Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Eugene Salazar
PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS
In this essay, the present writer will attempt to articulate a response to the claims
contained in this essay’s very title. This will be dealt with through the eyes of postcolonial
discourse of cultural studies using the main thesis here that is the possibility of meaning
work is the role and mechanism promulgated by a television program from a high capitalistic
economy (American Idol). The present writer will also attempt to explain theoretical
assumptions, ferret out interpretations from the contextual field of this form of discourse and
utilize the active role of reader reception in negotiating the particulate identity formed in the
matrix of this encoder-decoder role. With this specific problem in mind, the possibility of
meaning formation and its inevitable identity influence will be shaped in the hope that the larger
debate on whether cultural studies as a discourse of highly advanced capitalistic societies can be
of help to this paper’s specific problematic which is the precession of meaning negotiation of
identity among its Third World audience, in this case Filipino audienceship and interpretation of
1
American Idol as a social field of identity formation and meaning construction. As noted, this
paper will analyze the problematic at two textual levels- the first being the negotiation of
meaning by American Idol viewers with how it affects their adoption of a role performer-
consumer of the show, and on the second level, how this very process can be interpreted in the
light of cogently putting forward an analytic that agrees with the utility of a decolonized
approach to Philippine cultural studies (if not at least a sampler of such approach).
The Filipino finds himself in the midst of a fray, one that is fraught by political and
studies and its inflection in the field of popular culture and the implied living of such
interest groups (such as cultural studies scholars, university professors, graduate students, think
tank groups and non-governmental agencies), the realm of Philippine cultural studies is a
relatively new area of academic discipline laden with its own problematic of prioritizing
appropriate methodologies and utilizing the research content provided by cross-disciplinary areas
The trends brought about by the changes in technology, massive movements of diasporic
people groups (Filipinos being one of them), and the emergent trends and effects of the
2
globalizing world economy, along with their capitalist undertones have brought about substantial
changes with how readers of this particular phenomena would approach it.
Oscar Campomanes, in his essay The Vernacular/Local, The National, and the Global in
Filipino Studies, develops the idea that this dramatic onslaught of globalization has affected how
we could imagine the nature of Filipino studies ( 2003, 7-9). The Filipino joins the rest of the
world in this reduced global village in which exchange of culture and information colored by
With this in mind, the hegemonic nature of media and the information superhighway is
an undisputed frontier for understanding this cultural upheaval. The Philippines, though a Third
World country, is nonetheless linked in this global network that benefits from the exchange of
cultural knowledge through the use of media and technology. With all the fears and anxieties
associated with it, the study of globalization has its promises for good (Legrain, 2003: 12). This
phenomenon not only sets the stage for the present investigation for academics but also invites
incursions on social practice and theorizing for a more informed direction of study and a choice
Aside from the looming factor played by media and technology, a researcher into this
area would also have to consider the historical, the cultural and the political dimensions of the
inquiry. At the end of the twentieth century, many Third World nations have thrown off the yoke
of colonial rule, inscribing their sense of identity at the working of their own hands. Their
constituent systems, institutions and individuals confronted the need for self-determination at the
end of a colonizing power. Their history and culture were strongly influenced by the colonial
3
powers that ruled them. It is inevitable to state that the British, the French, the Americans, the
Spanish and other European powers established a considerable degree of legacy in virtually all
aspects of culture. This conversation between the colonizing power’s legacy and the local
knowledge led into an ongoing contestation in the formation of identity in its individual,
communitarian, regional, and national level thus stressing the role of how culture is the
ideological battleground of the modern world-system (Wallertsein, 2000: 1824; San Juan Jr.,
2002: 5-7).
