Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Alberto N. García
University of Navarra, Spain
Introduction, selection and editorial content © Alberto N. García 2016
Individual chapters © Respective authors 2016
Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2016 978-1-137-56884-7
Introduction 1
Alberto N. García
v
vi Contents
Notes 223
Bibliography 231
Index 249
Figures
vii
Notes on the Contributors
viii
Notes on the Contributors ix
Living Dead, Fight Club, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, The Birds, The Walking
Dead, World War Z, and the cultural phenomenon of the zombie. His
first book, American Zombie Gothic, appeared in 2010, and his new book,
How Zombies Conquered Popular Culture, will be published in the fall of
2015, both available through McFarland Publishers.
Ever since the Parisian spectators at the Grand Café ran away terrified
at the sight of the train that approached La Ciotat station, it has been
clear that cinema is an emotion-generating machine. In fact, to narrate
is always to produce emotions. Munsterberg, one of the pioneers of film
theory, saw this as early as 1916: ‘Picturing emotions must be the central
aim of the photoplay’ (Münsterberg 48). Even that early in the history
of film, he was already conscious of how emotions affected spectators:
‘On the one hand we have those emotions in which the feelings of
the persons in the play are transmitted to our own soul. On the other
hand, we find feelings which may be entirely different, perhaps exactly
opposite to those which the figures in the play express’ (53).
Just as with other forms of art and expressions of popular culture,
TV fiction can be at once a reflection of, and a normative guide for,
social life. As Keen writes: ‘That narratives have the potential to trans-
mit not just shared positive values but also disciplinary models of social
control (including hierarchies, norms, and discriminating standards)
over the societies that share them has been a commonplace of con-
temporary theory since at least Foucault’ (‘Introduction: Narrative’ 12).
Often, social traits and predominant values – which are expressed in spe-
cific trends or lifestyles that are symptomatic of social life and become
socially binding – emerge from the study of these fictional works. Con-
temporary TV series reveal some of the most singular expressions of the
contemporary western lifestyle.
From that starting point, the book, Emotions in Contemporary TV Series,
focuses in particular on analysing the role of emotions in these narra-
tives as well as how they relate to personal and collective identity in
specific contemporary TV shows and genres. Over the past twenty years,
TV fiction has become one of the most powerful and influential trends
1
2 Introduction
in popular culture. Shows like Mad Men, Lost and The Wire have shaped a
vigorous televisual landscape where innovations in narrative form, aes-
thetic engagement and an exploration of ethical issues have brought TV
series to new heights.
In the following pages of this introduction I will examine how, over
the last few decades, the social sciences have returned to the study of
emotions; I will then specifically focus on the role that emotions have
played in film theory since its beginnings. Next, I will briefly explain
the causes behind the TV boom over the last 15 years in order to explain
the ever-increasing academic fervour that TV series have awakened. This
will allow me to show that, in spite of the extensive amount of exist-
ing literature, the study of emotions in TV is a largely unexplored field.
To conclude, I will outline the contents of this volume in order to offer a
guide to the reader about the structure and object of study of each essay.
Over the last few decades, there have been extraordinary developments
regarding the study of emotions, not only in the realm of psycho-
logy, medicine and neurology – areas in which the interest in emotions
is something to be expected – but more generally in the realm of
humanities and the social sciences, where emotions are not simply a
subject of research but rather are the prism through which a new epis-
temological turn is taking place. Furthermore, as Keen explains, we are
not really facing an ‘affective turn’, but rather an ‘affective return’ – a
focus on emotions which the aesthetics of the early twentieth century
instigated but left unresolved (‘Introduction: Narrative’ 18). As González
and García point out in the first chapter, with a few notable exceptions,
emotions have been mostly relegated to the background for much of the
modern age, largely because of the undisputed, decades-long dominance
of a rationalist and utilitarian paradigm, in which affective elements
were labelled as irrational. The traditional Cartesian opposition between
mind/body and reason/emotion is one example of this.
Emotions by nature include both cultural and cognitive aspects, as
well as evaluations and physiological changes which, ultimately, gene-
rate practical dispositions. Because of this inner wealth, emotions serve
as an especially appropriate anchor for the study of society, and reveal
contemporary social structures and cultural trends. Numerous discipli-
nes have focused on emotions, but the latest multidisciplinary research
attempts to integrate them into a less rigid analytical framework.
Alberto N. García 3
TV is the child of the film industry, and has inherited much of the lat-
ter’s treatment of emotions. In spite of their importance for spectators
(as previously highlighted when discussing the events that took place
during the first exhibition of the Lumière brothers’ invention), in the
history of film theory and film critique, the role of emotions has pre-
dominately been secondary or even buried, due to the assumption that
the emotions created by films are something mysterious and impossible
to grasp.
If we were to undertake a brief survey – necessarily synthetic (see
Plantinga and G. Smith; M. Smith, Engaging Characters; Grodal) – of the
history of film theory, we would discover that both formalist and realist
theories arose in an attempt to ‘legitimize the medium’ (Rushton and
Bettinson 11). To this end, a greater focus was placed on the specificity
of film with respect to other arts (Balázs; Arnheim), or on the ontological
status of the image in movement (Bazin; Kracauer), than on the nature
of emotions in movies. There was little concern for the mechanisms by
which the stories that were being told produced emotions in the spec-
tator. In the words of Zumalde, there was no interest in measuring ‘the
sentimental involvement of the subject in the artistic text’ (43).
Among classical theorists, it was Münsterberg who specifically paid
attention to emotion as an aesthetic phenomenon and an episte-
mological reality. He sought to develop an analogy between mental
mechanisms and the reception of film images, a process in which emo-
tions are essential, much like attention, memory and imagination: ‘It is
as if that outer world were woven into our mind, shaped not through its
own laws but by the acts of our attention’ (39).
The cultural revolution of the 1960s, a growing trend of cinephilia
and the arrival of film theory in the academy caused the appearance
of a series of new theories whose main concern was ‘analysing cinema
as a system of social and symbolic meaning’ (Rushton and Bettinson
11). As Elsaesser and Hagener write, ‘the dominant theories of the
1960s and 1970s privileged the act of seeing even more than earlier
4 Introduction
film provides. Therefore, when they study the effects generated by films,
they see emotion as an essential element, capable of being cut up and
analysed.
However, above all, it was the cognitivist philosophers who – based
on Bordwell’s constructivism – approached the phenomenon of emo-
tion in films in a more systematic manner, partly as a reaction against
what they considered to be excesses in the psychoanalysis-based theories
and semiotics that had been influential for decades. Along these lines,
several authors have dedicated complete works to the study of cinemato-
graphic emotion. The cognitivist approach holds that a spectator, while
watching a film, puts into motion the same mental mechanisms that
they use in daily life, namely, ‘affect-drive mental processes’ (Nannicelli
and Taberham 345). Therefore, because they consider the spectator’s
response to be something rational and analysable, cognitivists pick apart
the emotional processes that take place while watching a film, ana-
lyse the affective strategies of distinct genres and discuss the difference
between empathy and sympathy. ‘Visual fiction is viewed in a conscious
state, and is mostly about human beings perceiving, acting, and feel-
ing in, or in relation to, a visible and audible world . . . The viewer’s
experience and the phenomena experienced often demand explanations
that imply non-conscious activities; but the emotions and cognitions
must be explained in relation to conscious mental states and processes’
(Grodal 6).
To conclude this brief account of the role of emotions in film theory, it
is necessary to make reference to two more recent contributions. On the
one hand, there is the phenomenology of Sobchack, who claims that
films have thoughts and feelings of their own and, therefore, the rela-
tionship between a film and its spectator is a back and forth process: ‘An
expression of experience by experience’ (qtd in Elsaesser and Hagener
116). Thus, Sobchack’s theory tries to find continuity between physio-
logical and emotional reactions, focusing ‘on the carnal sensuality of the
film experience and what – and how – it constitutes meaning’ (Sobchack
56). On the other hand, Laine argues that films not only express, but also
embody emotions. Laine tries to combine the Deleuzian (affect) and the
cognitivist (emotion) traditions: ‘I attempt to approach cinematic emo-
tions as unified states or processes that involve both affective appraisals
and emotional evaluations, affect being an implicit quality of the stream
of emotion’ (2).
My review of the role that emotions have played in the history of film
theory ends here. However, what about TV fiction theories, the subject
of study to which the present academic volume is devoted?
6 Introduction
and Skoble; Jowett and Abbott), cultural studies (McCabe and Akass;
Dant), specific TV channels (Leverette, Ott and Buckley) and even philo-
sophical approaches (the ‘Popular Culture and Philosophy’ collection by
Open Court).
Nevertheless, the systematic study of emotions has been neglected
in publications devoted to contemporary TV series. It is in fact a topic
that has surfaced in other areas of TV studies, such as the link between
emotions and authenticity in reality TV, the uses and gratifications of
entertainment TV, or the tendency towards a sentimentalization of news
reporting in the so-called infotainment sector. However, in the specific
field of TV fiction, there is no book devoted to the study of emotions
as a central element in TV series. So far, it has been Vaage who has
delved the most into the specificity of emotion in TV narratives, point-
ing out that the small screen offers a type of narrative that differs from
that found in films in two ways related to temporality: its textual dura-
tion and its broadcasting rhythm. Also, from a cognitivist point of view,
Vaage has written several articles explaining how the extended narra-
tive that is characteristic of TV benefits from an emotional standpoint
and a stronger familiarity with the characters, which in turn influences
the degree of sympathy that spectators feel towards them; this can even
affect the moral judgments placed upon their actions (‘Fictional Reliefs’;
‘Blinded by Familiarity’; ‘Don, Peggy’). García discusses this topic in
his article devoted to studying the limits of allegiance in relation to
the figure of the antihero, while Nelson reflects upon the mechanisms,
specific to the television medium, through which TV narratives cons-
truct an intense emotional climax, which is in turn supported by the
spectator’s memory and the accumulation of the narrative.
Consequently, given the lack of bibliography, our focus on Emotions
in Contemporary TV Series will open up a new area of discussion that
links key notions of television narrative regarding emotions, cognition,
fiction and popular culture. What makes this volume unique is its inter-
disciplinary approach, since the series are analysed from the perspectives
of television studies, literature, sociology, philosophy and media stu-
dies. In addition, the essays contained herein serve as a demonstration
of the methodological validity of the theories mentioned earlier: Bishop
uses a psychoanalytical approach, Weissmann follows in the footsteps
of feminist studies, Pérez adopts a rigorous cognitivist perspective, Agger
relies on a cultural studies approach and Nelson – just to give one last
example – draws from the Deleuzian tradition, among others.
Several key concepts are engaged across the various chapters:
these include the relationship between moral emotion and character
8 Introduction
The book is divided into three parts. Part I examines diverse theore-
tical issues concerning the relationship between emotions and the TV
narrative. García and González offer a sociological panorama, which
explains the reasons behind this recent interest in emotions and why
the TV medium offers an optimal way of exploring them. Next, Nelson’s
article takes into account technological advancements and viewing
habits in order to explore how ‘a particular kind of textual construct
under digital circumstances affords the mobilization of a distinctive
kind of experience’. Thus, in his chapter he develops the notion of
‘moments of affect’ that ‘has become a significant structuring principle
to sustain engagement in long-form serials, augmenting linear narra-
tive hooks’. García analyses the popularity of antiheroes in high quality
Anglo-American TV drama, paying close attention to the relationship –
especially privileged by TV narrative – between moral emotions and the
spectator’s engagement with the characters. As a transition, this first
section ends with an article from Pérez in which he proposes a the-
ory concerning the rhetorical, narrative and aesthetic mechanisms that
differentiate individual and group empathy (that is, feeling emotions
with a character).
Part II includes four essays that deal with the subject of TV series
and collective identities, both gender and geographically based. This
section is an example of how the interdisciplinary approach of this
book reinforces dialogue and permits a greater depth of analysis of the
emotion–identity–TV triad from complementary perspectives. The two
first essays focus on how one of the most popular and culturally influ-
ential series – Mad Men – engages the politics of gender. In contrast to
her more positive reading of SouthLAnd, Weissmann – whose approach
is rooted in the feminist studies tradition – denounces how Mad Men,
in spite of offering a feminist critique, ‘is unable to escape the tra-
ditional gendered perception of women as emotional and as bodies’.
Flamarique, in contrast, chooses a sociohistorical perspective in which
Weiner’s series serves as a laboratory of the social changes that western
Alberto N. García 9
Echart and Castrillo also deal with horror, but from a much more
realistic, dry and contemporary point of view. They offer a broad defini-
tion of the political thriller subgenre and analyse the two emotions that
makes it distinct: fear and distrust. For their analysis, they take as a ref-
erence point the popular series, Homeland. In the last article, Wassmann
explores how the science fiction genre has dealt with emotion, begin-
ning with the appearance of foundational landmarks, such as Star Trek
and extending her reach to the great work of science fiction on contem-
porary TV: Battlestar Galactica. Her reflection on the emotional wealth
of these futuristic series connects with a classic trope of the genre: is
it possible for an artificial intelligence to experience genuine emotion?
Wassmann argues that the underlying concerns behind the discussions
between Cylons, androids and humans show how TV science fiction has
become a privileged object of study for those who wish to delve into the
issue of whether or not emotion – with all its consequences – is what
makes us truly human.
5 Acknowledgements
This book has its origins in a workshop that took place in Pamplona
in October 2013, sponsored by the research project ‘Emotional Culture
and Identity’. I would like to thank the Institute for Culture and Society
(ICS, University of Navarra) for their financial support. I am also grateful
to Ana Marta González, Estefanía Berjón, Rocío Davis and Efrén Cuevas.
It is also necessary to thank all those who have participated in this book
as authors. They have endured with admirable fair play all corrections,
suggestions and ‘pressures’ in order to comply with the proposed sche-
dule. In spite of being a cliché, it is nonetheless true: all editing errors
are my responsibility as the book’s editor.
Part I
Theoretical and General
Approach
1
Emotional Culture and TV
Narratives
Alejandro García Martínez and Ana Marta González
1 Introduction1
The fact that emotions unveil our values as well as our position in
the larger social structure makes them an important source of self-
knowledge and also knowledge about the world. By producing emo-
tional reactions, fiction may become a privileged site of self-knowledge,
both for the artist and for the public, although in different ways. While
fiction cannot be taken as a faithful representation of factual reality,
it does register emotional reactions to the facts as they are actually
conveyed. From this perspective, the kind of fiction created in a given
society constitutes relevant material for the sociology of culture.
In this chapter, we propose an overview of some of the sociocultural
developments that have resulted in what we call the ‘emotional culture’
of contemporary societies. Through the description of this set of cultural
meanings and operational codes by which people manage, deploy and
understand their emotions and actions, we will show the significant role
the media plays in shaping this particular emotional regime.
Against this background, the present chapter analyses why TV series
have become so pervasive and successful in this emotional culture.
In doing so, we will first describe the ‘dialogical and relational’ produc-
tion and reception of TV series; we will then link the characteristics of
our sociocultural regime to the specific narrative that TV series carry out.
Finally, we will conclude by stating that the complex and highly deve-
loped environment that the TV series format creates is especially fruitful
for exploring our ‘true’ self through emotions – primary embodied judg-
ments – suggesting that these types of narratives inspire emotion and
reflection.
13
14 Emotional Culture and TV Narratives
the prevalence of emotions not only in the public sphere, but also in
self-understanding and in the expression of personal identity.
Illouz has likely been the sociologist who has most directed her
efforts to explaining how, through mass media, a specific ‘emotional
style’ spreads and consolidates. This style manifests in a wide variety of
forms and cultural content that express an intense ‘concern’ for certain
emotions. This peculiar cultural style includes specific linguistic, scien-
tific, narrative and ritual techniques for understanding, managing and
coping with emotive elements (Illouz, Saving the Modern Soul). In this
regard, one of the pillars on which this new cultural style has been
built includes the permeation and translation of the emotional discourse
from psychology to a multitude of social spheres, eventually merging
into popular culture through the media.
The spread of emotional and therapeutic resources has managed to
permeate very different social contexts. Even in the economic sphere,
which is supposedly governed by rational and utilitarian criteria, we
can identify a transformation both in the performance of professional
roles and in business management and leadership procedures: in recent
years, emotional aspects identified as ‘work environment’, motivation
and job satisfaction have been management’s touchstone for reflec-
tion (Kunda). The proliferation of semi-popular books in recent decades
that propose a psychologised version of how to be a leader or have
business success is another telling sign of the centrality of emotions
and the therapeutic perspective (Booth; Furedi). In addition, an emo-
tional style is predominant in intimate relationships: sexual, friendship
and family relationships have also been redirected according to an
emotional therapeutic paradigm.
In short, an appeal to the emotions and this contemporary emo-
tional style’s set of ‘cultural resources’ constitute a privileged way by
which people define both themselves and their relationships with oth-
ers, and by which they establish strategies for achieving various personal
and social ends. Indeed, the cultural prevalence of emotions and their
management ultimately constitute what has become known as the
‘emotional style’ of our present culture. Additionally, the importance of
emotions in the present cultural context has called for epistemological
changes in almost every discipline.
hitting upon the expression for these, through which the subjective dis-
position of the mind that is thereby produced, as an accompaniment of
a concept, can be communicated to others’ (Kant 317). Thus, while the
work of genius can become an inspiring model for others, it cannot be
copied and still retain its artistic character (see Kant 318).
The aesthetic approach can be contrasted with a more political and
critical understanding of artwork. Thus, Kant’s reflection is still relevant
for understanding the context of Walter Benjamin’s controversial thesis
in his essay, ‘The Work of Art in the Age of its Technological Repro-
ducibility’ because Kant’s emphasis on the uniqueness and autonomy
of artwork resembles the ‘aura’, which, going back to traditional cult,
would, in Benjamin’s view, find its apotheosis in fascism; an aura which
would be increasingly lost in the process of technological reproduction
insofar as this process entails the disconnection of the art piece from
the authority of tradition and its original insertion in ritual. From then
on, for Benjamin, the value of art can no longer be sought after in its
uniqueness, but rather in its insertion in political praxis.
Important as it may be, the political approach to art does not cancel
out the poetic approach any less than the poetic approach cancels out
its political dimension. In a way, it makes it all the more relevant, as
well as more sophisticated. After all, Plato was well aware of the political
dimension of art when he considered the need to expel poets from his
Republic. This is true even if Plato’s concern with art was not formulated
in terms of ‘aura’, but rather had more to do with the cognitive dimen-
sion of art with its double-edged ability to tell and to deceive. Plato’s
basic concern with truth is also at work in the Aristotelian approach to
poetics; yet Aristotle is more focused on explaining the technical nature
of poetic truth, namely, the way elements need to be combined in order
to effectively realise the idea that the artist wants to convey to their audi-
ence. Seen in this light, the aestheticization of politics – which Benjamin
recognised in fascism – and the politicization of art – which he recog-
nised in communism – represent just two poles in a dialectic that simply
bypasses the intrinsically poetic dimension of art, which for Aristotle
constituted the specific rendering of art.
As a matter of fact, the possibility of effectively telling either true
or false stories still remains open in the age of mechanical reproduc-
tion. Even if Benjamin is right in noting that what followed the age of
mechanical reproduction is the idea of art as entertainment, as well as
the ‘disperse’ above the ‘recollected’ nature of the artistic experience, we
do not need entertainment to entirely suppress the cognitive dimension
that both Plato and Aristotle considered intrinsic to it. It could well be
22 Emotional Culture and TV Narratives
that the reverse is true: much of the things we tend to consider ‘just
entertainment’ are in a better position to perform this cognitive func-
tion insofar as they provide us with knowledge about the world and
about ourselves. This is what happens with much of contemporary TV
fiction: by telling stories that grab our attention, they tell us things
about ourselves as human beings who have emotional attachments and
moral reactions. From this perspective, there is no need to associate the
cognitive dimension of art with ‘aura’ in a demeaning sense.
In Benjamin’s view, the move from cult to political praxis could
be recognised in the increasing importance of exhibiting artwork, as
opposed to the ‘occultation’ that characterised the original objects asso-
ciated with cult (Benjamin 27). Along these lines, he also noted the
blurring frontiers between the artist and the public, as well as the trans-
formation of the public, which is especially clear in the case of cinema:
the technical mediation provided by cinema made the spectator simul-
taneously an expert and a critic (see Benjamin 34–5), thereby making
it almost impossible for art to retain its former analogy with cult. This
combination of fruitive and critical dimensions in the same person –
accentuated perhaps by the psychoanalytical approach to human life
that this medium made possible – is one of the culturally relevant factors
in examining cinema’s social impact. We think this aspect is also parti-
cularly relevant for understanding the recent evolution of TV narratives,
in which the involvement of the public has only increased.
5 Conclusions
that Benjamin stressed, as contemporary viewers are not only very cri-
tical, but also ironic; we rarely confront a piece of fiction with a kind of
naivety or reverence that would cancel out any reflection upon a series’
conditions of production. Some sort of social reflexivity is embedded in
our experience as TV viewers, to the point that we often adopt a meta-
discourse about the series we are watching. Thus, when watching TV
with friends, it is not uncommon to hear ironic comments such as, ‘you
know, there was a screen players strike at that time . . . ’ or ‘I guess the
child’s contract was about to expire’. It is clear, though, that this sort
of ironic reflexivity, which moves between fiction and reality, works as
a factual inhibitor of the potentially artistic elements present in that
given piece of fiction, making it more amenable to critical readings
than to poetic ones. While the poetic reading is still possible, the ironic
comment directs our attention towards the conditions of production,
inviting us to adopt a more critical stance focused on a series’ ideological
assumptions or the purposes behind it.
On the other hand, the ironic and critical approach coexists with an
enhanced emotional attachment to fictional characters that often goes
hand in hand with the serial nature of TV fiction, and explains the audi-
ence’s passionate involvement in the development of these products;
this blurs the distinction between the artist and their public. Once more,
such involvement with fictional characters is nothing new – we just
need to recall Don Quixote or Madame Bovary. Yet, as Illouz has argued,
modern emotional selves are particularly nourished by what Adorno
called the ‘ontologization of the imagination’ (Illouz), which has much
to do with the dimensions acquired by fiction in contemporary societies.
Nevertheless, to the extent a fictional product can succeed or fail
in transmitting a story, it remains a privileged locus for self-discovery
and/or self-deception precisely through the emotions it conveys, no
matter its production processes. In a way, from the perspective of the
sociology of culture, the audience’s involvement in the production pro-
cess speaks louder about the ideals and expectations that they harbour
when choosing a particular series. Insofar as TV fiction producers under-
stand those expectations and are able to make a successful product, they
perform a crucial role, that of cultural mediators, whose products may
be taken as a reflection of their social constituencies.
In addition, this all serves to explain the popularity and growth of the
TV series genre as cultural references of our time. As mentioned earlier,
the particular format of TV series allows the audience to discover its true
self and, in so doing, TV series help, with some peculiarities when com-
pared to other genres (Mittell), with a cultural problem in contemporary
Alejandro García Martínez and Ana Marta González 25
society: an identity crisis which the need for a personal identity quest
or discovery (Taylor). Because of TV series’ format, in which characters
and narratives can be really well developed and their need for recurrent
‘moments of affect’ to engage the audience (see Nelson’s chapter in this
volume), TV series offer a good opportunity for self-exploration given
the emotions they elicit.
Thus, through our emotional reactions to complex actions or cha-
racters, agreeing with a particular course of action, being sympathetic
toward a particular character when he or she has made some move or
being angry when he or she behaves in some specific way we discover
who we really (authentically) are. Because emotions, as embodied judg-
ments, are primary responses to actions, characters and narratives, we
can discover ourselves through them.
Given what has been argued so far, these fictional products and
experiences can be justifiably viewed as sites of embodied reflexivity.
Accordingly, performing a critical analysis of these fictional products
becomes a privileged way of realising, to put it in Foucault’s terms, an
‘ontology of the present’ or an ‘ontology of ourselves’. From this pers-
pective, we are willing to say that contemporary viewers have become
privileged witnesses of our own transition from a culturally modern to
a late-modern society. We are experiencing our own collective rites of
passage, playing with pieces, de-constructing and re-constructing iden-
tities, trying to come to terms with ourselves. As in most rites of passage,
dealing with crisis and the rearrangement of social order, sexual ambiva-
lence, symbolic revolutions of gender roles and confrontations with
death are prominent and necessary. We are invited to reflect upon the
elements that compromise our culture and to reinvent the social order
in ways that cohere with our ethical convictions.
2
The Emergence of ‘Affect’ in
Contemporary TV Fictions
Robin Nelson
26
Robin Nelson 27
termed ‘qualia’ to indicate the distinctive subjective ‘raw feel’ that cons-
titutes conscious, but elusive, experience. Where most work in Film
Studies has concentrated on unpacking new engagements with charac-
ter and linear narrative (for example, Smith’s ‘recognition, alignment,
allegiance’ model), the protracted and meandering postnarratives of
complex TV suggest additional modes of encounter with less emphasis
on teleological trajectory.
The domain of TV fictions has developed remarkably over the past
twenty years since Brandt (17) predicted its demise – at least in respect
of TV drama in the UK. Both the programmes made and the conceptual
frameworks for understanding TV fictions have shifted almost beyond
recognition. In one sense Brandt was right insofar as the authored sin-
gle play, which had been seen as the beacon of early British television
drama, has considerably diminished. Taking a high culture standpoint,
Brandt inferred that the demise of (theatre) writers’ television would
entail the loss of complex imaginative engagement with the world.
But the authored single play has been replaced by a collaboratively-
produced, medium-specific televisual mode, namely long-form TV serial
fiction. This mode has even greater potential to address the complexities
and ambiguities of contemporary life and locate them in imagina-
tive and historical contexts. Moreover, a shift from the hypodermic
model of the transmission of authorial meaning implicit in Brandt’s
position, has, as we shall see, emancipated the spectator (to echo
Rancière’s formulation) and opened up new experiential possibilities
(see Rancière).
