Original Article

Can nation branding be successful

tool for the practice of public
diplomacy? A Maltese case study
Received (in revised form): 22nd February 2016

Karsten Xuereb
(1978, Malta) is Executive Director for the Valletta 2018 Foundation that is managing Valletta’s preparations as European Capital of
Culture in 2018. He was previously responsible for culture at the Permanent Representation of Malta to the EU in Brussels.
He holds a Doctorate in cultural relations in the Mediterranean from the Universitat Rovira i Virgili in Tarragona and a Masters
degree in European Cultural Policy & Management from the University of Warwick where he studied as a Chevening Scholar. He is
a fellow of the U40 Network ‘Cultural Diversity 2030’ established by the German Commission for UNESCO, and a member of the
Diplomatic Cultures Research Network.

ABSTRACT This article asks whether nation branding can be a successful tool in
achieving public diplomacy goals using the recent experience of Malta in the field of
cultural diplomacy as a case study. The approach of the small island state towards
developing nation branding in order to address public diplomacy aims through poli-
tics, public relations and culture is assessed. This analysis is carried out in the fra-
mework of the occurrence of a series of international events the country has been
preparing to organize and celebrate. These include its participation at the EXPO in
Milan in 2015, the hosting of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in the
same year, presiding over the Council of the European Union (EU) in 2017 and hosting
the European Capital of Culture in Valletta in 2018. The increased attention Malta has
given to nation branding in order to support its practice of public diplomacy will be
reviewed in relation to that of its international relations since Independence in 1964
and its adhesion to the EU in 2004.
Place Branding and Public Diplomacy (2017) 13, 255–263. doi:10.1057/pb.2016.7;
published online 27 April 2016

Keywords: cultural diplomacy; European Union; Malta; Mediterranean; nation

branding; public diplomacy

INTRODUCTION: record worth looking into over the past few

Correspondence:
Karsten Xuereb
Institute of Tourism, Travel Culture,
University of Msida, Malta; Valletta
2018 Foundation, Republic Street,
Valletta VLT1117, Malta.
E-mail: karsten.xuereb@
valletta2018.org
CONSTRUCTING AN
INTERNATIONAL PRESENCE
THROUGH CULTURAL MEANS
Like other nation states before it and as many
are currently engaged in doing, Malta has
identified in nation branding ways of making
a mark on public consciousness outside its
small territory. Its use of events related to
international relations through the media
and culture seems to be building a track
years. These have coincided with Malta’s
accession to the European Union (EU) and
the growing number of globally oriented
media opportunities that political fora, the
media, the Internet and globalization in
general have allowed a relatively young
nation like Malta to exploit.
Malta seems intent to make good use of
the potential provided by these opportunities
to address international communities that,

