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Nachträglichkeit from the perspective of the

phylogenetic factor in Freud's “Moses and
Monotheism”
a
Friedrich-Wilhelm Eickhoff
a
Engelfriedshalde 20, BRD 72076 , Tübingen , Germany E-mail:
Published online: 21 Jan 2013.

To cite this article: Friedrich-Wilhelm Eickhoff (2006) Nachträglichkeit from the perspective of the
phylogenetic factor in Freud's “Moses and Monotheism”, The Scandinavian Psychoanalytic Review, 29:1, 53-59,
DOI: 10.1080/01062301.2006.10592780

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 Scand. Psychoanal. Rev. (2006) 29, 53-59 Copyright © 2006
---THE---
SCANDINAVIAN
PSYCHOANALYTIC
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Nachtdiglichkeit
from the perspective of the phylogenetic factor
in Freud's "Moses and Monotheism"
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Friedrich-Wilhelm Eickhoff

The implicit dual direction of time contained in the original German term
Nachtrii.glichkeit coined by Freud, which is equally open to a deterministic and
a hermeneutic definition, has been treated in two separate ways in translation,
namely as deferred action in English and apres-coup in French. Conceived in
the "Project for a Scientific Psychology" in 1895 and commented upon, pre-
suming a rearrangement ofmemory traces by re-transcription (letter to Fliess
of 6 December 1896), the concept of Nachtrii.glichkeit retains a significance
that can hardly be overestimated until Freud's later works. This paper focuses
on the link with the essay "Moses and Monotheism", completed in exile, and
the phylogenetic factor it develops with particular clarity, the archaic legacy
which incorporates memory traces of earlier generations. For the mute, not
manifestly verbal transmission of unspoken parental destinies from one gen-
eration to the next, there are different conceptualisations (Kestenberg, Faim-
berg, Eickhoff et al.). The psycho-Lamarckism Freud is accused of, currently
finds support in the modern examination of epigenetic processes.

Key words: Nachtrii.glichkeit- deferred action - apres-coup

During the panel on the subject of"Time and history in
psychoanalysis" (Pine, 2006), which was very enlighten-
ing on the theme of Nachtriiglichkeit, at the !PA-con-
gress in Rio de Janeiro in July last year, John Kafka
recalled a comment on time by Kurt R. Eissler from his
book "The Psychiatrist and the Dying Patient": "Time is
constantly in us and around us; nevertheless, we cannot
grasp it. Probably there is a fundamental resistance in us
to understanding it, a resistance which goes far deeper
and is far more basic than that which is encountered in
the ego when it fights off a content in the repressed part
of the personality" (Eissler, 1955, p. 266). Eissler also
quotes the famous saying by Augustine: "What then is
time? If no one asks me, I know; if I want to explain it
to a questioner, I do not know" (ibid., p. 265).
I think it is the connection with this temporal problem
that caused Freud's ingenious concept of Nachtriiglich-
keit to be frequently overlooked or misinterpreted. A
major step towards its being called back to mind was
taken at the "Standing Conference on psychoanalytic
intracultural and intercultural dialogue", initiated by
Haydee Faimberg in Paris in 1998, at which Freud's
partly neglected and partly concealed thoughts on this
concept, to which Freud had never dedicated a work of
its own, were reflected upon from the French, English,
Latin-American and North American viewpoints, not
least under the aspect of the consequences of the diverse
and more-or-less problematic translations into deferred
action (Strachey), apres coup, afterwardness (Laplanche,
1998), retroactive temporality and retrospective attribu-
 tion. Obviously, the practical untranslatability is due
both to the fact that the German term Nachtriiglichkeit
was a coinage by Freud not included in the Duden, the
ten-volume dictionary of the German language, and to
the implicit temporal dual direction of Nachtriiglichkeit,
which is open to both a deterministic and a hermeneutic
definition.