scholarly interests since it provided a medium for voices of Third World scholars from Asia,
Africa and Latin America to articulate modes of speaking, cultural artifacts dismissed by
parents of postcolonial theorizing, the works of Edward Said, Gayatri Spivak and Homi Bhaba
have provided the impetus for a barrage of multivariate Third World voices in making the
subaltern speak and serve as foundational texts in encouraging further discussion of Third World
concerns in the area of cultural understanding. In the Philippines, and even among diasporic
writers, the inflection of this nuance of inquiry is taking shape in the works of contemporary
scholars like E. San Juan Jr., Isagani Cruz, Soledad Reyes, Oscar Campomanes and other
emergent scholars in the budding area of Philippine cultural studies. The works of these scholars
help validate the need to reflect critically on the need to develop inquiry on cultural studies as it
4
CULTURAL STUDIES AS A PROBLEMATIC FOR PHILIPPINE SETTING
The notion of cultural studies as a discourse established through the works of its founding
fathers (Raymond Williams, Richard Johnson and Richard Hoggart) can now be appropriated as
a field of inquiry in a Third World setting. The contributions made by postcolonial theorists
mentioned earlier (Said, Spivak and Bhaba) helped enriched the field for further investigations as
it provided a perspective that informed the theoretical work necessitated by the historical and
political workings of Third World settings. In as much as nations in the Third World are
aspirants for capitalist structures and concede strongly to the tenets of the post-industrial West, it
follows that some if not all cultural practices manifested traces of these postindustrial,
technological as well as political inclinations will be fused with Western ways of living
(commutarian transports, dining out for meals, entertainment consumptions like television and
movies etc.) The Philippines, with the strong emphasis in its feudal relationships and sense of
commitment to community circles (family, peers, colleagues etc.) be affected by these particulars
E. San Juan makes a stronger point when he quotes Raymond Williams in the latter’s
espousal of a cultural studies program that is realized as an all encompassing way of life
approach, one which imbricates a whole range of activities, relations and institutions of everyday
life with heuristic and emancipatory purposes (San Juan, 1999: 35). It is not a blind faith in a
5
paradigm that found itself as criticizing Leavisian and Arnoldian frameworks alone. In fact it is
Williams’ work that helped modern literary critics and cultural studies scholars to understand the
larger role of culture in the textual production and consumption of lived practices. In the
Philippines, the recovery project of establishing local study of culture as expressed in the same
consumption and entertainment has yet to be fully explored. Thus, cultural studies scholars here
live in the best of times and worst of times. It is a period of promising scholarly studies as the
Philippines with its “rich” colonial past and its present capitalist consumptive culture imprecated
by class differences, will be a thoroughly fertile social field for cultural inquiry. On the other
hand a need to select appropriate methodologies will have to be ascertained by scholars, whether
they will use ethnography, focus groups, semiotic approaches, historical studies or whatever is
necessitated by the study. John Fiske, in his explorations of the terrain of British cultural studies
and the categories that pervade it such as class, admonished scholars that the possibility of lifting
lesson learned from his inquiry but they will have to be reconfigured with the needs of specific
and conjunctive factors demanded by such localizations. Thus he sees it differently if the logical
implications of his studies in the British setting take a different outworking in U.S. (1999: 144).
A similar question could be posed for the local scenario. It is of course a question of
whether the political and economic conditions that made contributions in the British paradigm
also contribute to the Philippine setting. Fiske has of course admitted of the class conscious
society pre and post war Britain is and this class consciousness shaped the cultural studies
framework Raymond Williams did for cultural studies as a whole (or at least through his
6
assessment of it). Given its feudal and aspiring capitalist economy, the Philippines is a multiple
layer of societies – urban, rural, metropole, cosmopolitan. Despite these layers, aggregate
tendencies contest each other in the creation of a concrete discourse of cultural studies. It is the
cosmopolitan label and its globalizing marker that at a pervasive degree habit majority of
Philippine society. The feudal ways of relating one among others still govern conservative values
and modes of relationships but the openness of Philippine society to the world and its nexus of
variant cultures make the Filipino sturdy in the face of conflicting as well as affirming
worldviews. This has been reinforced by the premium placed on education as a redemptive tool
for individual and social transformation. Thus, the openness to strange and novel ways of
thinking, living and relating. The question that has to be appended aside from the issue of class
mobility is the issue of ways of relating. This of course isn’t a Filipino exclusive trait of relations
nor a simple admission of being a previous colonial extension of the West (as well as by the
East, e.g. Japan). Where does cultural studies come in this confusing nexus of superpowers?
