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ISS0010.1177/0268580916643853International SociologyHoon

International Sociology
2016, Vol. 31(4) 413­–431
Religious aspirations © The Author(s) 2016
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DOI: 10.1177/0268580916643853
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Chang-Yau Hoon
Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Brunei

Recognizing that the Christians in Indonesia are not a homogeneous group, this article examines
the various contested spiritual, social, and political aspirations of urban Christians in the contexts
of the historical trajectory of Indonesian modernity, forces of globalization and urbanization, the
role of capital, and the development of Islam – the indispensable religious ‘Other’ to this minority
religion in contemporary Indonesia. It sheds light on the ways in which this minority exercises
agency in using political participation and social activism as a counterbalance to the growing
Islamization of Indonesia, and how they strategically utilize their extensive economic, social, and
political capital to navigate the treacherous waters of rising religious intolerance in the country
where the world’s largest Muslim population resides.

Aspirations, Christianity, Indonesia, modernity, religion

Tens of thousands of youths gathered at Indonesia’s largest sports arena, in the 100,000-
seat Gelora Bung Karno Stadium, to attend a mega-concert on 19 November 2014. Ferried
in on chartered buses, these youths and students, many of whom were still wearing school
uniforms, filled one-fifth of the mammoth stadium. Nationalistic sentiments ran high:
some performers wore red-and-white outfits – the conspicuous colors of the Indonesian
flag – and sang patriotic songs at the opening of the concert. In one particular rendition,
scores of youths who wore regional cultural costumes carried a giant Indonesian flag and
paraded on the center of the soccer field. While such nationalistic fervor could be mistaken
as a political youth rally, it was actually a Christian youth concert organized by the

Corresponding author:
Chang-Yau Hoon, Institute of Asian Studies, Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Jalan Tungku Link Gadong,
BE1410, Negara Brunei Darussalam.
Email: cy.hoon@outlook.com
414 International Sociology 31(4)

trans-denominational National Prayer Network (or Jaringan Doa Nasional) and the youth
and children’s ministry of Bethel Church of Indonesia, under the auspices of the International
Rise Up Movement from South Korea. The objective of the concert was reflected in its
theme, ‘Rise for One: Heart for the Nation,’ as it brought together Christian youths from
Greater Jakarta to pray for the nation, in particular for the new Joko Widodo administra-
tion, which took office in October 2014, a month before the concert. Various church leaders
took turns to proclaim emotional prayers for Indonesia and its leaders, praying for bless-
ings, prosperity, conversion of non-Christians, and repentance of the nation.
The main highlights of the concert were the performances and presentations by
famous Indonesian celebrities. There was also a line-up of prominent charismatic speak-
ers. For instance, the keynote speaker was David Yonggi Cho, the senior pastor of the
Yoido Full Gospel Church in Korea, reckoned to be the largest church in the world with
approximately 1 million members. After attempting to correlate the Korean experience
of economic development to Christian revivalism, the speaker hailed it as a model for
Indonesia. He further related the Korean experience to Indonesia by drawing parallels
with South Korea’s dark past marked by colonization, war, and a dictatorial military
regime (field notes, 19 November 2014).
A few days after the mega-concert, a four-day conference entitled ‘International
Consultation of Church and Homophobia’ was held by the Jakarta Theological Seminary
(JTS) as part of its annual ‘Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer (LGBTQ)
Week’ to celebrate sexual diversity. Established in 1934, the JTS is the oldest seminary in
Indonesia, and is famed for being ecumenical and ‘liberal’ in its outlook. The conference
was co-organized by the National Council of Churches in India, and supported by local
and international ecumenical organizations such as the Communion of Churches in
Indonesia, World Council of Churches, and Christian Conference of Asia. Since 2011, the
seminary has held ‘LGBTQ Week’ to affirm sexual differences, raise awareness of issues
related to gender and sexuality, and promote the acceptance of homosexuals in the church.
As part of the conference, the seminary installed rainbow flags around the campus
with the conference title conspicuously printed on a banner flying at its entrance that
faces a busy road. Besides students at the seminary, the conference was attended by over
60 Christian theologians, Christian and Muslim LGBT activists, and pastors from main-
line churches in Indonesia and elsewhere. The conference had not only provided a rare
platform for theologians and religious practitioners to deliberate on queer theology, but
also provided a space for dialogue among Christians, Muslims, and gay activists. Other
programs included a photo exhibition on the stories of transgender people and a dance
performance by members of a transgender NGO. The outcome of the conference was the
‘Jakarta Statement on Church and Homophobia,’ which among others, affirmed the
equality of LGBTQ people as God’s divine creations and denounced any form of dis-
crimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.
The two accounts above offer a glimpse into the contrasting aspirations among urban
Christians in contemporary Indonesia. They highlight the salient fact that the Christian
agenda is not unified or homogeneous: the main concern of the mega-concert was the
spiritual and economic salvation of the nation, but the conference focused on social jus-
tice and minority rights. To understand the disparity of foci in the two events and in
Christian aspirations in general, detailed analyses on the different networks and modes
Hoon 415

of religious organization within Indonesian Christianity, including different theological