Thoma & Cheshire (1991) carefully considered the
difficulty arising from Nachtriiglichkeit meaning both
the delayed effect of an earlier trauma and the subse-
quent reconstruction of its meaning. Conceived by Freud
in 1895 in connection with the so-called seduction the-
ory in the "Project for a Scientific Psychology" (Freud,
1950, pp. 353-356) and elucidated in a letter to Fliess
in 1896 (Freud, 1897, pp. 233-239) with the assumption
of a re-arrangement of many recorded memory traces
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by retranscriptions, the concept may remain in his work
without any official status. However, due to its character
of dual temporality and latency, it remains indispensa-
ble for an understanding of temporal connections and
psychic causality and connected as an implicit principle
with the delay and the dual-temporal approach of sexual
life. In the context of the theory of trauma, it retains up
to the late Moses-study, which I will be dealing with in
detail, its significance, which can hardly be emphasised
enough.
Pars pro toto, I would like to take up only one trace
from a clinical context, which shows in an anecdote that
Freud also made use of the reference to Nachtriig/ich-
keit in interpretations to patients. In the analysis of the
so-called Rat Man, the patient, as we know, for fear
of being beaten by Freud, got up from the couch. His
refusal to believe in a pre-historically acquired and sub-
sequently latent anger with the father started to waver
due to the reconstruction of the fierce verbal abuse of the
father with "You lamp, you towel!". With this outburst
of rage, the patient had answered the father's blows,
when the father, unhappy at the death of his daughter
Katherine and withdrawn, was unable to comfort the
fearful child, the patient, for the loss of his sister. Under
the impression of this passionate outburst, he predicted
that the son would be a great man or a great criminal and
never knocked him down. In his original notes on the
Rat Man, Freud writes: "This story, the patient admit-
ted, was evidence of anger and revenge dating back
from the remote past. I explained to him the principle
of the Adige at Verona, which he found most illuminat-
ing" (Freud, 1955a, p. 265). The Adige makes a loop in
Verona, it flows round the town, turning back, almost
returning to the point at which it had entered the town,
and then opens in order to flow forwards again. In the
"school of suffering" (Freud 1909, p. 209), the patient
subsequently started to believe in his ineradicable anger
54
towards his father, whose long-denied death he was able
to acknowledge in the end.
Thomas Aichorn has drawn attention to this fine
explanation of Nachtriiglichkeit with the principle of
the Adige near Verona (Aichorn 1995, p. 61). However,
I do not want to lose myself searching for traces of the
concept of Nachtriiglichkeit in Freud's works and will
restrict myself to just a few comments. In the "Analysis
of a Phobia of a Five-Year-Old Boy", little Hans, Freud
ascribes to Nachtriiglichkeit, "a principal share in deter-
mining the symptoms of the disease" (Freud 1909a, p.
35). And in the essay "On Female Sexuality", the con-
vincing formulation on the subject of the pre-Oedipal
mother ties: "It is difficult to give a detailed account of
these [oral, sadistic and even phallic trends] because
they are often obscure instinctual impulses which it was
impossible for the child to grasp psychically at the time
of their occurrence and were therefore only interpreted
by her later (nachtraglich), and which then appear in the
analysis in forms of expression that were certainly not
the original ones" (Freud, 1931, p. 23 7).
NACHTRAGLICHKEIT IN DIFFERENT
PRE-FREUDIAN, FREUDIAN AND POST-
FREUDIAN CONTEXTS
I myself owe my familiarity with the concept of Nach-
triiglichkeit to Wolfgang Loch, who passed away in
1995; he extended Freud's belief in the construction
as "a preliminary labour" and "what appears to be
an imperfect substitute" for "a recaptured memory"
(Freud 1937, p. 260, 266) to a pragmatistic, constructiv-
ist understanding of the psychoanalytical dialogue, by
which not an objective truth is discovered but consen-
sually, "at the service of the coherence of the self', a
new sense is found. From this viewpoint, connections
are not only uncovered but created, constituted, by sub-
sequent sense-revealing reinterpretation of subjective
past (Loch, 1992).