How should cultural studies questions be stated so that seekers of truth may arrive at a
meaningful and liberating answer specially one that is attuned to Filipino sensibilities and ways
of feeling and thinking? While this calls for a grand cultural project that requires clear thinking
and voluminous interchange of ideas, this paper will attempt to answer these questions with the
The field of inquiry is a rich and diverse space. Sanity and clarity require that a limit should be
imposed on this broad area, the present writer will focus on television reception and identity
7
appropriation of an entertainment program (a reality game show/competition American Idol).
With this in mind, several questions will have to be posed: What significance (if it has any) does
American Idol have for Filipino viewers? What modes of significance or contestation appear at
the vortex of this discourse? Is American Idol simply a globalizing threat of American cultural
imperialism? How does the show contribute to the Filipinos penchant for performance? Will the
pursuit of attainment of great American dream (as subconsciously signified in the American Idol
text) work for Filipinos? Does it perpetuate a false sense of identity and create a subject position
that is asymmetrical to Filipino ways of living? What theoretical paradigms fit well to advance
These questions are as confounding as they are connected to other assumptions that need
to be uncovered, but for now for the sake of simplicity and in the spirit of charity, the focus now
is on the answering of these questions. For a better understanding of the paradigms coated in
these inquiries, we now turn to the next section of this paper for historical survey and data
As noted in a previous section of this paper, the ubiquitous nature of technology cannot
be ignored. The changes at the beginning of the nineteenth century did not only affect the major
world economies but their colonies as well (Santos, 2001; Duara, 2001; Campomanes, 2003).
The changes that took place came on the form of technological advancement that affected ways
8
of living, challenging traditional values, modernizing approaches to how things are done in life
and transforming as well our sense of reflexivity and how we relate to ourselves, others and the
environment we live in. The term “global village” immediately became a cliché as Filipinos ( a
significant number if not the majority) among many other nations welcomed the tides of
transfers (adoptions of technological devices- iPods, DVDs, plasma TV, satellite cable, Internet,
etc.) and massive restructurings with content and methodological structures of knowledge
(Foucault, 1983). Urbanized Philippine society joined their counterparts in Jamaica, Tanzania,
In 2000 the company AC Nielsen conducted a survey of Filipino households. The results
yielded that 80% of all Filipino homes owned a television set, with Metro Manila recording the
country's highest TV ownership at 93 per cent. All other areas dry up at 80 %.An increase in
cable subscription also was observed with Dagupan, Pangasinan topping the survey at 57%.
Manila comes next with 20% cable subscription, Cebu at 20% and Davao at 12%. The AC
Nielsen survey also showed a pattern in technology consumer behavior as Metro Manila, having
the greatest income generating families has the highest ownership of color TV sets, video games,
personal computers and landlines. With this trend in mind, any researcher can infer that the
Philippines being exposed to a phenomenal consumer attitude with regards to technology, will
9
It is no wonder that technology and all the changes it brought had a profound contribution
in the reconfiguration of cultural values and practices. As a tool that may have been born out of
the knowledge structures of the West, it is nonetheless a neutral instrument that serves various
purposes therefore, it becomes a site for contestation of values, lifestyles and meanings. Thus
Behn Cervantes, an activist and playwright-director found it deplorable that a game show by its
showcasing of a woman crying for help to assuage her financial troubles, in the said writer’s
The Philippines prides itself as a conservatively traditional Christian nation in Asia and
yet this does not stop the television from broadcasting shows that present if not preach a different
lifestyle (with accompanying social and cultural practices). Though a regulatory body for
broadcast television exists (MTRCB), the average Filipino viewer is still exposed and
democratically provided access to other cultures and lifestyles reinforcing if not palely imitating
a cosmopolitan freedom for the television viewer. Sensitive to the values of his culture, the
Filipino viewer nonetheless entertains and watches shows, movies and broadcast that may either
be considered offensive or contradictory to his values system. The broadcast production has of
course liberalized the window of Filipino viewership, although censorship exists at a pragmatic
level, considering viewer sensitivity and attunement to Filipino values. This is the paradox
brought about by the technological intrusion of television to the life of Filipinos, although the
Filipino has never really paid much attention to the existence of contradictions in his identity.
