Burgess1995 PDF

Achilles' Heel: The Death of Achilles in Ancient Myth
Author(s): Jonathan Burgess

Source: Classical Antiquity, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Oct., 1995), pp. 217-244
Published by: University of California Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25011021 .
Accessed: 18/06/2014 22:14
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Classical
Antiquity.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
JONATHAN BURGESS
Achilles' Heel:
The Death of Achilles inAncient Myth
THE STORY of Achilles' heel is familiar to everyone: Thetis makes Achilles

invulnerable by dipping him in the Styx, but he is fatally wounded where she
had held him. This story is not attested before the time of the Roman Empire,
but some tantalizing details in early Greek literature and art are suggestive of
it, such as the placing of the newborn Achilles in boiling water or fire, or the
wounding of Achilles near the heel. In addition, it is sometimes thought that the
wounding of Diomedes in the foot by Paris at Iliad 11.369ff. reflects the death
of Achilles.' For these reasonsmany scholars have concluded that the story of
Achilles' heel dates back to theArchaic Age or is even pre-Homeric.2
This paper first of all considers the validity of this conclusion by examin
ing the possible evidence in ancient art and literature for Achilles' imperfect
I wish to thank especially Emmet Robbins for advice and commentary. I owe thanks as well to
Jane Aspinall, John Grant, Rev. M. O. Lee, Wallace McLeod, Martin Mueller, Sam Solecki, and
the readers of Classical Antiquity for commenting on drafts of this paper. Earlier versions were
presented at theUniversity of Toronto Department of Classics Graduate Students' Colloquium 1993
and theCAAS Spring Meeting 1994; both audiences provided helpful remarks. I also thankGlenn
Most for initial encouragement and Eric Csapo for advice on obtaining illustrations.
1. Neo-analysts have most persistently explored this possibility (Pestalozzi 17; Schoeck 76
77; P.Kakridis 293 n. 1;Heubeck 1974:46; Kullmann 1984:313-15, 1991:441 n. 65). Mueller 53;
M. Edwards 1987:63-64, 1991:18; McLeod 36; Janko 409; Stanley 421 n. 158 have found it an
attractive idea. For a skeptical view, see Fenik 1968:234-35; Hainsworth ad loc. (though Fenik
1986:15-17 accepts the comparison).
2. Cf. Welcker 175-76; Drerup 231 n. 3; R. Carpenter 74; Scherer 99; Fenik t964:38;
Thordarson 110; Kemp-Lindemann 3, 222; Kossatz-Deissmann passim, esp. 185; Kunisch 18;
Schein 121 n. 3 (the vases cited here seem to be confused); King 271 n. 68; Janko 409; Woodford
25-26, 94; Baldrick 81. Of these,Drerup, Schein, Janko (followed by Baldrick), andWoodford seem
to think that themotif may be pre-Homeric; Thordarson 124 allows that this is possible. Most of
the scholars listed in the previous note seem implicitly to consider the story pre-Homeric.
? 1995 BY THE REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

218 CLASSICAL
ANTIQUITY Volume 14/No. 2/October 1995
invulnerability, i.e., invulnerability except for a single vulnerable location.3

Though I conclude thatAchilles was not invulnerable in early Greek myth, I
attempt to demonstrate that there is a continuity from early to later stories about
Achilles. What caused the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability to unfold
from earlier traditions, I propose, is the late version of the death of Achilles in
which he is ambushed in the temple of Thymbraean Apollo.
There are four traditions, or rather two pairs of traditions, that need to be
distinguished in exploring these issues: an early traditionof Achilles as an infant
being placed in fire or boiling water, as opposed to a later traditionof Achilles
being dipped in the Styx, and an early tradition inwhich Achilles was killed on
the battlefield, as opposed to a later tradition inwhich Achilles was killed in the
temple of Apollo. It should be admitted from the start that this schematization
is to some extent simplistic. The four "traditions"mentioned are really groupings
of similar variants, each with their own idiosyncrasies. The labels "early" and
"later" should also be used cautiously, for though it is natural to consider the
earliest evidence as indicative of the earliest traditions, an early traditionmay
not be attested until quite late.And we should not think that an apparently later
tradition simply replaces an earlier tradition. It often exists as an alternative
alongside the earlier tradition. But according tomy analysis, early traditions of
Achilles' infancy and death do not seem to involve the invulnerabilityof Achilles.
Itwill be worthwhile, nonetheless, to explore what exactly these early traditions
were and how the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability evolved out of
them. Consideration of these issues should assist our comprehension of ancient
references to thedeath of Achilles and allow us tobetter judge apparent reflections
of it, like thewounding Diomedes in Iliad 11.
Because invulnerability is common inworld folklore,4we might suspect that
it existed in pre-historic traditions.The sub-category of imperfect invulnerability
is present in various branches of the Indo-European family tree,which may mean
that it is a characteristicof Indo-Europeanmyth.5 Invulnerability is associated with
3. The topic of Achilles' heel has been most thoroughly explored by Berthold 35-43; Thor
darson; Young; and Gantz 625-28. Though I ultimately disagree with their very different views,
these studies have greatly assisted my comprehension of the relevant issues. The evidence of art
is essential, and Iwill be routinely referring to the comprehensive surveys of depictions of Achilles
by Kemp-Lindemann and Kossatz-Deissmann (authorof IMC "Achilleus").
4. See Thompson D 1344ff., 1840ff.
5. See Thompson Z 311ff. Siegfried, who was vulnerable only between his shoulder blades,
is awell-known example fromGerman myth, compared toAchilles by, e.g.,Waser 1577; Thordarson
113; Janko 409 (followed by Baldrick 81). Diarmid of Celtic myth is sometimes cited because he
was said to have been slain througha wound to his sole (cf. Bergin, Lloyd, and Schoepperle 157-79;
MacCulloch 175ff.; Green 81). It is not clear tome that he did have a uniquely vulnerable spot,
but Thompson lists other Irish examples (see also Cross Z 311ff.). Soslan is imperfectly invulnerable
in legends of the Ossetians, an Iranian people who are descended from Scythians; his story is
summarized at Thordarson 117-19 (see Baldrick 9 and Littleton/Malcor passin on Ossetian myth).
Drerup 231 n. 3; Thordarson 112-14 consider imperfect invulnerability Indo-European (though
Thordarson supposes it did not evolve naturally from a common Proto-Indo-European origin, but

TheDeath ofAchilles inAncient Myth
BURGESS: 219
such figures of Greek mythology asAjax, Caeneus, Cycnus, andTalos the bronze
man, and sometimes the evidence for their invulnerability reaches back to theAr
chaic Age.6 It is possible thatan invulnerableAchilles inspired the invulnerability
of these figuresor vice versa. Ajax andTalos are especially comparable, sinceAjax
also had a uniquely vulnerable spot andTalos lost all his blood throughan opening
orwound in his ankle.7But it does not necessarily follow from the early existence
of invulnerability inGreek myth thatAchilles was invulnerable at an early date.
There is no proof of Achilles' invulnerability in early Greek myth, and in fact
some early evidence seems to be incompatiblewith it.We will need to consider
bothAchilles' infancy and his death at Troy in order to pursue the question.
THETIS WITH THE INFANT ACHILLES
Let us first examine stories about the actions of Thetis when Achilles was
an infant.Earlier and lesswell known thanher dipping of Achilles in the Styx is a
rather diffused from the Scythians; cf. the thesis of Littleton/Malcor that Scythian myth directly
influencedCeltic myth in the second century C.E.).The concept is also found in non-Indo-European
cultures, as Thompson's survey indicates.
6. Berthold argued (see especially 60-62) that invulnerabilitywas a post-epic development in
Greek myth. It certainly was present inGreek myth from the fifth century onwards. For evidence that
Ajax was earlier invulnerable cf. Lycoph. 455 with scholia; Pind., Isthm. 6.36ff.; schol. Isthm. 6.53
= Hes., fr.250 M-W. Gantz 633 thinks the sword of Ajax is split on an earlyGreek vase depicting his
suicide (Paris,Louvre E 635; LIMC "Aias I" no. 120, ca. 600); Severyns 328; Davies 1989a:60-61;
Shefton 1973:207 n. 4 speculate thatAjax was invulnerable in theepic cycle. For Caeneus see Hesiod,
fr. 87M-W and the early Greek relief on which Caeneus is beaten into the ground because he cannot
be killed otherwise (Olympia,Museum BE 1la; LIMC "Kaineus" no. 61, ca. 650; cf. Ahlberg-Cornell
128-29). Talos the bronzeman can be tracedback toSimonides (fr.568 PMG = schol. PI., Resp. 337a)
andGantz 594 suggests thatCycnus may have been invulnerable in the epic cycle. For other sources
see (onAjax) Gantz 631-34; (onCaeneus) Frazer ad Apollod., Epit. 1.22;Gantz 280-81; (onTalos)
Frazer ad Apollod., Bibl. 1.9.26; Gantz 364-65; (on Cycnus) Frazer ad Apollod., Epit. 3.31; Gantz
594. It is not clear if theNemean lion hide of Heracles was always considered invulnerable; cf. Frazer
ad Apollod., Bibl. 2.5.1; Gantz 383-84; Ahlberg-Cornell 38-39, 97-99 (note that it is featured in
accounts of Ajax's acquiring invulnerability). Less well known isHeracles' invulnerable opponent
Asterus in the lost epic poem Meropis (see Bernab6 pp. 131ff.). Apollod., Bibl. 1.8.2 is the only
source that links invulnerabilitywith the firebrandversion ofMeleager's death (forwhich see Frazer
ad loc.; Gantz 328-31; on Meleager's invulnerability, see Berthold 29ff.). I agree with those who
think the firebrand version is pre-Homeric (e.g., J. Kakridis 14; Maclcod 142; Burkert 1985:63;
Hainsworth [cautiously] 131-32; Murnaghan 247), but invulnerabilitymay not always have been
part of it.
7. Thordarson 112 and Davies 1989a:60 suggest that the concept of invulnerability passed
from Achilles toAjax. Fenik 1964:38 labels the invulnerability of Ajax and Achilles a "doublet."
Young prefers to view Achilles' invulnerability as derivative from othermythical figures. Thordarson
120ff. proposes that imperfect invulnerabilitywas transferredfrom a Scythian prototype of Soslan to
Achilles by the end of the sixth century B.C.E., supposing that theworship of Achilles in the Black
Sea region provided an opportunity for this.This theory should be approachedwarily because it uses
legends of theOssetians gathered over the course of the last century as evidence for traditions two
and a half thousandyears in the past, but Scythian influence on Greek conceptions of Achilles in cult
andmyth has been thought possible (cf. Kemp-Lindemann 244; Hommel 16 n. 35; Pinney; Hedreen,
esp. 322).