© 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy Vol. 13, 3, 255–263
www.palgrave.com/journals
 Xuereb
arguably, do not know much about Malta if at all.
The disadvantage of filling a void with regard to
public familiarity may be balanced with the action
of taking advantage of the possibility of marking a
relative blank canvas; while possibly poor in
previous references and recognizable motifs, the
latter situation may be free of serious blemishes on
an international record which is still in the making.
Therefore, rather than using nation branding to
improve its reputation as an exercise in public
diplomacy, Malta is arguably using cultural
diplomacy to construct a representational portrayal
which as yet does not feature much in
international relations.
As has become more common in the practice
of nation branding, the use of cultural expression
taking place in a country and the upholding of
one’s credentials in relation to an esteemed
perception of history and heritage that invoke
traditions and values held in high regard such
as democracy and tolerance have been used
more often by Malta in positioning itself in the
mind frame of an existing and potential
international audience. Accordingly, the
practice of cultural diplomacy in a variety of
settings has enjoyed heightened attention by
Maltese actors of international relations and public
diplomacy.
The challenge of asserting an identity that is
novel to public perception in a way that is arguably
distinct from the wealth of cultural heritage and
expression associated with other countries in the
Mediterranean that are well known for their
antiquity, as well as enjoy high exposure, is
significant. This is particularly so in light of the
relatively limited resources Malta enjoys in terms
of financial and human elements it can call on to
develop its nation branding exercise. The smart
use of cultural means to encourage people to
become interested in a national narrative that
provides a familiar context while introducing
elements that may be considered different to other
territories is challenging. The framing of the capital
city, Valletta as a special place to visit, in the
invitation of Valletta 2018: European Capital of
Culture (ECOC) to experience the city as ‘unique’
raises serious difficulties in balancing the historical
connection of the territory to the wider
256 © 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy
geographic and social picture with a drive towards
distinction.1
The application of the term cultural diplomacy
has multiplied as well as widened over the years.
It is used to describe many actions of exposure to,
or collaboration between nation states, addressing
the populations therein on a cultural basis. The
early sense of cultural diplomacy conferred by
Richard Arndt has, over time, been conflated with
a broader range of practices. Arndt claims that
cultural diplomacy ‘can only be said to take place
when formal diplomats, serving national
governments, try to shape and channel this natural
flow to advance national interests’. However,
recent practice shows that diplomacy in the
cultural field has many times coalesced with
cultural relations, distinguished for growing
‘naturally and organically, without government
intervention’ (Arndt, 2006).
As further explained by Arndt (2006), policy
and action in relation to diplomacy and culture
date back a long time. In modern times, France
used the term cultural diplomacy since the late
nineteenth century. However, since the 1990s, the
term has been used to highlight this particular
aspect of public diplomacy. This has allowed for a
more focused assessment of both the implicit and
explicit use of cultural exchanges by states to
benefit their national interests. Akin to cultural
diplomacy, public diplomacy has lost sharpness of
definition while gaining further purpose. It has
been applied by ministries other than those
responsible for foreign affairs and has been used to
further interests such as nation branding.
Over the past quarter of a century, nation states,
including Malta, have become increasingly familiar
with the terminology, as well as the tools of ‘soft
power’. This term was introduced by Nye (1990)
to distinguish between the economic and military
power of the United States as opposed to the co-
optive means a state could adopt to shape agendas
in ways that other states would accept and possibly
even make their own. As Nye notes, the ‘ability to
establish preferences tends to be associated with
intangible power resources such as culture,
ideology and institutions’.
Nye advocates the use of soft power by the
United States alongside, rather than instead of
Vol. 13, 3, 255–263