10
Another important dimension of viewing habit among Filipinos focuses on the dimension
of reception. The concept of “the society of the spectacle” is a concept used to describe the
media and consumer society, including the packaging, promotion and display of commodities
and production effects of all media. (Debord, 1967: 213). A similar marker characterizes
television consumption, thus creating a sub-sector of society meant to watch and see. The way
television is consumed is subject to a plethora of factors – for viewing pleasure (and the extent of
such pleasure exhibits itself), boundaries of home values, preferences for certain contents and
themes, and even the propensity for simple distraction. The idea of pleasure as pure and simple a
singular motive for television watching is too sweeping to admit. Neither is the unmediated need
for distraction, the so called killing off of time. Such in itself is a cultural practice worthy of
investigation, though that isn’t the subject of this paper. The mechanisms for human interaction
with televiewing pleasure maybe the subject of social psychology but its contextual mechanism
is not. Watching television as cultural practice is of course a feature of capitalist societies, with
the as Philippines aspiring to become one of them. It is therefore the subject of the next
Entertainment alone is not enough to account for the sheer complexity of television
viewership in any culture, much less the Filipino urban culture. Since its introduction in the
country in 1953 with the opening of DZ-AQ TV Channel 3 of Alto Broadcasting Station in
Manila, Philippine television and its audiences have gone a long way. By 1998, the country has
11
137 television stations (60 are originating stations, 54 are relay stations and 24 are ultra-high
frequency stations). This is proof to a certain extent that the adoption of a television culture does
not show any rate of slowing down. Consequently this stresses the idea that television plays a
significant role in audience reception and consumption. With its spectacle entertainment ,
contemporary television exhibits more high tech glitter, faster and glitzier in its editing, with
computer simulations and exhibiting a fantastic array of viewing pleasure ( Kellner, 2005: 30-
31).
Since its inception, television programming was dominated by foreign shows and the
need to make it thoroughly Filipino (if ever that was achievable in a lifetime) wasn’t realize in its
early decades of broadcasting. (del Mundo, 2003: 5). However, the television as a medium for
entertainment, as a tool for pleasure consumption did serve its purpose and evolved through the
years as more stations (ABS-CBN, GMA, RPN, ABC, PTV, IBC) emerged to cater to newer
viewing needs. Commercial television became a new phenomenon as advertising and its
herculean task for the present paper so the necessity to shift to the major focus of this thesis is in
order. How has entertainment TV affected Filipino interpellations of their subject identities as
consumers and specifically as aspiring performers? With this in mind it is worthwhile that a brief
How have Filipinos appropriated pleasure from watching television? One can say that in
the fifties, the very notion of television as a tool for amusement cannot be sidestepped. Viewers
12
then watched American shows like I Love Lucy, Candid Camera, Highway Patrol etc. (del
Mundo, 2003: 6).These programs were the staple of American culture, showing images and
meanings of contemporary American social life. As good as a consumer is, the Filipinos
appropriated these shows as their own, ingesting the categorizations in which these programs
operated, following their fluidity, their gendered stereotypes and counter-stereotypes, their
openness to proliferate meanings and their assumptions about social relations and determinants.
