due to practical issues: the English press was watched more closely
than the vernaculars because the bewildering variety and diversity of Southasian languages
constituted a conceptual jungle into which the British, with their notorious ineptitude with
languages, were not prepared to hack very deeply. If a book or press was censored, it was usually
after the fact, when the effects of the text or activity were so noticeable as to constitute a
problem. Only then did the colonial power review the intelligence regarding the text and go after
those responsible; otherwise, it was content to let things be. If Europeans were involved,
however, it was another matter, as happened with the Reverend James Long’s translation of
Dinabandhu Mitra’s anti-indigo Bengali play Nil Darpan in 1861, which resulted in the
embarrassment of indigo planters when it became a sensation in London and caused a lot of
questions to be raised about the planters’ treatment of Indian workers and farmers.
Hence, when the Indian colonial era ended, the printing and publishing industry lost none of its
vigour. Remarkably quickly, Southasia acquired a library of path-breaking social-science titles,
fiction, cheap and handy reference, and even nationalist comic books, all thanks to native
entrepreneurs and flourishing in a hefty bouquet of Southasian languages. Companies such as
Asia Publishing House, Popular Prakashan, Allied Publishers and Jaico Books rushed to fill the
vacuum that the flight of British capital would leave, and to create a truly Indian book culture.
They published the new scholarship that was being generated by the pioneer scholars of this
time. Jaico Books was established in 1946 by Jaman Shah, who named his company ‘Jai’
(victory) in celebration of the region’s imminent independence. Allied Publishers was begun by
M Graham Brash, who had once been employed by Macmillan but had left to marry a ‘native’
woman in Lucknow, scandalising his employers. In 1947, Allied was taken over by R N
Sachdeva and became one of the largest wholesalers in India. The late Anant Pai set up Amar
Chitra Katha to take the message of nationalism into the heart of every schoolchild, and the
effects of his iconic series in moulding the early sensibility of the first generation of Indian
citizens was incalculable.
Liberalised volumes:
Having expanded during the 1950s and 1960s, Indian publishing largely stagnated in the 1970s
and 1980s due to restrictions on imports, scarce capital, poor market returns and heavy
regulation. The book scene was trapped in a vicious cycle whereby the lack of good publishers
(with a few exceptions) meant authors who got published in the region remained unknown. So,
many emigrated to be published in the West, thus depriving publishers of good books to publish
and ensuring they did not get any better. With the 1990s and liberalisation, this changed, and the
Indian publishing scene is today vibrantly alive. There is a healthy mix of large houses doing
titles for mass appeal, alongside small, individualistic presses catering to familiar niche markets.
We have also seen the maturing of the ‘language’ markets and the rise of bilingual publishing.
With at least 20 major literary languages and many minor ones, the possibilities for translation
set the region’s book market apart from all other markets, even Europe, although there is still a
great deal to be done in that area.
Print in the Subcontinent has merely been the latest means for a culture of the word to develop
and thrive. Unlike in Europe, the cult of the beautiful book has never really caught on here, and
books were, and to a large extent still are, utilitarian objects. Perhaps this is because unlike in
Europe, the printed book in India never became a vehicle for the holy scriptures in the way the
printed Bible became an object of reverence and ritual in the West. In this region, at first, printed
books produced by the unholy White man were for passing exams and getting jobs, two
functions that they continue to steadfastly perform. It is only now, as South-Asian publishing
seems set to explode into a new post-liberalisation phase, that the situation appears to be
changing.
Perhaps we have finally shaken off our post-colonial hangover and decided to make the book our
own, as well as to make our own books. The freshness and willingness to experiment by
publishers of India today, and the explosion of fiction and non-fiction in new and edgy genres, is
very heartening. Standards of printing, book design and presentation have been getting better and
better, although editorial standards do show some glaring lapses. In this climate, there is no
telling where the Southasian book will go next. Foreign investment in Southasian literature has
been coming in a steady stream, unfazed by world recession and downturns in sales over more
traditional markets. Not only have foreign publishers been opening offices here at the rate of one
major publisher per year (latest biggies include Random House, Hachette and Routledge) but
Southasian publishers have been going global, making their presence felt at international book
fairs and bidding for the rights to hot new titles. The vast potential for translated literature in the
melange of languages spoken in the Subcontinent promises in sheer volume to dwarf Europe’s
similar sales across languages, provided publishers can get their quality right. The global quality
of Southasian writers has been proven again and again, and now finally the publishing world is
acknowledging that here is where the action is, in the bookshops, cafes and sitting rooms of the
reading Southasian public.