traditional means of influencing international
relations. A state like the United States has plenty
of both, especially if one interprets soft power as
consisting of its popular culture as well as its values
and world-vision. As argued by Ang et al (2015),
cultural policy reviewers have tended to focus on
the cultural aspect, while not acknowledging the
other elements and their relation to culture as part
of a wider register, or the peculiarity of the state
invoked. Arguably, the relative lack of a significant
track record by Maltese actors of public diplomacy
has worked to their advantage, allowing them to
learn directly from practice, inherit recent best
practice from other colleagues and institutions, and
adapt quickly according to circumstance relatively
unencumbered by slow and bulky bureaucracies
that tend to belong to larger, older administrations.
THE MEDITERRANEAN CONTEXT:
LINKING THE PAST TO THE
PRESENT
As will be discussed, one of the political
frameworks that Maltese officials seem to make
sure is most closely related to Malta on an
international basis is the Mediterranean. Of
particular relevance are concepts that are not
always coupled with practical results, such as
peace, serenity and prosperity in a Sea which too
often speaks of division, strife and tragedy.
This association is not new: current practices
make sure that the historical link is reinforced and
communicated through clear tropes that are
effective and appealing to foreign audiences. The
Neolithic period that has enriched the Island with
several ancient archaeological sites of UNESCO
World Heritage status are tied to various myths
and rituals that intricately enmesh themselves in
popular imagination to Mediterranean heritage
such as is the case with fertility divinities and
natural cycles of life, death and rebirth. The dietary
context of the Mediterranean, as discussed by
various writers including Matvejević (2010), with
its appeal to nature and balance which are in synch
with current organic and slow-food movements, is
also applied to Maltese public diplomacy and
nation branding practices: an instance of this could
be seen at the Universal Exhibition at the Milan
© 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy
Nation branding
EXPO 2015. The Maltese pavilion, albeit small
and part of the cluster of Mediterranean countries
that presumably could not afford a larger pavilion
on the main thoroughfare of the EXPO grounds,
interpreted this millenial heritage in terms of the
purity and mellifluous bounty evoked by arguably
the origin of the country’s name, Melita, and the
Latin connection of that name to the local
production of honey. In fact, the pavilion, similar
in theme to Wolfgang Buttress’ design of the
United Kingdom pavilion, albeit on an artistic and
financially less ambitious scale, and recalling the
Israeli pavilion’s evocation of the Jewish state as
The Land of Milk and Honey, recreated the
structure of a beehive; in so doing it interacted
with visitors in ways that encouraged them to
explore different spaces by going deeper into the
hive-like construction.
The strong religious tradition in Malta also
provides public diplomacy officials with a context
within which to appeal to particular audiences
who are attracted to this aspect of Maltese heritage.
The Pauline cult, dating back to the supposed
shipwreck by St Paul the Apostle en route to his
execution in Rome in 60A.D. as one of the early
martyrs of the Roman Catholic Church, as
recounted by the New Testament, still extends a
particular appeal to seekers of religious trails who
appreciate linking spiritual travel with a more
mundane, touristic one. Maltese practitioners of
public diplomacy are careful to extend this
narrative in appropriate contexts, reserving
religious storylines to dialogue with religiously
inclined institutions like the Vatican with whom
Malta has good relations, and states where religious
belief still features prominently. It is no
coincidence that in 2016 the ceremonial crib
situated in St Peter’s Square during Christmas will
hail from Malta.
The next historical period that is carefully
crafted in terms of cultural and public relations is
the sixteenth century: acting as a bulwark of
Christianity for the Knights of the Order of St
John, Malta served a defensive purpose for the
European powers against the Ottoman threat
(Braudel, 2002). The opportunity to
commemorate 450th anniversary of the Great
Siege fought by the Knights and the Maltese
Vol. 13, 3, 255–263 257
 Xuereb