interpretations and practices, and different types of social commitment and discourses,
are needed. Bourdeaux and Jammes (2013) argue that such a nuanced understanding of
Christianity in Southeast Asia is generally lacking in the literature.
This article intends to fill this lacuna by providing insights into the complex and con-
tested organization of Indonesian Christianity manifest through diverse urban aspira-
tions. Echoing Van der Veer’s call to use ‘religion as a lens to understand the urban’
(2015: 10), this article attempts to offer the urban as an optic to understand religious
aspirations and contestations. This focus is consistent with the fact that Christianity is a
religion that is currently experiencing unprecedented growth among the emerging urban
middle class in Indonesia (Chao, 2014). The article begins with an examination of the
role of religion in Indonesia’s modernity, highlighting the changing position of Christians
in the nation’s recent history and the ways in which they claim citizenship rights. To
understand the diverse spiritual, social, economic, and political aspirations of the
Christians, the article dissects the community into various theological streams – notably
ecumenism and Pentecostalism – to explain their different outlooks. It traces the evo-
lution of such streams in conjunction with the global influences of other Christian inter-
national movements, particularly those from the United States and South Korea, which
have contributed to the further divergent Christian aspirations in Indonesia.
It is impossible for any discussions on Christian aspirations to occur without juxta-
posing them against the aspirations of the Muslim majority who make up more than 87%
of Indonesia’s population, because they constitute the most immediate ‘Other’ to the
Christians. It is thus unsurprising that some Christian aspirations emerged as reactionary
measures to counter what they perceive to be the rising threat of Islamization as Indonesia
experiences a ‘conservative turn’ (Fealy, 2006). On the other hand, Muslims have also
been feeling threatened by the proliferating Christian numbers in the past few decades:
7.4% in 1971, 9% in 2000, and 10% in 2010. The fear between Muslims and Christians
is mutual, and is often encapsulated in the all-encompassing terms ‘Christianization’ and
‘Islamization,’ which they use to accuse each other (see Chao, 2014; Mujiburrahman,
2006). With the rise of an emerging religious middle class that is ‘consumption hungry,
education-obsessed, religiously conservative and preoccupied with individualistic
aspirations’ (Simone and Fauzan, 2013: 287) following Indonesia’s modernization and
urbanization, the competition between the two religions continues to heighten, and is
often expressed through their contested aspirations.
This article is a part of an ongoing project on urban Christianity in Indonesia in which
intermittent fieldwork has been conducted in Medan, Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and Surabaya
in the past few years. The data used for the present study are drawn from interviews with
key ecumenical, evangelical, and Pentecostal Christian leaders, and participant observa-
tion in major Christian events such as concerts, conferences, worship services, and theo-
logical seminars, conducted over an intermittent period in 2014. Having been engaged in
ethnographic research in Indonesia for more than a decade, the author has established
rapport with the field and is able to draw from his various networks. Although he now
identifies more closely with ecumenical Christianity, his own evangelical background
has given him the cultural resources and linguistic familiarity to access the evangelical
and Pentecostal scene. This study encompasses a brief historical review, ethnographic
416 International Sociology 31(4)

fieldwork, as well as discourse analysis of textual materials including web pages, flyers,
church magazines, and sermons. Through triangulation, the article provides insights into
the ways in which plural Christians in urban Indonesia exercise citizenship and agency
in drawing from their extensive social capital and transnational network as they attempt
to realize their aspirations amid local and global forces.

Religion in Indonesia’s modernity

Religion was an important consideration when the founding leaders of Indonesia deliber-
ated on the form of philosophical foundation for the new nation-state. A few months
before independence in August 1945, Muslim and secular nationalists contended fiercely
on whether Indonesia was to be an Islamic or a secular state. To break the deadlock,
Sukarno, who became the first President of the Republic of Indonesia, devised the five
basic principles, known as Pancasila, to become the foundation of the state. The five
principles include: nationalism, democracy, deliberative consensus, social justice, and
Lordship. Sukarno’s proposition was met with Muslim nationalists’ demand for the
inclusion of a ‘gentleman’s agreement’ known as the Jakarta Charter. Additionally, they
proposed a clause for Muslims to be obliged to carry out the Islamic Syariah Law. The
Jakarta Charter was subsequently abrogated due to an unyielding disapproval from the
Christians, who made up the majority population in the eastern part of the archipelago,
and who threatened not to join the republic if the clause remained. A compromise among
the Muslims, Christians, and secular nationalists was reached only when the fifth princi-
ple of Pancasila concerning ‘Lordship’ (or religiosity) was promoted to become the first
principle and was revised as ‘belief in one supreme God.’ This principle essentially posi-
tioned Indonesia as neither a secular nor an Islamic state, but a religious or Godly state,
‘in which religion was revered and in which mutual tolerance and freedom of believe
would be prized’ (Elson, 2009: 112; see also Darmaputera, 1982; Hoon, 2013b).
As this nation-state was built on the premise of religious adherence, modernity and
religion have been working in tandem in postcolonial Indonesia. Since independence, the
state had made affiliation to a ‘modern religion’ (agama) a quintessential part of
Indonesian citizenship. Under the national ideology, only five world religions were offi-
cially sanctioned: Islam, Protestantism, Catholicism, Buddhism, and Hinduism, though
this list has been expanded to include Confucianism and Baha’ism in recent years.
‘Traditional’ religious systems, including Javanese mysticism, tribal animism, and local
syncretic practices, were classified under the lesser category of ‘kepercayaan’ or ‘beliefs’
(Abalahin, 2005). Affiliation with one of the official religions is officially stated in docu-
ments of legal status such as birth and marriage certificates and the national identity card
(KTP). Through such state-imposed disciplinary technologies, the state was able to natu-
ralize ‘sanctionized religions’ as an integral part of Indonesian citizenship.
It must be noted, however, that the pragmatic and developmentalist state during
Suharto’s New Order period (1966–1998) promoted religion as a political tool to counter
Communism rather than as an expression of the state’s piety and commitment to any
particular religion. For instance, the Suharto regime was particularly hostile towards an
assertive and politicized Islam. Elson argues that the regime ‘saw Islam as the most
important surviving exemplar of politically dangerous and potentially socially disruptive
Hoon 417