Of course, not all television affords deep encounters. The medium
overall continues to offer its episodic and formatted range of proce-
dural cop dramas and soaps, reality TV and sports, news and current
affairs, with a noted inclination towards consumer-oriented entertain-
ment such as cookery competitions, game shows and dream-home
seeking. A working assumption of this chapter is that these different
modes of television programmes afford a range of different meanings
and pleasures, no doubt eliciting various emotions. However, at a time
which has seen a scholarly return to the aesthetic potential of televi-
sion (Jacobs and Peacock), this chapter explores the idea of a specific
‘affective’ viewing experience afforded by complex TV in the form of the
‘high-end’, niche-marketed, series-serials of TV3.5 Indeed, I go further
tentatively to propose that sequences of what I call ‘moments of affect’
constitute a significant structuring principle to sustain engagement in
long-form serials, augmenting linear narrative hooks. The correlation
between the principles of composition of long-form serial TV fictions
Robin Nelson 29
Conceptual framework
Traffic between world and text, then, runs in both directions: we need
our experience of the world to ‘get into’ the text, but the text may
transform the way we understand and experience the world. (54)
Affect arises, as Gregg and Seigworth note, ‘in the midst of in-between-
ness: in the capacities to act and be acted upon’ (2).
Turning to ‘affect’, my deployment of the term arises in the context of
a renewed interest since the mid-1990s in a concept mobilized to grasp
an elusive but newly-emergent kind of bodymind experience.6 Gregg
and Seigworth note that the concept has been fruitfully applied in var-
ious disciplines but, being a matter of process, ‘affect’ does not lend
itself to instrumental methodological subjugation. In their summary
view, ‘[t]here is no single, generalizable theory of affect; not yet, and
(thankfully) there never will be’ (5). However, they recognize a thread
in the essays in their edited volume in the ‘collectively singular attempt
to address what transpires in the affective bloom-space of materiality’
(9). It is one such ‘bloom-space’ that I seek to identify here. By ‘affect’
in long-form serial television viewing, I indicate an unusually inten-
sive encounter in a process of dynamic interplay between feeling and
cognition mobilized by textual complexity and a concern with being
Robin Nelson 31
in the world, in both the context of the fiction and the viewing
context.
In an insightful essay on the lineage and modern usage of ‘affect’,
Clough distinguishes between those critics and theorists who ‘focused
on the circuit from affect to emotion, ending up with subjectively felt
states of emotion’ and those (indebted to Spinoza, Bergson and Deleuze
and Guattari) who:
Where, in the past, the medium of television has been dismissed as a low
art form ‘largely aimed at emotional gratification’, as Postman (88–9)
characterized it, complex TV demands fresh thinking about its potential.
Today’s long-form serial fictions demand a high level of commitment
over many hours in serial instalments (80+ hours for The Sopranos; 120+
hours for Lost). Their multilayered, textual palimpsests also demand
close attention, requiring experiencers to be alert to the resonances
of significance, throughout. Indeed, in Television Studies, ‘the glance’
which previously characterized the dominant viewing disposition of the
TV medium has been called in question by an engagement more akin to
the cinematic ‘gaze’, but with its own specificity and without its textual
determinism.8 The protracted temporal frame has its own distinctive
rhythms and capacities for folding forwards and backwards in time and
shifting perspective, as Mittell, amongst others, has demonstrated in
some detail.
Partly because of the television commissioning process for long-
form serials, affective impact is initially more pressing than teleological
Robin Nelson 33
the category appropriate to the new theatre is not action but states . . .
a scenic dynamic as opposed to the dramatic dynamic. Theatre here
deliberately negates, or at least relegates to the background, the
possibility of developing a narrative. (68)
Stephen Poliakoff affords a good first illustration here since, besides pro-
ducing seven major TV long-form serial fictions as writer-director in the
decade since Shooting the Past (BBC, 1999), he has also directly addressed
key modal aspects which inform ‘moments of affect’. Also, though he is
a very significant figure in UK television, Poliakoff may not be not so
well-known in continental Europe and the USA.9
Over five hours divided into three episodes (on DVD over 29
chapters), Shooting the Past (hereafter StP) tells the story of the attempt
to save from dissolution the Fallon photographic library, located in an
36 The Emergence of ‘Affect’ in Contemporary TV Fictions
and not supportive of the aim which they share. My own response
involves a mixture of elation (at Bates’s success), astonishment (shared
with Anderson), anxiety (shared with Truman), all coupled with fear
of Styeman’s likely reaction. On a meta-level, I am aware of the con-
flict between modernity and conservatism being faced out and, though
I empathize with Bates, I am not quite sure which side I am ultimately
on. My viewing position is viscerally uncomfortable and intellectually
challenged.
40 The Emergence of ‘Affect’ in Contemporary TV Fictions
Borgen
Figure 2.2 A moment of affect: multiple elation and confusion when Nyborg
makes ‘an extraordinary remark’
Mad Men
recreated images of the 1960s are viewed with a steady – at times almost
documentary – gaze but are also intermingled with conscious intertex-
tual reference to mediatizations (advertisements themselves, music and
films of the period).
Moments of affective complexity are subjected, by turn, either to a
Point of View perspective (the out-of-time moment marked by camera
effects such as soft focus) or a distant clinical stare.13 The Points of View
perspectives, moreover, are frequently not those of the protagonists in
the moment of drama but a sophisticated equivalent of reaction shots.
Alternatively, the steady external camera in mid-shot cedes viewpoint to
a seemingly critical external eye, perhaps holding the position of Mad
Men’s cool, detached overall style. As Mimi White observes, ‘[t]he laconic
narrative pace and eschewal of explicit motivation puts all the emphasis
on how things look and how they happen’ (153).
Within the context of a long-form serial fiction, demanding close
attention as indicated, knowledge of characters’ thoughts and feelings
is built up such that a brief indication of their viewpoint on a situation
affords a complex reading of the effect upon them of any incident. The
overt success of those at the core of the incident (a successful advertising
pitch, for example) may be suffused with a sense of the disappointment
of another character who has been excluded, thwarted or overlooked in
career terms, or in romance. Together, these mixes of thoughts and feel-
ings as experienced constitute what I signify by ‘moments of affect’, of
which there are many in Mad Men. Indeed, the iterations of ‘moments
of affect’ sustain interest in Mad Men, which is full of small surprises
and evidently self-aware, as noted, of the complex viewing position it
constructs.
‘Moments of affect’ are lent weight in Mad Men by resonances beyond
the mise-en-scène and internal world of the fiction. One key concern of
the series is the social function of mass advertising, while closely-related
issues include women’s rights and civil rights at a time of change when
many people had dreams of what might become possible through rad-
ical social transition. Though, arguably, significant progress has since
been made on these fronts, Mad Men must inevitably be viewed ret-
rospectively through the lens of disillusion that more has not been
achieved. A capitalist ethos which privileges the values of competitive
business and puts wealth, and occasions for status display, above all else,
remains dominant today. Indeed branding, and its social ramifications,
is arguably more forceful today than in the 1960s; the divide between
the ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ is more pronounced.
Robin Nelson 47
Figure 2.3 A moment of affect (two resonances): light and dark days in Peggy’s
advertising office experience
triumph, I am rooting for her having put one over on a patriarchal cul-
ture with which many of her fellow-workers are complicit. It is good to
see the outsider have a moment of glory. Equally, I am simultaneously
aware that Peggy’s victory is in part hollow, perhaps like the emancipa-
tory trajectory of feminism. I am shocked by the casual objectification
of women as it is presented and even more by an awareness that, having
grown up in the years of Mad Men’s setting, I was initially insensitive to
the sexism which obtained in everyday actuality (and of which I could
not but be a part). Subsequently having become acutely aware of second-
wave feminist issues in the late 1960s and early 1970s and committed to
emancipatory change, I am disappointed in the reversals, as I see them,
of ‘girl power’, deeply invested in consumer individualism as it appears
to be.
Perhaps even more than my other examples, Mad Men comprises a
succession of moments of affect comprising complex and contradictory
experiences, some highly visceral, others more reflective, many both at
the same time.
Conclusion
This chapter has aimed in parallel to indicate how a mix of media influ-
ences has contributed to a new mode of television. The ‘moments of
affect’ arising from the hybrid, though distinctive, mode of long-form
serial TV fictions may afford newly energized interactive engagements.
It such moments the identity of the experiencer may find itself pro-
foundly troubled, but it may be that, from such temporary dislocations,
a self-feeling of being alive and an enhanced capacity to act emerges.
The experience of long-form serial TV fictions is a pleasure but evidently
not a simple one and, methodologically, the articulation of an element
of bodymind self-reflection may need to be added to accounts of viewer
and textual disposition fully to bring this out.
3
Moral Emotions, Antiheroes and
the Limits of Allegiance
Alberto N. García
1 Introduction
52
Alberto N. García 53
profile, experienced many internal and external conflicts, but they never
ceased to be positive characters. They were morally exemplary, coura-
geous in the face of adversity, and willing to sacrifice themselves for the
greater good of society; the villains were identified and corruption was
uncovered in the institutions, however, Mulder and Scully were above
corruption or vice. This is also evident in contemporary network tele-
vision programs: for example, while The West Wing (NBC, 1999–2006),
Lost and The Good Wife (CBS, 2009–) feature dramatically rich characters,
they lack the essential moral equivocation that defines the protagonists
of contemporary cable TV series. From Oz (HBO, 1997–2003) to Ray
Donovan (Showtime, 2013–), antiheroism has been a key dramatic ele-
ment and the internal contradictions of the protagonists serve as a seed
from which the deepest conflicts of the story develop.
The third reason that explains the current trend of TV antiheroes
is related to the notion of an expanded, protracted narrative that is a
feature of so many cable shows. Series like these (that is, ones which
have taken this quasi-novelistic approach) have redefined the notion of
quality television drama. The complex network of characters, relation-
ships, political alliances, bloodlines and all kinds of conflicts that exist
in series, such as Deadwood (HBO, 2004–06), The Wire (HBO, 2002–08)
and Game of Thrones (HBO, 2011–), would have been unfeasible a few
decades ago. These artistically ambitious series can develop over ten sto-
rylines per episode, using a boundless narrative flow that reminds us of
writers from the nineteenth century. Moreover, by using more footage
to develop the plot – without the need to waste time repeating plots
and motifs, as was the style of earlier series or current self-contained
narratives – the conflicts and dilemmas multiply, enriching the moral,
emotional and political diversity of the story. This ‘complex TV’, as
Mittell has coined it (forthcoming), has produced a remarkable effect on
our emotional engagement with dubious characters, such as the many
‘bad boys’ referred in this chapter. We will return to the importance of
the story in addressing the limits of our allegiance in the last section of
this article. It is now necessary to take a closer look at what the different
levels of engagement for the spectator are, so that we can understand
how moral emotions come into play in the consumption of television
fiction.
alignment and allegiance: the first being a feature of the film, while the
latter is an audience response provoked by the audiovisual work.
First, alignment (a similar concept to Genette’s ‘focalization’) ‘concerns
the way a film gives us access to the actions, thoughts, and feelings
of characters’ (Engaging Characters 6). Consequently, we align with a
character through a ‘spatio-temporal relationship’ (that is, the story
shows what the character does in his/her environment) and a ‘subjective
access’ (the story reveals how the character feels and what they desire).
Except for ensemble casts such as The Wire and Deadwood, most of the
series, which this article focuses on, present a clear protagonist, whom
we follow and, consequently, with whom we align, through both their
domestic and professional lives.
Meanwhile, allegiance ‘concerns the way a film attempts to marshal
our sympathies for or against the various characters in the world of fic-
tion’ (Engaging Characters 6). Through this process, the character gains
the viewer’s approval, a complicity that Plantinga also describes as being
‘rooted in the spectator’s evaluation of the moral traits of a character.
The spectator will be led to sympathize with a character who is held to
have morally desirable traits. Such sympathies, in turn, partly determine
the emotional responses of spectators to the narrative situations of the
film’ (‘I Followed’ 37). This is not to say that our allegiance is uncondi-
tional. Our ability to feel sympathy for these characters is not unlimited
and can be combined with contempt for immoral or violent actions,
or as we will discuss later, can result in a dramatic turnaround in our
relationship with them.
It may be interesting to mention here the distinction that Plantinga
establishes between mere ‘sympathy’ towards a character and the more
solid concept of ‘allegiance’: ‘We might consider sympathy to be more
flexible and protean than allegiance, and its causality more diffuse
and unpredictable. We might consider allegiance – our allying our-
selves with, focusing on, rooting for a character – to be a relationship
established only after appropriate narrative and character development’
(‘I Followed’ 41). Thus, ‘allegiance’ implies a long-term investment in
the character, something that serial fiction is in a privileged manner to
allow. In this environment, it is easier for us to reconcile with the cha-
racters when they commit unpleasant acts that distance them from us
emotionally.
In this sense, it is also important to take into account that our engage-
ment with TV characters is slightly different than our engagement
with film characters. As Blanchet and Vaage have stated, TV narrative
58 Moral Emotions, Antiheroes, Limits of Allegiance
4 Dramatic strategies
of the pilot visually reinforces the ethical ambiguity that defines the
series: we need Mackey out there, doing the dirty work, to enjoy the
tranquillity of our own homes. It is no coincidence that in each sea-
son – in a dramatic balancing act well planned by the writers – the Strike
Team, despite their violent and sometimes illegal methods, need to face
villains far more savage and ruthless than they are, and they always win.
If, as Carroll argues in relation to Tony Soprano, we look at the ‘moral
structure’ of the fictional world of The Shield, we realize that Vic Mackey
‘is far from the worst character’. There is no denying that the leader of
the Strike Team is ‘morally defective, but only to suggest that among an
array of ethically challenged characters, he is one of the least deplorable’
(‘Sympathy for’ 131–2). While this does not make his misdeeds good,
it means that the viewer, driven by an emotional identification with
characters and the agonizing environment in which they are presented,
ultimately forms a positive moral evaluation of them upon experiencing
events that have been ‘emotionally predigested for us’.
desirable once again, and even allow them to employ the last of the
strategies that feeds our allegiance to them as antiheroes: the strategy of
victimization.
sympathy: ‘We ally ourselves with some of his attitudes and not oth-
ers; indeed, some of his actions and attitudes draw our antipathy rather
than sympathy’ (‘Just What’ 86). This conflicting, ambivalent alle-
giance is precisely what fuels the plot in the high-end TV series we
are analysing here. Along the same lines, Mittell refers to the complex
and often-contradictory feelings that Walter White’s actions provoke in
the spectator as ‘operational allegiance’. Both Smith and Mittell confer
with Vaage’s arguments in her recent article (2014) on the proliferation
of antiheroes: the three refer to the limits of ‘allegiance’. However, the
three authors maintain, with different nuances, that while sympathetic
allegiance may suffer occasional deterioration, overall, it remains intact.
My intention here is to question their argument and to affirm that it
is precisely the length of the serial story and the viewer’s memory that
allows us to gauge the accumulation of evil caused by a character until
causing us to lose sympathy for him. Consequently, the aforementioned
strategies will be necessary in order to achieve the viewer’s ‘re-allegiance’
with the character. That is, sympathetic allegiance must be nourished to
remain effective; the ‘structure of sympathy’ is not indestructible once
established in the early stages of the story. Therefore, what Smith calls
‘partial allegiance’ could be more accurately labelled as a ‘cyclical re-
allegiance’; that is, the story has to constantly make a dramatic effort to
relocate our sympathetic allegiance.
As Vaage explains, ‘we become partial towards the character we know
best’ (‘Blinded by’ 269), to a point where the familiarity of a story which
spans several years ‘blinds’ us when evaluating their actions: ‘As specta-
tors of fictions, we rely more strongly on moral emotions than on moral
reasoning’ (274). Vaage emphasizes the artistically pleasurable contra-
diction that the engagement with stories the viewer is emotionally
committed to brings, and the tension created when the viewer reflects
coldly on the morality of their actions. Vaage states: ‘When the narrative
explicitly reminds us of the consequence of their actions, we may drift
out of sympathy momentarily, but, once the narrative moves on, we
tend to bounce back into sympathetic allegiance’ (280). My point is that
the narrative needs to ‘move on’ with an explicit act of re-allegiance.
Therefore, without denying the validity of Vaage’s reasoning, it seems
necessary to add an additional twist: not only do the stories regularly
test our sympathy for the antihero, but the possibility exists that they
can make you lose all of that sympathy gradually. Therefore, after a
violent or immoral act, the viewer needs one of the strategies previ-
ously cited in order to ‘re-establish’ their sympathy for the character.
It occurs in the tender scene in Breaking Bad, which was described at
Alberto N. García 65
the beginning of this article, and Tony Soprano’s vomiting after leav-
ing his subordinate badly injured. It is a constant need; otherwise, the
viewer’s sympathetic allegiance may be lost, as happens in certain cases,
since the accumulation of evil and the viewer’s memory, despite the
emotional balances we have described, can erode the moral sympathy
of the viewer to such an extent that the ‘oscillating sympathy structure
in the series’ (Vaage, ‘Blinded by’ 277) can result in aversion or dislike
of a character.
In Breaking Bad, for example, our complicity with Walter falters during
the first half of the fifth season, when he terrorizes Skyler, kills Mike,
and is unfazed by the death of the boy on a bike. Furthermore: with
Gus Fring liquidated, there is no villain in the story worse than him;
there is no counterweight. Therefore, it is doubtful that our sympathies
for Walter, which at that point in the story had lasted a calendar year
for regular viewers of the show, would remain unchanged. Of course, as
spectators, we are anxious to know how Walter White’s journey will end
(mostly due to the flash forward scene in episode 5.1 which suggests that
his end will be tragic and violent), but from the standpoint of emotional
identification, part of the critical discussion about the series had to do
with tempering the tendency to ‘root for Walt’ (Zoller Seitz, ‘Seitz on
Breaking Bad’).
Precisely because our allegiance is very problematic after episode 5.8,
one of the principal dramatic objectives of the last eight episodes of
Breaking Bad is the re-humanization of Walter, the reconstruction of our
emotional identification with him and, ultimately, our ‘re-allegiance’.
It does so using the four strategies mentioned in the previous section:
first, a new group of despicable villains emerges (Todd’s familiar neo-
Nazis) in contrast to which even Walter, despite his considerable degree
of villainy at this point in the story, is presented as ‘morally prefer-
able’. Secondly, his cancer returns and because of his physical frailty,
he once again becomes a victim in our eyes, someone weak and pow-
erless (‘Granite State’, 5.15, is a key episode in achieving this effect
for the final time). Thirdly, his lack of scruples collides with a clear
moral line: the family is untouchable. The latter is seen not only by
his genuine grief after the death of Hank, but by his return of Holly
(placing the good of the girl before his selfishness). It is precisely with
Hank’s death, as with so many of the deaths Walter causes, that the last
of the strategies of ‘re-allegiance’ appears: the strong sense of guilt, but
as usual Walter fools himself once again in order to convince himself of
his innocence. Something similar happens at the end of ‘Ozymandias’
(5.14), during a phone call between Walter and Skyler, where tears are
66 Moral Emotions, Antiheroes, Limits of Allegiance
confused with reproach. The viewer empathizes with Walter’s pain for
having ruined everything. Still, as we shall see while explaining ‘post-
mortem re-allegiance’ below, Walter’s apology to Skyler in the season
finale will be the real act of contrition that will close our circle of
emotional identification.
The expanded narrative we previously explained favours emotional
redemption and, consequently, ‘re-allegiance’ with the characters once
we are shown their familial, sentimental and friendly qualities. This is
what happens also to Don Draper – in a canonical example of ‘cyclical
re-allegiance’ – after his descent into hell in the sixth season of Mad Men.
In the end, his redemption comes through Sally, his daughter, and he
ends up with his three children outside the house in which his painful
childhood was played out. We see, then, a family man, a loving father
after an act of contrition (the Hershey pitch) and, also, the scene depicts
the house where he was the victim of a poor and lonely childhood.
The nature of the series gives the viewer access to the most intimate
qualities of the character, forming a naturalistic, all-encompassing story
that aims to capture the wounds of time in the life of the characters.
By taking 60 hours instead of two to develop conflicts, the very nature
of the story allows us to modulate our anger towards the terrorist Nick
Brody in Homeland: through the warmth of home, we discover both the
magnitude of his trauma (victimization) and the love of a father who
adores his children. In short, we can recover our sympathy cyclically,
precisely because of the specific form, duration and dramatic needs of
television narrative.
until the initial conflict, which launches the series and structures the
narrative, is definitively resolved.
In a television landscape where the story is becoming ever more
sophisticated, one of the great advances of ‘complex TV’ regards the
‘ars moriendi’ (Harrington) of audiovisual fictions: the end of the series
increasingly aims for circularity, emotional climax, reasonable surprise
and internal narrative coherence. This means that, in series where the
antihero has fallen from public favour, the series finale is the key to
recovering the sympathetic allegiance of the viewer a posteriori, even
strictly post-mortem in certain cases. This possibility of recovering a
viewer’s allegiance post-mortem has an extra importance in television
fiction: it implies that text that has been open to fluctuations and inter-
pretations for years (‘serial articulation’ in Mittell’s terms) decides to
clearly mark its border, that is, to try to stabilize a ‘structure of sympathy’
that has until now been oscillating.
Therefore, before dying while contemplating, with a smile, the labo-
ratory where his ‘work of art’ – the blue methamphetamine – was
produced, the fugitive, Walter White, says goodbye to Skyler and their
children: ‘I did it for me. I liked it. I was good at it and I was really
... I was alive’; he admits this with a mixture of pride and sadness. His
apology in ‘Felina’ (5.16) is necessary as the first step to fully restoring
our allegiance. Together with that scene, and without denying the moral
complexity of his last conversation with Skyler and the scene where he
caresses his sleeping daughter, Holly, Walter admits his selfishness and
the price to be paid for his sins while seeking forgiveness from the ones
to whom he has done the most damage; the closing of the storyline
after releasing Jesse and liquidating the Nazis provides a perverse kind
of happy ending, in accordance with the moral sympathy demanded of
the viewer. Walter pays for his sins, not only through the loss of the
family he intended to save, but with the loss of his own life. Still, there
were those who criticized the final result precisely for being complacent
and for not being difficult enough for Walter, confirming the fragility
of viewer allegiance to Walter White. That is, there were many viewers
who not only wanted Walter to die violently, as finally happens, but to
fail completely in his desire for revenge and restitution of the order his
own chaos had generated (Emily Nussbaum).
The series finale of The Shield, one of the most acclaimed final episodes
in television history, is constructed on a similar ambiguity. While Vic
Mackey wins his last battle, he loses everything that justified his actions:
his family and his badge. His defeat is highlighted with silence and a
series of frigid, closed final shots, which stand counter to the electricity
70 Moral Emotions, Antiheroes, Limits of Allegiance
6 Conclusion
‘When Mima talked about you, I couldn’t tell if it was love or hate’ is
one of the last sentences Nucky Thompson hears in Boardwalk Empire
(‘ElDorado’, 5.8) As spectators, we need to wait until the last parallel
editing – the final minute – of the whole series to fully realize who Nucky
was and why he has been acting like a truly contradictory antihero over
the five seasons. The characteristics discussed during this essay demons-
trate how our moral evaluation is influenced, even manipulated, by the
emotional relationship that TV series establishes for us as spectators.
‘Do we feel an allegiance with – a sympathy for – a character because of
the perverse act that they engage in or in spite of that act?’ asks Smith
(‘Gangsters, Cannibals’ 223).
The serial format allows us to constantly revisit our dilemma between
because of and the in spite of, aware that the dramatic engine of many
of these series proceeds from an irresolvable contradiction that the tele-
vision story itself brings to the fore again and again. As evidenced by
the many examples given, the sympathetic allegiance that characterizes
series starring antiheroes has its limits, to the point that it can move
radically from one character to another during the story. Therefore, as
we have tried to show, strategies of ‘cyclical re-allegiance’ are neces-
sary in order to continue feeding the emotional and moral tension of
television stories, right up to the very close of the series’ finale.
4
Group Empathy? A Conceptual
Proposal, Apropos of Polseres
Vermelles
Héctor J. Pérez
1 Introduction
71
72 Group Empathy? Apropos of Polseres Vermelles
for this reason that the group takes on its greatest intensity in series
with teenage protagonists. However, few examples exist even within
teen series fiction. Like Polseres Vermelles, the British series, Misfits (E4,
2009–13), features a group that is identified physically. While in Polseres,
the title itself expresses the physical link that identifies the group (the
‘polseres vermelles’ are the red bracelets worn by hospital patients), in
Misfits, it is the orange suits worn by youth in social rehabilitation
projects that fulfil this function. The members also share special cir-
cumstances: in Misfits each one has received a ‘superpower’, whereas in
Polseres they are all seriously ill. Both offer excellent depictions of the
teenage group, although they exist on opposite extremes of the genre
spectrum: Misfits is an acid comedy, while Polseres is an emotionally
charged drama. In another of the more internationally successful teen
series of recent years, Skins (E4, 2007–13), the cast of characters also form
a group. Although the series cannot be classified as realist, it expresses
with an added charge of intensity the universe of middle-class adoles-
cents in a western country, namely, the United Kingdom. The types of
family conflicts, life attitudes, leisure activities, relationships with tech-
nology, attitudes towards sex and drugs, ways of speaking and powerful
individualism that typify such teens form the main parameters of this
narrative ecosystem. In addition, another feature of that ecosystem is
friendship, which is a constant bond between the different members of
the group. However, a group itself does not exist merely because there
is a connection of friendship among all of its members. Rather, what
defines it most are the friendships between individuals.
What does Polseres Vermelles have that we cannot find in other sto-
ries of this type? This programme is different from most other series
about groups as it includes situations in which it is possible to speak
of a whole-group reality, in emotional terms; in addition, the narrative
is driven by an effective use of emotions that are directed and deter-
mined by the group. The first season charts the birth of the group,
its growth as its different members share life experiences, and the cri-
sis they face when various members leave the hospital; in the second
season, the group is brought back together and faces an extraordinary
climatic moment in the final episodes. It is a group of teenagers who
live in a hospital, all suffering from serious health issues, such as can-
cer, heart disease, Asperger syndrome and anorexia. It is a special series
within the hospital series subgenre, on account of its plot, which unfolds
almost exclusively inside the hospital, and its profound and emotionally
complex depiction of a group. It is this exhaustive narrative depiction
of a group and of its emotional intensity that effectively demands the
Héctor J. Pérez 75
Empathy has been characterized as one of the most central and influen-
tial mechanisms of all social processes of teenage friendship (Bukowski
et al.). It is notable for extracting individuals from their egocentrism and
helping them find easier resolutions to interpersonal conflicts. Accord-
ing to scientific studies, adolescents with more empathy are better at
companionship, less conflictive and more careful in their relationships.