Where does the question of pleasure as a goal in watching television come in? It may
have not been evident but the fact that Filipinos in those years watched and patronized this new
technology, that in it self is an indication of a betrayal of viewing pleasure at cultures not entirely
their own. With the presence and influence of American values and traditions, Filipinos
transformed these forms of categories to suit their own. In the years that followed, more TV
programs emerged. This time it featured local actors and actresses. The programs and their
contents showcased Filipino family struggles, soap operas, game shows (Unahan sa Kampana
and Kualta Na), variety shows (Pista ng Caltex) singing competitions (Tawag ng Tanghalan)
news broadcast (Tomorrow’s News Aired Tonight) and even comedies. Slowly noon time shows
and prime time broadcast assimilated local lifestyle with a strong tint of American influence in
Television as it evolved through the years catered to the Filipino propensity for
entertainment and with this craving for entertainment, television watchers acquired subject
positions of consumer and performer. The former is an opaque category indulgently visible and
13
emergent at the very inception of television culture in the country, while the latter is a recent
development forged out of the repetitive practice partly fed by Third World sensibilities and
partly pushed by psychological motives and born in the conversations of capitalist impulse to be
the Great American Dream is a simplistic though not an erroneous inference. Since their mode of
knowledge has been partly interpellated by the colonizer-colonized binarity, Filipinos see this as
a reflection of their being a subjugated nation, a collective identity acquired and actively
conquered race and a docile culture. Thus, the notion of identity inserts itself in the discourse of
the performative subject position being discussed. The notion of identity as a related construct in
the elucidation of the performative role of the Filipinos cannot be oversimplified. It has its
philosophical roots and ramifications that cannot be fully explored in this essay although a lot of
excellent ones have been written in the area. What can be elaborated about it and its relation to
performative appropriation is that it is born out of the dynamics that contributed to a national
collective of world-class performers, one which has been claimed and substantiated by Filipino
While this notion of identity has philosophical underpinnings and yet also informed by
postcolonial leanings, the idea of Filipino identity via media is an almost amorphous discussion
of complex and boundless territorialities. Fernando Nakpil Zialcita has outlined in his book
Authentic Although Not Exotic : Essays on Filipino Identity domains of exploring the notions of
Filipino identity, the slur on the apparent mongrel-nature of Filipino identity, the contours of that
14
identity as historically conditioned by its colonial past, the apparent absence of the uniqueness
and indigenous trait of a so called Filipino arts, and a list of other concerns excellently covered in
his book. In fact Zialcita gives the readers the positive and strong foundations for identifying
Filipino markers of identity. As regards our present project on the performative role and possible
implied reinforcement provided by media television on this Filipino propensity (that is the need
to aspire to a dream role, a singing career or celebrity performance status through the
spectatorship of public audience), we have to look to other sources for theoretical and practical
understanding.
A direct answer in tracing the genesis of this performative role is by looking back to the
content and themes of Philippine television and the cultural background of Filipinos. There was a
mention of Tawag ng Tanghalan as precursors to a singing contest. In the eighties there was Ang
Bagong Kampeon hosted by comedian Bert Marcelo and Asia’s Queen of Song Ms. Pilita
Corrales. Some of the famous offshoots of this context include popular singing artist Regine
Velasquez and Donna Cruz. In this decade alone, several reality TV programs showcasing
musical talent have sprouted. To name a few, there is Pinoy Pop Superstar (GMA 7- hosted by
Regine Velaquez, dubbed as Asia’s Songbird), Pinoy Dream Academy, Star in a Million (ABS-
CBN)- which spawned many young talents including Sarah Geronimo, Christian Bautista, Eric
Santos and Sheryn Reyes. There are even celebrity search talent shows for the young like ABS-
CBN’s Star Circle Quest and GMA 7’s Star Struck. Recently, a franchise was made by ABC 5 to
render a local version of American Idol which was logically named Philippine Idol with Mau
15
Whenever one turn into the cultural diversity of people groups in the country, one cannot
ignore the richness of their musical culture. From the Ifugaos of the north to the Maranao’s of the
south, music and its expression as an extension of a particular ethnic groups unique identity
speaks of various aspects of their lives- from marriage, birth, death, ritual, war, competition and
the like, sounds and rhythms codify the cultural practice of these people groups. The urbanized
centers of the country as well exude richness of musical sensitivity (if they maybe simply be seen
as cultural adaptations from other lands- reggae, hip-hop, various genres of rock and
A plausible link may now be established with how Filipino cultural sensitivity as a whole
is attuned to his notion of identity. With the television as a powerful Western (yet Orientalized)
tool for empowerment and the reinforcement of this ideal, the text can now be moved into the
discussion of the role of the medium itself (in this case the television program American Idol).