“ideological” streams in politics … [and] as the very antithesis of its pragmatic, modern-
izing and developmentalist paradigm (2010: 331). Consequently, Islam was marginal-
ized during the first half of the New Order, and only regained the favor of the state in the
latter half of the regime when Suharto needed the Muslim votes. Even then, the regime
continued to eschew political Islam and only promoted civil or cultural Islam, which
simultaneously encouraged Muslim piety as well as religious tolerance and pluralism
(Elson, 2010).
While Islam was considered the antithesis to Suharto’s modernizing and developmen-
talist ideology, Christianity was regarded differently. Christianity was commonly associ-
ated with modernity in postcolonial Indonesia due to its legacy of being a ‘Dutch’ religion,
which represented ties with the modern, global world (Aragon, 2000; Keane, 2007; Van
Klinken, 2003). The religion was not only deemed compatible with the official discourse
on ‘religion,’ but also with the ideology of national development. As such, the Suharto
administration utilized Christian missions to implement basic economic development
programs such as creating nuclear family households, introducing biomedicine, and
expanding school attendance among outer-island minorities (Aragon, 2000: 24).
Furthermore, Robinson (2008: 7) argues that Christianity in Indonesia, in particular
Pentecostalism, is intimately intertwined with the nation’s modernity as manifested in
the use of modern technology, Western music, marketing strategies, and business man-
agement styles. Observers claim that the erosion of traditional cultural and social founda-
tions of Indonesian society through rapid modernization, industrialization, and economic
development in urban centers has opened up new opportunities for Christian groups such
as the neo-Pentecostal and charismatic movements to expand the ‘kingdom of God’
among the urban middle class and to fill the ideological vacuum created by the moderni-
zation processes (Koning, 2009: 121; Robinson, 2005: 338).
However, the fervent evangelical activities of the past few decades have raised anxi-
ety among some Muslims about the ‘Christianization’ of Indonesia (Chao, 2014). In
response to their demands, the state issued various legislations to curb Christian activi-
ties, including religious propagation, receiving foreign aid, inter-religious marriage, and
building places of worship (see Crouch, 2010; Mujiburrahman, 2006). Moreover, the
ideological tensions inherited from the pre-independence period of the nation did not
abate with the failure of the Jakarta Charter. The continuing ambition to promote an
Islamic ideology and to implement the Syariah Law intensified in the post-Suharto
period, as the process of decentralization and the opening of the public sphere have
allowed the previously repressed political Islam to return in full force.
The post-Suharto Indonesia is a much more democratic country that has witnessed
free and fair national elections and freedom of expression; paradoxically, the country is
simultaneously becoming more socially conservative and less inclusive in its public
policy. Religious pluralism has been increasingly circumscribed by restrictive govern-
mental regulations and rising intolerance. The institutionalization of intolerance through
the implementation of various regional bylaws based on the Islamic Syariah is an exam-
ple of the ‘radicalization of public space’ in post-Suharto Indonesia (Hartiningsih,
2011). Furthermore, in 2005, the Indonesian Council of Ulama prohibited Muslims
from praying with non-Muslims; and issued a series of fatwa (Islamic rulings) that for-
bade Muslims from marrying non-Muslims, outlawed the Islamic minority sect,
418 International Sociology 31(4)

Ahmadiyah, and banned pluralism, secularism, and liberalism in general (Gillespie,

2007). In 2006 came the Joint Regulation of the Minister of Religious Affairs and the
Minister for Internal Affairs to further circumscribe the building of places of religious
worship, which proved to be detrimental to religious minorities as it gives the authori-
ties and radical groups such as the Islamic Defenders’ Front (FPI) and the Holy Warriors
Council of Indonesia (MMI) the pretext to shut down non-Islamic places of worship
that have existed without proper permits (Crouch, 2010). Ironically, the same standards
are rarely applied to unlicensed mosques.
While Islamization has produced a more Islamic public space in Indonesia since the
1980s, (Fealy and White, 2008), the phenomenon has accelerated in the past decade. This
can be seen in a sharp increase in Islamic content in the media, especially in popular TV
series, and in public displays of piety, such as veiling practices and Islamic greetings and
prayers at public events (see Heryanto, 2011). There has also been a rise in political
Islam – both in Islamic political parties as well as the use of Islam in secular nationalist
parties – and the state-condoned Islamist vigilantes and radical groups that take upon
themselves the role of the moral police in attacking religious, ethnic, and sexual minori-
ties (Elson, 2010).
The reasons behind such a ‘conservative turn’ are multiple and complex. The more
obvious ones are the opening of the public sphere in the process of post-Suharto democ-
ratization, the rising influence of the puritanical forms of Islam from the Middle East, and
other international factors such as the ‘war on the terror,’ the Iraq War and globalization
(Fealy, 2006). However, Fealy (2006) further argues that the rising conservatism could be
a backlash towards the aggressive and confrontational approach of the liberal movement
within Islam in their attempt to reform Islam. This approach has alienated mainstreams
Muslims and allowed the conservative forces to enhance their agenda. The rising Islamic
conservatism is unwittingly working in tandem with a concomitant reactionary conserva-
tive force within Christianity, which will be discussed in the following sections.

Different aspirations among the plural Christians

Protestant Christianity in Indonesia has been conventionally divided into three streams:
the ecumenical (sometimes known as ‘liberal’ Christianity), which encompasses main-
line churches with the heritage of a particular version of Calvinism dominant in the
Netherlands called Dutch Reformed theology; the evangelical, which is made up of
mainly conservative churches that are closely associated with the fundamentalist move-
ment that emerged in the United States in the early 20th century; and the Pentecostal, a
brand of church that emphasizes the gift of the Holy Spirit, miracles, and certain spiritual
experiences, which is also currently experiencing phenomenal growth in Indonesia and
around the world (see Hoon, 2013a).
One of the main differences between the ecumenical and its other two counterparts is
that the former is keen to build ‘inclusive Christian communities out of multi-religious
peoples’ (Goh, 2010: 65), while the latter perceive that the Christian community must be
exclusive to believers and actively seek the conversion of unbelievers. The ecumenicals
relate to other religions in the spirit of religious pluralism, which is based on a hermeneu-
tic that acknowledges God’s presence in all religions, and that non-Christian faiths may
Hoon 419

