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Important Essay topics for

SBI PO 2019

Infinitesimal

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Topics Covered
1. Electrification in India / Divergence in Rural and Urban
Electrification
2. Mission Shakti
3. NPA management & prevention [The Twin Challenge]
4. Role of IBC in bringing Bad Debts
5. Sanitation : A neglected issue
6. The Lokpal
7. Breathing Clean
8. Angel tax
9. All about Fake News
10. Lynching & the Law.

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Electrification in India
or
Divergence in Rural & Urban Electrification
Access to electricity drives the productivity of households, empowers women
and enables education and communication. Millions of homes still lack this vital
resource in India. And as of April 1, 2015, the official count of unelectrified
villages was 18,452. So when Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently
announced that all inhabited villages now enjoy electrification, it signalled a
significant milestone in the country’s development. It is an achievement that
will raise aspirations in the remotest districts. Yet, broad-brush statistics
conceal severe disparities, including the actual number of households in
villages that have power connections, the number of hours they get reliable
power, and the per capita power that rural and urban Indians consume. For
one, the existing definition to declare a village electrified is coverage of a mere
10% of households and common facilities such as schools, panchayats and
health centres. The claim of electrification pales when viewed against some of
these realities. Rural household electrification has a wide range across States,
from 47% to 100%. The average hours of power supplied in a day to rural
areas in January 2018 ranged from 11.5 in Mizoram, 14.91 in Haryana and 17.72
in Uttar Pradesh to 24 hours in Kerala, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu. These
anomalies are often the result of infrastructure deficits and administrative

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inefficiency and they show that, even with supportive Central schemes, the
Power for All 24x7 goal adopted by States and Union Territories with a
deadline of April 1, 2019 is far from realistic.
Census data for 2001 and 2011 indicate that the number of rural households
that use electricity as their primary source of lighting rose by about 12
percentage points to 55.3%, while in that decade urban households rose five
points to 92.7%. The per capita consumption between rural and fast-rising
urban India also represents a challenge, since there is a divergence between
the two. There are twin challenges to be faced in improving access and equity.
To many, the falling cost of renewable, decentralised sources such as solar
photovoltaics represents a ready solution for rural India. Yet, the evidence
from States such as Maharashtra, which made an early claim to full
electrification six years ago relying partly on solar power, shows that theft,
damage and lack of technical capacity can pose serious hurdles. The answer
may lie in a hybrid solution that ensures continued scaling up of both grid-
connected and standalone solar systems in appropriate areas, augmenting
conventional sources of electricity, with a clear emphasis on rooftop solutions
for cities. Cheaper renewables will enable differential pricing for households in
remote areas, a key determinant of wider social benefits of electricity. Rural
electrification in India has been a long effort, achieving rapid growth from the
Third Plan to the Twelfth Plan, but getting affordable power to every household
needs sustained policy support.
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Mission Shakti
India has entered an elite space club with the Defence Research and
Development Organization blowing up a satellite in a Low Earth Orbit into
smithereens. Such Indian capability to take out moving objects has never really
been in doubt: the DRDO announced it as early as in 2011. Indeed, India has been
in the business of testing long-range missiles for years, although public
attention on the space programme has been mostly on its civilian and scientific
aspects. The military dimension, though always latent, had not seen a verifiable
demonstration as in the case of Mission Shakti, the Anti-Satellite (ASAT)
missile test. The display of technological prowess through the test accentuates
the military dimension and brings into play an overwhelming assurance of what
the Ministry of External Affairs describes as a ‘credible deterrence’ against
attacks on India’s growing number of space assets. Although only three other
countries, the U.S., Russia, and China, have previously demonstrated this
capability, it is possible to surmise that countries with long-range missiles
could do the same with equal effectiveness. But India, surely, is staking a
forward claim as a space weapons power.
While the country celebrates the test as a scientific achievement, it must also
dwell on the possibility that this might goad its none-too-friendly neighbour
Pakistan into a competitive frenzy. Also, in the absence of a credible threat to
India’s space assets from China or any other country with Anti-Satellite missile
capabilities, whether the ‘deterrence’ sought to be achieved by this test would
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lead to a more stable strategic security environment is not certain. There are
other questions, too. Will the test spur space weaponisation?
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, while announcing the success of the test, was
clear that India wanted to maintain peace rather than indulge in warmongering.
And, by targeting a low-orbit satellite, the missile test did the utmost possible
to minimize space debris, which is an issue of international concern.