220 CLASSICAL
tradition inwhich Thetis placed Achilles in fireor boiling water.8 Such a storywas
apparently in theAigimios, a lost epic poem.9We are told thatThetis had many
children whose mortality she tested by putting them into a pot of boiling water.10
After many infants had been killed Thetis began to carry out this experiment on
Achilles, but Peleus angrily interruptedand saved Achilles from the same fate.
The placement of infants inboiling water is comparable to thedipping of Achilles
in the Styx, but it is important to notice themotive of Thetis and consequence
of her actions.When Thetis dips Achilles in the Styx, she intends to change his
nature and succeeds inmaking him invulnerable (at least almost). In theAigimios
Thetis tests but does not try to change the nature of her children. Because she
is uncomprehending or heartless, the consequence is death for all the children she
tests. Though Achilles is saved from death, his nature is not changed.
From various scholia we learnof similar accounts inwhich Thetis kills many
of her children, usually with fire. Sometimes Thetis is testing her children's
mortality; inother versions she unintentionally kills her childrenwhile attempting
tomake them immortalby burning off theirmortal nature. In one version Thetis
kills her children because they aremortal and thereforeunworthy of her.Achilles
is always saved at the last minute when Peleus interrupts.1 The motive and
consequence in all these versions also differ from those found in the tradition in
which Achilles is dipped in the Styx. In some Thetis has no intentionof changing
the nature of her children. In others Thetis wants to change the nature of her
children, but her intention is tomake them immortal, not invulnerable.And she
does not have the ability to achieve this intention anyway, as the death of several
of her children indicates. Achilles is saved from her disastrous attempts to do
what she does not have the power to effect.
In a related variant, narrated at Apollonius of Rhodes 4.869ff. and Apol
lodorus, Bibl. 3.13.6, Thetis tries tomake Achilles immortalwith fire and am
brosia. She apparently has the ability to do this (there are no other children who
8. Murnaghan 251-52 interestingly discusses some of the stories examined below in her
demonstration thatamother was commonly considered responsible for her son's death inGreek myth.
Ithas been thought thatpurifying rituals for newborns lie behindmyths aboutmagically transforming
the nature of an infant through fire; cf. Frazer, vol. 2, 31 Iff.; Berthold 39ff.; Richardson 231-32. An
anonymous reader for Classical Antiquity suggests as an influence the Phoenician ritualof burning
infants in sacrifice to a divinity. Burial grounds for this practice called tophets have been found at
Carthage and other Phoenician cities and there are apparent references to it in theOld Testament;
see Brown now for the literary and archaeological evidence (I thank Angela Kalinowski for
this reference).
9. Schol. Ap. Rhod. 4.816 = Hes., fr. 300 M-W.
10. Young 21 n. 32 points out that the water is not explicitly said to be boiling, but I think
that can be assumed.
11. Cf. schol. 11. 16.37; schol. Pind., Pyth. 3.178; schol. Aristoph., Clouds 1068; Tzetz. ad
Lycoph. 178-79 (with Lycophron 178-79). Ptolemy Hephaestion's idiosyncratic tale of the death of
Achilles (Photius, Bibl. 190; see Young 13) is based on the type of story found in these sources.
The testimonium for the account in theAigimios adds that fire is employed in some (unspecified)
versions.

TheDeathofAchillesinAncient
BURGESS: Myth 221
are killed in this variant) but is interruptedby Peleus. A similar procedure and in
terruptionoccur inmyth aboutDemeter and her nurslingDemophon, most notably
atHomeric Hymn toDemeter 231ff.'2 Some assume thatApollonius has simply
adapted the story from theHomeric hymn, but the existence of so many similar
stories about Thetis with the newborn Achilles suggests that this explanation is
too simplistic. A common source could have influenced both, or similar traditions
aboutAchilles andDemophon could have influencedeach other.'3 In any case, it is
importantthatwe notice themotive and consequence of the actions of Thetis in the
version found inApollonius andApollodorus. Her intention is tomake Achilles
immortal,not invulnerable. She does have the ability to achieve this intention, but
because she is interrupted she does not succeed. Apparently themagical effect
of the procedure fails completely if it is interrupted.This is clearly the result in the
Homeric hymn, and in some stories aboutDemeter, e.g., Apollodorus, Bibl. 1.5.1,
Demophon actually dies.'4 Achilles must survive, of course, but it should be
stressed that in all accounts of placing him in fireor boiling water the procedure is
interrupted,which precludes thepossibility of changing his nature.'5These stories
feature the angry departureof Thetis from the home of Peleus, and interruptionof
the procedure is necessary tomotivate her departure.'6
These accounts, which I have loosely referred to as the traditionof placing
Achilles in fire or boiling water, are all incompatiblewith the traditionof dipping
Achilles in the Styx, in which the intention is to make Achilles invulnerable
12. Plutarch, De Is. et Os. 16 reports essentially the same tale about Isis and a nursling.
Richardson 238 argues that the Greeks transferred the tale from Demeter to Isis because they
identified the twowith one another.
13. See Richardson 69-70, 237-38; Young 12. I think this typeof story ismost appropriate for a
semi-divine infant, since the fire apparently serves to separatemortal nature from divine nature (see
further at n. 15 below). The fact thatDemeter swears by the Styx atHomeric Hymn toDemeter 259
has attracted some attention. Because of this detail Young 25 n. 49 wonders if a confused Tertullian
was thinking of Homer when he referred to "the poet" who narratedAchilles' dipping in the Styx
(a passage discussed below). Young ultimately rejects this possibility as "almost too far-fetched to
be possible." Nagy 1979:188-89 finds greater significance in the hymn's reference to the "immortal"
Styx, suggesting this is an indication of an early date for the story of Achilles' dipping in the Styx
(but see n. 27 below).
14. See Richardson 81, 242, 247; Murnaghan 258; Foley 51.
15. Woodford 25; Calasso 105 imply thatAchilles did become incompletely immortal in this
tradition. The available evidence does not warrant that conclusion, but it is not impossible that
Achilles was made mostly invulnerable (or immortal) in an unknown variant, as Thordarson 111-12
proposes. Soslan of Ossetian myth ismade imperfectly invulnerable through heat and immersion,
and aRoman cistern (discussed below) may depict a similar phenomenon with Ares. Other examples
inmyth of fire or boiling water used to immortalize or rejuvenate (e.g., Heracles on a burning pyre,
Aeson inMedea's cauldron) can be found atMarx 173 n. 5; Frazer, vol. 2, 359ff.; Farnell 36-44;
Onians 289-90; Richardson 238ff.; Vermeule 214 n. 22. I findHeracles' apotheosis most relevant, for
burning allows the immortal part of his semi-divine nature, exustamortalitate (Pliny,NH 35.139), to
emerge. I intend to argue elsewhere that a similar phenomenon occurred when the corpse of Achilles
was burnt on a pyre. This would finally accomplish what Thetis failed to achieve when she placed the
infantAchilles in fire (and also explain the apparent contradiction of both burial and translation of
Achilles in the summary of theAethiopis by Proclus).
16. On this tradition and its apparent variance with some passages in the Iliad, see Robbins 7-8.

222 CLASSICAL
and the procedure is successfully completed (at least almost). In literature the
Styx-dipping tradition is not attested until Statius in the late first century C.E.'7
But his references to it are so incomplete and allusive thatwe need remarks by
latermythographers and scholiasts to understandwhat he means.l8 Since Statius
seems to assume that his audience knows the story, he clearly did not invent it.
How far back in time before Statius did this tradition reach? Artifacts do not
greatly help us with this question, for certain depictions of thedipping of Achilles
in theStyx do not occur until after the timeof Statius (e.g., Fig. 1).19
Nevertheless,
some have proposed that the story originated in theHellenistic period, a guess
that seems reasonable enough tome.20
Young has argued instead (14ff.) that the story of Achilles' dipping in the
Styx originated soon before the time of Statius under the influence of baptism, an
argument that has been influential.2'Tertullian, De anima 50.3 vaguely refers to
a poet who spoke of the Styx "washing away death" and adds that nonetheless
Thetis mourned Achilles. Young identifies this poet as a "near-Statius"who
was influenced by recent religious ideas from the Near East.22Gnostic groups
sometimes spoke of baptism in theAcheron as a death leading to immortality,
and Young thinks they also spoke of baptism in the Styx.23 If that is true, it
17. Achil. 1.133-34, 1.268-70, 1.480-81.

18. Lactant. ad Achil. 1.134, 296, 480; Fulg., Myth. 3.7; schol. Hor., Epod. 13.12; Serv. ad
Aen. 6.57; Vatican mythographers 1.36, 178, 2.205, 3.11.24 (Bode).
19. Examples arecollected at LMC"Achilleus" nos. 5-18; cf. Kemp-Lindemann 3ff. Depictions
of Achilles' first bath (collected at LIMC "Achilleus" nos. 1-4) portray an entirely different scene
(seeKemp-Lindemann 2), thoughKossatz-Deissmann occasionally suggests that therewas conflation
between depictions of the firstbath and the Styx-dipping. Kossatz-Deissmann believes that a golden
ring dated to theHellenistic period (Los Angeles, County Museum of Art 61.48.2; LIMC "Achilleus"
no. 12) depicts the dipping of Achilles in the Styx, but Nancy Thomas, Curator of Ancient Art at
theLos Angeles County Museum of Art, informsme that this has now been judged inauthentic. A
cameo (Hannover,Kestermuseum K 640; IUMC "Achilleus" no. 18b) dated to the first century B.C.E.
is viewed byWoodford 26 as possibly the first depiction of the dipping of Achilles in the Styx,
but Kossatz-Deissmann points out that its authenticity has been doubted. A fragmented relief at
Champlieu (LIMC "Achilleus" no. 5) that seems to show Thetis dipping Achilles in the Styx as
Apollo watches (though Esp6randieu 97-98 thinks it could be Demeter dipping Demophon in fire;
Benoit 108 suggests it is not amythical scene) is dated to the first century c.E. inUMC, but to the late
second century C.E. by Espdrandieu 94.
20. Robert 67, 1187 thought themyth began at that time;Weitzmann 54ff. argues that Statius
used a Hellenistic literary source.
21. See, e.g., M. Edwards 1987:70; Gantz 627-28. Both, apparently accepting Young's thesis,
have argued for alternative explanations (discussed below) of earlyGreek evidence that is suggestive
of the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability. Although Young's article is not readily
available, I have heardmore than one scholarmention the impression created by oral presentation
of it.
22. Young 15; he quotes Tertullian's words at 25 n. 49 and 31.
23. Young 16, 25 n. 47 on the basis of some obscure remarks by Tertullian (De anim. 50.3-5;
quoted at Young 31) thinks thatMenander Magus claimed to baptize in the Styx. Waszink says
ad loc. that "it is quite possible thatMenander 'themagician' ... baptized his followers inwater
thathe pretended to be (or to have come from) theStyx." But it is not certain thatMenander spoke of
the Styx, and I suspect that it isTertullian who has linkedMenander with the Styx for the purpose