Loch repeatedly pointed out that an analogy to Freud's
Nachtriiglichkeit is to be found in Nietzsche. Nietzsche
had written of a "chronological volte-face" so that the
cause enters the consciousness later than the effect, which
can be read in his unpublished works, noted apparently in
1888 (Nietzsche, 1980). Peter Loewenberg's (2005, p.5)
fine formulation that the "subject subsequently reconsti-
tutes itself' seems to me to be very akin to this. Yet only
rarely is the concept of Nachtriiglichkeit deliberately
placed in a context with the late Moses study "Moses
and Monotheism", and the phylogenetic factor which is
revealed particularly there with extraordinary clarity: the
"inheritance of memory-traces of the experience of our
ancestors, independently of direct communication and of
 the influence of education by the setting of an example";
the "assertion that the archaic heritage of human beings
comprises not only dispositions but also subject-matter-
memory-traces of the experience of earlier generations"
(Freud, 1939, p. 99).
Freud's fascination with the character of Moses may
have begun with his reading of the Torah as a child. In
1901, the first of his numerous visits to the church of San
Pietro in Vincoli in Rome took place. And upon seeing
Michelangelo's Moses there started in Kurt Eissler's
view a process in Freud ''that led to his becoming a great
man himself by imposing on mankind a new image of
itself'. (Eissler 2002, p. 44). In his London exile, Freud
finally got down to finishing a manuscript, immediately
arranging for its translation into English, which he had
left for several years out of consideration for the mod-
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erately Nazi-critical Catholic Church in Austria. He
recasts the earlier, more intimate and poetic "historical
novel" into the, in the view of lise Grubrich-Simitis,
"marvellously strange later work" (Grubrich-Simitis
1993, p. 244) "Moses and monotheism", in which the
character study of Moses and the obviously autobio-
graphical structural depth in the face of the dangerous
threat to his life, gives way to the audacious application
of psychoanalytical viewpoints to the history of the Jew-
ish people.
Freud was also warned by people in England who
knew the two parts of the book published in Imago. Jews
saw themselves bereft of their progenitor if Moses had
been an aristocratic Egyptian; and Christians wanted to
spare the English churches; they both found the hypoth-
eses indigestible and scandalous in equal measure.
According to a statement made by Max Eitingon (1939),
Freud responded: there are probably many places where
one may not tell the truth, but there is no time that pro-
hibits it, unless one is unfortunate enough to be living
in those places.
Between March and June 1939, the book appeared
nearly simultaneously in Amsterdam and New York.
Kurt Eissler considered it to be a contributory factor
to the creation of the state of Israel by mastering fate
with insight, namely the making conscious of a trauma
that had been repressed for 25 centuries, the murder of
Moses, and believed it to be Freud's legacy, surpass-
ing even the Interpretation of dreams (Eissler 1965,
p. 231).
NACHTRAGLICHKEIT AND THE
PHYLOGENETIC FACTOR IN THE LATE
MOSES STUDY
The late Moses study is also an impressive example
of the significance of the concept of Nachtriiglichkeit,
even though it is not named as such. In it, Freud links
the therapeutic clinic and the theory of history, indi-
vidual and group psychology, in order to understand
"the origin of the special character of the Jewish people"
(Freud 1939, p. 123), "how the Jews came into being
and why they attracted this endless loathing" (letter to
Arnold Zweig of 30 September 1934) and not to be
silent on the eve of the Shoa in view of the horrifying
events to come.
He again takes up ideas from "Totem and taboo"
on how the "totemic religion arose from the filial
sense of guilt, in an attempt to allay that feeling and
to appease the father by deferred obedience to him"
(Freud 1912/1913, p. 145) and constructs the history of
the people of Israel and the origin of the monotheistic
religion as an expression of the return of a repressed
prehistoric trauma, namely the murder of Moses, fol-
lowing a period of latency characteristic of Nachtriig-
lichkeit. This had harmed the dawning consciousness of
the people, yet due to the mechanism of repression "not
used in the proper sense" (Freud 1939, p. 132), evaded
being preserved in tradition. The tradition "must have
undergone the fate of being repressed, the condition of
lingering in the unconscious (a period oflatency, FEW),
before it is able to display such powerful effects on its
return, to bring the masses under its spell, as we have
seen with astonishment and hitherto without comprehen-
sion in the case of religious tradition" (ibid., p. 101 ).