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NPA Management & Prevention


The phenomenal increase in non-performing assets (NPAs) and willful defaults
over the last three years raises serious concerns about the effectiveness of
NPA management and its mechanisms. Given the potential adverse impact that
the increasing incidence of NPAs might cause, it is critical that NPA resolution
takes place in a timely manner. Policies concerning NPA resolution must
address two critical aspects: first, how to prevent it occurring at this scale in
the future and second, how to manage the existing accumulated NPAs?
Till recently, most of the initiatives by the government and the RBI (Reserve
Bank of India) had centered on the latter — how to manage the existing NPAs.
The emphasis was on finding ways to reduce the magnitude of NPAs. This was
driven by the idea that bank balance sheets must be cleaned up and restored.
While it is important to clean up the balance sheet of banks by reducing or
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eliminating bad loans, it is equally important to think about preventive
measures. Typically, preventive measures are structural in nature. Both
elements are quite important to a robust NPA management mechanism.
The government and the regulator have to play a greater role in the process of
NPA management. The role of the government has historically been crucial
when there is a banking failure or crisis. It is the government which comes to
the rescue, either through direct intervention or through the regulator. The
role of government becomes even more important as it happens to be the
principal owner of the majority of the affected banks in India.
On preventive measures, there is a need for evolving a framework in order to
bring transparency into the operation and management of SCBs (scheduled
commercial banks), particularly the PSBs (public sector banks), on four major
parameters — project appraisal, monitoring, accounting, and auditing. As large
loans constitute a substantial portion of the total NPAs, a robust credit
appraisal mechanism is very much required. As large loans tend to be
relatively technically complex, the banks must enhance their technical
capabilities to undertake project monitoring effectively. Greater emphasis
must be placed on bringing efficiency and transparency into the accounting
system. Emphasis should be given on strengthening the audit system in banks.
The above measures can potentially reduce the possibilities of collusion among
the officials of the funding institutions and the borrowers.
On NPA resolution, to deal with the existing accumulated NPAs, there is a need
for creating a publicly funded ‘bad bank’ or an asset management company

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which will deal with the stressed assets of PSBs. The approach should be to
formulate a resolution mechanism which will maximize recovery, and thereby,
reduce the burden on the banks or the government. It can be very similar to
the Swedish model where the bad bank bought the stressed assets from the
affected banks and sold it at a higher price at the time of economic expansion,
when asset prices picked up. This way, recovery on the bad loans can be
maximized. The life span of the Swedish bad bank ‘Securum’ was 15 years, and
it was fully owned by the government.
On a similar line, the Government of India, too, can create a bad bank, with full
government ownership. The proposed institution can continue to exist without
an expiry date as the NPA problem is perennial.The managerial staff of the ‘bad
bank’ may, however, be outsourced to boost operational and managerial
efficiency.The proposed bank should function independently with greater
professionalism and should be accountable to the government.Given the fiscal
constraints, it may not be viable for the government to finance the proposed
bad bank through budgetary support fully. The government can, however,
partly finance the proposed ‘bad bank’ by issuing equity shares with the
government holding the majority share.

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Role of IBC in bringing Bad Debts
The Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code-2016 (IBC) has helped in recovery of
significant sums from defaulting corporate debtors, and has contributed to a
decline in fresh additions of non-performing assets, besides setting in motion a
change in the mindset of the borrowers.
Fresh addition to NPAs and overall NPAs has declined, as can be seen through
the Reserve Bank of India reports that showed bad debts coming down from
₹10 lakh crore to ₹8.4 lakh crore since the IBC came into force. The IBC was
one of the most successful economic legislations in the country. In the pre-IBC
regime, it typically used to take four years for resolution of sick companies
and entailed 9-10% insolvency cost to manage the assets. The recovery rate
then was around 25-26%.In the two years of IBC, the whole scenario has
changed with the recovery rate being about 47-48% in 80-odd cases that have
been resolved. The insolvency cost was less than 1%, and the IBC and the
insolvency proceedings in the NCLT have contributed to a change in the
approach of entrepreneurs.
As opposed to the past when defaulting entrepreneurs used to send a
representative to the bank when the loan turned NPA, they were themselves
coming now and pleading with the bankers.