BURGESS: 223
does not necessarily follow that they invented the concept out of whole cloth.
It ismore likely that they borrowed a well-known motif of dipping in the Styx
from pagan myth to illustrate their ideas about baptism.24That the concept of
dipping someone in the Styx for a beneficial result had long existed is suggested
by a Roman bronze cistern from the fourth century B.C.E. (Fig. 2). It has been
interpretedas depicting Athena applying ambrosia to themouth of Ares after he
was dipped into the river Styx, represented as an urn with Cerberus above it.2
The cistern tells us nothing aboutwhen the story of Achilles' dipping in the Styx
originated, but it does indicate thatwe should not look to theNear East of the
first century C.E. for the origin of the concept.26
Young also posits an incredibly short time frame for the adoption of the con
cept from theNear East intoRoman myth. His interesting thesismay be doubted,
and it does not prevent us from provisionally concluding that the traditionof dip
ping Achilles in theStyx was known at least by the time of theRoman Empire and
perhaps as early as theHellenistic period. It should be stressed thatwe still need
to consider traditions about how Achilles was slain before reaching final conclu
sions. Some early Greek evidence indicates thatAchilles received awound to his
lower leg, and thiswould seem to presuppose the story of his dipping in the Styx.
Let us first take a closer look at the traditionof the Styx-dipping. How could
theconcept of dipping someone in theStyx, a riverof death, ever be thought to lead
to invulnerability?We have already seen that in stories aboutmaking a newborn
child immortal a destructive element such as fireor boiling water isused to remove
themortal part of the body. In the tradition of dipping Achilles in the Styx, an
of ridicule (asWaszink also states, "It is impossible to define exactly the nature of the custom to
which Tertullian alludes here").
24. See Pdpin 1991a, 1991b; Tardieu on such use of paganmyth by gnostics and earlyChristians.
Toynbee 407 believes thatcertainmyths, including the dipping of Achilles in the Styx, were favorite
subjects inRoman provincial sculpture because theywere viewed as "allegories of death and salvation
beyond the grave." Sometimes it is thought thatRoman depictions of the dipping of Achilles in the
Styx reflect Christian baptism (see Kemp-Lindemann 4; Young 23 n. 39; Gantz 627-28), but that
would not mean thatbaptism inspired the dipping of Achilles in the Styx. See also Hommel 39-40,
who suggests that the dipping of Achilles in the Styx, though late, originates from a latent association
of him with Hades (her thesis is that he originally was a god of the underworld).
25. Berlin, Staatliche Museen Misc. 6239; L1MC "Ares/Mars" no. 11. The Olympian gods are
also shown, watching the scene. Marx 169-79 firstmade this interpretation (of which Dieterich
198; Richardson 238 take note). Many aspects of Marx's argument can be doubted, but I find the
completely different interpretationby Simon under LMC "Ares/Mars" no. 11 very unconvincing.
Cerberus remarkably interrupts the continuous design around the rim exactly above the urn; note
also that the Styx is often represented as a urn (overflowing, with a nymph representing the Styx)
in laterdepictions of the dipping of Achilles.
26. Another possible influence on the traditionof dipping Achilles in theStyx (or similar stories)
is lustration inmystery religions. This is downplayed by Young 13-14, but see Richardson 232-33,
236, 241, 247; Farnell 41ff. Cf. Ov., Met. 14.599-604, where Aeneas has his mortal parts washed
away by the running water of a river. Onians 289-90 discusses the use of water for supernatural
purposes, including baptism, elixirs of life, purificatory washing, and immersion in boiling water.
The suggestion of Benoit (108) that the relief inChamplieu depicts not amythical scene but amystery
initiation rite is interesting in connection with this issue, though implausible.

224 CLASSICAL
ANTIQUITY Volume
14/No.
2/October
1995
infant is similarly dipped into a destructive element, namely the Styx.27 Thus
the dipping of Achilles in the Styx perpetuates an aspect present in the earlier
tradition about Thetis placing the infantAchilles in fire or boiling water. This
similarity between the two traditionshas sometimes tempted scholars to suppose
that they are essentially the same. Yet letus be sure to recognize how thedipping of
Achilles in theStyx is different. The underworld as the locationmakes this attempt
to change Achilles' naturemore successful in its consequence. Now Peleus is not
present to interrupt the process, and so Thetis' purpose can be realized. It should
also be noted that the Styx does not remove Achilles' mortal nature, but rather
hardens his skin, making it invulnerable. This is clearly the result in Statius,
Servius, Fulgentius, and the Vatican mythographers. The scholiast on Horace
describes the sole vulnerable location as mortalis, as does Hyginus, Fab. 107 in
his description of the death of Achilles, but this does notmean that they conceive
of the restof Achilles as immortal.2 It simplymeans that intrinsic to theconcept of
imperfect invulnerability is the idea that thewounding of a single vulnerable spot,
no matter where its location, is fatal.Of course, awound in the lower leg should
not be fatal, but similar tales inworld folklore demonstrate that the wounding
of any uniquely vulnerable spot is enough to cause death.2 These aspects in
the tradition of dipping Achilles in the Styx-invulnerability as the purpose,
successful completion of the process, and a vulnerable area remaining that is fatal
ifwounded-allow the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability to function.
THE DEATH OF ACHILLES
The question of when the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability first

developed cannot be decided until we examine evidence relating to themanner
27. This is not appreciated by Young 14-15, but is stressed by Marx 174;Dieterich 198;Waser
1577; Richardson 238ff. For ancient references to the destructive properties of theStyx, seeWaser
1574ff. Itmay have long been considered fiery, as I think the name of the nearby riverPeriphlegethon
at Od. 10.513 suggests (see Stanford ad 10.511ff.), but the Styx and theArcadian spring associated
with itwere also characterized as extremely cold, poisonous, or corrosive. In any event its nature
was always seen to be destructive, and thus is comparable to a fire or boiling water. M. West ad
Theog. 805; Nagy 1979:188-89 suggest that thewater of the Styx was called &(p9rTOS because it
was considered an "elixir" of life, but I would think this adjective refers to the river's immortal
nature, not to its effect.
28. Young 14 interprets these two sources tomean thatAchilles has beenmade almost completely
immortal. Tertullian, De anima 50.3-5 does associate the dipping of Achilles in the Styx with
immortality, for that serves his argument (or he confuses the two concepts).
29. See Berthold 64; Thompson Z 311ff. The nearly invulnerable Soslan of Ossetian myth was
fatally wounded in the knee. Sometimes a uniquely vulnerable location is arguably mortal, e.g.,
the armpit of Ajax or the area between the shoulder blades on Siegfried. The author of an anonymous
medieval Excidium Troiae apparently thought thatmore than thewounding of Achilles' vulnerable
location was necessary, for he portrays Paris shooting Achilles therewith a poison arrow (see King
203).

BURGESS:
The
Death inAncient
ofAchilles Myth 225
of Achilles' death. Explicit testimony thatAchilles died through a wound to a
uniquely vulnerable location is late. The sources for the story of his dipping in
the Styx often state thatAchilles died when he was struck by an arrow in the
one place not affected by the Styx, andHyginus, Fab. 107 specifies thatAchilles
died through such a wound. At first glance earlier accounts of thewounding of
Achilles also seem to narrate such a death. Proclus' summary of theAethiopis
does not indicatewhere Achilles was wounded, but Apollodorus, who apparently
used this poem as a source, states thatAchilles was struck in the ankle (ocpupov,
Epit. 5.4). In addition, Quintus of Smyrna, who seems to have somehow used the
Aethiopis as a source (if indirectly and not solely; seeVian), also saysAchilles was
struckon the ankle (ocpupov,3.62). It is probable, therefore, that in theAethiopis
Achilles was wounded on the ankle. Stesichorus may also have told of a wound
toAchilles' ankle, for the letters "ocpup"are present at fr.43.ii.8, one of a series of
recently discovered fragments thatGarner has interpretedas narrating the death
and funeral of Achilles.30
It seems that a story in which Achilles was wounded on the ankle was current
in theArchaic Age and perhaps originated in pre-Homeric tradition.31Does this
mean that the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability was known in the
Archaic Age, or even toHomer? That question hinges on whether an ankle wound
is compatible with this concept. We need at this point to examine the location
of Achilles' vulnerable spot.Many of theRoman literary sources for the Styx
dipping do not statewhere Achilles remains vulnerable. Fulgentius andHyginus
specify the ankle (talus) as the vulnerable spot. The Vatican mythographers also
specify the ankle (2.205; 3.11.24), though once the sole of the foot (planta) is
said to be the vulnerable spot (1.178). As Gantz has pointed out (628), words
for "heel" in theRomance languages derive from theLatin word for ankle, talus,
and thismust have caused our common (mis)conception that it isAchilles' heel
that is vulnerable. Roman art depicts Thetis holding Achilles by the ankle, or
above the ankle (see Fig. 1). These representations are too clumsy to be reliable
evidence but are compatible with the literary sources that specify the ankle or
30. Garner's interpretationof fr.43 is on p. 159.Garner's article includes the fragments thatare
most relevant tohis argument; all of themcan be found in the appendix, "IneditorumStesichoreorum,"
307ff. of Poetarum melicorum Graecorum fragmenta, ed.M. Davies, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1991).
31. The dates of the cyclic poems are controversial, as is indicated by the very disparate views
of the epic cycle's two most recent editors, Bernab6 and Davies. Davies dates them to the sixth
century, championing a linguistic analysis of fragments that originated with German scholars in
the late nineteenth century (see especially 1989b); Bernabd in his edition follows ancient testimony
in favoring dates from the eighth century onward (ancient testimony placed Arctinus, the reputed
author of theAethiopis, in the eighth century; see Bernabd p. 65). I am skeptical about both views
but believe that the contents of these poems may well be pre-Homeric whatever their date. It is
generally agreed that artistic representations of cyclic material are earlier andmore numerous than
representations of the Iliad, as is quickly demonstrated by a perusal of the graphs by Fittschen and
Cook (cf. Ahlberg-Cornell, who argues that representations of the Iliad begin in the eighth century,
very unpersuasively inmy view). I conclude from this evidence that the cyclic poems preserve a
tradition thatpreceded Homer and resisted his influence.