against the Ottoman Empire in 1565, which led to
the foundation of the capital city Valletta the
following year was neither missed nor squandered:
the context of a clash of civilizations was
interpreted in conciliatory terms related to
intercultural dialogue, solidarity and the formation
of peaceful fronts across faiths bringing together
different peoples against the common threat of
fanaticism and extremism. Incidentally, 2015
marked the first ever visit of a Turkish Foreign
Minister to Malta in March, subsequently
reciprocated by the Maltese Prime Minister
visiting the Turkish President in September. This
year also saw several business enterprises of
national importance, such as the Valletta Cruise
Port terminal, witness novel Turkish significant
shareholding.
Moving on to British rule, Malta does its utmost
to secure the survival of British heritage and
maximize the positive relations between Malta and
the United Kingdom. The hosting of the
Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting
(CHOGM) presided by Queen Elizabeth II in
2015 is the most palpable display of this strong
bond. The political event included the
establishment of a Commonwealth walkway in
Valletta featuring permanent information panels
bearing British symbols and the Queen’s insignia
in easily visible and accessible vantage points. One
can readily follow a continuous thread linking this
display of affection towards British lore and a
willingess to maintain positive relations with
Britons, including entrepreneurs and tourists
wishing to maintain or make Malta a sort of home,
to other expressions of national sovereignty that,
arguably, show exaggerated respect towards
Malta’s former colonizer. Most notably, the
former ‘George Cross’ Island still bears the said
insignia on its national flag, allowing its foremost
symbol to carry the colonial stamp granted by a
former king more than half a century ago. It is
worth noting that as a fortress colony (Frendo,
1979 [1991]) the island had first played a pivotal
role in the Great Game between Western
European powers and the Russian Empire in the
nineteenth century, allowing Western influence in
the Mediterranean to grow, followed by its
withstanding Nazi-Fascist invasion in World War
258 © 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy
II and witnessing the establishment of NATO in
the Mediterranean basin, including a base in Malta,
during the middle phase of the Cold War.
However, following the return to power of
socialist Prime Minister Dom Mintoff in the early
1970s, Malta’s international position underwent a
gradual, yet clear, redirection towards a greater
Mediterranean rhetoric and action. This ‘pan-
Mediterraneanism’ was a mainstay of the Labour’s
government foreign policy and appears to have
been influenced by pan-Arabic sources (Chircop,
2015). Most notably, these included Gamal Abdel
Nasser, Houari Boumediene, Habib Bourgiba,
Muammar Ghaddafi and Yasser Arafat. During this
period Malta promoted its ‘brotherly ties’ with
neighbouring Arab peoples supporting current
theses on the Semitic origin of the Maltese
including their language. A high point in the
political discourse adopted by Malta was Mintoff’s
address at the 1973 Helsinki conference which
marked the first Conference on Security and
Co-operation in Europe (CSCE, now the
Organization for Security and Co-operation,
OSCE). Mintoff single-handedly launched a
campaign to include the Mediterranean in the
measures being taken to promote peace and
security in Europe. Eventually, this effort led to
the inclusion of a new chapter on security in the
Mediterranean in the Helsinki Accords.
Taking a leaf out of this past, high-profile
summits of a political nature held in 2015 were
carefully orchestrated by the current Labour
government in order to link Malta’s independent
character with a wider, humane vocation to act as
an interlocutor and broker of intercultural
dialogue and peace in the Mediterranean and on
the world stage at large. The way Malta has
changed its approach towards dealing with
migration, arguably one of the political and social
issues most widely related to the Mediterranean,
from refusing to deal with it or approaching it
negatively to finding ways of improving the
country’s image through a more humane
approach, is interesting to note. Up till recently,
Maltese national authorities, not unlike their
European counterparts, were scrambling at finding
effective ways with which to address illegal
migration from Africa to Europe across the
Vol. 13, 3, 255–263