Note: Rimi B Chatterjee is an author and academic. She has published three novels and teaches
English at Jadavpur University, Kolkata.
FIRST ENGLISH BOOK IN INDIA
(Graham Shaw, The Hindu, May 29, 2016)
The seeds of English language learning in India were sown exactly 300 years ago in Chennai, in
the form of a textbook that rolled off a press in tiny Tharangambadi.
Ask mask flask Bite kite mite Blab crab drab Bloom broom gloom Creak sneak squeak Dust gust
rust Hiss kiss miss House louse mouse Hunch lunch punch Job lob mob Laid maid paid Met net
pet Nib rib crib Rub tub blub Shy sky fly Stitch switch twitch Winch flinch clinch…
Do these word groups mean anything to you? Are they lodged in your memory from some
distant childhood day when you made your first faltering attempts to say some English words? If
so, then your early schooling connects you all the way back to the first English textbook for
beginners ever printed in India.
Today, India is the world’s largest publisher of English books after the U.S. and the U.K., a direct
legacy of British colonial rule. Every year, about 20,000 English-language titles are printed,
despite the preference for publishing in regional languages growing steadily.
But when did this English-language publishing phenomenon begin? Was it the result of British
parliamentarian T.B. Macaulay’s infamous ‘Minute on Indian Education’ (1835), ending the East
India Company’s funding of pathshalas and madrasas in favour of government schools with
English as the medium of instruction?
Or did it start earlier, with the Company’s remorseless promulgation of English regulations from
the late 18th century onwards? No, we must go further back in time still. The answer lies in the
history of missionary education in Chennai.
Exactly 300 years ago, on May 12, 1716, a small edition of an English schoolbook rolled off the
press at Tharangambadi. This was Thomas Dyche’s A guide to the English tongue, printed for
use in the charity school for poor Protestant children, established in Chennai in 1715 by East
India Company’s chaplain, William Stevenson. This was the first book to be printed in English in
India, or in the whole of Asia.
Dyche, a London schoolmaster, had first had his Guide published in London in 1707 and it
became an instant success. One London printer alone, Charles Ackers, issued no less than 33
editions between 1733 and 1747, averaging yearly sales of 18,000 copies! The emphasis in
Dyche’s book was on teaching children to recognise and pronounce words correctly. Learning to
stress on the correct syllable would prevent, in Dyche’s own phrase, “vicious pronunciation”.
His Guide contained lists of similar-sounding words, such as those quoted above. First
monosyllables were listed, then words of two syllables, then words of three. Words of two
syllables were divided into those with the stress on the first syllable, followed by those with the
stress on the second syllable, and so on. Clearly, this was a textbook explicitly designed for
learning by rote.Children were instructed to repeat these word groups over and over until they
were fully committed to memory. Dyche believed that words that rhymed by eye as well as ear
would develop children’s reading memory — what he called “gingling” with words.
The 1716 Tharangambadi edition of Dyche’s Guide was printed as part of Stevenson’s plan for
his new charity school on the English model, opened a year earlier. Copies of Dyche’s work had
probably already been used in the free-school conducted by George Lewis, Stevenson’s
predecessor as East India Company chaplain, from 1712 until 1714, when Lewis returned to
Britain.
These could have been copies of the first 1707 or second 1710 London editions that had been
imported. By 1716 perhaps, those copies had become worn out and needed replacing; or maybe
the number of pupils began to exceed the number of copies available. But Stevenson had no
means of printing more copies locally.
Chennai’s first press would not arrive until 1761, looted by the British from the French at the
siege of Pondicherry. Stevenson’s only option therefore was to apply to the mission press at
Tharangambadi. On November 14, 1715, he wrote to the Lutheran missionary Johann Ernst
Gründler requesting a print run of 200 copies of Dyche’s Guide. The Tharangambadi
missionaries agreed to do the work free of cost. It was no doubt an unauthorised reprint — a
pirate edition, like many early Indian imprints.
The book obviously proved its worth as a textbook in the Chennai mission school. No doubt its
attraction to Stevenson, as to Lewis before him, was enhanced by the Christian messages and
child’s morning and evening prayers included among the reading passages to be memorised.
Seven years later, in 1723, a second edition was printed, again at Tharangambadi. Only two
copies of even this second edition are recorded worldwide, neither in India itself. One is held in
the Sterling Memorial Library of Yale University and the other in the Royal Library at
Copenhagen. Both holdings have direct links to India — to Chennai and Tharangambadi.