226 CLASSICAL
ANTIQUITY Volume
14/No.
2/October
1995
foot as the vulnerable location. In the traditionof the dipping of Achilles in the
Styx, either the ankle is covered by the hand of Thetis, or she does not place her
hand in the river at all and thus the ankle and all of the foot remain vulnerable.
The literary sources that speak of the vulnerable spot as the spotwhere Achilles
was held (Servius, Lactantius, theVatican mythographers) seem to suggest total
immersion. The sources that simply speak of the spot as one where Achilles was
not dipped (scholiast on Horace, Fulgentius) might mean that the vulnerable spot
remained above the river. Statius does not offer any details about the dipping of
Achilles in the Styx, andHyginus does not even refer to it.What is frustrating
is that despite the importance of this detail commentators on both literary and
artistic evidence routinely speak of thewounding of the "heel" of Achilles, or of
Thetis holding him by the "heel," though the heel is in fact hardly ever involved.
It is clear that the apparentwounding of Achilles on the ankle in theArchaic
Age is compatible with the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability.We
should not conclude yet, however, that thismotif then existed. I have noted that
in Apollodorus Thetis fails to change the nature of Achilles when he was an
infant. So when Apollodorus later specifies thatAchilles was struck in the ankle,
he cannot consider this a uniquely vulnerable spot. An ankle wound need not
necessarily involve a uniquely vulnerable location, as the evidence of art seems
to confirm.
A "Chalcidian" amphora by the Inscription Painter from themid sixth cen
turyB.C.E.most strongly gives this impression (Fig. 3).32The artist has portrayed
the scene immediately after Achilles' death with great skill and artistry. The
figures are identified, so there can be no doubt what the scene represents.The fact
that the slainAchilles iswounded near the heel has often been thought to suggest
Achilles' imperfect invulnerability.Yet the location of thewound is actually in the
back of the lower leg just above the ankle. This may be in accordancewith the tra
dition of the dipping in the Styx, but that is not certain.Another detail is of greater
significance, a second arrow sticking out of the hero's flankwith blood streaming
out of thewound.33 If the artist thought thatAchilles was invulnerable except for
one spot,why did he depict Achilles wounded in two locations?The "Chalcidian"
amphora does not represent themortal wound to a single vulnerable area, and
it cannot therefore represent the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability.34
Commentators who claim that it does usually ignore the second arrow or at least
fail to explain its significance. Pfuhl explained the problem this way (19): "in
32. Lost, formerly in the Pembroke-Hope collection; LIMC "Achilleus" no. 850. See Kemp
Lindemann 220.
33. The wound is said to be in the flank by Hampe/Simon 48, Young 13, Kossatz-Deissmann
underUMC "Achilleus" no. 850,Woodford 94; in the back by Kemp-Lindemann 221, T. Carpenter
in his caption to illustration no. 328, Gantz 326; in the shoulder by Schoeck 77, 129, followed by
Janko 409; and in the chest by Pfuhl 19. The disagreement arises from the bold manner inwhich
the artist hasmade different sections of the body face the viewer at different angles; see Rumpf 59.
34. As Berthold 35-36; Young 13 rightly insist.

BURGESS: Myth 227
naive contradiction to it [Achilles' invulnerability] a second arrow is sticking in

the dead man's chest." But this is an artist of much skill and sophistication, and
it is clear thathe has takengreat pains to depict the death of Achilles with asmuch
precision as possible.
Other representations in art are also relevant to this issue. The earliest possible
scene of Achilles being struck is on a proto-Corinthian lekythos from the early
seventh century B.C.E.35 Among themany warriors depicted is a kneeling archer
on the left who has shot an arrow that is about to strike the front of a standing
warrior's shin. The scene in general is unremarkable,but the arrow is of colossal
size, as if the artist considered it to be especially significant. Usually this is
thought to be a heroic scene; commentators are divided, however, on whether it is
of Paris and Achilles or Paris andDiomedes (i.e., of Paris wounding Diomedes
at Iliad 11.369ff.).36Diomedes was struck by Paris on the foot, and thatwound
is certainly not represented here. If this is Paris shooting Achilles, then it is
questionable whether the location of thewound agrees with the tradition of his
dipping in the Styx.37
An Etruscan black-figure amphora from the late sixth century B.C.E. seems
to depict Paris about to shoot Achilles from behind as Achilles chases another
warrior (Fig. 4).38Perhaps Paris is aiming at the lower part of Achilles' front leg,
which would be in accordance with the traditionof his dipping in the Styx. Yet
if Paris is pointing the arrow at theback leg, asmost commentators suppose, then
thewound will be too high to be in accordwith the Styx-dipping.39
An Attic red-figure pelike by theNiobid Painter from the fifth century B.C.E.
shows an arrow falling downwards towards the lower leg of a warrior standing
on the right, thought to be Achilles (Fig. 5).40 It has been shot by an archer on
the left, thought to be Paris, and is apparently guided by a figure standing in the
middle, who would of course be Apollo. This representationmight illustrate the
wounding of Achilles in a uniquely vulnerable location. But note thatParis has
strung a second arrow and is about to shoot it. That might suggest that there
35. Athens, National Museum (no #); LIMC "Achilleus" no. 848. See Kemp-Lindemann 219.
36. Kossatz-Deissmann provides a summary of the controversy under LIMC "Achilleus"
no. 848. See also now Ahlberg-Cornell 72, who notes that the scene does not suggest the usual story
inwhich Achilles has driven theTrojans to the gates of the city (e.g., in theAethiopis, according
to Proclus).
37. The cramped spacing may not have allowed the artist tomake an accurate representation of
thewound's location, as Hampe/Krauskopf under LMC "Alexandros" no. 93 (= LIMC "Achilleus"
no. 848) point out.
38. Copenhagen, National Museum 14066; LMC "Alexandros" no. 97. See Kemp-Lindemann
220-21.
39. Hampe/Simon 49 suggest Paris is aiming at Achilles' right front foot; Hampe/Krauskopf
254 his heel. For other interpretations cf. Hampe/Krauskopf under LIMC "Alexandros" no. 97
(apparentlyKrauskopf, who is credited for theEtruscan artwork in this article); Kemp-Lindemann
220-21; Gantz 626.
40. Bochum, Ruhr-Universitat Antikenmuseum S 1060; LIMC "Achilleus" no. 851. See
Kunisch.

228 CLASSICAL
will be a second arrow wound, just as there is a second arrow wound on the
"Chalcidian"vase.4' This vase thereforemay not narrate thewounding of a single
vulnerable location, though it does give further evidence that a lower wound
played an important role in the story of Achilles' death.
A number of Etruscan and Italic gems from theHellenistic period show a
lonewarrior, thought to be Achilles, kneeling on the ground.42Often no wound is
shown, but sometimes there is an arrow stuck in his heel, in the back or front
of his ankle, or in his foot (e.g., Fig. 6). There are also Hellenistic gems that
depict the common schema of Ajax carrying the corpse of Achilles;43 sometimes
these represent an arrow stuck in Achilles' heel, ankle, or foot (e.g., Fig. 7).
Robert could not decide (1188 n. 1)whether such gems portrayed thewounding
of Achilles' uniquely vulnerable spot (a concept he believed originated in the
Hellenistic period) or an earlier story inwhich invulnerabilitywas not present,
and perhaps the gems do not provide us with enough information to reach a
firm conclusion. But often when Achilles is depicted in a kneeling position,
he reaches rather casually to pull the arrow out. I wonder if this indicates
that it is an aggravating wound he has received, not a fatal one. One would
think that death through a uniquely vulnerable location would be swift and
overwhelming. The lack of intensity in the schema suggests tome thatAchilles
is not dying but ratherdangerously distracted and thereforevulnerable to a second
and lethalwound.4
When we turn to art of theRoman Empire, we can be sure that the concept
of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability was known. Yet since an artistmight be
following earlier traditions inwhich invulnerabilitywas absent, close observation
of the evidence is required.A silver jug from the early Empire shows a warrior,
undoubtedly Achilles, kneeling in the same schema shown on the Hellenistic
gems.4 An arrow is stuck in his heel, warriors battle around him, and the
walls of Troy are in the background. As he often does in theHellenistic gems,
Achilles is reaching for the arrow,which again suggests tome that the wound
41. Kunisch 19 differently concludes thatone arrow is represented at twomoments.

42. Examples are collected under LIMC "Achilleus" no. 853; cf. "Achle" nos. 128-33. I think
the Italic gem on the Basle market listed as LMC "Diomedes" no. 114 depicts Achilles wounded
in the foot, not Diomedes. See also Kemp-Lindemann 221, though neither Kossatz-Deissmann nor
Kemp-Lindemann are especially interested in thesewounds or accurate in theirdescription (the same
applies to the gems mentioned in the next note).
43. Examples are collected under LIMC "Achilleus" no. 891; cf. "Achle" nos. 139-46. See
Kemp-Lindemann 225-26.
44. The Hellenistic gems collected underLIMC "Achilleus" no. 893 thatrepresent twowarriors
(probablyAjax andOdysseus) hovering about a kneeling warrior (undoubtedly Achilles) and often
looking worriedly off toward the enemy (e.g., Hannover Kestner K 1316; no. 893b) may depict the
moment Achilles has been immobilized and is indanger of receiving a second, lethalwound. A relief
scene on the "TensaCapitolina" (Rome, Museo dei Conservatori 966; LMC "Achilleus" no. 896)
is comparable, thoughAchilles is in a greater state of collapse.
45. Paris, Cabinet desMedailles (no #); LIMC "Achilleus" no. 856. See Kemp-Lindemann 221.