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With the IBC, 4,500 cases have been resolved before admission and ₹2.2 lakh
crore of defaults settled. “For every one [case] settled in the NCLT framework,
nine are being settled outside the NCLT… the fear factor is working with the
multiplier of 10,” Mr. Injeti Srinivas[Secretary to Union Ministry of Corporate
Affairs] said.
Chairperson of Insolvency and Bankruptcy Board of India M.S. Sahoo told a
conference, being organized by the ICFAI Law School, that the financial muscle,
in the wake of IBC, is now restricted and regulated to allow new entrants in
business without permitting any abuse of dominance in business competition.

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Sanitation : A neglected issue
Public understanding of the science of managing septic tanks continues to be
poor, and the availability of cheap labour to clean these structures has slowed
efforts to develop technologies that can safely remove and transport the
waste. Sanitation thus remains a challenge in thousands of unsewered
towns. The tragic death of six people who entered a septic tank in Tamil Nadu’s
Sriperumbudur town is a grim reminder that sanitation remains a low-priority
area despite the high political profile of Swachh Bharat. What sets the incident
apart from the several instances of people dying of asphyxiation in the tanks is
that some of the victims were the owners of the property and not workers.
Three people collapsed while inspecting their residential septic tank, and
others who tried to save them also perished. Although workers were not
affected in this case, it confirms Tamil Nadu’s abysmal overall record at
raising sanitation standards. Since 1993, when the first law was passed against
manual cleaning, there were at least 144 worker deaths in Tamil Nadu as of
November 2018, according to official data reported to the Centre for grant of
compensation. Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab also fared badly with a
cumulative toll of 146 lives lost during that period. But this is obviously a gross
underestimate, since the Safai Karmachari Andolan, which has litigated in the
Supreme Court seeking to aggressively prosecute offenders, contends that
septic tank cleaning claimed nearly 1,500 lives between 2014 and 2016. More
reports of deaths continue to come in.

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Every death of a manual worker represents a crime, since the Prohibition of
Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013 makes
the use of such labour to clean septic tanks an offence punishable with
imprisonment of two years or with a fine of ₹2 lakh or both even in the first
instance. If State governments are reluctant to prosecute offenders, they are
also slow to adopt newer technologies such as Faecal Sludge Treatment Plants
(FSTP), which can be combined with omniprocessors for safe treatment of
waste. For the task of cleaning the tanks, indigenous innovation in robotics
looks promising. A prototype is planned to be tested by the Indian Institute of
Technology Madras and such devices can potentially transform sanitation in
India and other developing countries. But the pace of adoption will depend on
the priority that governments accord to the long-neglected problem. This is a
task that deserves the highest importance, and needs to be completed on
deadline. What happened in Sriperumbudur highlights the heavy price that
communities pay for the lack of scientific sanitation. If governments remain
apathetic, citizens would expect the courts to step in to uphold the law against
manual scavenging and make individual departments accountable. The science
on sanitation has advanced, and policy must urgently catch up.

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The Lokpal
The establishment of the anti-graft body”Lokpal” is a welcome development.
The selection of Justice P.C. Ghose as the first Lokpal has come after an
unjustified delay of five years. Nevertheless, it ought to be welcomed as a
milestone in the cause of fighting corruption in high places. The concept of an
institutional mechanism, or an anti-corruption ombudsman, has been around
for over 50 years. It was finally enacted as a law in 2013, and came into effect
on January 16, 2014. Some of the credit for driving this legislation must be
given to Anna Hazare’s movement against what many saw as unreasonable
levels of corruption under the previous UPA regime. However, since then,
barring a report by the Standing Committee of Parliament and a couple of
amendments passed in 2016 on the declaration of assets by public servants,
there has been very little progress. At one point, the government’s lack of
political will to establish a Lokpal became obvious, leading to the Supreme
Court repeatedly asking it to show progress in its efforts. Ultimately, it was the
court’s stern ultimatum to appoint a Lokpal within a timeframe that worked.
The appointment system is quite long, a two-stage process. A search
committee has to be formed. It recommends a panel of names to the high-
power selection committee, which comprises the Prime Minister, the Speaker
of the Lok Sabha, the Leader of the Opposition, the Chief Justice of India (or his
nominee) and an eminent jurist. The selection panel has to choose from a
short-list consisting of names for the posts of Lokpal chairperson, and judicial
and non-judicial members.
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The government had initially taken the position that it was awaiting the passage
of amendments based on the parliamentary committee report. One amendment
pertained to including the leader of the largest party in the Opposition in the
selection committee, in the absence of a recognised Leader of the Opposition.
In a verdict in April 2017, the Supreme Court rejected the excuse and said
there was no legal bar on the selection committee moving ahead even if there
was a vacancy. It is not clear why this simple amendment, carried out in
respect of selection committees for the posts of CBI Director and Chief
Information Commissioner, was not made in the Lokpal Act. The Congress
leader in the Lok Sabha, MallikarjunKharge, did not want to attend selection
committee meetings as a ‘special invitee’ and wanted full membership. Now
that the Lokpal has been chosen, victims of corruption have a viable avenue of
redress. The Lokpal will take over the work of sanctioning prosecution, besides
exercising its power to order preliminary inquiries and full-fledged
investigations by any agency, including the CBI. It may be unrealistic to expect
any dramatic impact on the lives of the common people, but the Lokpal and
other members have a historic responsibility to live up to popular
expectations.