There are also various branches of psychology specializing in adoles-
cence that point to the existence of a relationship between empathy
and friendship, and which even link adolescent empathy and inti-
macy to friendship quality: ‘We argued that adolescents who were
higher in empathy would demonstrate greater intimacy competence,
which would lead to closer friendships’ (Chong, Ruhl and Buhrmester
192). From this perspective, one of the crucial components for friend-
ship formation is ‘intimacy competence’, that is, the ability to develop
a communication of intimate experiences or personal feelings. With
respect to relationships between group realities and empathy in ado-
lescents, the research itself points out a lack of relevant experimental
studies, in spite of the considerable theoretical interest in such ques-
tions. Nevertheless, there are certain associations that have been very
clearly established: ‘Based on the outlined theoretical background, we
hypothesized that adolescents’ social connectedness is associated with
certain social demands which, in turn, require and shape social capa-
bilities such as empathy. Hence, the individual degree of empathy is
reflected in the social structure adolescents are embedded in’ (Wölfer
et al. 1297).
All of this might lead us to believe that Polseres Vermelles is a positive
depiction of the connections and aspects of adolescent social and group
life that form the object of research in different branches of psychology.
However, our objective here is not to analyse adolescent socialization,
but rather the narrative effects of its depiction. Thus, of interest to this
study is the empathy that the story can arouse in the spectator, rather
than the empathy between the protagonists within the narrated fiction.
The hypothesis that we seek to defend is that group empathy, which
encompasses specific and distinctive narrative effects, exists.
76 Group Empathy? Apropos of Polseres Vermelles
During the first episodes of the second season, the spectator expects the
final dissolution of the polseres, continuing the crisis that had begun
at the end of the first season. Those characters who have left the hos-
pital become increasingly alienated from the group. Jordi, who was an
inseparable friend to Lleo, does not want to go back to see them; he
obsessively avoids any object or experience that could take him back
Héctor J. Pérez 79
to his days in the hospital, and even refuses to attend the anniver-
sary commemorating Ignasi’s death. After the ending of her relationship
with Lleo, Cristina moves on, to a point that leaves little prospect
of her return; she has left to study hundreds of kilometres away and
in any case has no desire to return to see Lleo after his decision to
reject her. Lleo appears to have started a new relationship with another
woman, Rim, who has recently arrived at the hospital for treatment. All
these circumstances mark the trajectory of emotional engagement with
the spectator, who has become empathically involved with the group,
through a clear narrative strategy to reinforce further empathy in the
subsequent episodes; this sets the spectator up for a surprise when an
unexpected turn in the story finally brings the group back together.
A recurrence of their diseases will reunite them again in the same hospi-
tal. Jordi is diagnosed with another tumour, while Cristina is found to be
showing symptoms of a relapse of her anorexia. However, the prospect
of the reunification of the group takes on heightened importance, as it
takes Jordi and Cristina several episodes before they return to the group,
although they are back in the same hospital. This delay helps to build
up a greater emotional charge for the long-awaited moment when all
the protagonists finally recover the bond that had been lost. What all
this suggests is that the main plot of the second season, at least until
all the characters are finally reunited, is none other than the very fate
of the group itself. In the context of exploring the meaning of empathy
as defined by Plantinga, the value of the scene when the group finally
reunites lies in the fact that it marks a type of narrative experience which
from that moment on will effectively become the protagonist of the
story, curiously by virtue of the absence of the group.4 The plot theme
regarding the separation of a group that needs to be put back together
is essentially defined by the construction of spectator expectations in
continuity with their previous experience of group empathy. Toni and
Roc are the two characters who work ceaselessly to bring the group back
together. The spectator is able to internalize the desire these two char-
acters have to recover the emotional dynamics of the group through
individual empathizing.
Furthermore, as we will explore below, the denouement of the narra-
tive is a restoration that is structurally identical to that described above
in the first season. In the second season, the final episodes lead us on an
adventure in which the group undertakes a series of actions and fulfils
an objective similar to the scenes of the escapade on the stormy night;
a scene of group empathy unfolds that is very similar to the scene of
Lleo’s confession in the chemotherapy room. However, the fulfilment
80 Group Empathy? Apropos of Polseres Vermelles
Here, the leading role is given to the experience of the other, which is
the reason why Lleo’s companions accompany him – they understand
what it means for him to enjoy these new experiences. It would be fair
to say that unless spectators place themselves imaginatively in the situ-
ation of convergence with the empathy of the group and consider what
this experience could mean for someone in Lleo’s circumstances, they
will not be able to understand the meaning of the trip. Once again, it is
empathy in the most extensive dimension of imagination, leading us to
an understanding with an existential significance that can be acquired
in this group formula. With respect to the cognitive value of empathy,
film studies have also proposed lines of research that may be useful in
analysing group empathy. Murray Smith explores one line based on one
of the most prominent theories regarding the philosophy of mind: that
of the ‘extended mind’. Smith states, ‘We might regard empathy as a
mechanism of the coupling between the mind and that part of the
world through which it extends itself. [. . .] When we empathize with
another person, we extend our mind to incorporate part of their mind.
[. . .] In doing so, we exploit some part of the environment around us –
in this case, another human being – and thereby learn something about
the environment’ (‘Empathy, Expansionism’ 108). What is interesting
about this conception is that it foregrounds the cognitive value of empa-
thy, revealing it as an instrument for understanding reality through a
medium external to ourselves.
Finally, the series concludes with a culmination of the full con-
vergence of all the members of the group towards the end of the
trip. Earlier, when Lleo expressed his desire to leave the hospital, all
members of the group were afraid, given the doctors had warned that
if he left, he would only have a 3 per cent chance of survival. They all
share and comprehend Lleo’s desire to live in freedom; accompanying
and supporting him on a trip that will probably end tragically is essen-
tial to the composition of a scene of empathy given the emotional power
conferred by the character’s impending death. It also seems that as they
accompany him, an even greater contrast emerges between the whole-
ness of Lleo, who is able to concentrate on experiencing so many things
he had never imagined were possible, and the fear or sorrow of his com-
panions. These emotions become increasingly evident after Lleo suffers a
fainting fit. During the last minutes of the episode, as Lleo begins saying
goodbye to his friends, Cristina breaks down and confesses to Lleo her
distress and her inability to go on concealing her conflicting emotions.
This complex situation, in which empathy is mixed with sympathy,
affection, love and fear, is the legacy bequeathed to the spectator as
Héctor J. Pérez 83
the true group experience of the second season, as all of them, without
exception, have shared the decision to accompany Lleo and they all fear
his ultimate fate.
5 Conclusions
87
88 Women, Television, Feelings: SouthLAnd and Mad Men
resulted from it. This scholarship first of all reacted to charges of the vul-
nerability of audiences (particularly women and children, see Schiller or
Bandura et al.). They indicated how television as a domestic medium
followed the rhythms of domestic life with offerings targeted at parti-
cular groups at particular times (Modleski, ‘The Rhythms of Reception’).
Further, feminist scholarship highlighted that television was an impor-
tant cultural form even if it was undervalued because it was connected
to the domestic space and hence to a sphere normally gendered femi-
nine (Spigel). Most of these writers, coming together as a ‘Woman and
Film’ group, had a particular interest in soap opera, the least valued dra-
matic form on television, even if it was one of the most popular (C.
Geraghty, ‘The BFI Women’). Moreover, they had a particular interest in
the female characters in these soaps and in the particular dramatic form
of soap opera which, according to some commentators, had the space
to subvert traditional ideologies because of the continuous and frag-
mented nature of these dramas (see Geraghty, ‘The Continuous Serial;
Feuer, ‘Melodrama, Serial Form’). Finally, these scholars had a particular
interest in women viewers (Modleski; Brunsdon; Ang; Hobson) who –
until then – had all too often only been thought of as ‘easily duped’ and
were usually considered as secondary to male and even teenage viewers
(see Weissmann).
Out of this scholarship came several key feminist demands: feminists
wanted women to have greater access to powerful roles in broadcasting
and production. As many scholars (Holland; Hyem) highlighted, there
were too few opportunities for women to progress into senior manage-
ment, or even senior creative roles. Indeed, out of this demand came –
in the UK at least – the Women in Film and Television group which con-
tinues to operate to the present day, indicating that perhaps not quite
as much has changed as is sometimes reported. Another demand related
to the variety of representation. Several content analyses, including the
ones undertaken regularly by the National Organization for Women,
drew attention to the limited representation of women in the media.
For example, they highlighted that most women in film and television
tended to be white, below the age of 50 and slender. They were also cast
primarily in the role of mothers, lovers or caregivers and are portrayed
as passive within the narrative. Women were also often believed to be
housewives, mothers or consumers when they were addressed as view-
ers by the media, and again feminists demanded greater variety. Many
believed that Channel 4 in the UK, when it was established in 1982,
might offer an opportunity to bring about such a change, but they soon
found themselves rather disappointed (Baer and Spindler-Brown). While
these demands at first seemed rather distinct and separate, in what
Elke Weissmann 89
follows I will show that they were actually interconnected: the demand
for more women in senior roles goes along with a belief that this will
eventually offer greater variety of representation which will cater to
the variety of women’s needs beyond their roles as wives, mothers and
consumers.
It is in order to give further currency to the urgency of having more
women in senior roles in the television industries that I conduct a com-
parative analysis here. Both Mad Men and SouthLAnd have been praised
for the number of strong female characters who are shown to have
narrative agency. However, how they are represented and what this
narrative agency implies need to be unpacked further. The dramas are
particularly useful for such a comparative analysis as one of them has
been created and is showrun by a man (Matthew Weiner, Mad Men),
while the other has been created and is showrun by a woman (Ann
Biderman, SouthLAnd). Of course, television authorship is more com-
plex, particularly in America, where there are often teams of writers
working together. However, overall creative control is held by the head
writers and showrunners, and it is these individuals who decide on the
key framework through which narrative and character can be developed.
This means that how narrative themes and characters are conceptualized
within the universe of a drama is usually decided by them, particularly
during the early stages of the series. While the analysis will focus on Mad
Men and SouthLAnd, there is nevertheless an indication that their repre-
sentation can be understood to be paradigmatic for how ‘quality TV’
created by men and women usually represents women.1 As I will argue
below, much of the difference in representation relies on a subtly, but
importantly different conceptualization of women in relation to feel-
ings: while Mad Men develops female characters by drawing on relatively
stereotypical views of women as emotional (even if it tries to sub-
vert some of the associated assumptions to this stereotype), SouthLAnd
emphasizes the role of female instinct and affect to develop the female
characters as competent. Such a distinction requires a better understand-
ing of the conceptualizations of feelings, a matter which I will turn to
first. I will then analyse the two dramas in the context of their produc-
tion history and the representation of their female characters, drawing
on some of the methodologies, including content analysis, but also close
textual analysis, from earlier feminist work on television.
Sally as a young girl running around with a plastic bag over her head
(1.2), or when the Drapers are getting up from a picnic and leave the
rubbish strewn on a perfectly mown lawn (2.7). As The Guardian points
out, such images are dwelt upon in order to highlight the laissez-faire
attitude of that generation towards environmental issues, suggesting
a critique from a morally superior standpoint. Nevertheless, it is this
standpoint that enables us to misunderstand the feminist critique as it
allows us to assume that in regard to the treatment of women, we have
also progressed.
Mad Men’s problematic feminism is perhaps further emphasized when
we approach the series drawing on the methodology of content analy-
sis, with a focus on the women. Of the regular ten characters that we
see throughout the series (from seasons one to seven), four are women
(if we include Don’s daughter Sally). At first, this suggests a relatively
equal distribution of roles and perspectives within the context of the
representation of a sexist time. However, all of the women are white,
middle class (or at least from an urban background) and under the age
of 40. Moreover, all of them are relatively slender, even if Joan Harris is
sometimes described as curvy. This compares relatively unfavourably to
the main male characters. Although all of them are white too, and can
now be classed as middle class, Don is from a rural, working-class back-
ground and their age range is much wider. Indeed, as Edgerton argues,
Mad Men is precisely interested in investigating the relationship between
the different generations (xxiii), though this seems largely confined to
the relationship of men to each other. When considering the recurring
cast, the image hardly becomes any better. Although the gender balance
seems slightly more equal (44.8 per cent of all other characters recurring
in at least five episodes are female and 46.1 per cent of all character in
at least two episodes are female), the representation of different races or
ages remains relatively limited. Of the 87 women who appear in at least
two episodes, only five are black, and only 21 are over the age of 45.
Of course, such a representation is in line with the sexism and the segre-
gation of races of the period in which the series is set; at the same time,
such limited representation does nothing to tackle this image. Thus,
rather than, say, providing us with representations of the everyday expe-
riences of the few black women (for example, Dawn), we have to infer
what their experiences are like by reading their faces in close-ups in
moments of obvious racism.
A close textual analysis, focused on the representation of women
in relation to emotion, highlights that although the drama uses
female perspectives in order to undermine the dominant discourses of
94 Women, Television, Feelings: SouthLAnd and Mad Men
her eyes rather than those of the other women, women’s emotionality
becomes devalued. That, however, also means that women in their tra-
ditional gender roles appear to bring little to the table that is valuable
in terms of their career. In addition, the suppression of emotion is pre-
sented as a matter of choice, and thus cloaks this particular moment
in the language of neoliberal ideology and postfeminism. This is also
evident in the later series, when Peggy pitches the Burger Chef advert,
her most successful moment (7.7). Here we see Peggy draw on her emo-
tions, some of which are clearly authentic, while others are not, in order
to create a great sell. She manipulates her emotions and those of others,
ensuring they are controlled, in order to further her career. All of this
means that women are presented as having the potential to move up in
their careers even during this pre-feminist, sexist time, as long as they
choose to behave like men.
Another interesting aspect about the scene in which Peggy chooses
not to be like the other women (and the Burger Chef pitch scene) is
the manner in which it is presented. The scene is clearly marked as a
subjective point of view shot: the camera is consistently positioned with
Peggy. In other words, the woman’s point of view needs to be marked as
subjective – as belonging to one particular woman. Such a shot (along
with the use of similar ones across the seasons) illustrates how much of a
masculine worldview is provided by the rest of the programme. In other
words, while we receive the occasional insight into what this world is
like for women, generally we are aligned with a masculine point of view.
As a result, this particular perspective becomes normalized, common
place. Hence, despite moments of feminist critique, we are still offered a
world as perceived by men.
This is most evident in how the series imagines women, their emo-
tions and their bodies, and in an attempt to examine this further I want
now to focus on Betty Draper. In the words of Davidson, ‘Betty Draper’s
character could have been created from Betty Friedan’s [The Feminine
Mystique’s] opening passage – name and all’ (137). Davidson, of course,
refers to the ‘problem with no name’; the sense of boredom and despe-
ration experienced by many women in 1950s and early 1960s America.
Betty is typical for the suburban housewife: apparently she has it all –
the big house, the husband, the children, even a servant –, but she
is also lonely and bored. While in her old life as a model, she was
universally at the centre of attention, she has been moved into the
margins, where it is easy to forget about her. This ‘problem with no
name’ expresses itself in her hands going numb, which leads to Betty
crashing her car while the children sit in the back. Davidson indicates
96 Women, Television, Feelings: SouthLAnd and Mad Men
SouthLAnd was originally developed for NBC, the network with a long
tradition of quality TV drama (Lotz, ‘Must See TV’; Feuer et al., MTM
‘Quality Television’). As a main network, however, its place next to quality
cable channels such as HBO or AMC is less assured, particularly since the
latter have branded themselves in such a way that places their quality
in their difference from network television, altering the language used
to evaluate television drama. As a result, the drama’s quality brand is
less obvious than Mad Men. Nevertheless, the series’ stylistic closeness
to other quality crime drama, including Hill Street Blues (NBC, 1981–87),
Homicide: Life on the Street (NBC, 1993–99), NYPD Blue (ABC, 1993–2005)
and, more recently, The Wire and The Shield (FX, 2002–08), as well as
its particular approach to the investigation of crime suggest a generic
closeness to the quality genre.
Series creator and showrunner Ann Biderman’s own background con-
tributes to the placing of the series in the quality genre. Biderman was
a writer on NYPD Blue before turning to Hollywood, where she scripted
some of the 1990s most renowned crime films, including Copycat (1995),
Primal Fear (1996) and Smilla’s Feeling for Snow (1996). Such a back-
ground brings with it both the pedigree of a quality series as well
as the (still relatively) higher cultural status of cinema. Interestingly,
Biderman stayed on for only two seasons as showrunner, before turn-
ing her attentions to Ray Donovan (Showtime, 2013–). However, she has
recently stepped down as showrunner for this drama, apparently due to
the series’ consistent budgetary problems (Andreeva). Biderman’s early
departure from the two shows that she created hints at potential pro-
blems that women still face in the industry which, according to both
Biderman and Michelle Ashford (creator of Masters of Sex [Showtime,
2013–]), remains deeply discriminatory towards women (Birnbaum).
However, as a result of her departure, I want to exclusively focus on the
first two seasons of the series. These were not just overseen by Biderman,
but also largely written by her, as well as a number of other female
writers.
In terms of gender representation, SouthLAnd seems less balanced
than Mad Men: of its eight regular cast, only two are women; how-
ever, one is black and one white (though they are both younger than
45). Again, both adhere to the traditional representation of slenderness,
98 Women, Television, Feelings: SouthLAnd and Mad Men
but it is noticeable that the make-up for Officer Chickie Brown empha-
sizes, rather than underplays, her age and tiredness. Thus, although
at first sight the programme conforms to traditional representations,
SouthLAnd also undermines them. In terms of recurring cast (which
is significantly smaller in SouthLAnd than in Mad Men), 42.6 per cent
are women. In line with the main cast, they are significantly more
ethnically diverse with nearly half of them being from black or Latin
American backgrounds. We also see a wider representation of ages:
34.8 per cent of the cast are older than 45. Moreover, we see them in
a range of roles: women are mothers, carers and at the same time police
officers and other workers, while in Mad Men they tend to be either one
or the other. Of course, in part such a representation is down to the
specific genres and time periods in which the two dramas are set, high-
lighting some of the fallacies of content analyses as a whole (Gunter
55–92).
The key difference between the two dramas, however, is the por-
trayal of gender in relation to emotion. In order to analyse this, the
larger textual construction needs to be considered. Crime drama has
traditionally been considered gendered male, with a focus on mas-
culine knowledge and perspectives (Munt). However, from the 1980s
onwards, this has gradually been challenged, particularly by dramas
such as Cagney & Lacey, Prime Suspect (Granada, 1991–2006) and Silent
Witness (BBC, 1996–). Thus, Deborah Jermyn highlights how particu-
larly the latter and other forensic-science focused series ‘pivot on female
investigators and forensic detail – and indeed the exchange between
the two’ (49). This is given further support by Hallam, who argues that
the investigative, detailed gaze belongs to the realm of feminine inves-
tigation, while masculine detection is based on intuition. This focus on
intuition and instinct was also recognized by Chandler (qtd in Sparks
354) who argued that masculine instinct is central to the construc-
tion of heroism in crime drama and, through it, also of masculinity.
In contrast, crime drama focused on female investigators undermining
ideas of heroism by constantly framing the female investigator with
the body of victims, and thereby, as Thornham proposes, also sub-
verting the traditional division of a masculine disembodied gaze and
a feminine embodied object. As Thornham argues in relation to Prime
Suspect and Silent Witness, these women ‘must at the same time speak
from the position of the body’ (79, italics in original) in order to offer
insights. SouthLAnd complicates this further. Rather than reminding us
constantly of the body of the investigator in relation to her object, it
suggests that the gaze itself is always embodied. It proposes this, by
Elke Weissmann 99
them, she recognizes potential suspects, but uses the moment to sug-
gest she is looking for witness statements and asks them all to write
down their addresses. This leads to the search of the house of one of
the onlookers who turns out to be in possession of child pornography.
As they leave the house, Adams is still answering questions and giving
orders while everyone rushes off; shortly afterward, Adams briefly stops
short because she has noticed a trail of ants. Her body reacts instan-
taneously, and she stops to look more closely. She reacts with similar
embodied immediacy to a trail of ants in her own house. This scene is
shot in a few simple close-ups. The first one is from below the kitchen
counter, with the ants in the foreground while Adams stands in the
background, drinking a bottle of water. As the focal point is on the ants,
her image is blurred. The ants remain in focus, even when we see her
body react to them: although it is clear this is meaningful, she does
not yet seem to understand on a conscious level in what way. How-
ever, her body already seems to know. We are given another close-up of
the ants, then the same close-up of Adams as she finally understands.
At this point, the focus is pulled onto her face to indicate the shift from
a purely embodied to a conscious level: her bodily reactions and instinct
become affective knowledge. Thus, we see Adams experience embodied
knowledge before her mind knows (Sobchack): in her contact with the
world, her body is central to directing her gaze, which is, similar to other
female detectives (Hallam), detailed and thorough, and in which lie the
roots of her affective knowledge.
Conclusions
In the large modern cities of the 1950s and 1960s – where much of the
population worked in sectors associated with marketing, consumerism
and finance – we can find the clearest examples of the changes in
lifestyles, in codes of conduct and in the models of masculinity and
femininity, as well as in the emotional regimes and its failures. These
changes draw an unsurpassable horizon for the current generation.
As is well known, the TV series Mad Men (AMC, 2007–15) addresses
changes in culture and lifestyles through the adventures and vicissitudes
of the employees of an important advertising agency. The work of these
advertisers calls for the ability to develop marketing strategies that target
the emotions of consumers, for whom, in the capitalist societies of the
late decades of the twentieth century, consumer goods play a key role in
the configuration of identity. The emotions aroused by the advertising
of a product represent the main link between identity and consumerism
in the welfare state.
Mad Men is a genuine social lab to examine a new mode of socializa-
tion in modern societies. Emotional empathy has become widespread
in recent decades, to the point of developing a social code capable of
replacing the rules and morals that have hitherto characterised urban
life. The truth and authenticity of feeling are a source of meaning, and
certain areas of human activity traditionally supported by knowledge
and rationality are either seriously threatened or have been completely
supplanted by the emotional response: spontaneous or ‘represented’.
These areas are the moral life and the political-institutional sphere.
Paradoxically, while both dimensions have undergone a process of ‘pri-
vatization’, the private sector and the privacy of the self have been
102
Lourdes Flamarique 103
In the early decades of the twentieth century, the way of life in cen-
tral European cities that embodied modernity – first Munich and Paris,
then Berlin and Vienna – was not only ‘modern’ but also incorporated
an awareness of change and new styles. To be ‘cool’ was to openly dis-
tance oneself from the models of the previous generation and explore
new languages and forms of expression. Thus, at that time, a ‘modern’
style implied a break with socially accepted styles and conventions,
and, consequently, its adherents – the moderns – were ascribed a certain
bohemian marginality. This was the price paid for being part of the van-
guard, innovating in terms of styles and codes of conduct. Contrariwise,
the modern New Yorkers of Mad Men do not lead their lives on the peri-
phery of the dominant tendencies; rather they are the moderns in so far
as they discover and make the values, hierarchies and ideals of this great
post-industrial city their own. They have anticipated what Ulrich Beck
has called ‘reflexive modernity’.
As such, this is not a case of achieving modernity through art or think-
ing, but rather to extend it to everyday life, at the centre of which is
the workplace. Accordingly, the corresponding models must come from
within. The ‘innovative geniuses’ are ordinary people; the new artists
work in business corporations. In this sense, the characters of Mad Men
are doubly modern: in the way they live their lives and in the way in
which, as advertisers, they are reflexively aware of the characteristics
and trends, desires and weaknesses of the men and women of this era.
As professional citizens, the ‘creative’ professionals and employees of
the agency present us with the new codes that shape both the inner
104 Mad Men’s Narrative Revisited as a Social Lab
self and the social self. They bring to the surface the undercurrents driv-
ing the progressive revolution in private, familiar and professional life,
in social recognition and identity, a revolution which, confronted with
little resistance, has conquered every aspect of social reality and of the
inner self.
In the first season, the writers presented several plots for each of the
main characters. In my opinion, the plots that provided continuity and
contributed most to the strength of the characters are perhaps the least
striking: those that through every day events reflect the effects of the
changes in lifestyle and in the codes that govern professional life. One
of the accomplishments of the series is to show the evolution of different
characters in response to these changes. Professional and social demands
dominate over other areas of life, and, thus, they strongly shape the
identity and personal trajectory of the male and female characters alike.
The series shows that those who best champion the new modernity
are those who have detached from their origins, who are fully dedicated
to success using whatever means available to them in their professional
environment. Two particular characters stand out: Don Draper, who,
having assumed the identity of a fallen army comrade, shapes it to
fit the social role he wishes to play; and Peggy Olson, who feels she
must distance herself from her family, and sacrifice their religious and
moral beliefs, as a prerequisite to secure a job that matches her ability
and ambition. Peggy has to re-invent herself in her work as a creative
writer, and, as such, she must invent the rules and social language of the
new woman. By contrast, Betty Draper and Joan Harris found, in their
attempts to live between two social and moral regimes, the old and the
new (Davidson 143). By contrast, others, like Roger Sterling, fail to fully
understand the times in which they find themselves; as they stubbornly
hold to the codes of the past, they lurch from one surprise to another –
or, rather, one failure to another.