also possess the truth and the way to salvation. With such pluralist outlook, the ecumeni-
cals are more concerned with upholding social justice than with proselytization. They
have been historically active in the sociopolitical sphere in Indonesia, paying special
attention to the working class, the impoverished, and the marginalized (Konaniah, 1995).
Conversely, evangelical and Pentecostal Christians generally espouse an exclusive
interpretation of salvation. They are primarily concerned with carrying out ‘the Great
Commission’ of Jesus to ‘make disciples of all nations’ (Matthew 28:19, NIV), which they
construe as a call to evangelize. Compared to the ecumenicals, the evangelicals and the
Pentecostals share more similarities in doctrines and mission. During Suharto’s New
Order, the developmental ideology provided these enterprising Christians the impetus to
leverage on the ethos of success and prosperity to reach out to the emerging middle class.1
As with many other places around the world, traditional mainline churches in Indonesia
are either experiencing stagnation or are losing members – particularly the young ones –
to Pentecostal and Charismatic churches that deliver lively worship through contempo-
rary music and media technologies, and dynamic preachers who convey bite-sized
Christian messages that aim to address the practical daily needs of the audience.2
Furthermore, the Pentecostal work ethic and faith practices are decidedly compatible with
the norms and behaviors of post-industrial capitalism, in particular with the demands of
neoliberal economies. Barker (2007) argues that the prosperity gospel that is at the crux of
many Pentecostal churches filters all economic experiences and material well-being
through the spiritual lens of faith and miracles. Under this brand of Christianity, the accu-
mulation of capital is seen as a sign of blessings from God that ought to be celebrated.
Like their counterparts in Singapore, Pentecostal and Charismatic megachurches in urban
Indonesia are correspondingly a ‘faith of an emergent middle class’ because their prac-
tices are able to tap into the aspirations of the new middle class (Chong, 2015a: 218).
The ecumenicals have been involved in politics since independence, as evident in
their establishment of the Christian political party, Partai Kristen Indonesia (or Parkindo)
in 1950 to represent the Christian voice. Nevertheless, a deficit of votes forced the party
to eventually merge into a mainstream party in 1973. The demise of the party did not
mark the end in political participation among the ecumenicals. During the New Order,
the regime appointed the chairman of the Indonesian Council of Churches, the largest
organization of the ecumenical churches, to a seat in the parliament as the representative
of all Christians.3 In 2001, mainline Christians, specifically the ethnic Batak, emerged
again on the political scene by establishing the Prosperous Peace Party (Partai Damai
Sejahtera) to contest the legislative elections. Again, due to insufficient votes, it suffered
the same fate as its predecessor (Parkindo) and was merged into the People’s Conscience
Party (Hanura) in 2013. While participation in party politics has proved unviable for the
ecumenical Christians, they continue to collaborate with various governmental and non-
governmental organizations, activist groups, and Islamic organizations (e.g., Nadlathul
Ulama and Muhammadiyah) on social issues and interfaith dialogue.4
In contrast, the evangelicals and Pentecostals usually eschew political and social activ-
ism, which they perceive as ‘this-worldly’ and lacking eternal value (Konaniah, 1995).
Hence, they generally avoid politics and are not instinctively inclined towards diakonia
– the call to serve the poor and oppressed – except as a means to evangelism (conversion)
and saving souls from damnation. In fact, it is precisely such a lack of investment in
420 International Sociology 31(4)

national politics that has attracted many ethnic Chinese to Pentecostalism since politics
has historically been an area that is inaccessible to Chinese Indonesians. Koning argues
that the Chinese converted to this global religion as ‘a purposeful strategy to turn away
from the nation state in order to embrace a larger global frame of reference,’ as the church
provides them a safe space to participate in the ‘politics of the Lord’ instead (Koning,
2009: 126). However, attitudes towards politics and social action among the Pentecostals
have started to change in recent years with the strong influence of a global trans-denomi-
national urban Christian movement, which will be discussed in the next section.

Trans-denominational networks: Global movements and

local contexts
A new phenomenon has taken place in the last two decades that has witnessed the estab-
lishment of various interconnected Christian networks that endeavor to unite all churches
in transcending the denominational boundaries. This resembles what Donald Miller
(1998) describes as ‘postdenominational Christianity,’ which refers to new-paradigm
churches that appropriate stylistic and organizational elements from the postmodern cul-
ture to provide a model that endeavors to free themselves from the institutional con-
straints of denominational Christianity. The trans-denominational Christian networks in
Indonesia have departed from vertical structures, including formal membership struc-
tures, traditional liturgy, and appointed council leaders. They adopt a fluid and horizontal
organizational configuration coalescing around ‘networkers’ and ‘contact persons’
instead of formal office bearers such as chairperson, presbytery, and council members.
The nonhierarchical structure of the network leaves little incentive for institutional poli-
tics and power struggles among its activists.
The National Prayer Network (or JDN, Jaringan Doa Nasional) is one such network.
The JDN has co-organized monumental events such as the World Prayer Assembly that
was held on 12 May 2012, where 3.5 million people prayed simultaneously in 378 cities
and towns across Indonesia. The JDN was founded by Iman Santoso, a Chinese
Indonesian businessman who embodies a trans-denominational unity because of his
background in an ecumenical church, evangelical commitment, and charismatic spiritu-
ality.5 As a resourceful and respected figure, Santoso is able to tap into his social network
to mobilize various Christian bodies across theological boundaries, which otherwise
rarely come together, to collaborate and hold large-scale prayer assemblies focusing on
sociopolitical issues. The focus on prayer as a bridge across denominational differences
is strategic, as Budijanto argues, ‘The emphasis on prayer, fasting, and spiritual warfare
and great expectations from God’s intervention attracted evangelical, Pentecostal, and
charismatic churches; the substance of the prayer – sociopolitical and spiritual transfor-
mation – attracted mainline churches’ (2009: 165).
The JDN is instrumental in the establishment of Indonesian chapters of global trans-
denominational movements such as the Transform World Connection (TWC) and
Empowered21. The TWC held a global summit in Indonesia on 5 May 2005, hosting
500 pastors and Christian leaders from 56 countries, which was seen as a major momen-
tum booster for Christianity in Indonesia (see www.transformindonesia.org). The
Empowered21 Movement grew out of the centennial commemoration of the Azusa
Hoon 421