discovering young singing talents through a series of national auditions. Part of the Idol
Franchise, it originated from the UK reality program Pop Idol. Several countries around the
world bought franchise from Brazil to Denmark. Its share in audience viewership climbed the
charts since its seasonal inception in 2002. Since the last season (5) AI has topped the television
charts in the US and in several countries around the world. In the Philippines, its live feed gave
16
ABC 5 (the local TV network who got its franchise of broadcasting the program) its needed
boost in the viewership rates along with giants ABS-CBN 2 and GMA 7.
The predictable accusation that can be hurled at American Idol is that its is nothing but a
covert tool of American cultural imperialism made to subjugate people’s practices and belief
systems into the American mold. This simplistic statement undermines the fact that television
reception is not a passive ingesting of images and sounds. In an essay called Encoding/Decoding,
cultural studies scholar Stuart Hall (1973) argues that the moments of production (encoding) and
consumption (decoding) are not as simple as they appear. The structures of television production,
the programming patterns and habits are if not symmetrical are different from the way audiences
read and consume them. They are determinate moments which can be read through three
inevitable that Filipino viewers cannot escape their colonial past and its effects on them, but they
can choose to grasp the world’s knowledge structures (and in this case television programming
of American Idol) and see it in a different light. In other words, viewers can choose to adopt,
transform or subvert messages imbued in the television discourse of American Idol. While
Filipino viewers may follow the TV series with cultic devotion, it is quite a sweeping
generalization that every viewer of the program would want to don the fashion of Paula Abdul or
adopt the skepticism of Simon Cowell. While that may also be a possibility (and there are people
who confess they love Simon and Paula) that that can happen, people choosing a lifestyle or an
attitude cannot be entirely be thought of as getting it from what they saw on TV.
17
With all its patronage for commercial and marketing structures, American Idol is nothing
but a text that has to be read like any other TV text. Like any other commercial television
program, it is nothing but a system of signification formed out of the productions studios of a
capitalist society. The act of reading this text will of course as Hall suggested be up to the
preferred meanings constructed by the viewers. The mechanism of how those preferred meanings
were arrived at will depend on the viewer’s value system and habits. Then again, we go back to
the nature of cultural studies as a decolonized approach in the Philippine setting. At the expense
centered and self-realization step text of American individualist philosophy, one that is being
As a field of social inquiry, American Idol is a profusely rich text for cultural analysis,
one that is layered with several layers of cultural meaning. The narrative of American Idol as a
discourse transformed for television broadcast can be translated as a commodified narrative full
of thick significations, images and meanings. Consider the structure of the program presentation.
In lieu with reality game shows, featuring shoots and images as they happen before, during and
after the auditions, often zooming in on facial reactions of joy (for being accepted in the
audition), disappointment (for being rejected) and occasionally of humor (featuring funny antics
by aspirants who tragically do not possess the talent yet believe they have what it takes to be the
18
next American Idol). With this representation of TV programming as something casual or life
like, the political undercurrent is to translate a value system that expounds the work ethic of the
American middle class, a story of triumph through adversity as stressed by the textual shots on
the extreme joy of being drafted and bound for Hollywood. The succeeding episodes focus on
further performances before the judges (Simon Cowell, Paula Abdul and Randy Jackson) as they
also receive comments from the judges as regards their performance. Usually the judges are
frank and encouraging except for Simon Cowell who is amusingly caustic. The drama of real life
proceeds as the number of contestants is reduced and as the thinning proceeds to the Final
Twelve. In the way the programming is followed, the attempt is to make audiences feel the
intensity of real life drama. It is an illusion and at the same time a projection of viewers wish for
the American Dream. In the program texture, viewers feel a sense of identification with the
contestants as a voting system is also employed. The method of voting is used to heighten
audience identification with the characters in the program and sustain the illusion of patronage.