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Breathing Clean
An assessment of the quality of air across countries and in cities has come as
a fresh warning to India on the levels of deadly pollutants its citizens are
breathing. The IQ Air-Visual 2018 World Air Quality Report published in
collaboration with Greenpeace underscores that Delhi remains an extremely
hazardous city to live in. The national capital exposes people to air containing
annual average fine particulate matter (PM2.5) of 113.5 micrograms per cubic
metre, when it should be no more than 10 micrograms as per WHO guidelines.
In fact, Gurugram, which borders Delhi, fares even worse with a PM2.5 level of
135.8 micrograms, while 15 of the 20 cities worldwide ranked the worst on air
pollution metrics are in India. Delhi’s air quality has been making headlines for
years now. Yet, measures to mitigate emissions have not moved into crisis
mode: the launch this year of the National Clean Air Programme for 102 cities
and towns, including the capital, talks only of long-term benefits of mitigation
programmes beyond 2024, and not a dramatic reduction in near-term
pollution. This has to change, and an annual target for reduction be set to make
governments accountable. Achieving a reduction within a short window is not
impossible if there is the political will to reform key sectors: The monitoring of
air quality in real time across cities and towns in India is far from adequate or
uniform. The evidence from Delhi, which is relatively more robust, has clear
pointers to what needs to be done. The Ministry of Heavy Industries and Public
Enterprises learnt from a commissioned study last year that dusty sources
such as roads, construction sites and bare soil added about 42% of the coarse
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particulate matter (PM10) in summer, while in winter it was a significant 31%.
Similarly, PM10 from transport varied between 15% and 18% across seasons.
Yet, it is the even more unhealthy PM2.5 penetrating the lungs that causes
greater worry. Vehicles contributed 18-23% of these particulates, while
biomass burning was estimated to make up 15-22%, and dusty sources 34%
during summer. These insights provide a road map for action. The Delhi
government, which has done well to decide on inducting 1,000 electric buses,
should speed up the plan and turn its entire fleet green. A transition to electric
vehicles for all commercial applications, with funding from the Centre’s
programme for adoption of EVs, should be a priority in cities. Cutting nitrogen
and sulphur emissions from industrial processes needs a time-bound
programme supervised by the Environment Ministry. These are priority
measures to get urban India out of the red zone, transport, biomass and
construction.
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ANGEL TAX
The government has decided to set up a five-member working committee to
look into the angel tax issue and come up with guidelines in one week. It also
agreed to implement some key changes requested by start-ups regarding the
issue.
What is Angel Tax?
Angel Tax is a 30% tax that is levied on the funding received by startups from
an external investor. However, this 30% tax is levied when startups receive
angel funding at a valuation higher than its ‘fair market value’. It is counted as
income to the company and is taxed.
The tax, under section 56(2)(viib), was introduced by in 2012 to fight money
laundering. The stated rationale was that bribes and commissions could be
disguised as angel investments to escape taxes. But given the possibility of this
section being used to harass genuine startups, it was rarely invoked.
Why is Angel tax problematic?
There is no definitive or objective way to measure the ‘fair market value’ of a
startup. Investors pay a premium for the idea and the business potential at the
angel funding stage. However, tax officials seem to be assessing the value of
the startups based on their net asset value at one point. Several startups say
that they find it difficult to justify the higher valuation to tax officials.