The reason why the Jews praised their God for hav-
ing chosen them and set them free from Egypt, applied
literally to Moses. When after the death of the Pharaoh
Amenhotep, the Fourth, the monotheistic religion he cre-
ated, the abstract pictureless sun cult, collapsed, Moses
decided as his follower to leave Egypt and to create a
new people which he would educate in the great religion.
He lowered himself to the level of the Semitic tribe, led
them out of socage to freedom and gave them the spir-
itual Aton religion. The Jews tolerated the demanding
Aton religion as little as the Egyptians had earlier, and in
an uprising Moses was slain and his teaching rejected.
The Moses religion was not completely eradicated, an
obscure remnant of it and its founder remained. Tradi-
tion united the Egyptian Moses god with the Midianite
volcanic god Yahweh living on Mount Sinai, attributed
to him the escape from Egypt and identified Moses with
the Yahweh priests. From the 6th to the 8'h centuries,
Yahweh had been changed into the likeness of the god
of Moses. As a half-extinguished tradition the religion
of Moses had finally triumphed.
Religions are reawakened memories of ancient highly
emotional episodes in mankind's history. What makes
them strong is not their real but their historical truth. At
the end of his letter to Lou Andreas-Salome of 6 January
55
 1935, the contents of which I have summarised, Freud
emphasises his "invaluable conclusions" and writes: "It
suffices me that I myself can believe in the solution of
the problem. It has pursued me throughout the whole
of my life" (Freud & Andreas-Salome, 1966, p. 224).
Is there a danger of falling back behind the "inval-
uable conclusions"? I think there is in that the com-
plex work contains barely proved assumptions and has
caused irritations. Freud comments on the subsequent
reworking of earlier experience as the core of these con-
clusions by recapitulating the idea of traumatic neurosis
from the time of the so-called seduction theory between
1895 and 1897 in a modification with the formula "early
trauma- defence -latency- outbreak of neurotic illness
-partial return of the repressed" (Freud 1939, p. 80) also
with reference to individual psychology. He elucidates
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"early injuries to the ego" (ibid.) with the metaphor of
the "scar of repression" (p. 127), which imposes a dis-
tortion upon the returning material as compared with
the originaL
For Nachtriiglichkeit, dual temporality of the trauma
and the latency period are the crucial moments, and
Freud emphasises the complex temporality for the
individual traumatic neurosis: the pseudo-normal first
phase, thanks to which the victim escapes the trauma,
an accident, for example, "apparently uninjured" (p. 67),
is followed by a period of latency comparable to the
incubation period of infectious illnesses, and finally
the emergence of severe symptoms, which can only be
attributed to that emotional shock.
And he predicts for the collective: "On reflection, it
must strike us that clear to us that, in spite of the funda-
mental differences between the two cases- the problem
of traumatic neurosis and that of Jewish monotheism
- there is nevertheless one point of agreement: namely,
in the characteristic that might be described as 'latency'.
According to our assured hypothesis, in the history of
the Jewish religion there was a long period after the
defection from the religion of Moses during which no
sign was to be detected of the monotheistic idea, of the
contempt for ceremonial and of the great emphasis on
ethics" (pp. 67, 68), evidently because the traumatic
experience of murdering Moses, a perpetrator's trauma,
was never fully conscious.
THE TRANSGENERATIONAL PERSPECTIVE
OF NACHTRAGLICHKEIT
In an extremely noteworthy essay "Trauma and experi-
ence: recapturing the past", the literary specialist Cathy
Caruth has reviewed the ideas of the Moses study partic-
ularly under the aspect of Nachtriiglichkeit. She argued
that a trauma does not depict the experience of a self-
56
contained happening, that a happening actually only
evokes traumatic after-effects and assumes the force of
a trauma if it is experienced with a time delay. The his-
tory characterised by Nachtriiglichkeit may only occur
because another person listens to this story (Caruth,
1995). Under the aspect of Nachtriiglichkeit, it is logical
to say that the Holocaust has only gained its historical
significance with a growing temporal distance, but not
immediately after the catastrophe.