TheDeath of Achilles inAncient Myth
BURGESS: 229
is not mortal.46 A bronze pan from the early Empire (Fig. 8) shows a warrior
carrying a corpse, which is reminiscent of the commonly depicted scene of Ajax
carrying the dead Achilles.47 The corpse is wounded in the thigh and in the
breast. These wounds make Kemp-Lindemann doubt thatAchilles is depicted,
but the evidence I have examined demonstrates that theremay have been more
than one wound inmyth about the death of Achilles, with a lowerwound placed
variously.
A fragmentedwall painting from the first century c.E. shows two figureswho
have been thought to be Apollo and Paris, both equipped with bow and arrow.4
Because the figures are static and because there is some indication of a structure in
the scene, I think itmay depict the late version of Achilles' death inwhich he
is ambushed in the temple of Thymbraean Apollo.49 Two reliefs from the third
century C.E.more certainly depict this story.Bronze paneling on a chariot (called
the "Tensa Capitolina") displays a number of scenes from the life of Achilles,
including one thought to depict Paris aiming an arrow atAchilles asApollo points
to his lower leg. The unarmored Achilles stands before an altar, unaware of
danger behind him.50Relief scenes on a sarcophagus narrateAchilles' marriage
toPolyxena and subsequent death.5 Achilles is shown inone scenewithout armor,
struck in the foot by an arrow.He appears to be swooning, holding one hand to
his head as a companion supports him. A figurewho must be Paris significantly
points toward thewound.
46. Kossatz-Deissmann argues that the sinking of Achilles' head signifies his death, but this
could be caused by synopsis (Hampe/Simon 49 point out thatAchilles' posture on the Etruscan
black-figure vase foreshadows his death, even though he is not wounded yet). Kemp-Lindemann
reports (221) that the jug depicts a second arrow in Achilles' back, which would raise the same
questions as the "Chalcidian" amphora, but the arrow does not seem to have actually struckAchilles,
so far as I can tell from the photograph at Lehmann-Hartleben PI. XIV B. The arrow is probably
just one of numerous arrows flying in the background of this chaotic battleground scene.
47. St. Petersburg, Hermitage (B 407); LJMC "Achilleus" no. 895. See Kemp-Lindemann 226.
48. Castellamare, Museum (no #); LMC "Achilleus" no. 855.
49. Achilles goes there to marry Polyxena or to arrange a marriage with her. For sources of
this tradition, inwhich often Achilles is slain by Paris alone or by Paris andDeiphobus, see Frazer,
vol. 2, 214 n. 1; Gantz 628, 658-59; King 184-95. It seems the sacrifice of Polyxena over the
grave of Achilles, which is definitely early, eventually engendered a story about Achilles' romantic
interest inPolyxena and subsequent death by ambush. Iwould agree with the common view that this
happened in theHellenistic period (e.g., Forster 1882:199ff.; Robert 1189;TUrk 2719; Scheliha 243;
P. Kakridis 294; Gantz 659; see King 290 n. 29 for further bibliography). Lycophron 307ff. rather
obscurely (as usual) links Polyxena's death with marriage rites,which suggests the story of Achilles'
death in the temple was then known. King argues thatLycophron is only employing the common
ancient comparison of death tomarriage, but Lycophron 271-72 refers to the ransom of Achilles'
corpse, which results most naturally from his death by ambush in the temple. Explicit narration of
this story firstoccurs in such authors asDares (34), Dictys (4.10ff.), andHyginus (Fab. 110). Forster
1883; Rzach 2394; Robertson (King 290 n. 25 provides further bibliography) argue thatAchilles'
erotic interest in Polyxena, if not his death in the temple, existed already in theArchaic Age.
50. Rome, Museo dei Conservatori 966; LMC "Achilleus" no. 857. See Kemp-Lindemann
221-22.
51. Madrid, Museo del Prado 182 E; LMC "Achilleus" no. 858. See Kemp-Lindemann 222.

230 CLASSICAL
What can we conclude from these numerous illustrations of the death of

Achilles? The concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability seems to be pre
supposed by the two Roman works just described (if so, the sarcophagus clearly
demonstrates that theheel does not have tobe the location of theuniquely vulnera
ble wound). Itwould be difficult to explain why Pariswould shoot an unsuspecting
and unarmoredAchilles in the lower leg otherwise, and certainly the traditionof
thedipping of Achilles in theStyx was known by the time of these artifacts (one of
the scenes on the "TensaCapitolina" depicts the dipping of Achilles in the Styx;
see LIMC "Achilleus" no. 13). Earlier artifacts also seem at firstglance to portray
this story, but close examination raises doubts. Certainly a wound to Achilles'
lower leg is common.5 Yet there ismore than one wound on the "Chalcidian"
vase and on theRoman bronze pan. Two wounds would seem topreclude the story
of a uniquely vulnerable location. The Attic red-figurevase may show Paris about
to shoot a second arrow, and thatcould suggest therewill be a second wound.53 I
have also proposed that the schemawhich depicts Achilles kneeling on theground
and sometimes reaching towardan arrow stuck inhis ankle, foot, or heel (found on
various Hellenistic gems and on a silver Roman jug)may indicate an aggravating
wound, not amortal one. The variance of the lowerwound is also significant. The
wound is not always depicted on the ankle, the location preferred by early literary
accounts of the death of Achilles as well as in later sources about the dipping of
Achilles in the Styx. It is sometimes on the ankle, but also in the heel, foot, lower
leg, and thigh. The location of some of thesewounds could be in harmony with
the story of Styx-dipping, since this need not result in a uniquely vulnerable ankle
(as thewound in the foot on theRoman sarcophagus seems to confirm). Yet higher
wounds to the shin (the proto-Corinthian lekythos) and thigh (theRoman bronze
pan, and possibly the Etruscan black-figure amphora) do not seem to conform
to the traditionof the dipping of Achilles in the Styx.
Literary and artistic evidence about the death of Achilles supports the provi
sional conclusion reached after examination of stories aboutThetis with the infant
Achilles. The concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerabilitywas apparently not
known in early Greek myth. It is possibly depicted on gems of theHellenistic
period, but even thereafter itwas at least sometimes ignored. Nonetheless, in
both early literature and art a lower leg wound toAchilles is emphasized. This
wound must not have been just an incidental detail in the story of Achilles' death.
52. On some depictions of Apollo significantly holding out an arrow towardsAchilles the point
is directed downwards (e.g., British Museum E 468; Vatican H 502, H 545; LIMC "Achilleus"
nos. 565, 568, 570; see also Pinney 141), which may imply a lowerwound.
53. A second red-figure vase (BritishMuseum E 808; LIMC "Achilleus" no. 852) also shows
Paris shooting more than one arrow, but there is no suggestion of a lower wound. Achilles states
at I. 21.278 thathe will die from the "shafts" (P3cktGre ) of Apollo, and Pindar, Pyth. 3.101 speaks
of the arrows (T6~ot4) thatkill Achilles, which Berthold 36-37; Pestalozzi 17;Hampe/Simon 49 cite
as evidence for more than one wound. It should be noted, however, that -cota may be translated
as "bow"; furthermore,Quintus of Smyrna 3.419 uses a plural to refer to theone arrow thathad killed
Achilles, and at I1.21.113 Achilles speaks vaguely of a single arrow (or spear) thatwill kill him.

BURGESS:
TheDeath of Achilles inAncient Myth 231
Somehow itwas essential to the sequence of events, somuch so that authors and
artists focused on itmore than the fatalwounding. If thiswound is not in reference
to a uniquely vulnerable location,why is it stressed?
The obscurity of the evidence discourages a ready answer, and it seems best
to consider a number of the interesting explanations thathave been proposed by
scholars. Some have been attracted to the theory thatAchilles wore invulnerable
armor in the pre-Homeric tradition, an argumentmost thoroughly presented in
recent times by P.Kakridis.5"He suggests (292-93) thatAchilles was killed after
Apollo stripped off his invulnerable armor, just as Patroclus is slain in the Iliad. I
do agree with the neo-analytical position that the death of Patroclus is a reflection
of the death of Achilles.55 I thinkKakridis is wrong, however, to assume that
Apollo's role in the death of Patroclus reproduces exactly his role in the death
of Achilles and that thereforeApollo traditionally stripped off the invulnerable
armor of Achilles.56 But my main objection to his argument is his dismissal of
Achilles' "heel"wound in earlyGreek myth as an unimportantdetail. The interest
shown in it by early Greek artists and poets would indicate otherwise.
Other scholars who thinkAchilles wore invulnerable armor have avoided
thismistake and in fact have linkedAchilles' invulnerable armor directly with
a lower leg wound. Supposing that invulnerable armor prevented a more usual
mortal blow, they conclude thatParis andApollo killed Achilles with a shot to
an unprotected area on the lower leg.7 One problem with this proposal is that
it does not explain the second wound to Achilles that I think is suggested by
the evidence we have examined. But the theory's most unlikely aspect is the
assumption that someone could die from a wound to the lower leg.5 It is true
that, as Berthold pointed out (36 n. 1), death from a lower wound occurs often
inworld folklore. But this usually seems to result from a magical motif, like a
54. Itwas a commonly held theory earlier in the century, e.g., by Paton; Berthold 37ff.; Drerup
231 n. 3. Recently the idea has been accepted by Griffin 1977:40, 1980:167; de Romilly 34; M.
Edwards 1987:3-4, 68, 137, 236, 295-96, 1991:140-41, 322; Janko 310-11, 334, 409; Baldrick 81.
55. J. Kakridis 85-88; Pestalozzi 16, 45; Heubeck 1991:465, 1954:93-94, 1974:40ff.; Schade
waldt 169, 194-95; Kullmann 1960:321, 1981:9, 19, 1984:310, 1991:440; Schoeckpassim, esp. 15
16, 68ff. This proposal hasmet with much agreement, e.g., by Scheliha 264; 397-98; Whitman 201,
345 n. 52; Fenik 1964:34 n. 5; Nagy 1979:63, passim; Mueller 53; Schein 26, 155; de Romilly
33ff.; Janko 1992 ad 16.777-867; Garner 1993:153-54. Scheliha andGarner provide bibliography
of scholars who preceded neo-analysts in observation of the correspondence. For a skeptical view,
see Fenik 1968:235ff.
56. And there are differences in themanner of death. As P. Kakridis himself notes (293 n. 1),
Patroclus is not slain by bow.
57. Berthold 35-36; M. Edwards 1987:239, 1991:322. Janko 334 apparently follows this
concept, though at 409 he suggests the lower wound was on a uniquely vulnerable spot (I find
Baldrick 81, who follows Janko, equally confusing).
58. As Gantz 627 effectively argues. InBk. 11 of the Iliad Diomedes survives a wound to the
foot. Quintus of Smyrna 3.60ff. depicts Achilles slowly dying from a single arrow wound to his
ankle, apparently bleeding to death (there is no indication of imperfect invulnerability inQuintus),
but I doubt thismelodramatic scene, inwhich Achilles performs a long deathmonologue, isbased on
theAethiopis or on early tradition.