Street revival in the United States in 2006, with the aim of evangelizing every person in
the world by the year 2033 – the 2000th anniversary of Pentecost (www.empowered21.
com).6 Two charismatic senior pastors, Niko Njotorahardjo and his deputy, Djohan
Handojo, from the Bethel Church of Indonesia – the largest Pentecostal church in
Indonesia claiming 2.6 million members – have played an important leadership role in
these trans-denominational networks discussed above. Accordingly, they have hosted
global meetings for TWC and Empowered21 in the colossal church-owned Sentul
International Convention Center in a satellite city located in the outskirts of Jakarta.
Unlike traditional churches, these trans-denominational networks do not compete
with each other for members. JDN and TWC, for instance, regularly co-organize large-
scale assemblies, drawing on their own networks and members, which often overlap. The
core aim is to unite disparate groups of Christians to achieve a vision based on Seven
Mountains Theology. The theology encompasses the following areas of influence: arts
and entertainment, business, education, family, government, media, and religion. As an
extension of ‘Dominion Theology,’ which proposes that God has planned for humans to
have dominion over the Earth and its animals, the Seven Mountains Theology maintains
that Christians are biblically mandated to control all earthly institutions until the second
coming of Christ. This theology was envisioned by two prominent American evangelical
leaders: Bill Bright (1921–2003) and Loren Cunningham (1935–), founders of Campus
Crusade and Youth with a Mission, respectively.7 Closely associated with the New
Apostolic Reformation and the Christian Right Movement in the USA, they promote the
reclaiming of the seven mountains of culture.
Popularly referred to as the ‘Seven Spheres Movement’ in Indonesia and ardently
advocated by JDN and TWC, the seven mountains of culture are adapted and abbreviated
in alphabetical order from A to G: Arts, media, and entertainment; Business and market-
place; Church; Development of the poor; Education; Family; and Governance. These
seven spheres foreground a new type of Christian movement in Indonesia that attempts
to transcend denominational divides and penetrate Christian values into all sectors of
society. This movement is ambitious, combative, well organized, and resourceful. Its
urban focus endeavors to capture the aspirations and imaginations of the nation’s emerg-
ing urban middle class. It also claims to offer a counterbalance to the social, familial, and
moral degradations and polarizations experienced in a city amid forces of rising intoler-
ance and Islamic conservatism in Indonesia. My interview with Pastor Djohan Handojo,8
a pivotal leader of the Seven Spheres Movement in Indonesia, in February 2014 has
informed the following discussions on the movement. The discussion will also reveal the
Pentecostal character of the movement, raising the question of whether being ‘trans-
denominational’ is an aspiration rather than a reality.
In the decade following the post-1998 media deregulation and political liberalization,
there was an increase in Christian media content such as sermons, healing programs, and
live broadcasts of Sunday services on private television channels (Budijanto, 2009: 165).
Pentecostal churches have invested economic resources to acquire access to the media in
order to ‘produce sinetron (Indonesian drama series) (interview, 2 February 2014). While
this could be seen as a promotion of the first of the seven spheres, on arts, media and
entertainment, it may also be a ‘counter-measure’ towards the rising Islamic expression in
the public sphere, including the media, which has been instrumental in constructing a new
422 International Sociology 31(4)

sense of piety among emerging middle-class Muslims in recent years. Heryanto (2011)
argues that this phenomenon not only reflects the rise of Islamic politics and morality, but
is also a reaction towards the global consumerist culture among the rising middle class.
With the support of Chinese Christian media moguls such as Hary Tanoesoedibjo, who
owns one of the largest media conglomerates in Indonesia, the MNC Group, it is now
much easier to produce and broadcast Christian programs on Indonesian television.
The second sphere calls for a concerted effort for Christians to penetrate the market-
place. The blurred boundary between Christianity and capitalism has been well docu-
mented in Weber’s seminal book The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, and
other works that followed (see Weber, 2001; Ekelund et al., 2008). The ‘Prosperity
Gospel’ espoused by Pentecostal and charismatic movements aims to take God to the
marketplace and emphasizes self-development, prosperity, and material growth (Pahl,
2008). For instance, the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International, which is
‘unashamedly capitalistic in ethos’ (Anderson, 2004: 145), has been extremely success-
ful in Indonesia as a site where the ‘Prosperity Gospel’ is actualized through practical
business networking and spiritual sharing of charismatic experiences. In many cities,
churches have been acquiring a space in a shopping mall to conduct their worship. In
Indonesia, the concept of a church-mall is more than just an embrace of the market logic
(Chong, 2015a). The practical dimensions of conducting church services in shopping
malls include the excellent security provided by the mall against vandalism and mob
attack, the convenience of a one-stop location where church members can worship, shop,
and dine, and the circumvention of the need for a church permit, which has been increas-
ingly difficult to obtain (Gudorf, 2012). The market-oriented practice of the Pentecostal
and charismatic movement further explains why in Indonesia this movement is primarily
an urban phenomenon that appeals largely to the upwardly mobile middle-class city
dwellers (Chong, 2015b).
Education and family, according to Pastor Handojo, are two institutions that are sus-
ceptible to the assault of contemporary secular values (interview, 2 February 2014). He
argues that the antidote to such threat is to instill strong ‘Christian values’ in schools. In
addition, he also interpreted the 2003 Education Law that requires schools to provide
religious teaching for students in accordance with their own faith, taught by a teacher
who belongs to the same faith, as a step towards the Islamization of education. Under this
legislation, Christian schools are required to provide Islamic religion classes taught by a
Muslim teacher to its students who profess Islam.9
In addition, the call to instill ‘Christian values’ in education also concerns the preser-
vation of family values and the institution of marriage, which reflects much of the politi-
cal debate in the United States. The anti-gay and pro-family discourse from the Christian
Right in America has been globalized to several Asian nations where evangelical and
fundamentalist Christianity have established considerable social and political influence
(see Cho, 2014; Chong, 2011; Wong, 2013). While the same notion of a ‘Christian Right’
is still virtually unheard of in Indonesia, the attitudes of Pentecostal and evangelical
churches towards issues of family and sexuality resemble similar moral conservatism,
usually expressed by way of moral panic, such as ‘our family values and God’s design
for the institution of marriage have been under attack!’ (interview, 2 February 2014).10
Hoon 423