I return to the theme of a person's archaic legacy,
which covers not only dispositions but memory traces
of the experience of earlier generations, of the so-called
phylogenetic factor, without which Freud's work would
be difficult to understand. In "Totem and taboo", Freud
directly linked the transgenerational adoption of a legacy
of feelings with the fact that "no generation is able to
conceal any of its more important mental processes from
its successor" (Freud, 1912113, p. 159).
Freud had disclosed the most extensive phyloge-
netic speculation, which included the Ice age, in the l21h
metapsychological treatise from 1915, which was not
published by him and which lise Grubrich-Simitis found
in an old suitcase amongst Ferenczi's posthumously
published papers. The last sentence of the "phylogenetic
fantasy" reads: "Seen as a whole, we are not at the end
but at the beginning of our understanding of this phylo-
genetic factor .... "(Freud 1955a, p. 651 ), antiquities of
another kind which, from the point of view of art his-
tory in the form of"old and dirty gods" (Freud, 1955b,
p. 399), his ancients, had always fascinated him.
Many were embarrassed by this Freudian passion,
ignoring it in silence or openly mocking it, such as
Yerushalmi, who treats Freud's "psycho-Lamarckian
assumptions" (Yerushalmi 1989, p. 375) with great
irony, or Peter Gay (1988, p. 368), who rightfully misses
any empirical evidence for the transference of the suc-
cession of neuroses to a prehistoric sequence, yet adds:
"But while it lasted, Freud's phylogenetic fantasy at
once elated and disturbed him".
In the "Introductory lectures on psychoanalysis"
Freud writes: "I have repeatedly been led to suspect
that the psychology of the neuroses has stored up in it
more of the antiquities of human development than any
other source." (Freud 1916-17, p. 371). He believes that
the primal fantasies are a "phylogenetic endowment"
which enables children to fill in "the gaps in individual
truth with prehistoric truth" (ibid.). A short time later in
an additional comment on the case history of the Wolfs-
mann "From the history of an infantile neurosis", Freud
compares the phylogenetic schemas with philosophical
"categories" which "are concerned with the business of
'placing' the impressions derived from actual experi-
ence", adding: "I am inclined to take the view that they
 are precipitates from the history of human civilization."
(Freud 1918, p. 119).
Finally, "the phylogenetic fantasy really starts to
flourish again" (Grubrich-Simitis 1987, p. 1012) in the
late Moses study. Even though Freud qualifies this by
comparing it with a "dancer balancing on the tip of
one toe" (Freud 1939, p. 58), he confesses to waver-
ing between "modesty" and "audacity that cannot be
avoided" (p. 100) on whether to accept "residual phe-
nomena of the work of analysis which call for a phyloge-
netic derivation" as evidence postulating "the inheritance
of memory-traces of the experience of our ancestors,
independently of direct communication and of the influ-
ence of education by setting an example" (p. 99), the
"survival of an archaic heritage" (see above!).
In the same connection, he laments an obstacle to his
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position in the form of the "present attitude of biologi-
cal science, which refuses to hear of the inheritance of
acquired characters by succeeding generations" (p. 100).
Evidently Freud did not consider the making taboo of
the passing on of acquired qualities to be the last word
in the matter when in 1939 he writes of the "present
attitude of biological science", and recent research
has indeed rediscovered complex epigenetic processes
which cannot be put down to the transference of DNA
but are stored after that, as recently presented at a con-
ference at the medical-historical museum of the Charite
hospital in Berlin.