232 CLASSICAL
uniquely vulnerable location (themere wounding of which can cause death no

matter where it is located, as I have argued).We have already concluded that
imperfect invulnerability was not part of Achilles' story at an early date. Two
other magical motifs, however, might explain how a lower wound could kill
Achilles, and so they deserve consideration.
The concentration of the life spirit in an unusual place often ends in the
death of a hero when the location is accidentally or treacherouslyharmed.59Gantz
proposes (627) that at one time the life spirit of Achilles was concentrated in
Achilles' lower leg (he thinks thatvital organswould have to be actually displaced
to that location, which is perhaps too awkward a rationalization). This story had
fallen out of favor "already at an early point," he suggests, yet death by ankle
wound survived inmyth aboutAchilles, though unexplained and implausible.6
This all seems a bit fantastic, but the theory has its attractions.Let us suppose that
such a storywas known by early Greek authors and artists. Concentration of the
life spirit in an unusual locationmight be thought to explain nicely the evidence
formore than one wound (though Gantz is convinced therewas not more than
one wound).61 If the skin of Achilles was vulnerable, but only lethally so in one
lower location, Achilles could survive wounds thatwould normally kill a man
yet die from a lower leg wound to his vital location.62Yet some of the artifacts
we have examined depict Paris shooting Achilles in the lower leg first. If this
lowerwound killed Achilles, therewould be no need for a second wound.
The use of poison is another explanation of how a lower wound could be
fatal.63Poison is usually considered to have no place in the heroic world, but
Heracles uses the poison of theHydra on his arrows (e.g., to kill Nessus), and
Odysseus is said to have acquired some at Odyssey 1.252ff. (cf. the suitors'
supposition thatTelemachus might put poison in theirdrink at 2.325-30). Viewed
59. E.g., Pterelaus andNisus die after their hair is cut (see Berthold 31ff.; Frazer ad Apollod.,
Bibl. 2.4.7, 3.15.8; Gantz 257-58, 376-77). Cf. Samson, whose strength if notmortality is linkedwith
his hair (King 203 notes the parallels between Samson and some stories about Achilles' imperfect
invulnerability). The linkage of the life spirit with an external object, e.g., Meleager's with a fire
brand, is a related concept.
60. Gantz suggests thatQuint. Smyrn. 3.60ff. might be explained in this manner; cf. Hyg.,
Fab. 107, though I have argued above thatHyginus is thinking of a uniquely vulnerable location.
61. Gantz 626 argues that at Apollod., Epit. 5.3-4 "the actual slayer would surely be credited"
if the ankle wound by Paris and Apollo did not kill Achilles. But it is easy to assume from the
passage that Paris and Apollo are responsible for a second and presumably fatal shot. Itmay be
surprising that only one wound ismentioned, but we are dealing with an epitome of a handbook,
and Iwill argue below that this wound was essential to the narrative. At 874 n. 57 Gantz argues
that "Apollo should have no need formore thanone arrow."True, but a divinity need not employ the
full extent of his powers when interfering inmortal affairs. Itwould be an uninteresting story if
Apollo simply cut Achilles down.
62. One might argue thatAchilles was made incompletely immortal in such away in the early
tradition about dipping him in fire or boiling water, though I have doubted thatabove. Gantz prefers
to conceive of Achilles as invulnerable except where his vital location is.
63. Rose/Robertson 5 briefly suggest that a poison arrow lies at the origin of the myth of
Achilles' heel.

BURGESS: Myth 233
as just anotherof themagical elements common inGreek myth, itsuse is really not
that objectionable.64 I do not think thatAchilles dies through a poisoned wound
in Quintus of Smyrna, thoughWay's translation of 0eoi0 8U tLvt6q &syiva0at
3.148 as "[Achilles'] strength ebbed through the god-envenomed wound" seems
to interpret 6to as "poison." Itmore likely means "arrow" (as at, e.g., 3.88),
a second meaning of theword.6 The only explicit narration of Achilles dying
from poison is in an anonymous medieval Excidium Troiae, inwhich Paris shoots
Achilles in his uniquely vulnerable locationwith a poison arrow (see King 203).
Celtic mythology provides a very relevant point of comparison, for the boar
bristle thatpierces the sole of Diarmid is sometimes said to be venomous.6 These
examples are perhaps too obscure and late to shed light on early Greek myth,
but themore familiar case of Eurydice, who died after stepping on a poisonous
snake, demonstrates that death from poison in a lower wound is plausible in
ancient myth.67
It is even conceivable that Achilles used poison arrows. The hero was
educated in the use of special plants for healing by Chiron (e.g., I/. 11.831
32); it is not a great leap of faith to suppose that he would also know how to
manufacture poison.68 The wounding Telephus received from Achilles cannot
heal until Achilles treats it,69which is reminiscent of the festering poisonous
snakebite wound of Philoctetes. Interestingly,Achilles scrapes off rust from his
spear into the wound of Telephus to heal it. "Rust" is yet anothermeaning of
theword t6; (Apollodorus, Epit. 3.20 uses thisword in his account of the story).
In fact the two meanings "poison" and "rust" are based on the same root and
are practically indistinguishable (again, see Frisk 730-31). This ambiguity of
meaning could have once been of great significance inmyth about Telephus. A
64. See S.West 107-108 for ethical considerations on the use of poison. Admittedly Ilos refused
to give poison toOdysseus "since he stood in dread of the gods," andAthena in the guise of Mentes
may be inventing the tale of Odysseus' interest in poison anyway. But it really does not matter if the
episode is untraditional or ifHomer considered the use of poison unheroic; the passage is significant
in showing the potential role of poison inmyth. See Murray 148-49 for other indications of poison
use inHomer; Paton 3 (esp. nn. 2, 3) for poison as amagical device (he suggests without explanation
thatPhiloctetes andAchilles used poison arrows, possibilities Iwill explore below). Hainsworth 303
much differently contends that inGreek myth "magic is a female speciality, incompatible with the
masculine ideal of heroism."
65. The twomeanings stem from different roots; see Frisk 730-71.
66. See Bergin, Lloyd, and Schoepperle 157-58; Green 81.
67. For sources see Frazer ad Apollod., Bibl. 1.3.2; Gantz 722-24. Interestingly, Garner 159
thinks that in the recently found fr. 43 of Stesichorus the arrow that struck Achilles on the ankle
is compared to a snake hiding in the thicket. Perhaps this supports the theory thatAchilles was killed
by a poison arrow.
68. Robbins points out thatChiron, as the instructorof Achilles in the use of plants for healing
and also as the ultimate source of his spear, is responsible for both the hero's destructive and healing
skills. The use of poison, a destructive use of medicinal skill, can be seen as themerging of these two
aspects.
69. This story goes back to the Cypria, according to Proclus (the treatment is not specified
there); see Frazer ad Apollod., Epit. 3.20; Gantz 578-80 for other sources.

234 CLASSICAL
paradox is central to stories about the cure of his wound. Our sources suggest
this variously: e.g., thatonly the one who wounded Telephus could cure him (so
Telephus is told by the oracle at Delphi inApollodorus) or that only the spear
thatwounded him could cure him. A statement to the effect thatonly the L6k(rust)
of Achilles' spear could cure the E6c(poison) of Achilles' spearwould make a
fitting paradox. Maybe such a riddle was once part of the traditional tale (an
oracle?). Whether or not that is so, it is at least intriguing that in early Greek
myth Achilles both gives a lower leg wound to an opponent and later receives
one; perhaps poison played a role in both incidents.70
Poison would satisfactorily explain how Achilles could die from a lower
wound, but this theory, like the proposal thatAchilles' life force was situated
in his lower leg, ignores the evidence that a second wound was required to kill
Achilles. IfAchilles did die from one lowerwound in earlyGreek myth, imperfect
invulnerabilitywould be as likely an explanation as any other. Just as evidence
for themultiple wounding of Achilles causes me to doubt the early existence of
Achilles' imperfect invulnerability, it causes me to doubt these other theories. I
thinkwe need an explanation that is compatible with a lethalwound toAchilles
following a lower, non-lethal wound.
The best explanationmay be thatParis, with Apollo's help, shotAchilles in the
lower leg to immobilize the hero. The wound would not be fatal; anotherwound
would be needed to kill Achilles. Robert concluded (1187) from the "Chalcidian"
vase thatAchilles was firstwounded in the "Ferse" and then fatally wounded in
the breast. This must be the correct sequence, forwe often see depictions of Paris
aiming his first shot downwards. Pestalozzi laterbriefly suggested (17) that the
firstwound was designed to immobilize Achilles. Hampe/Simon developed this
idea (48) into amore thorough argument for the immobilization of Achilles (and
pointed out thatPestalozzi was wrong to suggest, citing thewounding of Diomedes
by Paris at 1/. 11.377, that the lower wound to Achilles on the "Chalcidian"
amphora actually nailed him to the ground).
70. It should be noted in passing that there seems to have been amotif inGreek myth inwhich
heroes suffer lower leg wounds (I thankDavid Sider for pointing this out tome). Besides Telephus
andAchilles, there isPhiloctetes, Talos, and of course Oedipus. In addition, Odysseus as a youth was
gored in the leg by a boar (Od. 19.447ff.). Itmay have also been amotif of Greek myth for the user of
poison to suffer from poison (as in the case of Heracles). I have discussed Odysseus and Achilles as
users of poison; Philoctetes was also sometimes said to use poison arows inherited fromHeracles (he
kills Paris with them atQuintus of Smyrna 10.23 Iff.; Dictys 4.5). Philoctetes certainly suffered from
(snake) poison, and according tomy analysis Achilles may have been killed by a poison arrow. In the
Telegony, Odysseus is killed by aweapon thatwas made from the rpuy*v, identified as the sting-ray
(see Telegonia fr. 4 Bernabd; Frazer ad Apollod., Epit. 7.36; Gantz 710-11). This story is usually
assumed (e.g., Bernabd p. 195; Heubeck 1989:86) to be derived ludicrously from the prophecy of
Teiresias that death for Odysseus will come w &X6, (Od. 11.134-35, which could be translated
as either "away from the sea" or "from the sea"). I sidewith those scholarswho take itmore seriously
(cf. Scheliha 415-16; Burkert 1983:159; A. Edwards 1985:227 n. 28; Nagy 1990:214). This weapon
is very plausible if we understand it to be poisonous; the sting-ray has a venomous tail that at least
one ancient source (Ael., NA 1.56) thought inflicted incurablewounds.