Mediterranean Sea. Early attempts at minimizing
the issue, followed by the dubious management of
boatloads of migrants reaching Malta’s shore and
the shifting of responsibility and blame onto Italian
authorities, have fortunately been followed by a
more supportive stance towards migrants since
2015. This behaviour and the communications
strategies adopted to report this shift have helped
improve Malta’s image in this regard. This was
most notable during the Valletta Summit on
Migration and the CHOGM meeting.
During these events Malta aimed at maximizing
media coverage and positive commentary on the
political stance as well as the hosting abilities of the
country in a way that recalls the behaviour of
various national and local authorities in similar
circumstances. The country’s size and limited
financial and physical resources curtail the
opportunity to bask in similar limelight, with the
hosting of internationally renowned sports or
cultural events restricted to a few instances. The
hosting of the UEFA Under-17 Football
Championships in 2014 and that of the Games of
the Small States of Europe on a roster basis are the
highest-profile events of the kind Malta can hope
to manage on its own territory. On a cultural level,
the hosting of the European Capital of Culture in
Valletta in 2018 is being taken seriously with
assiduous preparations aiming to exploit the full
regenerative potential of the event while putting
Valletta on the European cultural map through a
heightened and sustained degree of international
exchange and collaboration.
Therefore, the political summits held in 2015
provided the nation with an opportunity to shine
by creating a safe and efficient environment for
hundreds of heads of state and journalists, together
with other visitors, to experience first hand and
report positively. Both events, which followed
each other over the spread of only a few weeks
towards the end of the year, put the whole
country under strain, calling on the coordination
powers of transport, security, police and other
authorities in order to secure the success of the
events. The lessons learnt related to coordination
among different sectors of public and private
practice seem to have functioned on both
occasions. With regard to the legacy of hosting
© 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy
Nation branding
these events in terms of public diplomacy, it may
be said that Malta seems to have confirmed its
ability to punch above its weight and act as a safe
pair of hands in managing concentrated, high-
profile events, particularly with officials hailing
from Western democracies and established trading
partners. Some representatives of particular
monarchies and regimes hailing from the Southern
hemisphere may have not had their expectations
met with regard to experiencing Malta as an exotic
resort built to meet any request for the easing of
safety controls and diplomatic protocol. However,
on a larger scale, and in terms of the reach towards
the general public, or at least particular target
audiences around the world, it is felt that while
positive public relations were achieved, their
effectiveness was negligible due to the
overwhelming political context. While media
coverage for the Valletta and CHOGM summits
has been valued at over half a billion euro,
according to marketing firm M&C Saatchi
carrying out a report for the Maltese government,
their impact on global perceptions of Malta still
need to be assessed.
INTERNATIONAL PERCEPTIONS
OF MALTA
Assessments of a different kind, focusing on the
larger narrative related to the development of
Maltese nation branding through public
diplomacy, albeit scarce, do exist. For example, the
Global Edition of the Country Profiler for 2014/
2015 was dedicated to Malta. This publication
provides an interesting representation of the
country based on collaboration between the
independent publisher and the Government,
combining a thorough review with significant
input from state as well as commercial players in
the Maltese economy, focusing on areas of
importance such as financial services, international
trade and tourism. The section dedicated to
Foreign Affairs and International Relations argues
for the contribution of Malta towards influencing
EU decision-making on relations in the
Mediterranean. Particular reference is made to the
value added that Malta’s constitutionally preserved
neutrality can bring to ‘bridge the “diplomatic gap”
Vol. 13, 3, 255–263 259
 Xuereb
between the European Union and Arab states’. It
is interesting to note the consequential way in
which the development of Maltese foreign
relations since Independence in 1964 is presented.
The highlights are predictable to someone familiar
with Maltese contemporary history, and read as if,
with hindsight one thing naturally led to another.
These mainly consist of the transition from being
part of the British Empire to a member of the
Commonwealth; the 1970s and 1980s when then
Prime Minister Dom Mintoff ‘established
economic and cultural ties with the Arab world,
the socialist countries of the Eastern Bloc and
China’; and the drive in the 1990s and 2000s
towards joining the EU. At the heart of this
narrative lies what Dr George Vella, Foreign
Minister, describes as Malta’s ‘geostrategic
position’ which, coupled with EU membership,
‘gives Malta’s foreign policy an importance which
is disproportionate to its size and population’.
A similar perspective is provided by another
English-language publication which assesses the
development of states, namely The Report
Company review. Malta is described as having
‘long enjoyed a reputation as a strategic hub and a
paradise for visitors’. Building on that it has
developed ‘a modern economy and attracting
investment from across the globe’. In this review,
Dr. Vella is quoted as saying that Malta is
promoting itself as a ‘stable, safe country with good
rule of law and good standards’ and once more
growing relations with China are emphasized. In
this context, China’s ambassador to Malta, Cai
Jinbiao, is quoted as saying that ‘China and Malta
have already set a good example for the
international community on how two countries of
vastly different sizes, cultures and social systems
may develop friendly relations’, overcoming
differences by seeking exchanges in the area of
culture, which both countries are said to value
deeply. Mr Jinbiao translates the strategic
significance of Malta to that of ‘the gateway to the
EU and many North African countries’.
The next section will show how one way in
which Malta could further its efforts at nation
branding in relation to public diplomacy, may, as
has happened with other countries, be related to
culture and specifically the arts.
260 © 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy
A WAY FORWARD IN RELATION TO
THE ARTS
People working directly, or indirectly, in the
cultural field, may have a growing role in
supporting Malta’s image abroad. In previous
decades, countries recognized the value of
promoting one’s artistic excellence as an
expression of a wider and refined sense of
achievement through the establishment of national
ballet companies or orchestras. More recently,
countries have tended to promote the
development of their contemporary expression
through the setting up and promotion of dance
and theatre companies. Malta is no exception with
the foundation of ŻfinMalta, the national dance
company, and Teatru Malta, the national
contemporary theatre company, for cultural as
well as diplomatic ends, over the past 2 years. It has
also agreed with the Venice Biennale to
showcase its visual arts for the next three editions,
starting in 2017, with an aim to join other nations
in relating contemporary values held in high
esteem like innovation, creativity and diversity to
the visual arts.
One of the forms of artistic expression
which may be relatively more advanced when
compared with other art forms, in encouraging
sections of the international audience to find
associations with Malta, is film. As recently
documented by Jean Pierre Borg and Charlie
Cauchi (2015) filmmakers from various countries
around the world have found in the Maltese
archipelago interesting locations where to set their
cinematic narratives. Recent productions like
Ridley Scott’s Gladiator (2000) and Spielberg’s
Munich (2005) show how the Maltese landscape
and the optimal filming facilities bring to life the
visual narratives crafted therein. Film production
in Malta generates business directly as well as
indirectly in relation to various aspects of the
economy, as well as provides the country with a
good exercise in public relations in the world of
cinema and beyond. The Malta Film Commission
and the Ministry for Tourism are conscious of this
and are careful to fund and support the
development of this sector for cultural as well as
diplomatic purposes. The importance of film has
gained further recognition through the
Vol. 13, 3, 255–263