Much has been written about the impeccable aesthetics of the series,
its refined style and stereotypic gestures, and its exact reproduction
of interior decoration and everyday ‘products’, such as tobacco, alco-
hol, clothing and public transport. However, there is more to this than
merely recreating a bygone era as accurately as possible. ‘Instead of
praising Mad Men for its authenticity, maybe we should praise it for its
extraordinarily accurate and beguiling mimesis of the world it depicts’
(Dunn 22). It is clear to the creators of Mad Men that, for perhaps the
first time in the history of western civilization, the outward appearance
of people and even the design of everyday things, as well as lifestyles
and social codes, are as significant as the ideas and values that underpin
Lourdes Flamarique 105
places the coffee in a festive setting as another symbol of the vitality and
joy of life. No details are offered as to the benefits or taste of the coffee
advertised, only the sensations associated to it. This shows a force that
shapes urban lifestyles but does not revolve around ideas about man,
society, life or strong moral convictions. First and foremost it questions
the affective dynamics that constitute the warp of our personal lives. The
great success of consumerism lies in having entered into the most inti-
mate spheres of the life of individuals, and also in having transformed
individual desires into predictable behaviour.
Here, I want to address, in some detail, three areas in which the
change wrought by the power of consumerism and advertising can
be seen: the relationship between identity and fashion; the tensions
between public life and private life; and the expressions of masculinity
and femininity.
Attire is a priority for those who want to be part of the social game
(Proust decoded the language of dress in his novel, À la recherche du
temps perdu), and physical appearance is very important. Thus, Mad Men
can also be viewed as a pictorial history of the socialization of fash-
ion at a time when fashion influenced all strata of the big cities, not
as a marker of differences between classes but as another resource for
successful social mobility, that is, to improve or change the lives of the
city’s inhabitants. The main characters in the series are slim, elegant and
always impeccably presented (well shorn and shaved), with no conces-
sions to casualness. They wear imposing grey suits, both in the office
and (unlike today) outside of the workplace. Indeed, it could be argued
that the combination of the suit and tie, and in particular the white
shirt, represents an urbanization of the masculine military look. The
image of executives and employees in the offices of the corporations in
big cities is that of a large army: their uniform is a grey suit with well-
defined shoulders, they adopt an upright posture, they are disciplined
in their work hours, and they are ‘quartered’ in the office buildings of
Manhattan. As such, to a certain extent, they are a reincarnation of mil-
itary life. The suit allows for the interpretation of certain emotions, and
the representation of a desired masculine identity; thereby awakening
in others the following emotions: respect, admiration, envy. As Grady
remarks, military culture plays a significant role in the relationship
between the male characters (52, 55).
By contrast, the women wear tight clothing (that accentuates the
female figure), high-heeled shoes and sophisticated hairstyles. This attire
obliges them to walk upright and sinuously. The Dior style has filtered
down to retail clothing and, as often occurs, the female style is ambiva-
lent. On one hand, the clothing has become lighter (flared skirts), which
could indicate a step forward in the transformation of the dress that
allows greater freedom of movement; on the other hand, however, the
contours of the body are highlighted by sophisticated and uncomfor-
table outfits that restrict movement (contrasting with the 1920s) and
‘feminize’ walking and sitting to the extreme. The third season of the
series depicts the reaction against these women’s models, a break with
the canon of femininity and a movement towards a true liberation of
attire is implied, with wide and long skirts, pants, loose hair, and little
make-up.
There is a strong contrast between the ‘masculinizing’ effect of the
suit, which signifies the power of talent and money, and the femi-
nization that, first and foremost, strengthens passive views of women
as objects. ‘To the show’s characters, masculinity is defined by their
110 Mad Men’s Narrative Revisited as a Social Lab
superiority to the women who work in the office and their sense of
self-worth is directly connected to their success in the firm’ (Grady 49).
The attire and mannerisms restricts their freedom of movement, forcing
them to maintain certain body tension and to walk in a certain way, as
if they are on stage, always exposed to the public. Without doubt, men’s
and women’s fashion is used to communicate an ideal of masculinity
and femininity. There is a kind of mirror-image relationship between
male and female types.
To a large extent, the portrayal of these phenomena in Mad Men is
from a past era. Today, the language of fashion no longer serves as such a
clear means of communication between the sexes. However, the ‘public
sphere of fashion’ has expanded, as described above. Certain objects
are identified as representative of a fashionable profession, social status,
wealth or success. The next step in this revolution is to establish brands
as status symbols. As Hammer says, the importance of social mobility,
and its possibility, drove buyers to ‘brand hysteria’, which was most visi-
ble in consumers of the lower and middle classes (274). Thus, style is
defined by the brand, not by the tailor or dressmaker as in times past.
The symbols with which the inhabitants of the big city want to be
identified are no longer part of the family inheritance. Unable to benefit
from one’s family, background, or from the prestige and status associated
with an institution or community, it is up to the individual to earn
social approval and recognition. If one cannot rely on the fame or social
value gained by others being passed down (relatives or predecessors),
it is necessary to direct one’s attention further afield, to live based on
the reactions of others, awaiting for signs of approval or disapproval.
The more changeable or malleable a society, the more frequently and
rapidly the new modern artist must adapt their criteria and points of
reference to preserve what they already have. The ‘social lab’ of Mad Men
shows both failed and successful attempts to configure identity using
codes that have only just been developed in a setting that is extremely
sensitive to any hesitation.
The paradox is obvious. It is undeniable that excessive socializa-
tion inevitably hampers the possibilities of individualizing not only
one’s tastes and interests, but, more importantly, radical decisions about
life, and non-standard pathways to achievement and social success
(González 43). Indeed, anyone who advises youth to become ‘heroes’
(bohemian artists) rather than bureaucrats would be seen almost as a
threat or a danger. Nowadays, ‘deviating from the script’ that has been
written by others does not inspire any movement or social revolution.
It is increasingly difficult to create one’s own space or pathway, and not
Lourdes Flamarique 111
just one that is original and attractive or even creative but merely one’s
own, with its twists and turns, and ups and downs. However, this is
something that has occurred since the changes chronicled in Mad Men.
If the classic distinction between the private and public life is not
merely conceptual, in urban centres in the second half of the twenti-
eth century, we can also witness a physical distinction. How does the
physical and architectural space in which the lives narrated in Mad
Men unfold? (D. Harris). Besides being physical spaces, they are intan-
gible mental and social spaces. The private space follows the tendency
to live in houses with gardens on the suburbs. In the years in which
the series is set, suburbs associated with a certain level of economic sta-
tus were built outside the big cities. Following this trend, Don Draper’s
house is that of a member of the upper middle class.2 The physical dis-
tance between the two types of spaces is accentuated because those
living on the outskirts of a city like New York take the train every
morning to enter their professional space. This distance allows diffe-
rent facets of the characters’ personalities to be developed, not only
because of the different rules and objectives that define each space but
also because the professional space represents a social context with spe-
cific interests and opportunities that require different skills and abilities
to those of the family space. Work on Madison Avenue, the bustling
centre of the city, allows one to leave behind family life, to interact
with a wide variety of people and to develop sporadic relationships.
Thus, it expands the universe of the characters and the intensity of
their relationships. The working environment forms an orbit of human
relationships and interests that never intersect with family life. The
agglomeration of streets and offices contrasts with the isolation of sub-
urban houses and their gardens, always separated by empty streets, or
the visibility of the professional world with that of the puritan privacy
of family life.
We can counterpose the two lifestyles played out in each space.
Family life consists mainly of domestic problems, watching TV, routine,
solitude, going to social clubs and maintaining relationships with neigh-
bours. The housewife’s lives are clearly separated from the dynamics of
the big city. By contrast, working life involves teamwork, discussions,
challenges and personal risk, going to bars, taking clients out to din-
ner and, ultimately, interacting with a wide variety of people. These
are two separate spaces, and two distinct ways of life. Consequently,
112 Mad Men’s Narrative Revisited as a Social Lab
many of the characters essentially lead double lives. The home space is
eminently feminine, and men are on the periphery of the goings-on in
this environment during the day. On the other hand, the social space
is masculine, although many women are employed in the offices and in
other services.3
The protagonists of Mad Men are driven by the separation of the
affairs and codes that correspond to each space. For example, they do
not want their family problems to be known or discussed in the office
(Peter Campbell and his wife´s discussion about adopting of a child in
‘The Inheritance’, 2.10; Don and his marital problems due to infidelity
revealed in ‘A Night to Remember’). While family life consists of formal
relationships enacted in accordance with inherited conventions, work
relationships are informal. As society changes, so do the rules govern-
ing social behaviour. With no strict codes, and in the absence of any
type of judgment in the workplace other than that associated with work
objectives, the characters of Mad Men act without any awareness of hav-
ing overstepped ethical or social boundaries, and therefore they feel no
remorse. In order to strengthen teamwork, the commitment between
them is mainly underpinned on emotional interactions.
The housewives in the series follow inherited patterns; they aspire
to be good wives and mothers, and excellent hosts (the best exam-
ples being Betty Draper and Trudy Campbell). They have social status
and fewer children (and therefore more leisure time) than women of
other generations. Their prevailing mood is boredom, and so they seek
activities of public importance and they practice sports that are not at
odds with their representation of femininity (for example, horse riding),
while envying the freedom of other women of their time. Personal dis-
satisfaction and isolation from authentic city life are often followed by
marital infidelity.
Lying between these two worlds are the secretaries in the agency.
On the one hand, they appear to lead lives of their own, independent
of family and traditions. However, love, marriage, family and social life
take precedence in their existence. This can be seen in the characters of
Jane Siegel and Joan Holloway, for whom marriage means withdrawal
into family life. By contrast, Megan Calvet, although about the same
age as Jane, represents the next generation of professional women who
have dreams and who will not settle for married life. In their work, there
are no rules and models to help bring professional standards into secre-
taries’ working relationships. They use emotional strategies in the office
when dealing with executives and creative agents: subordination, admi-
ration and dependence. One special case is Peggy Olson: to adequately
Lourdes Flamarique 113
fill a post hitherto occupied by men, she must reflexively assume a style
that is extremely different to that of the secretary she used to be, yet
does not hide the woman that she is.
Throughout the seasons of the series, the cultural changes that will
eventually erase the last remnants of the traditional social order cause
tensions between the reality of work and personal aspirations, between
family and professional obligations, and also between the inner self and
the social representation. ‘The cultural role of melodrama in explor-
ing and resolving the tensions generated by the loss of moral clarity,
and the sense of a need for access to some kind of absolute truth has
not waned’ (Cromb 71). The liberalization of social customs follows the
detachment from the family world. While the men and women in the
big city lack any support in establishing themselves other than their
own intelligence and abilities, they are not constrained by the social
expectations associated with the family and tradition. Each has to fulfil
their true potential. This can be clearly seen in their love lives in which
sporadic relationships without commitment predominate.
As stated from the outset, today the modern artists are the men and
women who mainly live, work, and form their social relationships
in the public space of the big city. Professional relationships in large
corporations involve new codes that influence relationships between
men, between women, and between men and women (both inside and
outside the workplace). It is easy to see that inherited models of mas-
culinity and femininity have become outdated to the new forms of
social relationships, particularly those arising on the workplace, and
these are being replaced by new models. As already mentioned, the
secretaries retain their femininity; they have jobs that require fewer
skills, earn lower wages, and have little in the way of career opportuni-
ties. This contrasts greatly with the men who have employees working
for them, influence over business decisions, and who risk their pres-
tige and career. The male protagonists embody a masculinity that now
relies not on strength or bravery but rather on social management. This
masculinity is on the edge of being limited by the incorporation of
femininity into the workplace. The series shows the ruthless competi-
tion among males, both in dealing with women and in achieving their
objectives: success is key to reducing the insecurity that threatens them;
they are continuously comparing and measuring themselves against one
another.4
114 Mad Men’s Narrative Revisited as a Social Lab
That’s what sells. Not them [the hostesses]. Not sex’. It is a good exam-
ple that allows us to see that we recognise our desires and aspirations
through the language of emotions and psychological categories, which
we also use to articulate experience. Advertising, its language and the
models it proposes connect with privacy, desires and feelings that are
buried or simply unknown, with aspects of personality that are still in a
germinal state.
It is necessary to emphasise that the new male and female archetypes
portrayed in Mad Men are mediated by the friendships created through
teamwork in the agency. Accordingly, it is necessary to dwell briefly on
the main protagonist, Don Draper, a character who assumes the identity
of a comrade killed in combat. More interestingly, however, he recre-
ates that identity according to the ideals that he considers appropriate,
and to which he adheres to strictly: those of an executive creative direc-
tor in an advertising agency. Is it his simulated and fabricated identity
that gives him the ability to understand the dynamics of consumerism
and desire, to manage the models and styles in rich urban American
society? Detached from the bonds of his social, cultural and familiar
background, he seems to be relieved of the burden of prejudices and
traditions that accompany the existence of common man. In short,
he is not tied to his past but, rather, he pretends to be a completely
new man, unreservedly adopting the traits of the ideal man. He is an
icon of the Madison Avenue executive, who never ‘deviates from the
script’. His family and his professional relationships are his work. His
relationships with women outside of the family and work follow diffe-
rent norms, probably those of a man who is not Don Draper. Apparently
faultless, internally he is perhaps the most complex and unstable charac-
ter. Mad Men’s approach to psychoanalysis is twofold: Don is the patient
who witnesses how the different levels of his own subconscious reveal
themselves, while he suffers with his double life and his family past.
By contrast, Betty is the urban woman who goes to the psychoanalyst to
relieve her sadness and dissatisfaction. She shows no signs of suffering,
yet she cannot bear nor understand her actual situation.
The new masculinity of Don is revealed when he suffers defeat, as hap-
pens at the beginning of season four. This ‘modern’ man only reveals
his true self to Peggy, trusting his weakness in her (‘The Suitcase’, 4.7).
Likewise, only Don knows Peggy’s secret (as it is revealed in ‘The New
Girl’). The character of the secretary promoted to copywriter embodies
all the difficulties of women attempting to break their professional cei-
ling through their skills, talents and interests. As a secretary, she does
not follow the game set in the office: her dreams move her, but no to
116 Mad Men’s Narrative Revisited as a Social Lab
please the men. ‘For this reason Peggy becomes a symbol of autonomy as
she struggles to maintain belief in herself and to enact her own choices
despite contrary pressure from her peers and her male superiors’ (Rogers
159). Peggy’s professional ambition is not based on an ideological dis-
course of equal rights. She is really alone. Several conversations she has
with Joan Holloway and Bobbie Barrett are significant in this regard.
They help her to understand the need to change the way she should
behave in the company and, not least, the importance of image in
consolidating her role as a copywriter and a team leader. Thus, it is inte-
resting to observe throughout the series how the strategies Peggy adopts
in her professional and personal relationships improve, without putting
her career at risk, and this is due to her knowledge of the rules of the
advertising game and the psychology of her male colleagues. Distancing
herself from her traditional family and social background contrasts with
the greater affinity she displays towards the anti-bourgeois hippies that
populated New York in the early 1960s. For Don, she represents added
value to his advertising team, always respecting a hierarchy in which
work, image and the concept that one can achieve success through one’s
profession occupy the principal positions.
The lives of these two characters are governed, on the one hand,
by the law of social mobility, and, on the other, by the disorder in
their family relationships. They are the two great loners of the series,
and while their professional aspirations have been fulfilled to the same
degree, they have failed in their personal lives.
Trust and honesty is displayed towards other people in the work-
place. A type of friendship is formed there, to which sex is no barrier.
In the series we can already see something that has become widespread
in the latter decades of the twentieth century: work is becoming more
familiar while family life is becoming increasingly like work. Secrets, fun
and success are all mainly experienced between colleagues, whereas the
problems that arise in family life are associated with ties and cannot
be broken. A good example is provided in ‘Meditations in an Emer-
gency’ (2.13). Peter Campbell thinks that the person who truly knows
and understands him is Peggy and not his wife, who is not remotely
interested in the vagaries and problems of the agency. This character is
no longer a ‘predator’ when he considers the success of the team as his
own. The progression of his wife, Trudy, is also interesting. Initially, she
is governed by the traditional codes in her role as wife, where Peter’s
work issues are not of interest to her. However, when she notices that
this is creating distance between them, and that he may be becoming
closer with the people with whom he works, she learns to become his
Lourdes Flamarique 117
friend. However, following the birth of their daughter she returns to the
traditional role, and Peter begins searching for a lover.
So far, this chapter has discussed some of the changes in modern society
during the second half of the twentieth century that have significantly
altered our concept of work, family and personal identity. The adven-
tures of the protagonists of Mad Men offer us the perspective of a
social laboratory in which until now unknown elements are recognised,
solutions to new problems tested, and the deficiencies of the period
diagnosed. The progression of the lives of the characters follows the hic-
cups and oscillations in the shaping of a new moral and social language.
Advertising stands out as the new language of consumer societies, to
the extent that it shapes the deepest desires of the human being, allow-
ing them to be recognised through the emotions aroused in consumers.
Emotions create a forum for communication and interaction: that is the
place where identity and social recognition are achieved for the new
artists of modern cities.
There is no doubt that, in essence, the social revolution of big
cities has been consummated; perhaps the only revolution that has tri-
umphed in the twentieth century. However, the changes in lifestyles
and behavioural norms, and in the typification of masculinity and
femininity briefly outlined here, do not represent an end point. The
reflexivity inherent in modern life ensures continuous review and recon-
figuration of models and codes. In a way, these pages simply want to
contribute to this purpose.
7
Performing Englishness:
Postnational Nostalgia in Lark Rise
to Candleford and Parade’s End
Rosalía Baena1
Cultural identity in England has been a major concern since the end
of the Second World War. As the historian Linda Colley argues, ‘the
identity of Britain only began to be seriously investigated (as dis-
tinct from being taken for granted) after the Second World War, a
time when peace and imperial retreat fostered a highly introverted
view of the British past’ (311). During the twentieth century, seve-
ral issues – among them, the last vestiges of the Empire, economic
decline, and social change – seriously undermined the classic sense
of English identity (Kumar 250–1). Moreover, Britain appears to be
currently immersed in a postnational era marked by the challenges of
globalization, Europeanization and internal devolution. In this context,
an analysis of the contemporary cultural forms that evoke an acute
national sense through a highly idealized English way of life will allow
us to understand the reasons why and how nostalgia protagonizes these
representations.
Today, the struggle for the definition and nature of identity appears
to be waged in the field of popular culture. As Nünning has noted,
numerous publications on English identity by scholars such as Anthony
D. Smith, Eric Hobsbawm, Peter Burke, Raphael Samuel and Roy Porter
assume that the popular construction of national history plays an
important part in the process in which national identity is shaped, as
it provides the basic pattern for the values and characteristics that are
held to be specifically ‘English’. Imagining a common history – particu-
larly a ‘golden age’ – creates one of the major bonds between members
of national communities. The cultural memory of such communities is
central to forging and maintaining a common identity because, today,
118
Rosalía Baena 119
powerful sense of historical and social reality that was perhaps unprece-
dented in original TV drama because it gratified an intense English
nostalgia and projected ‘a mythic image of an idealized Edwardian
and post-Edwardian England’ (Freedman 82). According to Freedman,
the term nostalgia is crucial to understanding the English reception
of Upstairs, Downstairs, as it constitutes a synthesis of the perspec-
tives of management and fantasy as well as manipulation and desire
(Freeman 90).
This sense of nostalgia is produced by the visual display of English
national heritage, as these TV dramas tend to project ‘a National Trust
image of England and Englishness’ (Brandt 4). In their plot and stylized
representation, they resemble literary adaptations such as the highly
successful series, Jewel in the Crown (Granada, 1984) or Brideshead Revi-
sited (Granada, 1981). In Higson’s discussion of British heritage films,
he explains that they are essentially conservative and nostalgic in
their mode of address (110). Brunsdon believes that Brideshead Revi-
sited and Jewel in the Crown are uncontroversial signifiers of quality
mainly because they incorporate already established taste codes of litera-
ture, theatre, interior decoration, interpersonal relationships and nature:
‘Formally unchallenging, . . . they produce a certain image of England
and Englishness which is untroubled by contemporary division and
guaranteed aesthetic legitimacy’ (86).
Lark Rise and Parade’s End are just two examples of a number of TV
productions that participate since the 1970s in the mythical projection
of a national past (see Leggott and Taddeo). These productions share
the basic features of heritage productions: fidelity, nostalgia, and quality
(Vidal 29). Their detailed visualization of the past embodies their pre-
cious aesthetic approach: ‘A museum look: apparently meticulous period
accuracy, but clean, beautifully lit, and clearly on display’ (qtd in Monk,
‘The British Heritage’ 178). The focus might be the lives of the English
aristocrats, their house servants or English peasants; however, the repre-
sentation invariably foregrounds a detailed and authentic period style.
The travelling sequences in carriages or horsebacks, or even walking –
modes of transport that accentuate the times gone by of the landscape –
as well as the interior scenes orchestrated around ritualized acts, such as
afternoon tea or social gatherings (Vidal 30), provide a sense of orderly
perfection and social peace aimed to elicit a nostalgic gaze upon those
objects and settings.
In fact, the popularity of these series depends to a large extent on their
ability ‘to offer a readable mise-en-scène of the past’ (Vidal 103). To do
this, the series commonly use a set of specific technical means – shot
124 Postnational Nostalgia in Lark Rise and Parade’s End
sizes, shot lengths, framings, editing pace – that construct the nostalgic
distinctive style (Cardwell 129). The camera movements are designed to
produce sumptuous, beautiful, pictorial images, which, strung together
smoothly, slowly and carefully, result in an identifiable, distinctive style:
‘The shots are also, in general, beautifully framed: the interior shots
appear well-balanced . . . the houses are central in the frames which
include them; the landscape shots are framed as landscape paintings
might be . . . restrained aesthetics of display’ (Cardwell 120). Cardwell
describes three types of long shots held for longer than normal, thus
using a characteristic slow pace: ‘Interior long shots of beautiful rooms
full of heritage objects; exterior long shots of the central house or houses
in their (usually rural) locations; and exterior long shots of untouched
rural landscapes, characterised by rolling hills, hedges, farmland, some
trees and an expanse of clear sky’ (119–20). There is a preference for long
takes and deep focus, and for long and medium shots, rather than for
close-ups and rapid cutting: ‘The camera is characteristically fluid, but
camera movement is dictated less by a desire to follow the movement
of characters than by a desire to offer the spectator a more aesthetic
angle on the setting and the objects that fill it’ (Higson 117). The gene-
rally slow pace gives the viewer ample time to enjoy the pleasures of
this style. This is accompanied by elegant, decorous or wistful orchestral
music, which again aims to awaken nostalgia.
Both Parade’s End and Lark Rise contain numerous scenes constructed
to spur the spectator’s visual memory as well as his or her emotional
involvement. One such scene is the typical long shot of a peaceful
English countryside bathed in golden sunlight shown at the beginning
of the episodes. The pastoral landscape, the soft piano music, and the
centrality of the period house faithfully replicate the established icono-
graphy of heritage production. Authentic costumes (modes of travel,
behaviour, and speech), together with hairstyles, buildings, furnishings,
and so forth, also contribute to creating a feeling of nostalgia. The effect
of this iconography hinges on the sensations attached to recognition,
and therefore nostalgia.
These period recreations are usually perceived as part of a nostalgic
vision of a lost way of life: ‘The nature of the relics, the way in which
they are filmed, and their presentation within a diegetic framework
of nostalgia, reconfigures them not as mementoes of the past but as
examples of heritage’ (Cardwell 117). Nostalgia plays a major role in
the emotional and aesthetic appeal of these TV dramas. As the prime
emotion triggered by the stories, viewer pleasure arises from a sense of
beauty, order and peace. Both the content of the heritage and the style
Rosalía Baena 125
hamlet at the end of the nineteenth century and duly emphasizes two
key elements of English heritage: aristocracy and rural life. The open-
ing scene, a beautiful long shot of the fields and hedgerows that form
the background of life in Lark Rise and Candleford, condenses an array
of heritage tropes in a visually compelling way. The magnificent view
of Lark Rise in summer, just when the harvest is due, suggests a ‘sea
of gold’, where villagers live in good order and happiness. English life
in the farming hamlet of Lark Rise and the market town of Candleford
are untroubled. As one reviewer writes, it is ‘measured, domestic and
infinitely gentle, there are no Machiavellian footmen or illicit trysts
here, just wholesome country adventures championing those unfash-
ionable values of honesty, neighbourliness and hard work’ (Coghlan).
Another favourable review highlights that audiences value Lark Rise, as
it is ‘charming, warm, visually stunning with good performances and a
sound script’ (Stephenson).
Laura Timmins, a 16-year-old villager from Lark Rise, is the narra-
tor/voiceover in the series. The eldest child of Robert and Emma
Timmins, Laura is her father’s favourite and has inherited his yearn-
ing for knowledge, his impulsiveness, and his outspoken nature. Laura’s
mother wants her children to move on from Lark Rise in order to
expand their horizons. She arranges, therefore, for Laura to work with
her cousin, Miss Dorcas Lane, the owner of the post office in Candleford.
Many of the show’s storylines are driven by the contrast between the
rural setting of Lark Rise and the more urbane Candleford, and the
clashes that these differences produce between the residents of both,
namely Laura’s family (her parents and her four younger siblings),
Twister and Queenie Turrill and the Arless family in Lark Rise, and post-
man Thomas Brown and his wife Margaret as well as the Pratt sisters
in Candleford. Years earlier, Miss Lane, an independent woman who
runs her own post office, had turned down a marriage proposal from
the Squire who owns the lands because she did not think a marriage
across social classes would work. However, she continues to love him.
She involves herself in everybody else’s affairs, and people constantly
seek her advice. Her shrewdness as a businesswoman and the high stan-
dards she expects from her staff are balanced by her warm heartedness,
generosity, sense of humour, mischief and her kind nature. Dorcas loves
to indulge in life’s little pleasures – thus her famous line ‘it’s my one
weakness’ – which include clothes, shoes, feather pillows, baths and
good food. However, her true ‘one weakness’ is to meddle in people’s
lives, which often leads to trouble. She has made the post office the ‘soul
Rosalía Baena 127
depths beneath the sunny surface. And they must either wake up to face
a world that was not as they had once dreamed it or be lost forever’
(1.4). From that perspective, Laura comprehends the imminent social
and cultural changes that will lead to the ending of the old way of life.