BURGESS: Myth 235
We might suppose that the ankle was commonly cited as the location of this
wound because a wound therewould be especially immobilizing. It would not
matter, however, where thewound was, as long as it incapacitated the hero. Even
wounds to the shin and legwould serve the same purpose in the story.Therefore
all the early evidence of the wounding thatwe have looked at is compatible
with this story, though some of it at least is not compatible with the concept
of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability. But why would the immobilization of
Achilles attract the attention it seems to have if it did not kill him? It is clear
from his epithets 7to8ipx)q and x6baq Ax6q in the Iliad that the speed of Achilles
was an essential, and traditional, aspect of his nature. This "swiftness of foot"
would be an enormous advantage to the hero and make it very difficult for an
opponent to shoot him. A wound to his leg, ankle, or foot would effectively
remove his advantage of swiftness andmake a second, fatal shot easier.71It is true
thatHomer usually depicts only one wound to a victim; the victim then either dies
or survives.7 An immobilizing wound followed by amortal wound is therefore
unusual when compared toHomeric practice. However, we need not limit the
possibilities of myth to thehabits of Homer. If an immobilizing wound is unusual,
that is explainable as arising from the special circumstances of Achilles' famed
swiftness. And it is easy to understand why authors and artists would focus on
a non-lethal wound rather than the wound that actually kills Achilles. The first
wound would be essential to the sequence of events and thusmost memorable.73
In accounts of the death of Achilles sometimes Paris alone is the slayer,
sometimes Apollo acts alone, sometimes they join forces.74Authors and artists
who mention or portray only one or the other do not necessarily follow divergent
71. Martin Mueller has suggested tome that a wound to the foot would be most appropriate
for a hero who is called "swift-footed," and adds that thewounding of Diomedes in II. 11 would
seem to confirm the foot as the location of Achilles' wound. Nonetheless I think that any wound that
immobilized Achilles would appropriately counter the essential point of the epithets, his swiftness.
72. See Schein 76ff.; Redfield 36. Hainsworth 253 provides a table about the location of wounds
inHomer.
73. The death of Patroclus may loosely reflect such a story, for Patroclus stands stunned
by Apollo (and thus immobilized) before receiving a fatal blow (cf. the death of Alcathous at
II. 13.434ff.). InPindar's fragmented Paean 6 Apollo in the form of Paris is said to have saved Troy
by "constraining him with bold blood," Opaoer (p6vg/ xe8&sota (line 86). The verb xesov was
of course most commonly used metaphorically, but originally it had the connotation of shackling the
feet: is Pindar alluding to the immobilization of Achilles? The idiosyncratic version of Achilles'
death told by Ptolemy Hephaestion in the first century C.E. (see n. 11 above) may also reflect this
story (thusRobert 1187 n. 3), for Achilles is immobilized first, and then killed.
74. See Frazer ad Apollod., Epit. 5.3; Gantz 625 for sources. Why should Apollo be so
persistently involved in the death of Achilles? Various motives have been offered by ancient and
modem scholars, notablyAchilles' slaying of Troilus at the altarof Apollo Thymbraeus (see Frazer ad
Apollod., Epit. 3.32; Gantz 597-603 for sources; for early vase depictions see also LIMC "Achilleus"
nos. 359ff.; Kemp-Lindemann 118-26; Robertson; T. Carpenter 17-21; Ahlberg-Cornell 55, 187;
Woodford 55-59). This incidentwould at least seem to have inspired the setting of Achilles' ambush
in the temple of Apollo Thymbraeus. Scholars likeRobertson who think thatAchilles was attracted
to Polyxena at an early date (see n. 49 above) adduce the presence of Polyxena in early artwork
about her brother's death, but that is an uncertain argument.

236 CLASSICAL
traditions; they could be emphasizing the slayer of their choice for their own
narrative purposes.75The version of (e.g.) Virgil, Aen. 6.56-58, inwhich Apollo
merely guides the arrows of Paris, is arguablymost plausible. There is an ironic
aspect running through the various accounts of Achilles' death inmyth, a sense
that something unlikely and unexpected leads to the downfall of a seemingly
invincible warrior.76 This aspect is best preserved if Apollo interferes in the
smallest degree possible, i.e., simply by guiding the arrows. That would seem
to be what Homer implies, and in artwe usually see Paris shooting, with Apollo
merely guiding the arrows (if he is shown at all).7 Such minimal interference
on the part of a divinity is also consistent with how gods behave inHomer.7
IfAchilles did not suffer a fatalwound on his lower leg, thatdoes not disprove
the theory that he wore invulnerable armor. Invulnerable armormay in fact be
compatible with an immobilization of Achilles. Itwould be advantageous towear
it, but it could not prevent all fatalwounds.7 The example of Hector in the Iliad,
slain by awound to the neck in spite of his divine armor,demonstrates that.Mem
non also wore divine armormade by Hephaestus in theAethiopis, Proclus tells us,
yet somehow he was slain by Achilles. If Achilles wore invulnerable armor, a
shot that could get by itwould be possible but very difficult because of his great
speed. If a shot first immobilizedAchilles, then he would be much easier to kill. It
is therefore possible that both invulnerable armor and an immobilizing wound
were partof the same story in earlyGreek myth about the death of Achilles.80 And
perhaps a poison arrow could have contributed to the immobilization of Achilles
75. See Vian 31-32; Gantz 625.

76. It is often supposed (e.g., by Fenik 1986:15-17; Kunisch 18) thata lowly status of both Paris
and the bow contributes to this ironic quality, but Parismay not have traditionallybeen a coward and
the bow is associated with such figures as Heracles, Philoctetes, andOdysseus.
77. E.g., Robert 1187 n. 1; Pestalozzi 17; Harpe/Simon 47-48; Gantz 625 conclude that this
would have been the normal version in tradition. Schoeck 77, 130, followed by Jouan 94 and Janko
409, argued that the large arrow near the ankle on the "Chalcidian" vase was shot by Apollo, the
smaller by Paris. Cf. theRoman wall painting discussed above which may show both about to shoot.
J.Kakridis 85-86; Schadewaldt 161 n. 1 thoughtApollo would do more thanguide arrows, citing his
active interference in the death of Patroclus. I have noted above how P. Kakridis follows this line
of thought.
78. See Mueller 128-29 on the limited contact inwarfare between gods andmortals in the Iliad.
Schein 63 points out thatwith thepossible exception of Ares at 5.842 no god actually takes a human
life in the Iliad. Divine guidance of weapons either to or away from theirmark, on the other hand, is
common, e.g., 4.132; 5.187, 290, 586; 8.311.
79. Kullmann 1960:42. Hainsworth 268 points out that inHomer arrows usually cannot penetrate
armor yet stillmanage to find uncovered spots. Sometimes thesewounds are fatal; see Hainsworth's
chart of wounds at 253.
80. Some artifacts, e.g., the Hellenistic gems that depict a warrior kneeling <with a lower
wound, do not depict armor except for helmet and shield, and so could not be thought to emphasize
invulnerable armor.As Ahlberg-Cornell 36-37, 187 points out, it should not be surprising that the
corpse of Achilles is not armoredon depictions of itbeing carried by Ajax (Kossatz-Deissmann under
LIMC "Achilleus" no. 860 and at p. 192;Kemp-Lindemann 223 wonder how Ajax andOdysseus will
subsequently quarrel over themissing armor).We may assume Ajax has removed the armor and
sent it back to camp (as at Apollod., Epit. 5.4). Boardman 60 adds that the nakedness of a corpse

BURGESS: 237
if the poison merely numbed the hero's lower leg. A parallel is provided by the
poisoned lower wound of Philoctetes, which immobilizes but does not kill him
(Telephusmay provide another parallel, according tomy interpretationabove).
CONCLUSION
After our consideration of many interesting theories, then, a possible expla
nation of how Achilles died in early Greek myth has emerged. Paris with the
help of Apollo, who probably merely guided his arrows, killed Achilles by first
immobilizing him with a lower legwound. The lowerwound would have taken
away fromAchilles his greatest advantage, his swiftness. Such awound may have
been one of the only wounds possible ifAchilles was wearing invulnerable armor;
poison may have contributed to the immobilization. A subsequentwound would
have been the lethalwound.
Ihave pointed out that the early traditionof Thetis' placing the infantAchilles
in fireor boiling water contains elements laterpresent in the traditionof his dipping
in the Styx. Similarly, the death of Achilles through immobilization has aspects
that laterappear in his death throughawound to a uniquely vulnerable spot.Most
obviously, a lower wound is central to both. It is through such a wound that a
remarkableadvantage of Achilles, at firsthis famous swiftness, laterhis apparent
invulnerability, suddenly fails him. And ifAchilles wore invulnerable armor in
the early tradition, then themotif of invulnerabilitywould also continue from
the earlier to later tradition, transferredfrom the armor toAchilles himself.8' So
the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerabilitymay not have existed in early
Greek myth, but the seeds of the story did. Motifs from the earlier tradition of
the death of Achilles were later transformedand reused to create it.
The impetus for the invention of the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulner
ability could have come from the late tradition inwhich Achilles is ambushed in
the temple of ThymbraeanApollo. I have argued above thatboth this traditionand
the traditionof Achilles' dipping in theStyx originated in theHellenistic period.82
The story of Achilles' death in the temple of Apollo removes two advantages that
Achilles possessed (according tomy analysis) in theearly traditionof his death on
the battlefield: his speed (he is killed when stationary, sometimes even held by
is "simply a common signifier of battlefield dead," not necessarily an indication that it has been
despoiled.
81. Some, e.g., Drerup 231 n. 3, have argued instead thatan invulnerableAchilles led to the idea
of his invulnerable armor.Berthold 38 criticized that idea.
82. It should be added thatneither storywas necessarily popular at first.Young 14 andKing 188
use an argumentum ex silentio to doubt the existence before the Roman Empire of, respectively,
Achilles' imperfect invulnerability and Achilles' erotic interest in Polyxena. Absence of explicit
testimony in the authors best known to us does not preclude widespread existence of a story,
however. A later date for the invention of both Achilles' imperfect invulnerability and death in
Apollo's temple would be compatible with my argument; it is the existence of Achilles' imperfect
invulnerability before his death inApollo's temple thatwould disprove it.