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In a notification dated May 24, 2018, the Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT)
had exempted angel investors from the Angel Tax clause subject to fulfilment
of certain terms and conditions, as specified by the Department of Industrial
Policy and Promotion (DIPP) now renamed as the Department for Promotion of
Industry and Internal Trade. However, despite the exemption notification, there
are a host of challenges that startups are still faced with, in order to get this
exemption.
Proposed reforms:
1. Earlier, start-ups whose aggregate amount of paid-up share capital and
share premium after the proposed issue of share does not exceed ₹10
crore are eligible for exemption from the tax. The government is planning
to raise this limit to ₹25 crore.
2. It is also planning to amend the definition of a start-up to include
companies that have been in operation for up to 10 years rather than the
previous limit of seven years.

Is Scrapping Angel Tax possible?


The angel tax could not be scrapped as money laundering is a major problem.
There is a network of 200 shell companies and they have been under control
since 2012, so it cannot be scrapped.
However, concessions are under consideration with the size of the start-up,
the duration of its operation, and the income of the angel investor.

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All about Fake news
Indians and the ‘Indian National Anthem’ being adjudged the best by UNESCO is
probably the most common fake news going around the Internet. While this
false information may have been innocuous, it captures the larger menace we
face today. With the advent of new age digital and social media, fake news has
pervaded all spheres of life, political and social.
Rampant misinformation
Claire Wardle of First Draft, a UK-based non-profit organisation which is now
part of the Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard,
categorised misinformation into seven categories, namely satire or parody,
misleading content, imposter content, fabricated content, false connection,
false content and manipulated content.
While all these forms exist in India, fabricated and manipulated content are
gaining steam, leading to the possibility of potential violence and impacting
society. The rise of digital and social media as powerful platforms has only
magnified the effect of fake and false news. Umpteen number of
news/information portals are being set up as there are few entry barriers
unlike in the traditional media. In addition, growing polarisation of society on
ideological lines has made the job of spreading fake news easier. Content that
denigrates leaders/groups of the opposite ideology based on falsehoods,
deepens communal polarisation or incites hatred have gained traction in the
last few years. In the past, communal violence in India was a localised affair.
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Today, it is extensively being fed and triggered through the Internet.
Provocative content, inaccurate information, doctored videos, and pictures are
being disseminated through various online and mobile platforms. The platforms
serve like nodal agencies distributing unverified information.
While media researchers around the world are investigating the fake news
scene, little credible information is available on the creators and the intention
behind it. But if what has been found is true, it is purely a way to make
advertising money through click baits, enticing people to click and continue
reading, and is organised by political or other social groups. In India, numerous
sites are set up to peddle fake news with click bait headlines. They are also
very well organised with multiple linked pages on social media platforms that
are used to make the content go viral.
Both Google and Facebook, as the largest platforms for content distribution,
are said to be creating systems that will filter fake news. But these efforts are
relatively new. The biggest vector of fake news in India — WhatsApp — is still
grappling with compromising mechanisms for privacy like encryption and the
urgent need to weed out fake news spread through its application.
No accountability
The advent of fake news is not new or recent, only its potential to reach people
has amplified due to online platforms and applications that are free. Users
creating hate content and sharing it can be booked under relevant sections of
the Indian Penal Code (IPC). But the sheer expanse of the Internet and the
anonymity it grants makes it difficult to track down people. Unlike mainstream