Finally, the sphere of governance in the Seven Spheres Movement marks a shift in
attitudes of the Pentecostals towards political participation. As discussed earlier, the
Pentecostals are not generally known to be active in ‘ “worldly” issues such as politics
and the struggle for liberation and justice’ (Anderson, 2004: 261), as they regard ‘politics
as dirty’ (Budijanto, 2009: 166). However, this is no longer valid as Miller and Yamamori
observe: ‘Pentecostals no longer see the world as a place from which to escape – the
sectarian view – but instead as a place they want to make better’ (2007: 30). For instance,
Goh’s analysis on the Pentecostal movement in Singapore provides a nuanced insight
into how local Pentecostals creatively exercised agency in engaging with the state and
society through practical ideologies and contextual theologies (Goh, 2010). In other
words, they are selective in their political involvement so that it will lead to certain prac-
tical objectives. One such objective, according to Pastor Handojo, is to ‘create a clean
government’ (interview, 2 February 2014). More generally, the Indonesian Pentecostals
now recognize that politics is an important platform to gain a voice in the parliament, to
effect change, and to realize their seven spheres agenda. As such, the Bethel Church of
Indonesia has been fielding its members to compete in local and national elections in
recent years (interview, Deputy Chairman of the Youth and Children Ministry at Bethel
Church of Indonesia, 28 November 2014).

Recasting the two events: Converging or diverging

The above discussion has demonstrated how the global Seven Spheres Movement has
been adapted to the local context of Indonesia. For an enormous project like this to
succeed, the ability to mobilize financial capital and the collective effort of all Christians
are required. Thus, a trans-denominational network like JDN has tried to appeal to the
ecumenical and evangelical camps by providing convergent platforms for all three
Christian streams to collaborate. One such platform is the ‘Rise for One’ mega-concert,
described at the beginning of the article. The concert is symbolically significant in
showcasing the unity, power, and financial capital of the Christians, notwithstanding the
fact that only less than one-fifth of the stadium seats were filled. A committee member of
the organizing team told me, ‘Indonesians like to be impressed by something grand’,
hence the organizer chose this colossal venue (interview, 28 November 2014). The event
has featured the chairpersons of all three national communions of ecumenical, evangeli-
cal, and Pentecostal churches as the concert speakers, showing a rare display of unity.
The overt spectacle of nationalism in the opening of the concert is precisely a result of
the politics of exclusion in Indonesia where Christians feel increasingly marginalized in
the process of what they perceive as rapid Islamization. The nationalistic performance
was in fact an enactment of national belonging and a claim to cultural citizenship, and at
the same time, an attempt to de-emphasize interdenominational differences through pre-
senting an imagined unified national identity. This phenomenon is similar to the ‘spiritual
nationalism’ described by Cao (2012), where the once-marginalized and victimized urban
Chinese Christians in China adapt Western-imported Pentecostalism to the folk Chinese
mode of religiosity, fashion themselves as modern religious subjects compatible with the
424 International Sociology 31(4)

nation-building project, and contribute to the rise of nationalism from below. Nonetheless,
while the concert presented itself to be an ecumenical gathering, in reality, the majority of
the participants were from Pentecostal churches. This is not surprising because this kind
of mega-worship concert is characteristic of a Pentecostal event that evinces ‘collective
effervescence and the heightening of spiritual experiences’ (Goh, 2010: 66) and because
of the leading role taken by the Pentecostals in the event organizing team.
Since the Dutch colonial period, the Christian minority has always maintained a
patron–client relationship with power holders to seek protection and favor. This has con-
tinued to the present day and was evident in the patronage organizers of ‘Rise for One’
sought from Major General (Ret.) Darpito Pudyastungkoro, a former Christian general
retired from the military command area of Jakarta (Kodam Jaya). Patronage is the only
way to access security in the absence of state protection. Without such backing, the
organizers could not ensure safety of the congregation, especially given that the concert
was held in a symbolic public venue. The security for the event was very tight, as the
conspicuous presence of military forces around the venue evinced. The concert went
ahead ostensibly without a hitch, free from harassment from radical Islamist vigilantes
who have frequently carried out attacks in various public gatherings of a similar nature.
The ability to deploy military forces points to the connections that the organizers com-
mand, but also, more importantly, to the financial support of a handful of rich Chinese
Christian capitalists who generously funded the event (interview, Deputy Chairman of
the Youth and Children Ministry at Bethel Church of Indonesia, 28 November 2014).
The presence of Korean speakers at the events is also revealing. Christian mission
organizations in Korea such as the Korea Wave Jesus Movement (KWJM) have been
riding on the rise of K-pop in the region to reach out to nonbelievers. Under the auspices
of the KWJM, Korean Christian bands frequently perform in major Indonesian cities at
concerts that attract Christian youths in their thousands. Moreover, many Indonesian
Pentecostal leaders look to the ‘Korean model’ for inspiration in church growth and eco-
nomic development. Indeed, Protestant Christianity has played an indispensable role in
developing South Korea’s economy and civil society (Cho, 2014; Kim, 2014). To many
Koreans, Christianity is considered to be synonymous with modernity so that ‘conver-
sion to Protestantism represented an effective method of becoming a modern individual’
(Cho, 2014: 316).11 During the period of industrialization and urbanization, Pentecostal
churches such as the Yoido Full Gospel Church provided a potent resource and direction
for rural migrants, impoverished populations who were at the margins of development,
and those who found themselves lost amid such rapid socioeconomic transformations
(Cho, 2014). Behind the success of the Yoido Full Gospel Church is Yonggi Cho’s
‘Prosperity Gospel,’ which insists that poverty is not a virtue but a curse – a powerful
rhetoric that reverberated with the nation’s developmental agenda (Kim, 2014). The
extension of the Korean model beyond church growth to national development against
the backdrop of a conspicuous display of nationalism at the ‘Rise for One’ concert
evoked a Christian imagination of national belonging and an alternative modernity that
is both Asian and Christian.
The case of the National Prayer Network demonstrates the ways in which a contempo-
rary urban Christian movement strategically moves beyond denominational boundaries to
realize the ambitious objective of penetrating the seven spheres of culture. Capitalism is
central to its success, as financial resources and the structure of consumerist capitalism are
Hoon 425

key components of the movement. Budijanto reminds us that, in Indonesia, ‘economic