THE PHYLOGENETIC PERSPECTIVE IN
HISTORY AND TRADITION
However, I would like to draw attention to a sensi-
tive echo to Freud's argumentation that is independent
of this fascinating revision of anti-Lamarckism, which
is owed not to psychoanalysts but to the philosopher
Richard J. Bernstein. Bernstein considers Freud to be
more circumspect than those who accuse him of taking a
discredited Lamarckism for granted instead of consider-
ing an enlightened one to be possible, and who with their
accusation blur his contribution to our understanding of
tradition and history (Bernstein 1998, p. 58). Uncon-
scious communication takes place not only between
analyst and patient as contemporaries but also, constitut-
ing a living tradition, transgenerationally. The historical
truth lies in the psychic resonance, not in the external
facts of the matter and reveals itself only in the return,
when something new is subsequently experienced as
something fundamentally familiar. Bernstein also refers
to Derrida, who in Mal d' Archive ( 1995) had operated
from the ghost-like presence of the past and decon-
structed the dichotomy between the biological and the
other (psychological, social, cultural, linguistic).
Judith Kestenberg (1989) does not refer directly to
Freud's ideas on phylogenesis, but her concept of trans-
position, with which she records a major aspect of the
psychology of children of survivors of the Holocaust,
who descend to the time tunnel of the unknown past of
their parents, putting themselves physically in their place
in order to restore their lost objects, adopting subtle
messages without being able to resort to a verbal narra-
tive of the parents, recalls very clearly Freud's effective
phylogenetic factor "independent of direct communica-
tion". For the mute, not manifestly verbal transmission
of traumas from one generation to another, which is of
great importance both in the clinical area and on the
collective level, there are without any specific reference
to phylogenesis, different conceptualisations. Haydee
Faimberg described alienating identifications in which
three generations are telescoped (Faimberg, 2005). I
myself found Freud's idea of a "borrowed unconscious
sense of guilt" (Freud 1923, p. 50) helpful for under-
standing the speechless tyrannical penetration of the
history of her parents' generation into the psychic reality
of a female patient and her symptom of not knowing
what she is as a "palimpsest" of the paternal denial of
guilt (Eickhoff, 1989). Freud refers in a footnote, near
to the "borrowed unconscious sense of guilt", to a paint-
ing by Kaulbach, "The Battle of the Chalons", in which
dead warriors continue their fight in the sky above the
battlefield, as if he wished to allude to a virtually phylo-
genetic transposition conveyed by the superego (Freud
1923, p. 39).
I do not think it is difficult for a beholder of this
strange painting when seeing Wilhelm von Kaulbach's
dead warriors to think of dead people who, like Hamlet's
father, have taken unspeakable secrets to the grave with
them which Hamlet is subsequently assigned to decode.
"The time is out of joint; 0 cursed spite that ever I
was born to set it right" (Act I, Scene V, p. 189, 190),
Shakespeare has Hamlet lament, who, dying, appeals
to Horatio "Tell my story!" (Act V, Scene II, p. 358)
- nachtriiglich, it would not be difficult to add. In, at
the EPF-conference in Prague, I gave a lecture on this
and indicated the categorical uncertainty in relation to
historical reality when the time is "out of joint" (Eick-
hoff, 2004).
The phylogenetic perspective was most particularly
well received by Grunberger & Dessuant (2000), who
in their book "Narcissism, christianity, anti-semitism"
assume formative events in the history of nations whose
original shock remains inscribed in the unconscious like
a stigma and maintains its impact in the "phylum": for
the Jews the flight from Egypt, the exile in Babylon, the
return to Canaan, according to Midrasch the receiving of
the Torah on Mount Sinai in traumatising circumstances
57
 and the rabbinical interpretation of the generation-tran-
scending tradition of the law and the continuation of the
individual in the line of descent. For anti-semitism, they
assume traumatising events from the early beginnings of
Christianity, an epoch of bloody revolts, oflsrael's war
with Rome and the execution of Jesus as an agitator in a
quick Roman trial at the time of the Jewish Passover.
A thorough examination of the role of phylogenesis in
Freud's work has often been proposed (Grubrich-Simi-
tis, 1987, p. 1020; Garcia, 1988). My intention was to
link it with the theory of Nachtriiglichkeit and to warn
of the danger of falling back behind Freud's conclu-
sions that were prematurely considered to be obsolete.
They are, of course, without difficulty compatible with
the post-Freudian concept of projective identification,
as projective identification is deeply involved in the
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transmission of a legacy of feelings (Goodin, 2006)
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