The concept of patronage and voting for a specific contestant as one’s own is similar to the
another) though in this case the expressed affect is one of love- a converted form of self love. In
other words, the voting system was in place for the audience not only to participate in a
commercialized and glamorized retelling of a projected life narrative they themselves wish to
live. It is a form of self-love because by voting for one’s bet (the preferred contestant) one
affirms a system of values, habits and preferences that at some subconscious level reflects one’s
own.
19
The season and the episodes of the show culminate in the grand finals as the hype and
climax of the entire season comes down to determining the ultimate American Idol. The ratings
skyrocket and more advertising companies vie for the tight spot of primetime. The idea of the
ultimate idol bottoms down to the ultimate marketable and commodified performer/singer, an
apotheosized embodiment of the American Dream with all the struggles hurdled, talents refined
and made to reach near perfection and the object of the nation’s admiration.
The narrative of success, of dream come true is of course a politicized version of the
struggle and success of the proletariat, though in this case the proletariat is transformed into
another bourgeosie. The narrative of the struggle is also a Hegelian dialectic commercialized and
marketed for the middle class aided by the globalizing metanarrative of success and
accomplishment, of finding one’s niche under the sun, of making it big. All of these are of
course the rhetoric of empowerment and a tool for redemptively appropriating the narrative of
the oppressed under the rules of a consumerist hierarchy of psychological needs with the peak as
the seat of grand success. The successful American Idol is now a celebrity, a personality
comparable to the elite of Hollywood. The language of economic and commercial success now
acquired by the new American Idol is a language that never cease to find an ending; it is a story
that is being retold over and over again and lived over and over again by its viewers.
To say that the Filipino audienceship appropriates this similar narrative is of course easier
but to deny its possibility is naïve. From the postcolonial experience and the present crisis for
economic and political stability so needed in the corridors of power, the nature of audience
20
How does the Filipino audience accommodate and construct meaning out of the thick
narrative of a success story? How are meanings negotiated by viewers? Is American Idol simply
and reconstructions of the significations of meaning, images and characters in American Idol are
subject to the positional codes adopted by its viewers. To say that the program is simply a veiled
attempt to convert the world to its economic philosophy of mass consumerism, and ultra-
capitalist patronage is misdirected and wrongheaded. It may be probable to say that a Filipino
appropriation of the TV program as a success story maybe one of the many possible readings
rendered by Filipino viewers. The appeal of the content of the program is of course a discourse
not foreign to Filipino sensibilities, as the need to prove oneself and to ascertain one’s career
choices based on performative subject positions may not be entirely superficial or unreasonable.
extension of one’s own life story, was exploited. This was done so in the hope that the reader
may find the possibility and connection that was implied. With the popularity of American Idol
among teenagers, young professionals, show biz oriented individuals and patrons of Hollywood
entertainment among our midst, its choice as a vehicle of crass commercialism isn’t that suspect
also. On the other hand, American Idol as a popular text is too complex to be simply heaped in a
trash can of theoretical neglect. Filipinos who watch American Idol from whatever socio-
21
economic strata, age group, ethnic origin, urban or rural locality, religious persuasion etc. will
find a narrative rich with values that reflect Filipino sensibility : hard-work, discipline,
persistence, collaborative work, refinement of talent and diligence. These are the negotiated
meanings selected and reconfigured by Filipino watchers, surely far from the stereotypical
couch potato of American culture and far off from the glossy eyed dreamer of popular folklore
(Juan Tamad). With the proliferation of local versions of American Idol like Philippine Idol,
Pinoy Pop Superstar and Search for a Star in a Million, the narrative is negotiated in the context
of the hardships of present economy and thus makes viewers not only utilize the escapist
entertainment expounded by Richard Dyer in his essay “Entertainment and Utopia” but also
empower himself with the “illusions” created by the program. The negotiation and re-negotiation
for meaning does not stop as viewer preference and meaning configuration does not stop also.