However, as Higson notes, nostalgia works here in two ways, both as ‘a
narrative of loss, charting an imaginary historical trajectory from stabi-
lity to instability, and at the same time a narrative of recovery, projecting
the subject back into a comfortably closed past’ (124). This nostalgic
sense is strongly promoted through the exquisite visual display and the
slow filmic style that allows us to gaze at, admire and even fetishize the
heritage of the English past.
Parade’s End
When Christopher agrees to take Sylvia back after she has eloped with
another man, he decides that they should move out of their grand town
house: ‘I shan’t have a house again’, he says. ‘There is a certain discredit
that attaches itself to a cuckold, quite properly. Anything beyond a flat
is impudence in a man who has not been able to retain his wife’ (1.1).
Furthermore, when asked whether he will divorce Sylvia, he answers:
‘I stand for monogamy and chastity and for not talking about it’ (1.1).
Even when divorce has become socially acceptable, he refuses to apply
for it, as his moral standards are higher than those of society. When his
father asks him whether he will divorce Sylvia, he answers that ‘only
a blackguard would submit his wife to that’ (1.1). Though he suffers
because he is in love with Valentine, he believes that he has to be cir-
cumspect: ‘I know what it is that makes a man want to get away with
a woman he likes, but that desire, which is to be allowed to finish his
conversations with her, must be resisted’ (1.2).
Indeed, Christopher is a very emotionally wounded and lost charac-
ter. He is rather stuck in a long bygone glorious past, thus representing
a distinct English mood that is, as described by David Cannadine, ‘with-
drawn, nostalgic and escapist, disenchanted with the contemporary
scene, preferring conservation to development, the country to the town,
and the past to the present’ (258–9). For Christopher, ‘the world ended
in the 18th century’ (1.1). His character is that of an ordered, bounded,
and harmonious past:
Socially, this means the England of gentry and farms before the mid-
dle classes built it into an empire. Morally, it means a code of honour
and self-respect in contrast to business honesty and puritan habits.
It means that beliefs, and classicist by education, a Tory in politics.
He is, in fact, ‘the last English Tory’. (Macauley viii)
Conclusion
As we have seen, both Lark Rise and Parade’s End perform a specific
form of cultural mediation in terms of national identity. Specifically,
these period dramas show how Englishness is continually being reima-
gined and how nostalgia increasingly plays a key role in this revision
of the national character. Considering TV as a ‘privileged site of nos-
talgia’ (Holdsworth, Television, Memory and Nostalgia 97), the evocation
of this emotion accounts for these series’ success and cultural work.
Thus, nostalgia exemplifies the ways an emotion might serve as a rele-
vant parameter for cultural analysis. As Wilson posits, ‘Nostalgia may
be an attempt to find some higher meaning in our existence . . . There is
something strongly transcendent to it. What we are nostalgic for reveals
what we value, what we deem worthwhile and important’ (26). All of
this points to the fact that in our flexible modern environment, with
all its attending fragmentation, we rely increasingly on popular media
narratives to negotiate our social and cultural identities.
8
Nordic Noir – Location, Identity
and Emotion
Gunhild Agger
134
Gunhild Agger 135
Though willingly accepted domestically, the term ‘Nordic noir’ was not
primarily coined by critics or producers from Nordic nations. The term is
typical of a phenomenon which, seen from a broader perspective, unites
the viewpoint of a foreign eye with a recognizable Nordic context, easily
remembered because of its alliteration. Apparently, the term was coined
by the Scandinavian Department at the University College of London;
the department launched a Nordic noir blog and a book club in March
2010. In December 2010, the BBC exposed the term in the title of a docu-
mentary called ‘Nordic Noir: the Story of Scandinavian Crime Fiction’.
In the British press, reviewers from The Guardian in particular labelled
the series, The Killing (2011–12), ‘Nordic noir’, and Barry Forshaw pur-
sued the phenomenon further in two books, the latter of which was
simply called Nordic Noir.
In March 2013, a webpage was launched to host information about
films, TV series, exhibitions and events. This type of branding signi-
ficantly broadens the concept of Nordic Noir, which now also tends
to include the political drama series, Borgen (DR1, 2010–13) as well as
entries of new Nordic food and other Nordic brands (http://nordicnoir.
tv/). In the spring of 2014, the name of the website changed from
‘Nordic Noir’ to ‘Nordic Noir and Beyond’, legitimizing references to
German TV series such as Generation War (ZDF, 2013) or the Italian
Inspector De Luca (RAI, 2008). Clearly, this labelling method seeks to
expand the scope of the genre so as to include other European TV
productions into the framework, enabling Nordic noir to aspire to
the position of market leader within non-English crime fiction and
quality TV.
However, the web edition of the Oxford Dictionary suggests a more
limited and precise definition. Registered as a new term in August 2013,
the dictionary defines Nordic noir as ‘a type of Scandinavian crime fic-
tion and television drama that typically features dark storylines and
bleak urban settings’. The dictionary includes the following sentences as
examples: ‘The appetite for Nordic noir shows no sign of decreasing’ (original
emphasis); ‘Aberystwyth may have the country’s lowest crime rate, but
it is the perfect setting for Hinterland, a rival to Nordic noir thrillers like
The Killing’.
The very concept of ‘Nordic noir’ emphasizes the common cross-
Nordic characteristics and, in certain respects, these do indeed pre-
vail in productions that are exported. Forshaw has pointed out the
most obvious cross-Nordic feature: the dominant social orientation and
Gunhild Agger 139
city managing its own local affairs and as the capital in which foreign
affairs begins and ends. In Forbrydelsen I, the concept of the local city
is emphasized: the city is the battleground of conflicting politics and
is divided into competing quarters, as exemplified by the local mayoral
elections. The global centres of conflict are echoed in Forbrydelsen II –
especially Afghanistan. The Copenhagen of Forbrydelsen III is a place of
transit, highlighted by the harbour. Bron|Broen revolves around the fact
that Copenhagen and Malmö are mutually connected by the Øresund
Bridge.
From a specific national perspective, however, there are striking diffe-
rences between the Nordic countries. These tend to be enhanced in
fictitious images. Moreover, to guide the viewer through neighbour-
ing TV drama, examples of ‘banal nationalism’ are often applied. Billig
coined the term ‘banal nationalism’, drawing attention to the many cus-
tomary ways in which the awareness of national identity is signalled in
everyday life – by flagging, coins, passports, memory sites and so forth.
When represented in Swedish and Norwegian crime fiction,
Copenhagen is often depicted negatively as a city of rashness and
irresponsibility, a city in which trade in hashish, drugs and women is
widespread and a city where alcohol is consumed in excessive quantities.
On the positive side, the attitude to life in general is usually represented
as less austere than further north. A similar notion is also found in
domestic Swedish and Norwegian films; however, they often ascribe a
criminal role to Stockholm and Oslo. In both cases, the centre–periphery
opposition clearly imposes itself.
It is telling that the stereotypical Swedish and Norwegian notions of
Copenhagen are influenced by domestic Danish literary and cinematic
traditions. In Danish literature, a strong tradition prevails of imagin-
ing Copenhagen as a city of sin and crime; this is reflected in classical
novels, such as Martin Andersen Nexø’s Pelle Erobreren (Pelle the Con-
queror, 1906–10) and Tom Kristensen’s Hærværk (Vandalism, 1930) as
well as in modern novels, for example Jonas T. Bengtsson’s Submarino
(2007). It is significant that these novels have called for cinematic coun-
terparts, resulting in adaptations by August (1987), Roos (1977) and
Vinterberg (2010). As a result, the visual traditions of conveying the
bleak cityscape of the capital are quite elaborate in Danish cinema.
Consequently, when Norwegian Staalesen explicitly combined the
dark sides of Copenhagen with the notion of noir, he was simply
enhancing the potential of a formerly established Danish tradition. His
novel, Tornerose sov i hundre år (Sleeping Beauty for a Hundred Years, 1980)
takes its point of departure in a detailed description of Vesterbro, a
Gunhild Agger 141
district of Copenhagen near the central railway station, infamous for its
concentration of prostitution, drugs and crime. Varg Veum, Staalesen’s
private eye, visits Istedgade, the main street of Vesterbro’s red-light
district, in order to find a destitute young run-away girl. Confronted
with this street, Veum reflects on the nature of the place: ‘Istedgade is
Copenhagen’s gutter’ (Staalesen 8, my translation).2
Staalesen’s description was followed up in Danish crime fiction, where
the dark notion in the image of Copenhagen was strongly accentuated
by Dan Turèll in his series of 12 detective novels beginning with Mord i
mørket (Murder in the Dark) in 1981. Most of Turèll’s novels are located in
Vesterbro. Here, the nameless freelance reporter, the main protagonist
of the series, is walking about as an integrated part of the milieu, in the
style of Raymond Chandler. Murder in the Dark was adapted as a film
in 1986, enhancing the film noir style (director: Sune Lund-Sørensen).
This trend was further aesthetically elaborated in two TV mini-series:
Edderkoppen (The Spider, DR, 2000) and Den serbiske dansker (The Serbian
Dane, DR, 2001), paving the way for Forbrydelsen.
In Danish representations of locations in Norway and Sweden, the
element of untamed nature is often accentuated. Denmark is a small
country characterized by intensive farming and a high population den-
sity. The least controllable element is the sea, which is almost always
everywhere, and the sea indeed plays a significant role as a backdrop
or symbolic setting in many types of fiction. In Norway and Sweden,
the sea may also be present, constituting a shared element. In addition,
the two nations possess vast areas of woods, lakes and mountains and all
sorts of untouched landscapes, representing the contrast to urbanization
and cultivated fields – the very core of nature. Seen from a Danish point
of view, images of the wilderness are greatly attractive as they represent
the relentless, frightening and boundless aspects of nature.
In Swedish cinema, crime films represent a much stronger tradition
in comparison to Denmark or Norway, as thoroughly demonstrated by
Brodén (2008), who examines films as well as TV series. In his combined
cultural analytical and genre-based study, Brodén uses the metaphor
of the ‘shadow image’, the red thread pointing to the ‘dark picture of
society’ dominant in Swedish crime cinema (281).
Brodén traces the development of crime genre films from the 1940s
till today, focusing on the transformations of the metaphor: the dark
shadow images have changed according to the changes in the social
structure, the development of the Swedish model, the welfare state or
‘the people’s home’ (‘Folkhemmet’). Brodén emphasizes that the crime
and thriller genres established ‘an important part of the modernization
142 Nordic Noir – Location, Identity and Emotion
of Swedish film culture during World War II’ (295), paving the way
for the successes of Swedish film and television makers in these genres
during the 1990s, including the adaptations of novels by Guillou and
Mankell.
Summing up, the shared elements of the Nordic noir are constituted
mainly by the common social and political denominator of the Nordic
societies, which is associated to the welfare state – its development,
strengths, challenges and drawbacks. As far as nature and landscapes are
concerned, the striking differences are emphasized. Culturally, national
stereotypes, often combined with a teasing or humorous attitude, are
negotiated in the prevailing fictitious images and characters.
The very first sequence of the episode ‘Kuriren’ (‘The Courier’) (2.3)
shows the location of the Town Hall Square in Copenhagen. At the
top of Richshuset, one of the characteristic buildings in the square,
we catch a glimpse of a golden weather girl and the name of Jyllands-
Posten; since the infamous cartoons that were published in 2006, this
is perhaps the best-known Danish newspaper abroad (Figure 8.1). The
introductory sequence follows drugs courier, Erik Stråh, alternating his
focus between the road and his speed; his motorcycle is viewed from
the angle of an imaginary observer and then – at the Øresund Bridge –
from the perspective of the customs officials. Erik is stopped; he makes a
daring escape and succeeds in delivering his load to drugs baron, Jovan
Brankovic, who has associated himself with the Bloodhounds, an Ystad
motorcyclists group.
take the first step of becoming involved in the daring masculine sport
that may eventually contribute to challenging geographical as well as
moral limits. In this way, the Øresund Bridge assumes the status of
a metaphorical place, hinting at the notions of admission and limi-
tations. This does not reflect a national conflict between Sweden and
Denmark, but serves instead to investigate the insecure and unsta-
ble boundaries between the emotions of youthful joy and enthusiasm,
and fatal obsession that may lead to risky involvement in professional
crime.
In her analysis of the location of crime scenes, Waade draws attention
to the significant role the sea and the waterfront plays in this regard:
‘The beach underlines Wallander’s emotional condition and ambiguity,
indicating longing and fear, rest and unrest’ (‘Crime Scenes’ 15). The
sea is a highly metaphorical place. In Wallander, it is basically used in
two ways, corresponding to Waade’s ideas of ‘longing and fear, rest and
unrest’. The sea serves as an emotional foil, enhancing the sensation of
the ever-present element that will remain when the criminals, investi-
gators and audiences are all dead. That is why Wallander has chosen his
home at the seaside: when all crimes have been solved, when all troubles
caused by the uneven developments of the welfare society have faded,
the sea will still be there.
At the same time, the sea represents an unruly element that is not
easily controlled. The sea washes criminals as well as dead bodies onto
the shore. In the same way as the cultural metaphor of the bridge,
the natural metaphor of the sea stresses a condition that not only
divides, but also connects and unites, often with frightening results
that signal fear and unrest. Waade highlights the location of Ystad,
exhibiting ‘the tension between idyll and violence as a dramaturgic
and visual concept’ (‘Crime Scenes’ 17). This tension is reinforced by
the dual nature of the sea, appealing not only to domestic audiences
but, as demonstrated by the successful export of Wallander, also to other
Nordic and international audiences.3 The idyllic sea landscapes are fur-
ther underscored by the British version of Wallander, which was one of
the reasons for choosing the original location, enhancing the notion
of ‘guilty landscape, a landscape with human and emotional characte-
ristics’ (Waade ‘Crime Scenes’ 18; emphasis in original). In this way,
the sea supports the notion of the ‘structures of feeling’ accompany-
ing ‘Kuriren’. The unruly and unpredictable sea conveys the emotional
core of Wallander, emphasizing the sense of melancholy and loss of
illusions.
Gunhild Agger 145
Figure 8.2 Swedish and Danish national markers compete in this introductory
shot of Sarah Lund
three. Sweden is displayed as a metaphor for love and the good life
comprised of nature, whereas Copenhagen is synonymous with endless
hard work in order to unmask riddles, lies and crimes encountered in a
labyrinth, with the only exit being the Øresund Bridge.
Finally, Sarah Lund’s disposition as a traditional male investigator
makes the choice for her, and her prospect of living a harmonious life
in Sweden is abandoned. However, on second thoughts, we can ask
the question: would she thrive under less challenging conditions? The
introductory sequence conveyed the message that her character func-
tions just as those of her many male predecessors, who value the joy of
hard work, which yields results (cfr. Agger ‘Emotion, Gender’). Just like
Wallander, Lund is a person who has no identity beyond that supplied
by her professional occupation. Her working ethos is identical with her
own identity, and consequently the admonitions of the introductory
sequence are confirmed.
The notion that Swedish nature is not simply idyllic, but in fact has
another darker side is elaborated in episodes four and five of Forbrydelsen
II, when Lisbeth Thomsen, a member of the Danish unit that returned
from Afghanistan, seeks refuge at ‘Skogö’, an imaginary remote Swedish
island.5 Subsequently, Lund and Ulrik Strange, her ambiguous colleague,
have to find her in order to warn her that she might be the next target
of the criminal who is pursuing each of the group members. En route,
the Øresund Bridge is aesthetically highlighted for the first time in the
series. Later, in an establishing shot, the bridge is depicted as part of the
Copenhagen skyline, signalling that the passage to Sweden has become
a part of the identity of the city.
Gunhild Agger 147
reversal underlines the parallels: the maze of the city resembles the end-
less woods and the dead ends of investigation, mirroring the mood
and emotions of the principal investigator, and supporting the domi-
nant tone of the long series: neither naked nature, nor organizations
deployed by society can quite cope with the dark forces inherent in
certain species of mankind. Consequently, Lund’s facial expressions
alternate between determination (to finally find the traces leading to the
truth, to see through the lies) and melancholia (because of the intriguing
complexities of perpetrators as well as victims).
occur during the series, icons help the audience to understand the plot.
Thirdly, the bridge serves not only as a shared location and playground
for the two connected nations, but also helps to set the tone of the dark
drama. Furthermore, the bridge is a constant reminder of the similar-
ities as well as differences, the existence of cultural clashes as well as
cooperation.
155
156 Love, Fear and Mourning in TV Horror
sparkling dust to stand in for the absence of blood spatter. Now when
vampires are killed on Supernatural (CW, 2005–), they are beheaded with
a bloody sweep of an axe, while the ‘true death’ on True Blood (HBO,
2008–14) results in the vampire’s body exploding in a burst of blood,
tissue and bone rather than sparkling dust. The narrative of The Walking
Dead (AMC, 2010–) is structured around gory scenes of decomposing
bodies and flesh-eating zombies. All of these effects satisfy the horror
fan’s expectations by generating feelings of shock and disgust, which
are standard emotional responses of the genre.
The emotional affect of the horror genre on film is, of course, quite
varied. At its most basic, it is designed to scare the audience and, as
Brigid Cherry argues, ‘being scared can itself become the main pleasure
of watching horror films, and not the particular films themselves’ (37).
This emotional response is often marked by certain behaviour: ‘Scream-
ing, jumping in fright, clinging onto their friends, averting their look
at the screen, even shouting warnings at the characters or laughing’
(Cherry 38). These emotional reactions, to which I would add holding
their breath, cowering in their seat, revulsion and nausea, convey a com-
plicated range of experiences of fear, suggesting that the nature of what
frightens audiences can vary. A great deal of scholarship exists examin-
ing the different psychological, emotional, and cognitive responses to
the horror genre in film and literature. For instance, Todorov’s notion of
the fantastic suggests that feelings of unease are generated by the uncer-
tainty experienced ‘when a person who knows only the laws of nature’
is confronted by ‘an apparently supernatural event’ (15). For instance, in
The Haunting it is unclear whether the seemingly ghostly events depicted
in Hill House are the result of a ghost or the psychologically induced
imaginings of the film’s protagonists, fear and unease are, therefore,
generated by this uncertainty. Freud argued that the ‘uncanny’, a sub-
ject he related to ‘what is frightening – to what arouses dread and horror’
(339), emerges through the return of something familiar that has been
made unfamiliar, and therefore frightening through its repression. This
critical approach has been adopted by numerous film scholars in their
analysis of the horror genre (see Wood; Schneider).
In contrast, Carroll argues that fear in horror is generated by cogni-
tive and physical responses to something, generally a monster, that is
deemed both threatening and impure (28), or, more specifically, it is
threatening because it is impure or ‘categorically interstitial’, such as
the vampire or zombie, both living and dead (32). According to Carroll,
monsters are ‘un-natural relative to a culture’s conceptual scheme of
nature. They do not fit the scheme; they violate it’ (34). However, Roger
Stacey Abbott 157
episodes and often focused upon character, rather than plot develop-
ment, but rather the exploration and incitation of a differing set of fears
and emotional responses. For the purposes of this chapter, I will focus
my discussion on the manner in which many serial horror narratives
utilize the established tropes of the genre, in particular the supernatural
figures of the ghost, zombie and vampire, to evoke not the fear of pain
and death to oneself but the fear of death to family and loved ones,
thus triggering the trauma of loss, grief and mourning.2 In so doing,
the genre challenges taboos surrounding an open discussion of death by
embracing death and the experience of grief in all of its facets.
In his 1955 article, ‘The Pornography of Death’, Gorer argues that death
became the taboo subject of the twentieth century, replacing Victorian
prudery around sex in which ‘copulation has become more and more
“mentionable” [while] death has become more and more “unmention-
able” as a natural process’ (172). He suggests that changes in public
health, working conditions, medicine and science have meant that
‘natural death’ is less visible within contemporary Western society as
most people confront death later in life. Kamerman shares this view,
arguing that ‘we face bereavement unprepared by experience, alone, and
without the comfort of beliefs in something larger than ourselves’ (78).
As a result, death ‘has become more personally traumatic’ (78). Fur-
thermore, in the twentieth century, changes in funeral and mourning
customs shifted away from demonstrable grief and mourning to more
private and rationalized traditions. Writing in the 1950s, Gorer writes
that this banishment of ‘natural death’ has resulted in a seemingly
unhealthy preoccupation with violent death in which the traditional
emotional response to death – grief – has been replaced by a visceral
sensorial experience, exploited in a range of genres including detective
stories, thrillers, Westerns and the horror comic; Gorer places particu-
lar emphasis upon horror comics, an emerging genre (173). He argues
that ‘if we dislike the modern pornography of death, then we must give
back to death – natural death – its parade and publicity, and readmit
grief and mourning. If we make death unmentionable in polite society –
“not before the children” – we almost ensure the continuation of the
“horror comic”’ (175).
Kamerman, writing in the 1980s, argues that while personal expe-
rience of death may have been reduced and delayed until later in
life, and ritualized funeral customs have diminished, the latter half
Stacey Abbott 159
school staff; an empty chair in the high school homeroom; the sudden
and startling image of a girl screaming as she runs across campus; a
father gripping then dropping the phone as he declares ‘my daughter’s
dead’; a slow tilt down from the base of the telephone and along the
cord to an extreme close-up of the receiver as his wife’s sobs issue forth,
followed by a cut to a close-up of her as she lets out a primal scream. All
of these images are accompanied by Angelo Badalamenti’s melodramatic
musical score, building in intensity and seemingly channelling the cha-
racters’ pain and grief. In these scenes, Lynch privileges the display of
emotion over narrative exposition – no one here is actually told that
Laura is dead.
In contrast, very few characters express emotion in ‘The Body’, not out
of a sense of restraint and control but rather shock. The lack of tears in
favour of blank stares conveys the surreal horror of death. As Stommell
argues, ‘“The Body” is about how we react to death; more importantly,
it is about what our bodies (the dead ones and the live ones) do in the
face of death’. Upon realizing that her mother is dead, Buffy becomes
deceptively calm and emotionally distant, conveying numbness rather
than hysteria. Furthermore, while Lynch uses musical accompaniment
to evoke emotional excess, Whedon chose to withhold any musical
underscore, opting only for the use of diegetic sound. This emphasis
upon diegetic sound is at times seemingly realistic; for example, when
Buffy opens the door to get some air, we hear children laughing as
they play outside. However, this sonic choice also enhances the emo-
tional charge of the scene as the sounds of innocent children playing
outside (reminding us that life goes on) contrasts with the dead body
inside the house (reminding us that life comes to an end). The episode
also features moments of absolute silence, where the absence of sound
expresses the alienating and isolating experience of loss; for example,
the series of close-ups of Buffy’s friends, Tara and Willow, in Willow’s
dorm room as well as Anya and Xander in the car. Each of the afore-
mentioned shots are photographed silently as the characters look away
from each other and stare into space. The composition of these shots
is deliberately off-centre, highlighting the space between the characters,
each trapped in their own, unspoken experience of loss. Here sonic and
visual composition emphasize the emotional remoteness of loss as each
character experiences the pain individually.
In both Twin Peaks and Buffy, expressionist aesthetics are utilized to
convey the initial shock and emotional horror of loss. Therefore, I would
suggest that TV Horror returns this global preoccupation with death
and mourning to the individual and the community, offering a space
Stacey Abbott 161
Ghosts
and grandparents. The other two periods follow the enduring legacy
of that loss as two new families move into Marchlands and experience
unexplained and ghostly events that begin to put a strain on family
dynamics, pitting husband against wife and mother against daughter.
The refusal to believe in the ghost is presented as tantamount to the
denial of the loss in the first place. As a result, the house is haunted by
unresolved grief and the echoes of the initial trauma that fractures the
family in 1967, also threatens the two families involved in 1987 and
2010. The three narratives, however, come together through a complex
web of intercutting as the truth about Alice’s death and existence as a
ghost is revealed and accepted by all parties in each time period, seem-
ingly simultaneously. Most significantly, Alice’s mother returns in 2010
to become the nanny of a young baby – also named Alice – of a cou-
ple now living in Marchlands. Through her re-entry into the house and
her encounters with Alice’s ghost, she is finally able to learn the truth
about her daughter and begin to grieve, thus bringing the ghost story
to a close. Significantly, the ghost story privileges the expression of grief
but also, through the genre’s conventional narrative structure, presents
a process of moving from the pain of loss to acceptance and healing.
The Secret of Crickley Hall follows the Caleigh family as they struggle
to come to terms with loss, in this case by moving away from their
home into Crickley Hall, a large, country manor. The move to Crickley
Hall is a deliberate attempt on the part of the father, Gabe, to avoid any
reminders of their son as they approach the first anniversary of his disap-
pearance. This avoidance fuels his wife Eve’s state of denial, particularly
once the supernatural comes into play in the house and she begins to
believe that the ghosts know the whereabouts of her son. The ghost
story that follows entwines the family loss with the house’s traumatic
past of violence and abuse. Eve’s attempts to find out what happened
to her son through spiritual means gradually enable her to uncover the
house’s history and by solving the enigma of Crickley Hall, she also
unravels her own tragic mystery, which concludes with the discovery,
through a spiritual medium, of the whereabouts of her son’s body. This
dual revelation and confirmation of death allows the characters to move
toward acceptance, to grieve for their loss and, like Marchlands, begin the
process of healing.
Comprised of a fixed number of episodes, these mini-series suggest a
form of resolution through the ghost story narrative structure in which
ghosts are put to rest, loss is accepted and the family moves on. This
resolution is something that is self-consciously undermined in American
Horror Story: Murder House, as no one seems to move on in this haunted
Stacey Abbott 163
house; rather, ghosts only beget more ghosts. The series, like the oth-
ers, begins with loss: a stillbirth and the loss of trust caused by marital
infidelity in reaction to this trauma. The move into the new house is an
attempt on the part of the Harmon family to create a new start; how-
ever, the Harmon’s pain taps into the legacy of familial pain and death
that haunts the house, propagating further suffering. Rather than enact
a narrative that facilitates a confrontation with grief, American Horror
Story suggests that there is no potential for healing. Instead, the show
offers a twisted form of the resolution found in the British series dis-
cussed above when, rather than accepting their loss and healing both
individually and as a family unit, each member of the Harmon family
dies, causing them to be reunited after death and forced to live out eter-
nity in the house as a macabre form of a nuclear family. While the pain
of the ghosts and families in Marchlands and The Secret of Crickley Hall
is put to rest, the Harmons are trapped in time and space, destined to
haunt the house for eternity. Despite their differences, these mini-series
remind us that ghosts within ghost stories are all too familiar. This is a
theme that recurs, and is all the more unsettling, within contemporary
zombie TV. In contrast to the ghost story, however, zombie TV confronts
the audience with loss, but without offering the comfort of resolution;
furthermore, in so doing, it questions the notion of closure with respect
to grief.