establishment of an international film festival based
in Valletta as of 2015.
Furthermore, through the formation of an arts
council in 2002 and a redefinition of its duties,
including the spearheading of an
internationalization agenda through cultural
diplomacy in 2015, a small yet significant number
of artists are encouraged, financially and
logistically, to perform or exhibit abroad,
following guidelines which are non-political and
based on arm’s length principles. One of the latest
ongoing initiatives launched by Arts Council
Malta (ACM) within the framework of Valletta
2018 is a regular amount of special funding which
is accessible to Maltese artists to participate in
international festivals around the world, thereby
contributing to the presence of Maltese cultural
expression on an international level, as part of the
Presidency of the Council of the EU cultural
programme reaching a peak in 2017. A similar
approach is being taken with regard to the Malta
Showcase, annually showcasing high-quality
artistic performances from Malta abroad. Selected
artists are guided to address broad principles which
reflect the Presidency priorities of innovation and
solidarity in Europe, while not taking on explicit
promotional or ambassadorial duties that are
perceived to be outdated and counter-productive
practices of cultural diplomacy.
Furthermore, ACM is providing international
artists with financial support to participate in
Malta-based festivals in a bid to reach a number of
targets, namely: benefit from their experience in
terms of local capacity building and best practice;
develop local audiences through exposure of high-
quality acts; and in terms of cultural relations
enable international artists to benefit from a
productive and positive experience in Malta
working alongside Maltese operators. The last aim
encourages the development of personal relations
and working collaboration in a subtle way and on
a long term and firm footing (Lowe, 2015).
The role artists and other cultural operators/
workers can play is one that may open a debate
which may contribute significantly to the
formulation of cultural diplomacy for Malta.
Artists participating in cultural diplomacy schemes,
or benefiting from opportunities which arise from
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government planning to increase cultural flows
internationally, may ignore political motives and
be driven by the artistic opportunities which arise.
Therefore, as noted by Klaic (2007), the
constellation of reasons propelling such
international action may come together when
assessed by policymakers and academics, but finally
succeed because they carry value in earnest. For
artists, these could be ‘cooperation in the creative
processes’ and the ‘creation of new artistic works’.
The Maltese government would do well to aim at
developing various opportunities for contact with
artists in ways that support them in their craft
while ensuring that such assistance, and the values
it wishes to assign to such programmes, are clearly,
yet subtly, communicated.
As noted above, the conflation between cultural
diplomacy and cultural relations and other areas of
cultural exchange which are dependent on, or
independent of government is a growing one. It is
worth remembering that small states like Malta
cannot boast of a long tradition of cultural
diplomacy, speak of a high international profile or
deploy various tools, explicit or implicit, around
the world. Furthermore, the field has become a
crowded one as well as, possibly positive for small
states like Malta, a diversified one. Till around the
turn of the twenty-first century, as noted by
Rosenau (2003), only a few states and their
intergovernmental representatives occupied the
world stage in terms of international relations and
diplomacy. More recently, other organizations and
smaller or larger bodies than the nation state have
challenged the state of affairs which ruled
communication across borders until only a few
years ago.
Possibly because of this scenario such
organizations can reach realistic yet ambitious
targets by building closer relations based on trust
and mutuality with artists who in turn can relay
these positive relations and attitudes to their hosts
or partners in other countries.
MALTA AS EU MEMBER
One needs to gauge how this assessment of
cultural diplomacy for Malta relates to the
membership of Malta of the EU since 2004.
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 Xuereb
However, before proceeding, it is important to
reflect on a significant link between the practice of
cultural diplomacy in Europe, and the colonialist past
of several European states. Cultural diplomacy has
not only temporally followed colonialism but
arguably benefitted from it, with impacts, both
negative and positive, still felt today. Aspden (2010)
argues that the way Europe relates to its global
partners, particularly those it considers to be
potentially dangerous to its stability and safety, is
through the development of global cultural relations
shaped by colonial experience. Aspden refers to this
phenomenon as ‘the sobering wisdom’. While
arguably correct in presenting this perspective on the
maturing of cultural attitudes and the building of
relations by Europe since colonialism, who has
benefitted from this new scenario is debatable.
European powers, through their ministries of foreign
affairs, cultural institutes, embassies and professional
diplomatic corps, have crafted strategies to allow for
the maximized influence of their old colonial
territories. Others, like the recently independent
states, including Malta, have a younger infrastructure
and resources to engage in such relations. There is
also a long way to go to shift the use of these means
from being reactive to proactive. On the other hand,
such states tend not to carry the colonialist burden
and may operate in ways that come with light
baggage in terms of this aspect of European history.
As noted by Ang et al (2015) ‘going beyond the
national interest is in the national interest’, and
Malta’s larger supra-national affiliation offers a
continental, as well as a global, context for
exploring cultural diplomacy initiatives that go
beyond strict, national borders. Admittedly,
Malta’s contribution to the formulation of EU
policies towards cultural diplomacy has been
minimal. However, it has been constant,
particularly on a number of important occasions
such as the following: acceding to the UNESCO
Convention on the Protection and Promotion of
the Diversity of Cultural Expressions together
with most other EU member states in 2006;
contributing to the debate on the European
Commission’s 2007 Communication on a European
agenda for culture in a globalizing world; and in the
formulation of the Culture in External Relations
agenda (2014 onwards), wherein Brussels prefers
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this expression to traditional descriptions of
cultural diplomacy. Isar (2015) notes the
‘polyvocality’ of a process that has involved various
actors including non-governmental organizations
hailing from the cultural sector. In this scenario,
while acknowledging the limited human resources
and expertise with which Malta operates, the
opportunity for greater participation in the
formulation and execution of policy may lead to
interesting openings for state and non-state
participants from small countries. The stepping up
of Malta’s contribution to the cultural agendas of
the recently formed European External Action
Service, the European Union National Institutes
for Culture, which the Island joined in 2015, and
the Asia-Europe Foundation, with which
collaboration is ongoing, would be interesting to
assess in future studies. One also looks forward to
the role Malta will play in hosting the international
discussion on intercultural dialogue in the
Mediterranean during the Anna Lindh Foundation
forum in 2016.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion one can observe that engaging in
nation branding is indeed a possible route towards
developing an effective public diplomacy. This is
particularly true when coupled with the use of
heritage, tradition and various forms of cultural
expression as practiced by Malta. However, the
approach towards the cultural content to be used,
the fabrication of particular frames within which to
portray one’s past and contemporary experience of
engaging with cultural affairs, and the means
employed in communicating this expression are
fundamental in the degree of success achieved in
positioning, in a positive way, a place in the psyche
and heart of the public around the world. This
reflection on Malta shows that its relative
inexperience cuts both ways: while curbing the
professional approach of officials practising public
diplomacy delivering mixed results, the burden or
yoke of historical responsibility towards other
nations and their people is relatively light and may
allow public diplomats to operate more freely. The
possibilities that globalization and the digital means
that allow for targeted and orchestrated public
Vol. 13, 3, 255–263