With the Filipino’s penchant for music and artistic culture, the subject position of the Filipino as
a performer becomes an apparent interpretive role assigned through the text of the program or a
project of decolonization in cultural studies lies now at the capacity of the TV viewer to make
independent choices for meaning construction, role definition and subject interpellation. The
understanding of the program American Idol does not end in its American or even European
viewership; it creates the possibility of a viewership informed by the unique interpretive abilities
of the wise television consumer and grasp of the television discourse as a dynamic reading
22
WORKS CITED
Ables, Higino A. Mass Communication and Philippine Society. Quezon City: UP Press,
2003.
Ang, Ien. “Understanding Television Audiencehood”.Television The Critical View. Ed.
Horace Newcomb. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994.
Bignell, Jonathan. An Introduction to Television Studies. Cornwall, UK: Routledge, 2004.
Campomanes, Oscar V. “The Vernacular/Local, The National, and the Global in Filipino
Studies”.Kritika Kultura 3 (July 2003): 7-16.
Corner, John. Critical Ideas in Television Studies. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999.
Del Mundo Jr., Clodualdo. Telebisyon An Essay on Philippine Television. Manila: CCP,
2003.
Duara, Prasenjit. ed. Decolonization Perspectives from Now and Then. Cornwall, UK:
Routledge,
2004.
Fairclough, Norman. Media Discourse. Wiltshire, UK: Arnold Publishers, 1995.
Fiske, John. “British Cultural Studies and Television”. What is Cultural Studies?: A Reader.
John Storey ed. London: Arnold, 1996.
Gauntlett, David. Media, Gender and Identity An Introduction. New York: Routledge, 2005.
Hall, Stuart. “Encoding/Decoding”. The Cultural Studies Reader. Ed. Simon During. London
and New York: Routledge, 1993.
Legrain, Philippe. Open World: The Truth About Globalisation. London: Abacus, 2003.
Kellner, Douglas. “Media Culture and The Triumph of the Spectacle”. The Spectacle of the Real
From Hollywood to Reality TV. Geoff King ed. Bristol, UK: Intellect Books, 2005.
McRobbie, Angela. The Uses of Cultural Studies. London: Sage, 2005.
San Juan Jr., E. “From Birmingham to Angkor Wat: Demarcations of Contemporary Cultural
Studies.” In Kritika Kultura 1. (February 2002) : 5-38.
-----------. “The Limits of Postcolonial Theory and the Cultural Politics of Raymond Williams.”
Mediations (Spring 1999):30-36.
23
Scannell, Paddy, Philip Schlesinger and Colin Sparks, eds. Culture and Power A Media,
Culture and Society Reader. Wiltshire, UK: Cromwell Press, Ltd., 1992.
Storey, John. An Introductory Guide to Cultural Theory and Popular Culture. Hertfordshire,
UK: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993.
Thwaites, Tony, Lloyd Davis and Warwick Mules. Introducing Cultural and Media Studies A
Semiotic Approach. Wales: Macmillan Education, 1994.
Venn, Couze. The Postcolonial Challenge Towards Alternative Worlds. New Delhi: Sage, 2006.
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Culture as the Ideological Battleground of the Modern World-System.”
Postcolonialism Critical Concepts in Literary and Cultural Studies.vol. 5 ed. Diana Brydon.
New York:Routledge, 2000.
Young, Robert C, Postcolonialism An Introduction.Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2001.
Zialcita, Fernando Nakpil.Authentic Though not Exotic Essays on Filipino Identity. Quezon
City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2005.
24
25