Zombie
‘death out of our sight’ (Kamerman 30) and avoid the hard truths of
death and decomposition through denial, the zombie narrative forces
both the audience and the characters to face this reality through the
zombie’s corpse-like appearance, maintaining the evidence of its death
(for example, Kieran in In the Flesh still bears the scars from where he
slit his wrists). The genre deliberately confronts the characters and the
audience with death in all of its gory detail.
For instance, like Marchlands and The Secret of Crickley Hall, the second
season of The Walking Dead also focuses on a missing child, capturing
the primal fears of such a loss. However, while the body of the dead
child is never found in Marchlands nor shown in The Secret of Crickley
Hall – only the father sees it for identification purposes – the revelation
of Sophia, now a zombie, serves as a confrontation with the harsh reali-
ties of the death of a child; a pinnacle moment around which various
threads about death and loss converge. In season two, Sophia is lost in
the woods and the hunt for her becomes the narrative thread that binds
the first half of the season’s serial narrative. Intermixed with this hunt
are narrative threads surrounding differing attitudes to the zombies –
monsters or infected; the negotiation by Deputy Rick Grimes for his
family and friends to remain in the safe haven of Hershel’s farm; and the
masculine power play between Rick and his best friend/rival, Shane. The
discovery of Sophia comes when Shane challenges Rick’s authority and
Hershel’s belief that the zombies are in fact simply loved ones infected
with a disease and awaiting a cure, by opening the barn where Hershel
has imprisoned his infected family. As a result, Shane and the group are
forced to shoot all of the zombies, who now have become a threat on
account of being unleashed. Hershel and his family are overwhelmed
by the horrific sight of their loved ones being disposed of in this violent
and dispassionate fashion and are forced to confront their deaths.
In an unexpected reversal, the appearance of Sophia, the last zom-
bie to emerge from the barn, forces Shane and his group to see the
zombies from Hershel’s perspective and to confront their own loss. The
response of the group when they see Sophia is not one of revulsion but
profound sadness, as they stop shooting and turn away, unable to look
at her in her new state. Rick’s wife, Lori, holds onto their son, Carl,
both to shield him from this traumatic sight and to reassure her that he
is alive. Sophia’s mother, Carol, collapses to the ground in tears, after
Daryl stops her from running to her daughter. The sequence cross-cuts
between reaction shots of each of the group, pausing as the reality of
Sophia’s death sinks in, before Rick finally steals himself to step forward,
take charge from the now-silenced Shane, and put Sophia out of her
166 Love, Fear and Mourning in TV Horror
a ‘fireball of rage’ while her husband, Steve, simply shut down and
retreated from her emotionally. Later in the same episode, Kieran con-
fronts his dad, apologizing for all of the pain he has caused and forcing
his father to confront his own anger and horror at the fact that Kieran
had committed suicide and forced Steve to find his son’s body. This post-
zombie apocalypse narrative, therefore, provides a unique space for the
living to confront the dead, not as Gregory Waller argues to ‘depict the
survival of the fittest’ and in so doing ‘define what fitness consists of’
(5) but to face the truth about death, anger and grief, and in so doing
mourn and recover. It is entirely appropriate, therefore, that season one
ends at Rick’s second funeral, as Kieran and the community attempt to
begin the healing process. However, the narrative emphasizes that this
is a process, and season two of In the Flesh focuses upon the ongoing
post-traumatic stress of the Rising and of the death of loved ones.
Vampires
While the vampire in literature, film, and television is, like the zom-
bie, a physical embodiment of death, a corpse without a soul, it has
also come to represent a wide range of pleasures, anxieties and mean-
ings that evolve with the audience who embrace it. As Prawer argues
with regards to Dracula, the vampire is ‘a filter through which folk
beliefs, rural and urban myths, and historically conditioned as well as
perennial psychological experiences, have passed into the ken of succes-
sive generations’ (7). Similarly, Auerbach contends that as ‘vampires are
immortal, they are free to change incessantly’, resulting in a vampire
for every generation (5). Buffy the Vampire Slayer utilized the vampire
and other monsters as part of a ‘high school as hell’ metaphor in which
each demon encounter represents particular high school trauma, from
bullying to cyberstalking to first sexual encounters (see Wilcox). True
Blood, appearing on television a few years later and broadcast on the
more adult-oriented channel HBO, used the vampire as metaphor for
queer politics, homophobia and racial segregation (see Cherry).
The Vampire Diaries broadcast on CW (2008–), a channel with a
teen/young adult audience, appears to be yet another teen vampire
drama, much like Buffy the Vampire Slayer and Twilight, set around the
lives of teenagers in an American high school/college and involving a
love triangle surrounding a young, human, female protagonist – a trope
similarly adopted in True Blood. Williams points out that the plot simi-
larities between these vampire texts have been the focus of much of
the critical response to The Vampire Diaries, explaining: ‘Common in
Stacey Abbott 169
many press and online reviews of The Vampire Diaries is a link to both
True Blood and the Twilight Saga, with Diaries typically positioned in
between. This position in the middle ground is because it is not as sexu-
ally explicit or gory as True Blood but it is more “adult” than Twilight’
(89). As Williams points out [quoting from Milly Williamson], these
texts do seem to be drawing upon a twentieth century tradition of
‘morally ambiguous sympathetic vampires who lure audiences with the
pathos of their predicament and their painful awareness of outsiderdom’
(91). Like these other vampire texts, the love triangle in The Vampire
Diaries is a significant question that drives much of the series’ plot: what
future will Elena Gilbert have with the soulful Stefan and/or the roguish
Damon?
However, the series also demonstrates preoccupations unique to its
own diegesis that distinguish it from these other texts. Rather than being
focused primarily upon romance and love, criticisms often levelled at
Twilight, The Vampire Diaries is preoccupied with emotions more broadly,
and the importance of experiencing and not repressing them. This is the
heart of Damon’s challenge to his brother Stefan, who opts to repress his
vampire hungers by only feeding on the blood of animals. This, accord-
ing to Damon, makes Stefan weaker both physically (he is unable to beat
Damon in a fight) and psychologically, for when Stefan does eventually
give in and drink human blood, he is unable to contain his hunger and
goes on a murder spree.
Furthermore, in the series’ mythology, vampires – who feel emotion
much more intensely than humans – have the option to turn off their
humanity (namely, their emotions), thus making it easier to perform the
heinous acts that are a part of their nature. However, it becomes increas-
ingly apparent that most of the show’s vampires (no matter how seem-
ingly evil) choose not to ‘flip their humanity switch’ because they would
then lose that which makes the experience of being a vampire so plea-
surable: their feelings. As a result, each of the vampires must walk a fine
emotional line in which they balance their sensual pleasures in love, sex,
and blood drinking, with their darker emotional side, namely sadism,
cruelty, guilt and grief. In this manner, the series places the topic and
experience of emotion at the centre of its storylines, particularly when
the emotionally empathic Elena is turned into a vampire and struggles
with a flood of conflicting and alienating emotions (season four).6
Central to Elena’s emotional journey throughout the series, even
before she becomes a vampire, is a melancholic preoccupation with
death and grief. This is a television series that features an unusual num-
ber of funerals and funeral rituals, even for a genre that is preoccupied
170 Love, Fear and Mourning in TV Horror
with death. When the series began, Elena was recovering from the loss of
her parents, attempting to end her period of mourning by returning to
high school and leading a normal life (‘Pilot’, 1.1). Initially, her attempts
at normality are performative, designed to convince friends and teachers
that she is all right while secretly conveying her melancholic emotions
by sitting in a cemetery and writing in her diary. However, her encounter
with the new hot boy in school, Stefan Salvatore, seems at first glance to
conform to Freud’s argument that successful mourning involves replac-
ing that which is lost with a new emotional attachment in order to
move on (14. Art and Literature, 42–59). Both Elena and Stefan see this
budding relationship as a chance to embrace life. This opportunity, how-
ever, is undermined by the fact that Stefan is a vampire who embodies a
melancholic association with the past and a history of loss. Rather than
moving on from her grief, Elena’s relationship with Stefan, and later
Damon, forces her to repeatedly confront her grief and acknowledge
its presence within her. Nina Auerbach argues that vampires represent
‘not the fear of death, but fear of life: their power and their curse is
their undying vitality’ (5); in contrast, after her vampiric transforma-
tion, Stefan tells Elena: ‘You are a vampire Elena. Loss is part of the
deal. Look, I’ve been alive for 163 years. I’ve lost more lovers than I can
count and it hurts me every single time . . . you have to face your grief’
(‘The Walking Dead’, 4.22). In The Vampire Diaries, the vampire does not
represent the fear of death or life; rather, it is the embodiment of grief.
This grief, however, is not necessarily presented negatively, as something
that needs to be overcome or banished; rather, it is presented as some-
thing that needs to be embraced. Judith Butler argues that mourning
should be seen as a transformative process, whereby:
One mourns when one accepts that by the loss one undergoes one
will be changed forever. Perhaps mourning has to do with agreeing
to undergo a transformation . . . the full result of which one cannot
know in advance. There is losing, as we know, but there is also the
transformative effect of loss, and this latter cannot be charted or
planned. (21)
Dedication
172
Kyle William Bishop 173
and conflicts. In fact, most of the main characters in The Walking Dead
suffer through traumatizing emotions associated with their perceived
familial roles – including Rick’s adulterous wife, Lori, or the gruff father,
Hershel, and his rebellious daughter, Maggie. The zombie apocalypse
gives those who were formerly trapped in negative relationships chances
to alter their identities. According to Boehm, the zombie in The Walking
Dead ‘is not just a traumatic monster serving an apocalyptic function.
Quite the contrary, the zombie becomes a necessary evolutionary step
in the re-organization of society’ (134). I contend the most important
‘re-organization’ depicted in the series occurs at the individual level;
thanks to this kind of ‘apocalyptic psychotherapy’, individual char-
acters are afforded opportunities to change themselves for the better.
Two characters in particular – Carol, who begins the series as a bat-
tered and abused wife, and Daryl, who begins as a tormented and
subservient brother – learn to transform their identities over the course
of the zombie outbreak more dramatically than any of the others. These
transformations occur primarily at an emotional level and can be best
understood with the traditions of Lacanian and Freudian psychoanalytic
literary theory. Thanks to positive external role models and the return of
their repressed emotions, both Carol and Daryl become more healthy,
independent, and self-aware. The apocalypse proves liberating for these
once-tormented characters, providing them with constructive oppor-
tunities to work through their repressed feelings and psychological
traumas and allowing them to transcend their former identities.
through its mirror image (17), but it can also be revealed through
what Lacan calls the ‘imagos of the fragmented body’ (13), including
mutilation, dismemberment, evisceration, and devouring. This list has
obvious resonance to fans of zombie narratives, stories in which cha-
racters redefine themselves through a kind of ‘mirror stage’ of bodily
horror. By extension, then, the bodily, social, and emotional traumas
of a zombie infestation – or any trauma that changes the way people
see the world around them – can enact what I would call a secondary
mirror stage, one that transforms one’s adult identity and alters one’s
self-proclaimed place in social circles.
Faced with rows of dead human bodies, the dismembered remains of
friends and strangers alike, and foes that are little more than ambulatory
corpses, those few who survive the zombie apocalypse of The Walking
Dead cannot help but be aware of their fundamental identity as mor-
tal human beings. However, because of the collapse of society’s regular
social and cultural infrastructures that results from so much death and
chaos, once firmly established familial roles and relationships also begin
to break down. While the zombies themselves do not always act directly
upon one’s shifting perceptions of individual identity, the effects of their
existence certainly do. According to my reading of Lacan’s ‘Graph of
Desire’ (Ecrits 302), the conflicted, dissatisfied, or otherwise ‘split’ subject
can only achieve an idealized ego – or conception of personal identity –
through recognition of the imago through the mirroring of itself, a com-
parison to an other, a motivational desire, or a recognition of meaning
through a poignant signifier. What this theoretical structure means for
the survivors of the zombie outbreak, survivors desperately trying to
redefine themselves as individuals through the emotional and physical
trauma they now experience on a daily basis, is a host of new influ-
ences working to reshape their concept of the self, in particular, their
self within the bounds of familial relationships.
Carol provides viewers of The Walking Dead with an example of how
comparing oneself to others and confronting past abuse can affect a
positive change and the realization of a new, subjective identity. At the
beginning of The Walking Dead, Carol appears as a relatively minor cha-
racter who presents viewers with an example of an unhealthy marital
relationship, and a woman whose personal, subjective identity has been
overwhelmed by her emotionally and physically abusive husband, Ed.
Carol is presented as meek, quiet, shy, and reserved; rather than having
an identity tied to her own sense of self, who she is and how she acts
is determined by her husband: she mirrors him rather than seeing the
mirror of herself. Because of the zombie apocalypse, however, Carol is
Kyle William Bishop 175
sheepishly, ‘It’s just the way it is’. As the women continue to talk and
even laugh, Ed saunters over to the group to learn what is so funny.
He suggests Carol focus on her work instead of acting like she is at a
comedy club, a chiding that immediately subdues his wife. The women
stand between the couple, and Jacqui mentions that Carol often shows
up at the camp with fresh bruises. Not cowed by the accusation, Ed
openly strikes Carol, at which point Shane rushes into the fray, provid-
ing Carol with another unfamiliar example of defiant human behaviour.
While she is clearly used to seeing Ed as the perpetrator of violence, see-
ing him beaten by another man decidedly defies her experience. While
the scene does not result in any immediate change in Carol’s identity
as a subservient wife, it does provide her with a kind of social mirror, a
different way of thinking and acting in the face of domestic abuse based
on the unusual behaviour of others.
By the next evening, however, Carol is beginning to demonstrate a
change in her emotions towards Ed and in her subjective identity. Before
the campers enjoy a dinner of fresh fish in the episode ‘Vatos’ (1.4),
Carol and Sophia check in on the convalescing Ed: his face, severely
bruised from Shane’s beating, depicts a kind of Lacanian ‘fragmented
body’. She asks her husband to join the group for dinner, but the bitter
man refuses, washing his hands of Shane and the rest of ‘them people’.
When Sophia tries to leave the tent with her mother, Ed grabs her arm,
saying, ‘Hey! Why don’t you stay here? Keep your daddy company’. In a
clearly uncharacteristic move, Carol intercedes, saying, ‘Ed, she wants
to join in. Come on’. While this may be a small act, Carol effectively
stands up to her husband, insists on pursuing her own wishes, and takes
an active role in the rearing of her daughter. Further development of
Carol as an individual in contrast to the influence of her domineer-
ing husband is hastened rapidly with the arrival of a group of zombies
later that evening known by the survivors as ‘walkers’. They attack and
kill the defenceless Ed in his tent, and while Carol is clearly distraught,
her immediate actions demonstrate the emotions she experiences are far
more complicated than mere grief.
Confronting her abusive spouse as nothing more than a lifeless corpse
allows Carol to exorcize much of her anger, and to work through
some of her repressed emotional trauma. The brains of the dead must
be destroyed to prevent them from returning as walkers, and Carol
takes upon herself the responsibility to immobilize her deceased hus-
band. In contrast to Daryl’s efficient ‘single blow’ approach, Carol uses
a pickaxe with almost hysterical furore to smash Ed’s corpse in the
Kyle William Bishop 177
Father, forgive me. I don’t deserve your mercy. I prayed for safe
passage from Atlanta, and you provided. Prayed for Ed to be pun-
ished, for laying his hands on me and for looking at his own
daughter . . . . I prayed you’d put a stop to it, give me a chance to
raise her right, help her not to make my mistakes . . . . She hasn’t had
a chance. Praying for Ed’s death was a sin; please, don’t let this be my
punishment. Let her be safe. Alive and safe. Please, Lord, punish me
however you want, but show mercy on her. (‘What Lies Ahead’)
Dead are unable to successfully repress their fear of death, and they
also struggle to keep other amoral and asocial inclinations safely buried
in their unconscious. However, through the use of uncanny figures –
beyond that of zombies – many of these repressed desires and emotions
are forced into their conscious minds, resembling a kind of involuntary
psychotherapy that results in new emotions, new experiences, and new
identities.
Engagement with what Freud categorizes as ‘the uncanny’ facilitates
a return of the repressed, a return that affects marked changes to indi-
vidual psychological identity. In basic terms, Freud defines the uncanny
as ‘that species of the frightening that goes back to what was once well
known and had long been familiar’ (The Uncanny 124). In other words,
ideas rejected by the conscious mind are repressed not because they
are foreign and unknown but for the very fact that they are known
and familiar. Unknown fears, anxieties and emotions have no need
to be repressed because their deleterious effects on the human psy-
che are untried and untested; only those ideas that result in a proven
negative response are repressed into the unconscious mind in an effort
to protect human consciousness. The German term unheimlich trans-
lates into English as ‘uncanny’, which usually mean the ‘unfamiliar’; in
German, however, heimlich can mean ‘of the home’, something quite
familiar and even comforting. Additionally, heimlich can also mean
‘secret’, that which has been hidden. In other words, the unheimlich
figure, encounter, or vision reveals a secret – its unfamiliarity is what
calls forth that which is familiar, as Freud’s refined definition of the
uncanny indicates: ‘[T]he term “uncanny” (unheimlich) applies to every-
thing that was once intended to remain secret, hidden away, and has
come into the open’ (132). The familiar nature of the uncanny thus
recalls the once-familiar, resulting in a return of the repressed. This
push-pull of the familiar-unfamiliar is key to identifying, understand-
ing, and analysing how uncanny tropes work in both the real world and
fictional narratives.
An uncanny encounter confronts human subjects not with a view
of themselves as they appear, but rather one of who they really are;
these confrontations allow them to progress, pursuing their desires and
resulting in healthier personal identities. Daryl shows how engagement
with repressed fears and emotions from childhood can reconfigure an
unhealthy relationship into an independent adult identity. He repre-
sents a man who has always stood in the shadow of his powerful older
brother, never taking his own initiative or making his own decisions.
Like Carol, Daryl benefits from the forced psychotherapy of the zombie
apocalypse: he too suffers the scars of familial abuse, and his only
Kyle William Bishop 181
obtain a better sense of how Daryl feels toward his brother. While
searching for Sophia in ‘Save the Last One’ (2.3), Daryl recounts being
lost in the woods alone for nine days when he was 12 years old, as
his alcoholic father had been on a bender and Merle had not been
there to look after him because he was locked up in ‘juvie’. In sea-
son three, Carol reveals that Daryl has, in fact, long been a victim of
Merle’s abuse. Speaking to Hershel’s daughter, Beth, Carol likens Daryl’s
trauma to her own: ‘Men like Merle get into your head. Make you
feel like you deserve the abuse’ (‘The Suicide King’, 3.9). With Merle’s
prolonged absence from Daryl’s life, the abused brother can finally rumi-
nate on his childhood and reflect on the true nature of his relationship
with his older sibling, a relationship that was not supportive or loving
at all.
Before Daryl can come to terms with his brother, though, his repressed
memories and emotions must be forced into his conscious mind in
the season two episode, ‘Chupacabra’ (2.5), when he has a decidedly
uncanny encounter. While searching for Sophia alone, Daryl falls into
a ravine, impales himself on a crossbow bolt, and has a vision of Merle
chastizing him for getting himself into such a precarious position. The
apparition tells Daryl to get up, pull the bolt out of his side, and climb
out of the ravine. As Daryl defends his decision to search for Sophia,
Merle chastizes him further, telling him he is being used by the wrong
kind of people, people who would not care for him if things were back
to ‘normal’. Rick and his people are not ‘kin’, and if Daryl were any kind
of brother, he would return to the farm and kill Rick. Merle offers one
parting shot – ‘Ain’t nobody ever gonna care about you but me, Little
Brother’ – before Daryl wakes to discover a walker tugging at his boot.
Inspired by the words of his vision, Daryl binds his wound, eats a raw
squirrel, and climbs out of the ravine, all while yelling at the phantom
of his imagination:
MERLE: Now come on; don’t be like that. I’m on your side.
DARYL: Yeah? Since when?
MERLE: Hell, since the day you were born, Baby Brother. Somebody
had to look after your worthless ass.
DARYL: You never took care of me. You talk a big game, but you was
never there. Hell, you ain’t here now. Some things never change.
(‘Chupacabra’)
the ravine, and it forces him to confront the realization that Merle has
never been supportive, he has never been the kind of loving big brother
he made himself out to be.
After surviving this near-death experience and his hallucinations,
Daryl returns to Hershel’s farm transformed, dedicating himself to the
group and becoming a better man, particularly because of the encour-
agement he receives from others. After Andrea accidentally shoots Daryl,
he must convalesce in Hershel’s house. Carol brings him something to
eat, kisses him on the forehead, and tells him: ‘You need to know some-
thing. You did more for my little girl today than her own daddy ever
did in his whole life. . . . You’re every bit as good as [Rick and Shane].
Every bit’. A few episodes later, Daryl takes his anger and frustration out
on the captured Randall, beating and torturing the man for information
about his group of marauders. When Daryl reports his findings to the
group, Carol is visibly disappointed when she sees Daryl’s bloody knuck-
les, and Dale approaches Daryl, pulling him away from the rest of the
group:
DALE: Carol’s not the only one that’s concerned about you, your new
‘role’ in the group.
DARYL: Oh man, I don’t need my head shrunk. This group’s broken;
I’m better off fending for myself. . . .
DALE: Your opinion makes a difference.
DARYL: Man, ain’t nobody looking at me for nothing.
DALE: Carol is. And I am, right now. . . . You cared about what
happened to Sophia. Cared what it meant to the group. Tortur-
ing people? That’s not you. You’re a decent man! (‘Judge, Jury,
Executioner’, 2.11)
can get everyone out safely; however, he really wants to stay behind to
find Merle. In the confusion, Daryl is captured and brought before the
people of Woodbury in the Governor’s gladiatorial fighting ring. The
Governor has branded Merle a traitor and terrorist, in league with Rick’s
group because of Daryl, and he pits the two brothers against each other
in the ring. The Dixons, however, have different plans, and they fight
their way out of Woodbury. Reunited with Rick’s group in the forest, the
brothers must reconsider their relationship, one that has changed dra-
matically because of Daryl’s transformed identity. Glenn and Michonne
are more than ready to kill Merle for his crimes against them both;
however, Merle responds by taunting and mocking them. Daryl, trans-
cending his former role as cowed younger brother, calls Merle a jackass
and tells him to shut up. Nevertheless, Daryl wants Merle to come to
the prison; although he’s a dangerous person, Merle remains Daryl’s
‘blood’. Rick refuses, and Daryl makes his choice: ‘Fine. We’ll fend for
ourselves. . . . No him, no me’. Glenn tries to talk Daryl out of leaving
the group, but Daryl says, ‘Don’t ask me to leave ’im. I already did that
once’ (‘The Suicide King’).
The Dixons set out on their own; however, Merle soon realizes their
relationship has changed from what it once had been. Daryl is openly
hostile toward his brother, challenging his decisions and disagreeing
with everything he says. When Daryl hears a baby cry, he immediately
rushes into a conflict to see how he can help a small group of human
survivors that have been trapped on a bridge by a number of walkers.
Merle follows at a leisurely pace, complaining they do not owe anyone
any help. After Daryl dispatches the zombies, Merle draws a gun on the
beleaguered survivors and demands their supplies and car. In response,
Daryl points his crossbow at Merle’s head and tells him to let the group
go; as the group leaves, Daryl storms off feeling disgust at his brother’s
ignoble behaviour. Merle chases after his brother, and the two have an
emotional confrontation:
MERLE. You know what’s funny to me? . . . I’ll bet you a penny and a
fiddle of gold, huh, that you never told [Rick] that we were planning
on robbing that camp blind.
DARYL. It didn’t happen.
MERLE. Yeah, it didn’t, ’cause I wasn’t there to help you.
DARYL. What, like we were kids? Huh? Who left who then?
MERLE. What? Huh? Is that why I lost my hand?
DARYL. You lost your hand ’cause you’re a simple-minded piece of
shit. (‘Home’, 3.10)
Kyle William Bishop 185
Merle then asks where Daryl is going, to which he replies, ‘Back where
I belong’. Given the chance to confront his brother, Daryl manifests his
new personal identity, an identity that reflects his newfound willingness
to address the anger, resentment, and fear he has been repressing since
he was a young boy. While Daryl will still have to struggle with his
brother’s death and his own identity, this moment in the series esta-
blishes Daryl’s subjective triumph; he now knows where he belongs,
and it is not at the heels of his abusive brother.
At the beginning of the fourth season of The Walking Dead, both Carol
and Daryl appear as transformed characters. They no longer labour
under the burdens of their oppressive and abusive pasts, having moved
beyond both Ed and Merle to find their own self-actualized identi-
ties and to enjoy a measure of emotional health and stability. In ‘30
Days Without an Accident’ (4.1), Carol is introduced as an almost new
woman, someone who appears happy, casually jokes and flirts with
Daryl, and has taken upon herself the responsibility of teaching the
children in the group. Daryl presents an even more dramatic transfor-
mation; as he walks through the crowd of survivors eating breakfast at
the prison, he is regaled by friendly greetings from just about every-
body. In fact, Patrick awkwardly hails him with sycophantic praise: ‘Mr.
Dixon? I just wanted to thank you for bringing that deer back yesterday.
It was a real treat, sir, and I’d be honoured to shake your hand’. Later,
the two of them confer about the best way to keep the prison fences
safe against the walker hordes, demonstrating they have both taken on
more active leadership roles in the camp. Carol and Daryl have become
central figures at the prison – members of the ruling council, in fact – to
whom the others look for guidance and from whom they seek friendship
and attention.