Elihu Yale amassed a fortune through illegal profiteering while serving as the East India
Company’s first president of Fort St. George, from 1684 to 1685, and again, from 1687 to 1692.
Part of that fortune funded his purchase of books for the Connecticut College that would later
bear his name. The work’s presence in Copenhagen reflects the fact that by decree of the King of
Denmark, the Tharangambadi missionaries were required to send back a copy of every book they
printed in the colony for inspection and approval.
Sadly, not a single copy of the first edition has ever been traced, adding to the common myth of
schoolbooks being studied to destruction. So, wouldn’t it be wonderful — in this tercentenary
year of English publishing in India — if a copy could at last be located in Chennai itself? In a
small institutional library? Or perhaps, in a private family collection? A long-overdue rummage
through neglected shelves may yet reveal an important milestone in India’s publishing history.
Graham Shaw is the former Head of Asia, Pacific & Africa Collections at the British Library,
London. He has written widely on the history of printing and publishing in India.
304-year-old monument with Burmese wood and antique bells awaits renovation:
CHENNAI: The Armenian Church, built in 1712, has weathered many a storm in the last 300
years, but cyclone Vardah managed to leave its mark on this landmark monument in Chennai.
With insufficient funds and lack of public interest, certain portions of the church such as its
famous bell tower, housing 26-inch wide bells, overhead pews and wooden rafters- built with
Burmese wood- need massive repair. These portions have been cordoned off for the general
public as they are unsafe for use.
In the last few decades, services have become a rarity in the 304-year-old church with mass
being served only on Christmas by a high priest, who comes down from the Armenian Apostolic
Church in Kolkata.
"This is one of Chennai's most beautiful and unique institutions. When the cyclone hit, we lost a
lot of ancient trees. The woodwork has weakened and the plaster is falling off in places," said
Jude Johnson, caretaker of the Armenian Church aka Church of Holy Virgin Mother Mary.
The church, which is opened for tourists, from 9 am to 2 pm every day, is nestled in the busy hub
of Parrys. The Armenian Street- named after the church- has banks, corporate establishments,
schools, shops, eateries, clothing retailers and a host of other establishments. Yet visitors to the
church number few and far between.
"Once in a while, we get Armenian families, who have heard about the church. But weeks can go
by without us seeing anyone. For them, the attraction is tracing their ancestors. The church's
flagstones are inlaid with the graves of about 350 Armenians. For the Armenians, death was as
much a part of life and they did not believe in erecting separate graveyards. The stone epitaphs
also bear testament to the lives of Armenian merchants, being embedded with grapes, quills,
grain, ships, etc," said Johnson.
Chennai, which has always been a melting pot of cultures, has a richness of culture and value
systems unrivalled by other cities. The city has its own rich blend of mosques, rubbing shoulders
with temples and churches. But while the city's Roman Catholic, Protestant, Syrian Christian,
Marthoma churches, and those other denominations see a steady stream of church attendants and
visitors- for instance, the St Mary's Church, St Thomas Basilica, Kirks and St George's Cathedral
- the Armenian Church is solitary in its inclusiveness.
And its relative solitude was reflected during the cyclone, when trees got uprooted and the
plaster got dented. With the state authorities taking little to no interest in this heritage monument,
it has fallen squarely on the shoulders of the Armenian Church in Kolkata- which also suffers
from the same lack of church attendance and interest- to maintain the premises.
The magnificent belfry, which houses six large bells weighing more than 150kg, today is out of
bounds for the commoner. The wooden stairwell, which leads up to its narrow upper climbs has
become too weak for regular use. Uniquely cast, the first bell was hand cast in 1754, while the
last two bells were added nearly a century later in 1837. Shipped in from London, the bells still
bear the inscriptions "Thomas Mears, founder, London."
The church bells, each of which differs in size and were added decades and centuries apart, are
rung only on Sundays by the caretaker at 9am.
For the rest of the week, the bells remain silent as does the church, which is a testament to the
Armenians' skills as merchants of silk, spices and gems. The motifs of the church are
predominately Mediterranean, with the altar and pews made of Burmese wood in mint condition.
The wooden rafters and the upper pews, however, have not escaped the ravages of time. The
creaky wooden stairwell and the upper beams in the main church structure have become so weak
that visitors are not allowed and even cleaning is done occasionally. The church's plaster is
chipped in multiple places with the paint peeling off. "Given its solid structure and the fact that it
has weathered centuries, a little restoration will go a long way to bringing it back to its former
glory," Johnson added.