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media that falls under comprehensive regulation, online platforms have scope
for wrongdoing due to the lack of binding rules, and the ability to keep owners
and editors private like in the case of fake news sites. In the absence of such
crucial information, there is no understanding of the liability and the credibility
of the information that is being hosted on their respective sites. This is the
main strength of the creators of fake news, the ability to remain anonymous in
the guise of a media outlet. Most digital media outlets do not have basic
information regarding editors, publishers or the physical address of the
registered entity. We could do well to begin with some basic regulation for
digital media outlets like compulsory and online registration of details.
In the past few months, people have been booked in isolated incidents in
different States for the content they shared on messaging and social media
platforms. On some occasions, the Internet has been shut down on the pretext
of inciting violence and to stop the spread of doctored videos. But treating
every symptom in a localised way is not an efficient or productive way to
tackle the disease.
The lack of uniform guidelines, regulation and policy regarding such fabricated
content needs to be addressed urgently. Considering the rapid penetration of
mobile phones and the rise in use of social media in India, the dissemination of
fake news is no longer a problem limited to the online world, especially
because it has political, social and economic ramifications on the ground.
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Lynching & the law
As the grim threat of lynching casts a terrifying shadow over large swathes of
the country, directions from India’s Supreme Court to all governments to take
steps to prevent what it described as “horrendous acts of mobocracy” can
only be welcomed.
The court has asked Parliament to consider passing a special law on lynching.
This, it maintains, is essential to protect citizens and ensure that
the “pluralistic social fabric” of the country holds against mob violence.
Though, if this ruling will have any influence on actually stemming the hate
violence sweeping through our land. A new law will work if gaps in existing law
are what prevent state administrations from acting decisively and fairly
against lynch mobs.
What is meant by Lynching
Lynching is not just “mobocracy”; it is a collective hate crime. For Instance,
Lynching may be sparked variously by disputes over allegations of cow
smuggling or slaughter, or wild rumours of cattle theft or child kidnapping, or
something even as trivial as a seat in an unreserved train
compartment.Whatever the ostensible trigger, murderous mobs gather to
lynch people of hated identities with gratuitous cruelty. IndiaSpend found
that 86 per cent of persons killed in cow-related lynching were Muslim, and 8
per cent Dalit
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The recent spate of mob killings on rumours of child kidnapping target
strangers and mentally challenged persons.
Main Reasons of these Lynching in recent times:
• These hate crimes flourish most of all because of the enabling climate for
hate speech and violence which is fostered and legitimised from above,
which frees people to act out their prejudices; and the impunity assured
by state administrations to the perpetrators.

• Senior ministers and elected representatives frequently come out in


open defense of the attackers, charging the victims with provoking the
attacks.

• The messaging is unambiguous: Not the lynch mob, but the victim, and the
community to which he belongs, are guilty.

• The current phenomenon of lynching to be what intellectuals describe


as “command hate crime”.

• By this underline, first, that these are hate crimes, not ordinary mob
violence, as these mostly target identified minority
communities and disadvantaged castes. And second, that these crimes
are tacitly or openly encouraged by senior leaders of the political
establishment.

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• The members of the lynch mob in most incidents of lynching video-
tape the act, and upload the video-tapes. To record one’s crimes and
display these on the social media reflects a brazen confidence that you
will not be punished for your crime, and even if you are nabbed, you will
be a hero for the ruling establishment.

Is It an Administrative Failure?
There is a recurring pattern in police action too. If present, even as the
slaughter of innocents unfolds, they don’t act, pleading later that they were
outnumbered. In most cases, they come in too late to save lives, and very often
they register crimes against the victims and drag their feet to charge and
arrest the attackers
After the lynching, police often tries to record the incident as a crime of cow
smuggling, animal cruelty, rash driving and road rage.
In its investigations, the police never cordon off the site of the lynch attacks:
Even hours after the crime, people walk over the ground still splattered with
blood or burned flesh. This is not a shoddy investigation. It is deliberate (and
criminal) destruction of evidence which could have been used against the
killers
The police in almost every case, instead, registers crimes against the victims.

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In recent incidences reflect that, State home ministers, sometimes chief
ministers, and senior police officials publicly denounce not the members of the
lynch mobs but the victims and survivors
Conclusion:
For people in political authority, uniform and magistrates to take sides in hate
battles is a profound crime against humanity. Yet this still is recognised at best
as a moral failure, not a punishable crime.
If there is any new law we need to prevent the spread like an epidemic of this
new scourge of targeted hate crime, of lynch mobs, it requires only one law,
and this is the creation of a crime of dereliction of duty and communal
partisanship by public officials.
The challenge, ultimately, is not of law, but of our collective morality and our
collective humanity.
In the recent years, the cases of mob lynching have increased exponentially,
which is an alarming signal for the social harmony of the nation.
In the land of Mahatma Gandhi, who was the worshipper of non-violence, its
very disconcerting and heartbreaking to see the innocent people being pray to
the people with vested interests and a particular agenda claiming to be
the protector of religion, custom, and society.

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Way Forward:
Off late, we have seen as to how the technology, which is considered to be
the boon for mankind, is being used by some people to spread rumours and
fake news leading to assault and death of innocent people.
In the recent times, several instances of misuse of social networking sites
such as Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp have caused the loss of lives.Though
the service providers have come up with the modifications in the features to
contain the increasing dissemination of fake news, yet it has not proven to be
very effective. That means, there is a need for stronger regulation over the
use of these apps

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