strength entails connectedness to government officials and to power’ (2009: 165). Hence,
while mainline ecumenical churches historically have had access to politics, they are rap-
idly losing ground compared to Pentecostal and Charismatic churches that have strong
financiers. The Jakarta Theological Seminary foregrounds a different kind of Christian
aspiration that represents the rapidly diminishing voice of a liberal and inclusive religios-
ity in an uncertain world where fundamentalism claims to provide security and answers.
As the bastion of ecumenical and, some claim, ‘liberal’ theology, the JTS has foregrounded
a progressive Christian movement in Indonesia by pushing various normative boundaries,
including gender and sexuality. In 2014, the seminary also volunteered to be one the 12
venues to host the Queer Film Festival (QFF) in Jakarta, despite the potential backlash
from radical Islamic vigilantes who, in previous years, have threatened to burn down a
venue where the QFF was held (The Guardian, 29 September 2010). The seminary took a
major risk in making such a bold statement in promoting the rights of LGBTQ people in
a country where intolerance towards minorities has been rising (The Straits Times, 30
October 2015) and where such an endeavor could be seen as highly controversial, if not
Instead of posing Islam as a threat and citing the changing family structure as a moral
panic like its Pentecostal counterparts, the seminary has focused on social justice, inclu-
sivity, and dialogue. While this seminary is not representative of all ecumenical institu-
tions or churches in Indonesia, where silence has been the most common response to
homosexuality, for most of them still perceive the topic to be a taboo, organizing a con-
ference like this and making an inclusive stance towards LGBTQ could mean funding
withdrawal from donor churches which take a conservative stance on this issue. In spite
of such risk, the seminary proceeded with its conviction to forge solidarity with sexual
minorities, making it a leading progressive Christian voice in Indonesia that provides an
alternative to the conservative anti-gay discourse promoted by the increasingly assertive
Christian Right Movement in Asia.
While the aspirations conveyed in the Seven Spheres Movement and the LGBTQ
conference are vastly different, a point of convergence between the two has been the
identical influence of global cultural and religious politics on the urban middle-class
Christians in both camps. Occupying opposite ends of the spectrum, both the conserva-
tive right-wing Christian values espoused by the seven mountains of culture movement
and the liberal left-wing acceptance of diverse sexual orientations and gender identity
reflect a version of American politics that has been imported and adapted to the Indonesian
context. The confluences among the global, local, and urban thus reinforce the fact that
Christian aspirations in Indonesia must be examined in the contexts of the historical
trajectory of Indonesian modernity, forces of globalization and transnational influence,
the role of financial capital, and the development of Islam – the indispensable religious
‘Other’ to this minority religion.

The city is a dynamic site for the intersection of modernity, capitalism, and globalization,
as well as a locus for the competition of ideologies, resources, and space. The urban
space of Jakarta provides a fertile ground for both symbolic and material productions of
426 International Sociology 31(4)

religious aspirations and social imaginations among middle-class urbanites who are not
embedded in structures and traditions, and who have a high level of mobility and adapt-
ability to change. The ‘Rise for One’ mega-concert and the LGBTQ conference demon-
strate precisely the ways in which two different Christian political ideologies were
articulated, performed, and celebrated in an urban space amid forces of nationalism,
capitalism, and globalization, which worked in tandem in giving material shape to both
events. It is not feasible that events like these could be held outside the city for practical
and ideological reasons such as the resources and space required for a mega-concert, the
availability of a participatory young middle-class audience, and a critical mass that are
presumably familiar and are willing to engage with controversial issues on sexuality.
As the Christians are heterogeneous, their agenda and aspirations are also expect-
edly omnifarious. This article has offered a glimpse into contrasting Christian aspira-
tions that can be grossly generalized to represent two theologically incommensurable
camps between the Pentecostals and the ecumenicals. Due to the different ways that
the Christian mission is construed, the former focuses on winning souls for Christ and
offers salvation for the afterlife, while the latter engages in social justice and minority
rights in the here and now. A more nuanced analysis of the current Christian move-
ments reveals that this dichotomy may not sufficiently capture some of the changes
within, and border crossings among, these movements. For instance, as a malleable
and adaptive religion, the Pentecostals have been increasingly active in social and
political engagements as demonstrated in the emphasis on ‘governance’ in the Seven
Sphere Movement, and are characterized by what Miller and Yamamori (2007) referred
to as ‘progressive’ or ‘socially engaged’ Pentecostalism. Furthermore, the emergence
of various trans-denominational Christian networks has presented a new deterritorial-
ized and reterritorialized form of Christian expression through an unprecedented
attempt to cross theological boundaries and unite disparate Christian groups to work
on towards a larger objective.
These new developments notwithstanding, the question of motives is the key to
understanding whether such a phenomenon is merely a case of old wine in a new bottle.
While the ‘Rise for One’ concert shows an exceptional Christian ecumenism, in the lit-
eral sense of the word, beneath the ephemeral display of unity, however, it is questiona-
ble how much theological convergence there is among these groups. Such skepticism is
corroborated by Robeck (1999), who argued that because Pentecostals do not understand
the value of ecumenical theology, they do not trust or practice what the ecumenicals
stand for. It is also quite evident that the new found enthusiasm in social and political
participation among Indonesian Pentecostals stems primarily from the motivation to
realize the larger agenda of dominating the seven spheres of culture. Moreover, the
socially conservative interpretation of family and the inimical attitude towards homo-
sexuality ostensibly rendered the abyss between the Pentecostals and their counterparts
at the Jakarta Theological Seminary unbridgeable.
The resurgence of conservative Islam in Southeast Asia in recent decades has wit-
nessed opportunistic religious and political leaders using a reductionist discourse about
‘Christianization’ to create a common enemy and a sense of moral panic in order to
unify the diverse Muslim population to achieve certain political ends. In this process,
the Christians are homogenized, vilified, and reified. On the other hand, the rise of
Hoon 427

Pentecostalism in the Southeast Asia has allowed the conservative Christian Right
Movement from the United States to ride the wave and denominated the Christian dis-
course in the region. An example apposite to this is the Seven Mountains of Culture
Movement that has offered a carefully crafted grand aspiration in an attempt to unify the
Christians towards dominating the economic, cultural, and political spheres of influ-
ence. Amid such a climate of religious competition, an appreciation of religious plural-
ism is urgently needed so that religions do not see the Other as a threat.