Carol is through looking to others for instruction and guidance, hav-
ing fulfilled her need for a healthy Lacanian mirror in which to see her
potential in others. When a strange illness begins to sweep through the
prison in ‘Infected’ (4.2), Carol calmly and rationally euthanizes Ryan
and persuades the council to quarantine the others who show signs of
the illness. Most dramatically, Carol shows that she is the only one pre-
pared to take drastic action to neutralize the threat by pre-emptively and
secretly killing the infected Karen and David and burning their bodies.
Rick’s investigation into the murders leads him to suspect Carol, and he
confronts her:
186 Apocalyptic Psycotherapy: AMC’s The Walking Dead
Carol’s answers are direct and matter-of-fact, and she clearly sees her
actions as warranted because her primary goal is to protect the sur-
vivors, especially the children. Even though Carol justifies her actions
as merciful and necessary in ‘Indifference’ (4.4), Rick decides she is both
asocial and dangerously transgressive. After they both survive a supplies
run together, Rick banishes her from the prison, even though he is no
longer one of the group’s leaders. Carol pleads with him, but she does
not recant or regret her choices: ‘I could have pretended that everything
was gonna be fine. But I didn’t. I did something: I stepped up. I had
to do something’. Rick clearly does not care about her newfound sub-
jective identity and independence, but he does leave Carol with some
words of encouragement: ‘You’re not that woman who was too scared to
be alone. Not anymore. You’re going to start over, find others. . . . You’re
going to survive out here’. Luckily for Carol’s fans, she has changed, and
she will survive on her own.
Even before leaving the prison, Carol demonstrates she has recovered
sufficiently from the loss of Sophia to re-engage with children in a nur-
turing manner; nevertheless, she refuses to take orders concerning their
education – or their safety – from anyone. She teaches them to read,
tells them stories, and imparts key survival skills to them; however, she
also teaches them how to use knives to protect themselves from walkers,
contradicting what Rick would want (‘30 Days Without and Accident’).
In ‘The Grove’ (4.14) Carol proves herself capable of making the hard
choices, even when she must transcend her conflicted sense of mother-
hood. Carol has essentially adopted Ryan’s daughters, Lizzie and Mika,
and she tries repeatedly to teach the girls how to take care of them-
selves and survive. She tells Lizzie, who is horrified by violence against
the walkers, ‘You can’t be [afraid]. . . . You fight it and fight it and don’t
give up. And then one day, you just . . . change. We all change’ (‘Indiffe-
rence’). Viewers see a Carol who has changed for the better, as she has
overcome her fear – her fear of death, being alone and making hard
choices; unfortunately, Lizzie’s uncanny encounters with the walkers
have changed her for the worse, as her method of dealing with the
fear of death has made her very dangerous. As Carol explains, ‘[S]he’s
confused about them, the walkers. She doesn’t see what they are; she
thinks they’re just . . . different’. After Lizzie emotionlessly murders her
Kyle William Bishop 187
sister to prove they should not fear the walkers, Carol makes the heart-
wrenching decision to execute the irreparably damaged girl. Once a
passive victim, Carol now understands the new world; not only does
she make the tough decisions by herself, but she also does the horrible
things necessary to keep people safe.
Daryl has also transcended his emotional baggage to achieve a health-
ier personal identity. Emotionally recovered from his dysfunctional
relationship with Merle, Daryl can finally show affection for the people
in his life, especially Carol and Beth. Throughout season three, Daryl
grows closer to Carol, as evidenced by both his mourning at her dis-
appearance and presumed death in the bowels of the prison (‘Say the
Word’, 3.5) and his joy in finding her alive (‘Hounded’, 3.6). By season
four, Daryl has become even more open with his emotions, and he can
now express love for others. The episode ‘Still’ (4.12), which takes place
right after the fall of the prison, focuses on Daryl and Beth as they strug-
gle to survive on their own. Daryl begins their journey together with his
standard gruffness and cold distance, refusing to speak to Beth, but she
soon confronts him, asking if he feels anything at all for those who have
died. He remains icy, but after the two bond over some pillaged moon-
shine, Daryl speaks with anger and frustration about his abusive father,
his rough upbringing, and his resentment of Beth’s perceived easy life.
Once again, Beth confronts him, accusing him of not caring about any-
thing or anyone ever since Sophia died. As they shout at each other,
Daryl finally admits the guilt he feels about letting the prison fall and
about not keeping people like Hershel safe. Beth holds him tight and
Daryl allows himself to cry. After they share their painful memories,
bitter regrets, and pressing insecurities, they burn an abandoned house
to the ground, symbolically and therapeutically purging themselves of
their emotional burdens.
Despite Daryl’s fierce independence, his contact with the other sur-
vivors has made him unexpectedly reliant upon social groups; however,
never again will he take orders blindly from anyone. Beth declares that
he will be the only one to survive, the ‘last man standing’ (‘Still’); how-
ever, Daryl is clearly displeased with such a thought. Whether or not he
will openly admit it, Daryl likes the person he has become in the pre-
sence of others – a provider, a protector, and even a kind of older brother
or father to Beth. In ‘Alone’ (4.13), for example, he gives her a piggyback
ride after her ankle is injured in a trap, and he watches her lovingly as
she plays the piano in a mortuary. Beth provides Daryl with an inspiring
mirror that convinces him that ‘good people’ might still be out there,
people like her and perhaps even himself. When walkers overrun the
188 Apocalyptic Psycotherapy: AMC’s The Walking Dead
mortuary, the two are separated, and Beth is apparently abducted. A dis-
traught Daryl tries to catch up with her, but fails; he ends up joining a
motley group of marauders, seeing the value in community – any com-
munity. Instead of attacking the group, Daryl demonstrates his new faith
in humanity, a hope for goodness he learned from Beth. However, Daryl
will not be pushed around by these people, who so strikingly resem-
ble Merle; he refuses to regress to their ‘survival of the fittest’ way of
life (‘Us’, 4.15). He manages to find camaraderie and safety in numbers
when needed, but when push comes to shove, he makes his own choices
and insures his own integrity.
While The Walking Dead is understandably appealing as a long-arc
exploration of the realistic after-effects of a zombie apocalypse, the series
is more than simply a monster narrative. The voracious and frightening
walkers certainly have their own tales to tell, but, as mute and mind-
less antagonists, they represent little to which human viewers can relate
and from which they can learn anything of value. Of greater interest
are the human characters, their multifarious emotions, and the inter-
personal relationships they must navigate as a result of the apocalyptic
wasteland they now inhabit. An important synonym for apocalypse is
‘revelation’, and that is exactly what all great apocalypse narratives
prove to be. The great value of The Walking Dead lies in the instruc-
tive work it does to present viewers with complex case studies of human
emotions and interactive identities. Thanks to the positive examples of
the new people in the lives of Carol and Daryl, and the repressed emo-
tional traumas they are forced to confront as they struggle to survive the
zombie apocalypse, both of these damaged people develop into strong,
independent and self-actualized individuals. Perceptive audience mem-
bers can learn much about their own emotional turmoil and potential
trauma as well, and they will hopefully perceive healthy ways to realize
appropriate personal growth and development in the face of monstrous
challenges.
11
Homeland: Fear and Distrust as Key
Elements of the Post-9/11
Political-Spy Thriller
Pablo Echart and Pablo Castrillo
189
190 Homeland: Fear and Distrust
Fear
The reason why Homeland fits so well in the post-9/11 context lies at
the very heart of its generic codes. The thriller, by definition, aims at
eliciting in the spectator visceral, gut-level feelings – ‘suspense, fright,
mystery, exhilaration, excitement, speed, movement’ (Rubin 5) – by way
of a feeling of vulnerability or of a ‘certain loss of control’ (Rubin 6),
which is shared with the characters when placed in a situation of danger
and risk. Even at the very beginning of each episode, in the opening
credits – designed as a nightmare experienced by Carrie – the obstinate
tenacity of the character is presented in her quest to prevent a new 9/11:
‘I’m just making sure we don’t get hit again’.2 Her unrelenting attempts
will always be seen, therefore, from the perspective of defensive security
and, as a consequence, they will take a moral position that is acceptable
to the viewer.
The association of the audience with the hero’s stance is essential
for the emotional machinery of the thriller to work effectively. This is
usually achieved thanks to a psychological process commonly known
as ‘identification’ with the character, which is not a mere vicarious
experience of the viewer, but something more complex, playing on
the distinction, pointed out by Murray Smith, between ‘alignment’ and
‘allegiance’. Alignment is the mere space-time attachment provided to
the audience through the narrative’s focus on one or more characters,
while allegiance results from a moral evaluation of the character and
his or her actions (qtd in Plantinga, Moving Viewers 106–7). The thriller
192 Homeland: Fear and Distrust
tenacity, the faith? Because we do. You can bomb us, starve us,
occupy our holy places, but we will never lose our faith. We carry
God in our hearts, our souls. To die is to join him. It may take a
century, two centuries, three centuries, but we will exterminate you.
Distrust
been declared killed in action. On the espionage plot, Brody plays the
role of a sleeper agent – and later, a double agent – thus incarnating
the duplicity proper of the thriller’s villain: he is an undercover terrorist
who hides his activities under the public image of war hero and con-
gressman of the United States. At the same time, Brody is also subject
to lies and manipulation: when he learns that his friend and brother-
in-arms, Tom Walker, is alive, he is close to giving up on the terrorist
cause (‘Achilles Heel’, 1.8); and later, when he fails to detonate the sui-
cide vest as planned, Nazir requests proof of loyalty by ordering him to
assassinate Walker, which he does (‘Marine One’).
Eventually, Brody becomes a double agent of the CIA in Iran, where,
mirroring his previous American cover, he is considered to be a hero of
the terrorist cause, after it becomes known that he was responsible for
the bombing of Langley. This major twist in Brody’s character takes place
in the episode ‘Q&A’, through a truly cathartic experience in which he
opens up to Carrie and reveals the truth. His new role as a CIA double
agent, however, does not entail a tabula rasa, given the deeply tangled
web of secrets and lies in which he finds himself trapped.8 Thus, even
though Brody aligns himself with the good guys, the enormous pre-
ssure of sustaining a double agenda will wear him out, causing a vital
split that will prove to be unbearable: in ‘I’ll Fly Away’ (2.8), the radical
loneliness he feels after having dilapidated all meaningful relationships
overpowers him: ‘I’m more alone now than I was in the bottom of that
hole in Iraq’.
However, Brody is not the only victim of this atmosphere of deceit-
fulness. First, in the domain of marriage and family, lies and half-truths
become insufferable for both characters and audiences alike. The return
of Brody to his home after eight years of captivity in Iraq quickly
becomes stained by secrecy, concealment and falseness. Brody’s dou-
ble life prevents his return from becoming a true family reunion, and
makes it impossible for Jess and their kids to recognize him as a hus-
band and as a father. He consistently disregards the demands from his
wife and his older daughter, Dana, who ask him to reveal the whole
truth about himself. As a consequence, he becomes a stranger to them:
the marriage breaks down and his children become distant. This is par-
ticularly heightened in Dana, who is employed by the narrative as the
measuring gauge for the couple’s lies. She is a character who longs for
the truth, a necessary condition for trust to reign in interpersonal rela-
tionships, whether familial or romantic.9 Even if, at first, she forges a
connection of complicity with her father, this understanding will turn
into disappointment and horror when, ironically, Brody finally opens
Pablo Echart and Pablo Castrillo 199
up to her (‘The Choice’): the truth has arrived too late for her, and by
now it has become polluted by her father’s secrets and lies. As a con-
sequence, Dana is unable to recognize in Brody his renewed condition
of an American hero, or the fact that he stopped the terrorist attack
because of her (‘Marine One’). Ultimately, Dana can only see the nature
(now defeated) of the monster, and that is why she first attempts to take
her own life (‘Tin Man Is Down’, 3.1), disowns her father by changing
her name, that is, her identity, abandons the family home and, finally,
rejects Brody’s apologies right before he departs for the final mission in
which he will die (‘One Last Thing’, 3.9).
Outside the domestic domain, in the sphere of intelligence work and
espionage, the main victim of Brody’s web of lies is Carrie. Their rela-
tionship, tumultuous as it is, seems to be the only constant thread
through the different seasons. Up to the aforementioned turning point
in ‘Q&A’, it is also a relationship defined by the incompatible forces of
attraction and mutual manipulation: they are involved in a passionate,
romantic affair, while constantly suspecting and deceiving each other.
They play a game of ‘catch me if you can’ while they recognize in one
another the true possibility of an ideal partner. At the same time, they
both know they cannot risk revealing their true colours. When Carrie
finally takes steps to approach Brody honestly (‘The Weekend’, 1.7), the
outcome turns out to be destructive, and throws her in a downward
spiral of confusion. Her internal struggles intensify in ‘Marine One’,
when she loses all confidence in her instinct and ability to untangle
the conspiracy, and believes that all her findings and conclusions were
the product of her sick mind.
The beginning of season two focuses on a now retired Carrie. When
proof emerges that her intuitions were correct all along and that Brody
is a sleeper terrorist, Carrie is given the chance to confront him. At the
turning point of season two (‘Q&A’), it is the psychological pressure
she exercises on Brody that forces him to make the drastic decision of
switching sides: she appeals to his inner pain and offers him an intimate
space – by turning the cameras off, although not the microphones – to
which Brody surrenders, unable to resist the weight of deception any
longer. Brody’s catharsis becomes for Carrie sufficient proof to begin
trusting in him. At the same time, he must trust Carrie’s word about
his eventual immunity, since their ‘off-the-books’ deal cannot be put in
writing. In this manner, a new, more solid, almost healing relationship
begins, one that is nevertheless threatened by an enormous risk, given
that, by putting trust into action, ‘one is dependent on the intentions
and goodwill of others’ (Marková, Linell and Gillespie 4), which entails
200 Homeland: Fear and Distrust
accepting the risk of an eventual harm, possibly greater than the good
being sought after.
This new situation forces the two characters to put their confidence
in one another to the test, immediately after the terrorist incidents in
‘A Gettysburg Address’ (2.6) and ‘The Choice’. However, once the test is
passed, their dramatic arc grows to the extreme, highlighted by Brody’s
decision to risk his own life for the American cause (‘One Last Thing’),
which in turn leads Carrie to consider him a true American hero (‘The
Star’, 3.12). In this manner, their relationship reveals the transformative
power of trust (Spaemann 139–40), which allows individuals to redefine
themselves and therefore transcend the limits of identity self-imposed
by their past deeds. Thus, Brody redeems his terrorist activities and
becomes a national – even if anonymous – hero; and this growth rati-
fies his romantic relationship with Carrie, which is not surprising given
that love shares a nuclear quality with trust and vulnerability, essen-
tially, the ability to place oneself in a situation of weakness before the
other (Spaemann 140–1).
A similar process of betrayal and reconciliation takes place between
Carrie and her long-time mentor and friend Saul Berenson. This sea-
soned, battle-scarred agent assumes that all relationships within the
agency are mediated by lies. This assumption, however, finds an excep-
tion in his pupil, Carrie. Hence, when she betrays him by planting
illegal surveillance systems in Brody’s home, his reaction becomes rather
revealing: a nearly sacred bond has been fractured, and forgiveness will
not be easy to attain:
Everyone lies in this business, I accept that. But we all draw lines
somewhere and the two sides of that line are us and them. And what-
ever we had, you and I, whatever trust we built up over a decade of me
protecting you and teaching you everything I know, you destroyed it
when you lied to me and you treated me like them. Like every other
schmuck in this building. (‘Clean Skin’, 1.3)
nothing is what it seems. Or, better put, no one is who they seem to be.
This diagnosis is, in fact, rather accurate: such is the effect the narrative
aims to achieve. In Homeland we can see how the unmistakable effect of
relationships riddled with deception and duplicity causes a general feel-
ing of distrust among the characters, and how this rich, dramatic set of
interactions also achieves the superior effect of transferring such uneasi-
ness and suspicion to the audience, mainly through the management of
story information. More specifically, it is this ‘narrative of suspicion’ that
makes the viewers wary, as they question the intentions and motives of
those characters aligned with the ‘good guys’; this is demonstrated, for
example, in the case of Peter Quinn. Along the same lines, for instance,
flashbacks are shown of Brody’s past in ‘Two Hats’ (2.9) that give us
good reason to doubt his intentions, in the same way in which the
shadow of betrayal is cast over the climactic scene in which Brody must
assassinate the main leader of the Iranian military (‘Big Man in Tehran’,
3.11). Similarly, the early stages of season three manipulate the audi-
ence into believing that Carrie’s emotional breakdown may even lead
her to switching sides; furthermore, in one episode (‘Gerontion’) it is
hinted that the Iranian Fara Sherazi may potentially be a double agent
within the CIA. However, the character who attracts most of the audi-
ence’s mistrust is the mentor Saul: despite having been presented as a
model of honesty and righteousness within the agency, the narrative
also casts shadows of doubt over him. ‘The Good Soldier’ (1.6) throws a
red herring at the viewer when Saul’s polygraph reveals that he is lying.
‘The Choice’ depicts him in a dubious light as the sole survivor of the
Langley attack. In addition, in season three, the shadows increase as
he apparently betrays Carrie by locking her in a hospital room as part
of a hardly believable plan to destabilize the Iranian regime, while the
episodes ‘Gerontion’ and ‘A Red Wheelbarrow’ (3.8) suggest that he is
not fully committed to shedding light on the circumstances behind the
bombing of Langley.
This pervasive network of deception and narrative manipulation pre-
disposes the spectator to a constant state of suspicion, laying the rules
for a greater effect of suspense, an agitated emotional state that, as has
been pointed out earlier, relates to the post-traumatic atmosphere of
contemporary circumstances. It would seem that, to a certain extent,
the game of lies and deception played in the sphere of geopolitics
unavoidably infiltrates the private life of the characters, where it exer-
cises the very same destructive power that can topple governments and
traumatize entire societies.
Pablo Echart and Pablo Castrillo 203
Conclusion
What do science fiction films and TV series reveal about human emo-
tions? Since the 1960s science fiction series, such as the original Star
Trek series (NBC, 1966–69), the movie Star Trek (2009), and Battlestar
Galactica (ABC, 1978–79; Sci-fi, 2003–09) have mirrored the human con-
dition and reflected changes in societal knowledge about emotions and
rational behaviour. Star Trek and Battlestar Galactica (hereafter BSG) use
distinctions among emotional and dispassionate behaviour as a distin-
guishing feature that differentiates human from non-human characters.
However, there is a remarkable difference in the way that the films
(movies and TV series) make use of these distinctions. Both Star Trek
and BSG were revived with successful ‘next generation’ versions at the
turn of the twenty-first century. Therefore, a comparative analysis of the
aforementioned productions shows particularly well the evolution of
our attitudes towards the expression of emotions, shifting gender roles
and an overall more positive evaluation of emotions.
Scholars have long argued that cinematographic productions serve
as a model according to which individuals in post-modern societies
form their identities (Bukatman). Star Trek: the original series, written
by Roddenberry, first aired in 1966–69. BSG started ten years later in
1978–79. Both series reflect the political and social concerns of their
times. Star Trek took up themes such as peace, authoritarian regimes,
imperialism, class conflicts, racism, human rights, feminism and tech-
nology (Lincoln Geraghty). BSG hooked onto the success of the first
episode of Star Wars (1977) directed by George Lucas in the wake of
the 1960s and 1970s space programs in the United States and the Soviet
Union. The remake of BSG (Sci-fi, 2003–09) took on the political con-
cerns of contemporary America. It specifically referred to the United
States post-9/11, and the ‘war on terrorism’ initiated by former President
205
206 Emotions in Star Trek and Battlestar Galactica
Bush. While in the 1970s the series attempted to restore freedom and
justice in the galaxy, the recent serials depict dystopian worlds, vio-
lence and a struggle for survival. Star Trek searched for new frontiers,
‘where no man ever went before’, and addressed many contemporary
ethical dilemmas over the course of its evolution. However, these fic-
tional productions also reflect the respective psychological knowledge
of their times in their casting, the design of the characters and the plots.
The aim of this chapter is to review how Star Trek and BSG inform,
reinforce and enact societal knowledge about emotions. Since the 1990s,
when it became possible to study the living human brain using func-
tional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), we witnessed a huge increase
in knowledge production in the neurosciences and cognitive psychol-
ogy, which have taken on the topic of emotions using fMRI scans.
This research revised our knowledge about emotions, revealing their
role in rational decision-making. As the neurologist Damasio demons-
trated, patients who suffered brain damage to specific parts of the
brain, which hindered emotional information from being fed into the
decision-making process, are unable to make simple choices like what
restaurant to choose and are incapable of making good decisions for
their lives. Damasio’s monograph, Descartes’ Error, has widely publicized
these results in the humanities and social sciences. Accordingly, our
attitudes towards emotion(s) have changed.
The shift in knowledge can be seen particularly well in the original
Star Trek series and the movie that came out in 2009. A key figure in
Star Trek is the unemotional Mr. Spock, designed to be ‘half-human’ and
‘half-Vulcan’. This popular character remains unmoved by things that
‘ordinary humans’ find threatening, and rather takes them as an excit-
ing challenge. In his dispassionate composure, he was the embodiment
of the ‘rational’ scientific character type fashionable at the time (Hall).
However, since research revealed that decision-making is defective and
sometimes impossible without emotional information, the movie Star
Trek (2009) reflects this more positive appraisal of emotions. Indeed, it
made the role of emotion in cognition and decision-making a central
element of the plot. This is particularly evident in the dialogue between
the young Spock and his father at the end of the film, when Spock father
says: ‘Do yourself a favour. Put logic aside. Do what feels right’.
Emotion as the distinguishing feature of ‘humanness’ is also raised in
BSG. Here, the ‘aliens’ are Cylons, who supposedly have no emotions, or
rather know only one, which is hatred. For that reason they are said to
be unable to act morally, and humans on board feel entitled to consider
them as inferior to humans, and in fact torture them. However, some
Claudia Wassmann 207
Cylons then argue that they do have emotions. Reminiscent of the his-
torical controversy of Valladolid in 1550–51, when Catholic theologians
debated whether or not American Indians have a soul and therefore
must be treated like any other human being by the Spanish invaders,
the question is raised whether Cylons have a soul. If Cylons have emo-
tions then they can be considered human. In a conversation between
Number Eight Cylon Sharon (A), and her human boyfriend, Lieutenant
Karl ‘Helo’ Agathon, Sharon tries to convince her beloved that she has
human qualities because she can ‘feel’. ‘I am cold’, she says, ‘I have emo-
tions’. The question is whether or not Cylons have emotions and can
therefore redeem themselves, or if they are ‘programmed’ to carry out
cruel acts of vengeance, because that is their ‘destiny’. The question of
emotions plays a crucial role in the conflict that develops among the
Cylons over the course of the series.
Scholars have interpreted BSG and Star Trek from many angles.
Gregory examined how the current versions and the 1960s versions of
Star Trek reflect changes in mass media culture. In terms of contem-
porary American politics, Buzan argues that BSG reflects the shifting
attitudes of the United States in the aftermath of 9/11 from an out-
going attitude to an inward looking gaze (2). Similarly, historians of
emotions refer to the wounded America after the atrocious attack on
the World Trade Centre in explaining the ‘emotional turn’ in histo-
riography (Plamper 237). Chaires and Chilton have analysed Star Trek
Visions of Law and Justice. Gender, race and sexuality have been studied
in both Star Trek and in BSG, in particular, in terms of post-colonialism,
the role of Asian-American immigrants and queer life (Greven; Pegues;
Pounds). Finally, Call has interpreted the remake of BSG in terms of
alternative sexuality, sadomasochist and ‘kink’ sexual behaviour. Even
though religion is openly thematized in the series, he does not address
this issue in his analysis. While BSG clearly enacts the female role of
Eve as temptation and also calls to mind the religious theme of sacri-
fice, Call interprets the performance in terms of sexual phantasies of
‘snuff play’. Other works have addressed the question of religion in
science fiction films (Cowan). Film scholar Greg M. Smith emphasizes
the role of style and narration in the process by which films appeal to
human emotions. Grodal proposes rewriting the theory of film genres
based on feelings and emotions; Browne claims that science fiction series
use cognitive theories of emotion. Star Trek and BSG take up leading
themes discussed in the neurosciences, such as empathy, embodied feel-
ings and moral decisions (Decety 257; Bastiaansen, Thioux and Keysers
2391; Greene and Haidt 517). Emotions are defined physiologically and
208 Emotions in Star Trek and Battlestar Galactica
Battlestar Galactica
The twenty-first century remake of BSG was very successful. The series
won three primetime Emmys and received numerous other awards and
nominations. A mini-series in 2003, which served as an extended pilot
for the entire series, laid out the plot: Cylons created by men, evolved,
rebelled and come in many copies. The last surviving humans are on
board of Galactica, a gigantic battleship and spacecraft carrier, fleeing
from the robot Cylons that pursue them, and search for their ‘true home,
Earth’. However, it turns out they must collaborate with the Cylons in
order to find habitable space. Religion is omnipresent in BSG, and the
question of God’s existence is first raised by the robots. While the Cylons
believe in a monotheistic religion, the humans have polytheistic beliefs.
Religion is key to finding ‘the way back’, searching for the ‘origins’, and
enable a new beginning.
The story of BSG tells us that the Cylons, once created by humans
and programmed to be at their service, are in possession of much more
advanced technology and have a plan to eliminate humans. At least,
this is what we assume. In the second season, the Battlestar crew fights
against the outside enemy. In the third season, the fights take place
Claudia Wassmann 209
inside the Battlestar among the crew members and hierarchy. The fourth
season preaches the return to a more natural, pre-modern agrarian civi-
lization (Buzan). The episodes become increasingly violent and dark:
sordid imagery, the picture of a destroyed civilization, as it transpires
our Earth that was destroyed by a nuclear catastrophe, brought about
by the Cylons’ ancestors, who are discovering their own dark past.
As Christine Cornea states, ‘the cyborg has become synonymous with
an understanding of contemporary life’ (4).