relations on a global scale work in the advantage of
small states like Malta who seem to manage to
exploit their relatively peripheral position by
addressing contemporary politics in tandem with
culturally appealing and discursively attractive
means.
At the same time it is worth reflecting upon the
areas which may remain unexplored by the
current practice of public diplomacy by Malta.
Admittedly, the country works hard at managing
its independent governance in relation to supra-
national relations and global challenges; yet
ironically therein lie the seeds of any future
action at sustaining and improving said practice
Malta may choose to adopt. For example, in
launching the External Culture Programme,
themed Culture as Global Value as part of the
hosting of CHOGM in November 2015 Dr Vella
notes the following:
Recognising culture as a global value and
working in the direction of putting it at the
centre of our socio-political endeavours is not just
a new way how to tackle inter-regional complex
problems like famine, climate change and
irregular immigration, amongst others, but also an
attitude which gives people the right and
willingness to participate in decision-making at
different levels.2
Adopting such an approach may augur well for
the adoption of a policy towards public
diplomacy that would in earnest go beyond
promoting national interests and develop a blend
of nation branding that engages with broader
international relations through cultural dialogue
by adopting a greater sensitive approach towards
diplomatic matters.
© 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1751-8040 Place Branding and Public Diplomacy
Nation branding
NOTES
1 Valletta: A Unique City. A Unique Experience is
utilized by the Valletta 2018 Foundation,
responsible for the hosting of the ECOC in
Malta, as its official slogan www.valletta2018.
org
2 Government of Malta, Culture as Global Value,
2015, official CHOGM cultural programme.
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