Funding for this research was received from the Ministry of Education, Singapore (C242/

  1. Similar processes were taking place in neighboring countries like Singapore (see Chong,
2015a; Goh, 2010).
  2. For example, referring to the context of Singapore, Goh argues that ‘Pentecostalism has been
immensely popular because it replaced liberal Christianity in providing a practical contextual
framework to make sense of the spiritual telos of the post-colonial nation and engage the
developmental ethos of the Singapore state’ (2010: 57; emphasis in original).
  3. The chairpersons of the Indonesian Council of Churches had always been male until the cur-
rent term (2014–2019) when Dr Henriette Tabita Lebang, a female leader from the Toraja
Church, was elected as chairperson.
  4. Some of the activities of the ecumenicals can be seen on the website of the Communion of
Churches in Indonesia (formerly known as National Council of Churches) at www.pgi.or.id.
  5. I interviewed the founder on 20 November 2014.
  6. Both TWC and Empowered21 are a continuation of the AD2000 Movement. The AD2000
Movement is a global movement for evangelism that sought to spread the Gospel to every
person by the year 2000, with a focus on the ‘Christianization of the South’ (Bourdeaux and
Jammes, 2013). The movement’s leader, Luis Bush, identified the ‘10/40 Window’ – a rec-
tangular area of North Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, between 10 degrees north and 40
degrees north latitude – an area where 95% of the world’s least-evangelized poor are believed
to be found (see www.ad2000.org). The movement mobilized over 30 million intercessors to
pray for the ‘10/40 Window’ for years before the millennium.
  7. See www.7culturalmountains.org/
  8. Pastor Handojo is an accomplished church planter who has established dozens of Pentecostal
churches around Asia, Australia, and America. He is the founder of Transform World
Connection Indonesia and is a member of the Asia Cabinet in the Empowered21 Global
Council. He is a senior pastor in two Pentecostal megachurches: one in Jakarta that caters
mainly to upper-middle-class Chinese Indonesians and the other in Singapore serving a con-
gregation composed primarily of the Indonesian diaspora. He made Singapore the headquar-
ters of his ministry because of Singapore’s strategic location and because of his apprehension
towards the rising Islamic forces in Indonesia (interview, 2 February 2014).
9. This requirement has raised controversy and angst among Christian schools in Indonesia who
fear losing their Christian character. Many Christian schools circumvent such a demand by
having parents sign a consent form to allow their child to fully participate in Christian edu-
cation, including the religion class, daily morning devotion, weekly chapel service, and an
annual retreat (Hoon, 2014).
428 International Sociology 31(4)

10. Anderson (2004: 264) argues, ‘Pentecostals sometimes cloud the differences between
“moral” issues like abortion and political ones, so that right-wing politicians are seen as
having “Christian values.” Included in this debate is the sensitive issue of “gay rights,”
where Pentecostals generally agree with the conservative Christian opposition to homosexual
11. The Korean experience was held as an example for Indonesia by Luis Bush, the founder
of the AD2000 and TWC movements, who delivered a paper entitled ‘Transformation from
poor to blessed: A Korean case study’ in Surabaya. See www.disciplenations.org/article/pdf-
transformation-poor-blessed-korean-case-study/ (accessed 25 July 2015).
12. The general religious sentiments towards the LGBTQ minority in Indonesia can be described
as hostile. This can be seen in the negative reactions of religious groups in Indonesia towards
the recognition of gay marriage by the Supreme Court in the United States in 2015, which
prompted the Religious Affairs Minister to state that gay marriage was unacceptable in
Indonesia because of religious norms (The Jakarta Post, 2 July 2015). More recently, citing
the role of universities as the moral safeguard of the nation, Muhammad Nasir, the Minister
for Technology, Research and Higher Education, called for members of the LGBT commu-
nity to be barred from university campuses (The Jakarta Post, 25 January 2016).

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Author biography
Chang-Yau Hoon is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the Institute of Asian Studies,
Universiti Brunei Darussalam. Prior to this appointment, he was Assistant Professor of Asian
Studies and Sing Lun Fellow at Singapore Management University. He is currently also Adjunct
Research Fellow at the University of Western Australia.

Tout en reconnaissant que les chrétiens en Indonésie ne forment pas un groupe homogène, cet
article étudie les diverses aspirations spirituelles, sociales et politiques en jeu parmi les chrétiens
urbains dans le contexte historique de modernisation de l’Indonésie, des pressions exercées par
la globalisation et l’urbanisation, du rôle du capital et du développement de l’islam – « l’autre »
religieux indispensable pour cette religion minoritaire de l’Indonésie d’aujourd’hui. L’article met
en lumière les formes employées par cette minorité pour exercer sa capacité d’action en utilisant
la participation politique et l’activisme social comme contrepoids à l’islamisation croissante du
pays, et la façon dont elle utilise de manière stratégique son vaste capital économique, social et
politique pour évoluer dans les eaux troubles d’une intolérance religieuse en plein essor dans un
pays où habite la plus importante communauté musulmane du monde.

Aspirations, chrétienté, Indonésie, modernité, religion

A pesar de reconocer que los cristianos en Indonesia no son un grupo homogéneo, este artículo
examina las diversas aspiraciones espirituales, sociales y políticas en disputa de los cristianos
urbanos en el contexto de la trayectoria histórica hacia la modernidad en Indonesia, las fuerzas
Hoon 431

de la globalización y la urbanización, el papel del capital, y el desarrollo de Islam –el indispensable

“Otro” religioso para esta religión minoritaria en la Indonesia contemporánea. Se arroja luz sobre
las formas en las que esta minoría ejerce la agencia a través del uso de la participación política
y el activismo social como un contrapeso a la creciente islamización de Indonesia, y la forma en
la que utiliza estratégicamente su amplio capital económico, social y político para navegar en las
traicioneras aguas de la creciente intolerancia religiosa en el país donde reside la mayor población
musulmana del mundo.

Palabras clave
Aspiraciones, cristiandad, Indonesia, modernidad, religión