The visuals reflect the dystopian landscapes of post-industrial America
(Potter and Marshall). It has been frequently remarked that BSG is a
commentary on the terrorist attacks in 2001 and the ensuing ‘Global
War on Terrorism’ that the United States embarked upon. The visuals
in the opening credits reflect the view of New York in the aftermath
of 9/11 (Greene 9). A makeshift memorial wall reminding of ‘missing
loved ones’ again refers to New York City after the terrorist attack. Scho-
lars praised the intertextuality that characterizes the remake of BSG’s
careful visual design (Geraghty 199). The series intends to create an
atmosphere of constant doubt and incite viewers to question the ethi-
cal and moral responsibilities of the characters on screen as well as their
own (Hatch, Morris and Yeffeth). Emotions are displayed on the char-
acters’ faces as described in psychology textbooks by Ekman, whose
research on facial expressions experienced a large boost in funding in
the wake of 9/11 (Ekman and Friesen). The atmosphere of paranoia
and suspicion reflects the feelings expressed by many Americans after
the terrorist attack and fostered by the media. Clearly, the series takes
up reality and attempts to question this reality and our moral choices
(Takacs 196–7). We are reminded of stories, which have featured in the
news, such as torture in American prisoner camps.2 BSG shows very real-
istic looking torture scenes – as, for instance, in ‘Flesh and Bone’ (1.8;
UK 12/2004; US 02/2005). These scenes were ‘purportedly designed to
resemble tactics used at Guantanamo’ (Takacs 196). The violence of the
episode was criticized, but the series was also acclaimed as a corrective to
‘military triumphalism’ of the Bush era (197). However, the TV episode
aired before the news coverage about the prisoner abuse at Guantanamo
Bay became public. – The waterboarding methods used at Guantanamo
Bay were reported by The Nation, ABC News in 2006. – The humans
in BSG feel they have a license to torture and kill, because they are on
the right side. While the TV series questions this assumption, they also
enact it and the question is whether the images invite imitation rather
than critical distancing (for a similar argument see Freedman; Lawrence
and Jewett). Furthermore, the episode manages to keep the viewers’
210 Emotions in Star Trek and Battlestar Galactica
obtained the vital information and averted the danger to their ship, and
then threw the ‘enemy’ who was now innocuous, out of the ship to his
death – or not, as we were told before that Cylons cannot die. In addi-
tion, Starbuck is portrayed as ‘humane’, showing affection towards the
tortured enemy once he is no longer ‘dangerous’.
Singer’s research on empathy with pain shows that empathy involves
only the affective but not the sensory part of the brain’s pain matrix
(1157). This means that feeling empathy requires that we are affectively
attached to the other in the first place; we must have an interest in the
other. Research on the social brain shows that we do indeed ‘share’ with
others what we see but do not always feel with the other (Hein and
Singer). Furthermore, sharing does not mean that the representations
are identical (Decety and Sommerville). To the contrary, the ability to
distinguish between self and other is essential for moral cognition and
pro-social behaviour (Decety). Emotional, cognitive and motivational
aspects are interconnected in moral cognition. It is precisely the cogni-
tively controlled reappraisal of early automatic responses that accounts
for empathic and pro-social behaviour (Cowell and Decety).
Even though we are sensitive to fairness, empathy is not a unitary
automatic mechanism. At least three distinct networks are implicated
in social cognition: the mirror neuron system, the mentalizing system
(ToM) and our ability to empathize: theory of mind (ToM) refers to ‘our
ability to understand mental states such as intentions, goals and beliefs
of other people, and relies on structures of the temporal lobe and the
pre-frontal cortex’ (Singer 855). Empathy designates ‘our ability to share
the feelings (emotions and sensations) of others, and relies on sensori-
motor cortices as well as limbic and para-limbic structures’ (855). Singer
explains that the concept of empathy, as used in lay terms, ‘refers to
a multi-level construct extending from simple forms of emotion conta-
gion to complex forms of cognitive perspective taking’. Research shows
that the contextual appraisal can take place ‘early in the emotional cue
evaluation’ and affect whether or not an empathic response is gene-
rated, or it can take place after an empathic brain response is elicited
(De Vignemont and Singer 435). Scientists see two major roles of empa-
thy: to provide ‘information about future actions of other people’ and
to motivate for cooperative and prosocial behaviour and ‘help effective
social communication’ (435).
Cognition plays a major role in the generation of emotions (Scherer,
Schorr and Johnstone). How we think about things and people affects
how we feel about them. Seeing others in pain does not automatically
cause feelings of empathy. The psychological distance can be created by
Claudia Wassmann 213
BSG, Call concludes, recognizes sex and death as ‘the major components
of our biological and ontological condition’ (123).
216 Emotions in Star Trek and Battlestar Galactica
Star Trek
The original Star Trek TV series (NBC, 1966–69) portrayed still an ‘all
male’ society. The poster featured three men. In 1966, not many women
were in power and their roles were sexually overdetermined. The series
was avant-garde in giving a role on the bridge to a woman, and also
by thematising racial issues (Johnson-Smith 83). Some of the pictures
from the original Star Trek series are still in black and white. 1966 was
the first year in which the prime time TV programmes were broadcast
entirely in colour in the United States. Many people initially saw Star
Trek in black and white, as colour TV was not readily available in every
household until the mid-1970s. We should also recall that at this time
education was about to become coeducational at the elite colleges in
the United States. Prior to this time, female and male students attended
separate colleges. In 1972, almost all Ivy League schools had become
coeducational. Allegedly this represented a problem for male students.
As a recent article in the Chronicle for Higher Education put it, ‘Love was
not such an easy game to play’, and men struggled with it (Hoover).
Sex and sexuality were important topics at the time. This is reflected in
‘guidebooks’ for male or female college students from the early 1970s.
Star Trek addressed this trend in the emotional design of its characters.
The creator and executive producer of the original series, Gene
Roddenberry, was aware that the characters Mr Spock and Captain Kirk
seemed middle-aged to youthful audiences. In 1968, he instructed his
writers to offer a greater role to the young Russian engineer, Chekov, as
younger viewers could relate to him. ‘Even though verging on genius,
his youthful inexperience and tactlessness, his youthful drive to prove
himself, his need of approbation, his quite normal youthful need for
females, and all of that, keep getting in his way’ (Roddenberry, ‘Memo’).
Claudia Wassmann 217
His ‘constant interest in females and his continuing failures and frus-
tration in that area’ could be ‘an interesting continuing joke’ which a
youthful audience could relate to, because that was ‘certainly a quite
common experience for all young man at that certain time of life’
(Roddenberry, ‘Memo’). Furthermore, this could call the viewers atten-
tion to the existence of ‘pretty women and other attractive females
aboard our vessel’.
Star Trek writers needed to create ‘multi-dimensional individuals, with
mixed strengths and flaws, proud individuals with differing points
of view and perspectives’. Because, Roddenberry argues, the audience
‘wants our people to be men who have the guts to differ’ (emphasis
in the original). In designing the crew, he drew on his personal expe-
riences as a bomber pilot during the Second World War, a commercial
pilot thereafter, and a member of the Los Angeles Police Department
(Alexander). This is particularly pertinent with regard to the emotional
characteristics of male leadership that show in Roddenberry’s design of
Captain Kirk as ‘a strong leader of men’.
In the original Star Trek series, the half-human and half-robot Spock
incarnated the dualism of rationality and logic on the one hand, and
218 Emotions in Star Trek and Battlestar Galactica
‘I married her because I loved her’. This stands in contrast to the begin-
ning of the film, when young Spock asked for the first time about his
mother, and his father answered ‘I married her because it was logical’.
As I mentioned, earlier, at the very end of the film, when Spock has to
make a decision about his future, Spock father tells him, ‘Do yourself a
favour. Put aside logic. Do what feels right’, attesting to the turn that
society has taken towards the emotions in the twenty-first century and
enacting it.
There is also a female role model, Nyota Uhura, even though the cha-
racters’ talents remain cast in traditional gender roles, science for Spock,
and music and languages for Nyota Uhura. – In 1966 she was a commu-
nications officer, in 2009 she studied linguistics. – Uhura is not only
depicted as a strong women, who is equal to men (for instance, in the
bar where she first meets Kirk she orders more alcohol than anyone can
drink), she is also smart; and she shows how to react compassionately
to the loss a loved one has suffered. Spock is the only character who has
a girlfriend, and he loves her.
In stark contrast to the good guys stand the heavily tattooed skin-
head Romulans. In particular, Nero has a hateful face. The Romulans are
said to be consumed by hatred and have sworn vengeance for an evil
they could not prevent and that they (wrongly) think someone else is
responsible for. Nero’s face is distorted by anger. The emotions are very
well enacted in the faces of the actors. The characters are created oppo-
site to the good guys. We are not supposed to empathize and identify
with them.
The characters designed to emulate are the ‘smart college kids’: Kirk,
Spock and Uhura. If taken as emotional role models, their implicit
message is, we know what we want and we get it, because we are deter-
mined and work hard. We are not afraid. We stand up for ourselves, and
say ‘no’. Our good posture shows that we are in control. We control our
emotions. We have calm and collected faces. While we might may feel
anger, we do not allow ourselves to be consumed by anger. We can face
adversity. We are smart, handsome, and strong and we serve the right
purpose. We always win, and we are proud. Victory sign: ‘Live long and
prosper’.
Star Trek tells its young audience, do something purposeful with your
life, like humanitarian or peacekeeping missions. Learn things. If you
acquire special knowledge, it will be noted and you will get ahead. You
must also tell others what you want. Go for it: guy or girl, Kirk, Spock or
Nyota Uhura.
Claudia Wassmann 221
Conclusion
2 Notes to Nelson
1. 25–6 October, 2013.
2. See, for example, the work of Henry Jenkins and Matt Hills.
3. For an overview of developments, see Nannicelli and Taberham.
4. For a neuroscience perspective on empirical/experiential approaches, see
Kircher and Leube: ‘Questions on cognitive and neural correlates of notions
such as self-awareness, self-consciousness, introspective perspective or sub-
jective experiences have re-emerged as topics of great interest in the scientific
community. This is in part due to the lack of neuroscience grasping some-
thing like a first person perspective with its methodology and an increasing
unease with this situation among researchers’ (656).
5. See Nelson, State of Play, where I document the shifts to global marketing
in digital circumstances which facilitated the production and worldwide dis-
tribution of ‘high-end’ TV fictions. In short summary, such programming
emerged in a forcefield of circumstances: digital technologies and satellite
distribution; improved quality of sound and image through digital high reso-
lution; finance generating an ambition to attract creative talent (some with
film experience) mobilising a fundamental shift of value in the economics
of TV3 ‘from conduit to content’.
6. For an informative overview of the lineage of the term and current thinking
on ‘affect’, see Gregg and Seigworth.
7. For a full discussion of the variety and complexities of participatory engage-
ments, see Gareth White.
8. Ellis established the concept of ‘the glance’ in television view in distinction
from ‘the gaze’ in cinema established by Mulvey.
9. For an account of Poliakoff’s career and TV fictions, see Nelson, Stephen
Poliakoff.
10. A slogan for modernism attributed to Pound and subsequently used in 1935
as a title of a selection of his poems.
11. I choose also to avoid the much-discussed sequence which affords another
powerful ‘moment of affect’ from narrative fragments tangential to the
Truman–Anderson conflict. In that celebrated sequence, photographic stills
in black and white show a young Jewish girl separated from her parents,
223
224 Notes
3 Notes to García
1. Perhaps the most successful exception can be found in the character of Andy
Sipowicz in NYPD Blue (ABC, 1993–2005).
2. The persistence of this antihero trend is provoking ‘narrative fatigue’. In fact,
some fancy productions, such as Ray Donovan, The Knick (Cinemax, 2014–)
or the AMC’s police drama, Low Winter Sun (2013), did not receive cri-
tical praise because the figure of the antihero has become formulaic or
clichéd.
3. Nurse Jackie (Showtime, 2009–15) or Rescue Me offer variations thereon, in
both cases linked to addictions.
4 Notes to Pérez
1. Carroll is one of the main academics to have posited a series of arguments that
are sceptical of the concept of empathy; Carroll also contends that the con-
cept of sympathy is the best way of understanding the relationship between
spectators and fictional characters: ‘Sympathy is the primary glue that binds
us emotively to the protagonists and their fates in popular fictions’ (‘On Some
Affective’ 175).
2. At the time of writing this chapter, a third season has yet to be produced.
The series has also been syndicated in 13 countries, with a particularly
successful reception in Argentina; it has also been the object of remakes
in Italy and in the United States, where Spielberg has produced a ver-
sion for Fox that premiered on 17 September 2014 titled The Red Band
Society.
3. The intensity of the depiction of the group may possibly be one of the factors
influencing the success with viewers (predominantly teen viewers) enjoyed
by this series, which was initially produced for Catalonia by TV3, and then
Notes 225
exported to the rest of Spain, where it has had viewing audiences of more
than two million.
4. The relevance of Plantinga’s concept here is posited not only on the basis of
the dominant scenes depicting the faces of the characters, but also on the
content, with its evocation of sacrifice, and Lleo’s impending death: ‘To con-
textualize empathy, films often attempt to elicit an empathetic response only
after a protagonist has undergone some kind of trial or sacrifice, has neared
the end of his or her life, or in some cases, has actually died’ (‘The Scene
of’ 253).
5. We refer here to the term proposed by Smith in association with his concept
of alignment: ‘To become allied with a character, the spectator must evaluate
the character as representing a morally desirable (or at least preferable) set of
traits, in relation to other characters within the fiction. On the basis of this
evaluation, the spectator adopts an attitude of sympathy (or, in the case of
a negative evaluation, antipathy) towards the character, and responds emo-
tionally in an opposite way to situations in which this character is placed’
(‘Engaing Characters’ 188).
5 Notes to Weissmann
1. For example, what I will discuss in relation to Mad Men also largely holds true
for Homeland (Showtime, 2011–) and The Wire (HBO, 2002–08).
6 Notes to Flamarique
1. As Balzac argues, ‘FASHION is no longer determined by a person’s wealth. The
material of life, once the object of general progress, has undergone tremen-
dous developments. There is not a single one of our needs that has not
produced an encyclopaedia, and our animal life is tied to the universality of
human knowledge. In dictating the laws of elegance, fashion encompasses
all the arts (. . .) By welcoming, by indicating progress, it takes the lead in
everything: it brings about revolutions in music, literature, drawing, and
architecture. A treatise on elegant living, being the combination of inalienable
principles that must guide the expression of our thought through exterior life,
is, as it were, the metaphysics of things’ (26).
2. American literature has repeatedly described family and social life in these
cities – for example, American Pastoral by Philip Roth, Revolutionary Road by
Richard Yates, The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit by Sloam Wilson and The Lay
of the Land by Richard Ford.
3. ‘Mad Men’s story arcs reveal that the era touted as one of nuclear family togeth-
erness was often one of family separation with wives ensconced in suburbs
and men in cities, often staying there over night and on holidays’ (Gillan
104).
4. ‘The power of the narrative of Mad Men is that it has been able to collect and
represent part of our logic of masculine identification and show it to us in its
entirety, without exaggerating’ (García García 385).
226 Notes
7 Notes to Baena
1. I would like to acknowledge the Spanish Government’s financial support
of the research project: ‘Acción, emociones, identidad. Elementos para una
teoría de las sociedades tardo-modernas’ (Ref. FFI2012-38737-C03-01).
2. The popularity of these programmes has been a matter of concern among
critics. As a recent audience research study shows, heritage productions have
led to a higher audience and are attracting a younger demographic than the
producers expected: ‘In the post-2000 era of globalization and media conver-
gence, new forms of transnational Anglophilia are becoming evident online
among young global audiences which encompass both period and contem-
porary (culturally) British film/drama genres and their stars. This includes a
young, transnational following for ITV’s/PBS Masterpiece Theatre’s Downton
Abbey’ (Monk, Heritage-Film 45).
3. Important social, technological and economic changes occurred during the
Edwardian years. In general, it was a time of prosperity and wealth, as Great
Britain still held a privileged political position in the world. The wonders
of the modern world, which appeared in the 1880s and 1890s, brought
the first rewards of modern industrialization and mass-produced abundance.
Britain was at its imperial height at this time and one in three of the world’s
population were her subjects. The Edwardian period also witnessed crucial
changes in the British class system and British heritage, rescued by American
capital.
4. We cannot classify these series under just one generic definition. While
they participate in many forms of heritage production, their generic labels
vary among a wide range of terms, such as period or costume drama, lit-
erary adaptions, soap opera, or classic dramas in general. The different
labels may also respond to a tendency to syncretism in contemporary TV
drama that crosses generic boundaries in order to attract younger audiences
(Vidal 33).
5. Performance is a meaningful term on two levels: it acknowledges both the
acts of invention and construction that have been implicit in the very notion
of national identity since the classic works of Eric Hobsbawm and Benedict
Anderson, as well as the literal meaning of the act of performance by actors
on the contemporary British TV stage (Cardwell 88–9).
6. Etymologically, nostalgia refers to ‘homesickness’; with its Greek roots – nos-
tos, meaning ‘to return home’ and algos, meaning ‘pain’. It was coined in
1688 by Johannes Hoger, a 19-year-old Swiss student, in his medical disserta-
tion, to refer to a lethal kind of homesickness (referring to Swiss mercenaries
far from their mountainous home) (F. Davis 1–4). However, in our contem-
porary usage, nostalgia appears to have been fully ‘demedicalized’; it is also
undergoing a process of ‘depsychologization’ (4–5).
7. There are a few instances when nostalgia has been studied in current schol-
arly work on emotions. In the Handbook of Emotions, 3rd edition, 2008,
‘nostalgia’ is mentioned only once: Stearns notes that more and more studies
are being conducted on different human emotions, such as nostalgia (21),
but nothing else is added. Richards briefly mentions nostalgia as one among
other emotions that we are likely to feel on a daily basis, such as ‘irritation,
boredom, impatience, mild amusement, transient frustration, resignation,
Notes 227
8 Notes to Agger
1. Summing up the observations: first, in spite of the dominant social orienta-
tion, a diversification of subgenres has appeared. Second, crime fiction tends
to merge into a more established part of the public cultural sphere. Third, a
certain blurring of the borders between facts and fiction has emerged. Fourth,
Scandinavian crime fiction novels and TV series constitute a popular brand,
and a growing production industry is linked to them, including international
adaptations and remakes. Last, other spheres, for example, tourism, are sub-
sumed under the coalition of crime and media. Mediated tourism is analysed
by Waade (2013).
2. Tornerose (2008) was the second film in a series of twelve featuring Varg
Veum (2007–12). In contrast to the novel, the film version does not elabo-
rate the visual image of Copenhagen, quickly changing the focus to the main
location – Bergen.
3. There is a feeling of recognition inherent in the setting. Danish audiences
will recognise the provincial setting from popular crime series from the
1970s (En by i provinsen [A Provincial Town] 1977–80) and the 1990s (Strisser
på Samsø [Island Cop], 1997–98]), as well as the title sequence of Unit
One (2000–04). British audiences will probably be reminded of the series
Wycliffe (ITV, 1993–98), set in Cornwall, or Broadchurch (Kudos/ITV, 2013–),
set in Dorset. The sea can be considered as a transnational element in these
productions.
4. Cf. my analyses in ‘Nordic Noir on Television’ and The Killing: Urban
Topographies of a Crime.
5. A peninsula called Skogsö near Stockholm does exist.
6. There is a direct link between Wallander and Bron|Broen. Hans Rosenfeldt,
the main scriptwriter, has formerly participated in the writing of Wallander
episodes.
7. Cf. Gemzøe (2016).
228 Notes
8. Stephen Moss claims that Hinterland ‘aims to do for this bit of Wales what
Wallander did for southern Sweden and The Killing did for Copenhagen’.
9 Notes to Abbott
1. This is but one way that TV horror reshapes the horror narrative. As Jowett
and I argue, there are a multitude of structural forms available in TV horror,
including television movies, anthology series, monster of the week series and
serial drama. The serial drama is one of the most prevalent within the current
television landscape and is therefore the focus of this essay.
2. See my article ‘Rabbits’ Feet and Spleen Juice: The Comic Strategies of TV
Horror’ for a discussion of the integration of horror and comedy in the
television series, Supernatural.
3. This forms the premise of the American TV series Resurrection (ABC, 2014–)
which began the broadcast of its first season on US television in March 2014.
While the premise is very similar to the French series, Resurrection is not a
remake of Les revenants which is also due to be remade for US TV (Sundance
Channel).
4. I believe that this moment may serve as an example of the ‘moment of affect’
described by Robin Nelson in this volume.
5. It is important to note that while Kieran’s family are increasingly at ease with
his condition in season one, season two shows that the process of acceptance
is lengthy as they continue to be unsettled by Kieran’s physicality, preferring
him to maintain the façade of life.
6. Stefan, Damon and Elena are each shown to have flipped their humanity
switch at certain points in the narrative, but this only serves to position the
notion of ‘emotion’ more centrally within the series’ story, as they are each
forced to eventually flip the switch back and cope with the waves of posi-
tive and negative emotions that come flooding back – most notably Elena’s
overwhelming grief at the loss of her brother.
10 Notes to Bishop
1. The AMC series is based on the ongoing comic book series of the same name
written by Robert Kirkman and illustrated by Tony Moore (#1–6) and Charlie
Adlard (#7–).
2. Carol’s subservience is further confirmed during a flashback at the opening of
‘Chupacabra’, in which Ed yells at her for ignoring ‘operational security’ and
having the audacity to offer some of their food to a hungry Carl. Faced with
her husband’s wrath, Carol immediately apologises and then lies to Lori about
her having extra food stores.
3. As I will discuss later, Rick’s execution of Sophia on Carol’s behalf is recalled
in the episode ‘The Grove’ (4.14) when Carol demonstrates she now has
the emotional strength to ‘put down’ another young girl who has similarly
transformed into a dangerous monster.
4. Daryl and Merle do not appear in any capacity in Kirkman’s comic series,
but they – especially Daryl – have become two of the television show’s most
Notes 229
popular and interesting characters. Their unique presence in the series thus
warrants close attention.
9. The two romantic relationships Dana establishes in the series reinforce this
theme. Her romance with Finn, the son of Vice President Walden, ends
abruptly when she is pressured to not tell the truth nor express her intense
guilt about a traffic accident in which they were both involved, and which
has been silenced for political reasons. Later on, Dana starts a new relation-
ship with one of the teenagers at her medical institution, but she breaks up
with him upon learning that he lied to her regarding a sensitive matter relat-
ing to his family’s past. After her experience with Brody, Dana has learned
that no authentic relationship can be built on grounds contaminated by the
distrust imposed by lies.
12 Notes to Wassmann
1. This research was supported by a Marie Curie Intra European Fellowship
within the 7th European Community Framework Programme. PIEF-GA-2012-
SOC-327538-SCECI.
2. AP reported the prisoner abuse in Abu Ghraib in November 2003. 60 Minutes II
made the images public in April 2004, and Frontline ‘The Torture Question’
aired in October 2005.
3. http://www.nbcuniversalstore.com/battlestar-galactica-six-poster/detail.php?
p=363526.
4. See Ekman; however, his research has not inspired this decision, it came out
later than the film.
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Index
249
250 Index
cultural memory, see identity social family, 164, 172, 198, 225, 229
custom drama, see genre period drama fashion, 107–111, 225
fear, 18, 77–8, 82–3, 156–8, 164, 185,
Dawn of the Dead (remake), 163, 166 191–6, 203–4, 219
Deadwood, 52, 55, 57 of death, 179, 186
death, 78–83, 158–9, 160–2, 165, dread, 163, 164, 192
169–71 ‘repressed’, 180–1
deception, 197–204, 229, 230 terror, 190, 229
Deleuze, Gilles, 4, 31 film theory, 3–5, 27, 29
demons, 168 Following, The, 155
depression, 179, 216 Forbrydelsen, 9, 136–41, 145–8, 151,
Descartes, René, 206, 221 228
despair, see distress Forsyte Saga, The (remake), 119
Devil Inside, The, 161 Foucault, Michel, 1, 25
Dexter, 54, 58, 59, 62 Freud, Sigmund, 101, 156, 170, 173,
disgust, 156, 184, 210 179–82, 213, 215
‘death fetish’, 215
dissatisfaction, see frustration
uncanny, 156–7, 164, 172, 180, 186
distress, 78, 121, 159; see also anxiety
psychoanalysis, 4, 7, 22,96, 114–15,
distrust, 195, 196–202, 203–4
156, 173, 179, 215
divorce, 130
Friedan, Betty, 95
Dollhouse, 159
frustration, 112, 115, 121, 177, 187
domestic violence, 180–2
Downton Abbey, 9, 119, 131, 132, 226
Game of Thrones, 55, 60, 66–67
Dracula, 166, 168
Gansa, Alex, 190
Duchamp, Marcel, 106
gaze, 32, 46, 98, 100, 123
duplicity, 195, 202
gender, politics of, 25, 87–101, 95,
137, 205, 213, 214, 219–20
edwardian era, 119, 123, 129, 226; see feminism, 4, 7, 44, 47–50, 87–101,
also englishness 102, 215–6, 220
embarrassment, see shame femininity, 109–17
emotional intelligence, 217–20 masculinity, 93–4, 98, 102, 109–17,
emotion 165, 225
emotional culture, 2, 13–18, 89–91, patriarchy, 89
107, 112–114 Generation War, 73, 138
emotional return, see affective turn genre
emotivism, 94, 106 melodrama, 159–60
moral emotions, see morality nordic noir, 134–52, 227–8
theory of, 16–18, 89–91, 207–208, period drama, 118–33, 226
211,212 political-spy thriller, 8, 145,
types of, see under individual names 189–204, 229
compare affect science fiction, 8, 205–22
En by I provinsen, 227 terror tv, 189
englishness, 118–133; see also national trauma tv, 189
identity; see also edwardian era tv horror, 155–88, 228
envy, 109 ghosts, 156, 158, 161–64, 171
Exorcism of Emily Rose, The, 161 Gilligan, Vince, 52
experiencer 32–3, 37, 40–1, 43, 47; see glance, 32, 223
also audience globalization, 118
Index 251