238 CLASSICAL
Deiphobus) and his invulnerable armor (he comes to the temple unarmored).83
Often there is no hint of a uniquely vulnerable spot in accounts of the ambush of
Achilles; unsurprisingly so, for late authors likeDictys andDares tended to favor
realism over themagical. But in one strand of this traditionAchilles' imperfect
invulnerability is featured. Indeed, it has not been noticed how often the concept
of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability is linked with the tradition of Achilles'
death in the temple of Apollo. Most literary sources for the dipping of Achilles in
the Styx also narrate the story of his ambush (Lactantius, Servius, Fulgentius,
and theVaticanMythographers).4 The twoRoman works thatcertainly represent
Achilles' death in the temple of Apollo seem to presuppose Achilles' imperfect
invulnerability.Admittedly Hyginus specifies thatAchilles was killed by awound
to his "mortal"ankle outside thewalls of Troy (Fab. 107). But Hyginus also knows
the story of Achilles' death in the temple of Apollo (Fab. 110; unfortunately the
narrative is concerned with explaining why Polyxena was sacrificed and does
not give specifics on how Achilles was killed). The contents of Fab. 107 may
be easily explained as resulting from conflation of a comparable detail in two
different versions of Achilles' death; i.e., Hyginus or his redactors replaced the
incapacitating lowerwound of the battlefield with the lethal lowerwound of the
temple.8 Usually the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability was linked
with the story of his death in the temple of Apollo, so much so that it seems
intertwinedwith it.
We might suppose that the later tradition of Achilles' death in the temple
of Apollo, in removing the elements of Achilles' speed and armor, necessitated
changes inhow he was wounded. One strand in this traditionsimply ignored as no
longer relevant the lowerwound that had been featured in the earlier tradition.
Those who wished to keep the famous lowerwound of the earlier traditionwould
have had to invent a new motive for its presence, for now there is no swiftly
runningAchilles to immobilize and now Achilles is completely unprotected. The
addition of imperfect invulnerability to his story, a concept already known in
Greek myth, would be a perfect solution. The hero iswounded in the heel for new
reasons: he is vulnerable only there, and the spot is linked to his mortality. A
83. He does not wear armor in the twoRoman reliefs thatdepict the story or atDares 34; Dictys
4.11; Philostratus, Heroicus 51.1-7 (De Lannoy); schol. Eur. Hec. 41. Achilles is also stationary at
his death in the Attic red-figure vase, but I thinkHampelKrauskopf 524 are correct to argue that
this is an idiosyncrasy of the artist (see also Kunisch 18,who interpretsAchilles' stance as indicative
of his seeming invincibility).
84. Statius and the scholiast on Horace do not relate the circumstances of his death.
85. Forster 1882:201 n. 3 demonstrates thatFab. 110 is not simply a later interpolation. Perhaps
a similar phenomenon of conflation is at play in the narration by Quintus of Smyrna of an eventually
mortal wound toAchilles' ankle outside thewalls of Troy. The "TensaCapitolina" also employs both
traditions of the death of Achilles, though at different times. As Kemp-Lindemann 221-22 points
out, thework not only depicts the scene of Achilles' death in the temple but also thatof Ajax with a
wounded Achilles outside the walls of Troy (cf. LIMC "Achilleus" nos. 857, 896). Two different
traditions of the death of Achilles are thus represented.

The
Death
BURGESS: inAncient
ofAchilles Myth 239
story of why he should be vulnerable only therewould arise out of the earlier
tradition about placing Achilles in fire or boiling water, and now the concept
of dipping in the Styx (which may also have been long known) is applied to
Achilles. According to this proposal, then, the concept of Achilles' imperfect
invulnerability grew out of the later tradition of Achilles' death in the temple
of Apollo.8 Since traditional stories are flexible and since motifs can be free
floating, occasionally the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerabilitywould
also have been added to later accounts of Achilles' death on the battlefield.
Before concluding this examination of themotif of Achilles' heel, we should
turnback to thewounding of Diomedes on the foot inBook 11 of the Iliad that
many have suspected is a reflection of the story of Achilles' heel. It is made
increasingly clear in the Iliad, most notably in thewords of the dying Hector at
22. 359-60, thatParis andApollo will kill Achilles by bow and arrow beneath the
walls of Troy, but there is no indication of how Achilles will be killed. Homer
does not portrayAchilles as invulnerable in the Iliad; he iswounded on the arm
at 21.166-67, andAgenor remarks about him later in this book (lines 568-70),
xac yip 6Ov To6ux Xtg Tp()65 p 6iit XcAx%),/ iv 8t la 4ux, Ovrjt6v S
cpaa'&v0popnot/ .Eyevmt ("the skin even for this one is vulnerable to sharp
bronze, and there is only one life in him, andmen say he ismortal"). We might
suppose thatHomer suppressedAchilles' imperfect invulnerability yet hinted at
the story through thewounding of Diomedes. It is no hindrance to this theory that
it is the foot, not heel, on which Diomedes is wounded (themain objection of
Hainsworth ad loc.), for that location is compatible with the story of Achilles'
dipping in the Styx. But since this tradition does not seem to have existed in
earlyGreek myth, itmay be concluded that the Iliad does not indirectly represent
it through the wounding of Diomedes. However, I suspect Homer did know a
story about the death of Achilles that contained similar aspects, including a lower
wound that immobilized him. The wounding of Diomedes in the foot by Paris
could be a reflection of this immobilization of Achilles by Paris. Of course, the
wound is entirely accidental, Apollo does not assist Paris, andDiomedes does not
die. So this scene certainly does not reflect the death of Achilles as closely as
the death of Patroclus does. Yet it is often thought thatDiomedes is a type of
Achilles figure in themiddle books leading up to this scene.87 Perhaps a brief
reflection of Achilles' death by thewounding of Diomedes exists on a secondary
86. As has been mentioned above, this tradition itself probably grows out of two incidents of
undoubtedly early date: the sacrifice of Polyxena on the tombof Achilles and the slaying of Troilos at
the altar of Apollo.
87. Schoeck 75ff. well discusses their similarities. A flame appears round the head of Diomedes
at 5.4ff., an anticipatory doublet of the same occurring toAchilles at 18.205ff.; Trojans explicitly
compare the two at 6.96ff. and pray thatDiomedes will fall at theScaean gates at 6.305ff. (reminiscent
of Achilles' fate). See also Nagy 1979:30-31. At 8.195 thebreastplate of Diomedes is said tobemade
by Hephaestus (cf. Achilles' Hephaestan armor), but well-made artifacts are commonly ascribed to
this divinity. Schein 81 prefers to see the similarities of the two heroes as the result of aristeia
typology.

240 CLASSICAL
ANTIQUITY Volume
14/No.2/October
1995
level to the enactment of Achilles' death by the slaying of Patroclus, asMueller

suggests (53). The vague and fleeting parallel between thewounding of Diomedes
and the death of Achilles would not so much foreshadow the death of Achilles,
as I think the death of Patroclus does, but rather emphasize the significance of
thewounding of Diomedes.88 The Achaeans have now lost the hero who during
Achilles' absence was theirbest warrior, a sortof Achilles figure (Diomedes stays
out of action for the restof thepoem). This corresponds to the laterpermanent loss
experienced by theAchaeans when theirvery best warrior is slain after suffering a
lower legwound.
In the end one may find it difficult to decide with confidence how Achilles
was killed at an early date, but this study should assist evaluation of the obscure
ancient evidence and the very different interpretationsof it by modern scholars.
The common assumption that the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability
existed at an early date inGreek myth is very questionable. The early tradition
inwhich Achilles is placed in fire or boiling water does not result inhis imperfect
invulnerability (or immortality).Undoubtedly Achilles was wounded in the lower
leg in the early traditionof his death on thebattlefield, but thisdoes not necessarily
suggest he was imperfectly invulnerable. It is quite possible thatAchilles was
simply immobilized by a lower legwound before being slain by a second wound.
Perhaps invulnerable armor and even poison were involved in this tradition,
a traditionwhich Homer probably knew. A new tradition of Achilles' death
involving his ambush in the temple of Apollo later arose, inspiring the concept
of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability. This in turnwas explained by a tradition
of Achilles' being dipped in the Styx, itself arising from the earlier traditionof
his being placed in fire or boiling water. What is remarkable is that despite the
changes inmyth about the infancy and death of Achilles, certain themes remained
resilient and adaptable to new contexts.
University of Toronto
REFERENCES
Ahlberg-Cornell, G. 1992. Myth and Epos in Early Greek Art. Jonsered.

Baldrick, J. 1994. Homer and the Indo-Europeans. London.
Benoit, F. 1969. Art et dieux de la Gaule. Paris and Grenoble.
Bergin, O. J., J. H. Lloyd, and G. Schoepperle. 1912. "The Death of Diarmid." Revue
Celtique 33: 157-79.
Bernab, A., ed. 1987. Poetae epici Graeci Testimonia etfragmenta. Vol. 1. Leipzig.
Berthold, 0. 1911. Die Unverwundbarkeit in Sage und Aberglauben der Griechen.
Giessen.
88. See Schoeck 76-77; Kullmann 1960:314-15.

BURGESS: Myth 241
Boardman, J. 1990. "The Greek Art of Narrative." In J.-P. Desoeudres, ed., ETMOTYIA:
Ceramic and Iconographic Studies inHonour of Alexander Cambitoglou. Sydney.
Brown, S. 1991.Late CarthaginianChild Sacrifice.Sheffield.
Burkert,W. 1983.HomoNecans. Tr. P.Bing. Berkeley.
. 1985. Greek Religion. Tr. J. Raffan. Cambridge, Mass.
Calasso, R. 1993. The Marriage of Cadmus and Harmony. Tr. T. Parks. Toronto and
New York.
Carpenter, R. 1946. Folk Tale, Fiction, and Saga in the Homeric Epics. Berkeley.
Carpenter, T. H. 1991. Art and Myth inAncient Greece. London.
Cook, R. M. 1983. "Art and Epic inAncient Greece." BABesch 58: 1-10.
Cross, T. P. 1952. Motif-Index of Early Irish Literature. Bloomington.
Davies,M., ed. 1988.EpicorumGraecorumfragmenta.G6ttingen.
~-- . 1989a. The Epic Cycle. Bristol.
---- . 1989b. "The Date of the Epic Cycle." Glotta 67: 89-100.
de Romilly, J. 1983. Perspectives actuelles sur l'epopee Homerique. Paris.
Dieterich,A. 1893.Nekyia.Leipzig.
Drerup, E. 1921. Das Homerproblem in der Gegenwart. Wirzburg.
Edwards, A. T. 1985. "Achilles in theUnderworld: Iliad, Odyssey, and Aethiopis." GRBS
26: 215-28.
Edwards, M. W. 1987. Homer: Poet of the Iliad. Baltimore.
- . 1991. The Iliad: A Commentary. Vol. 5. Cambridge.
Esp6randieu, 1. 1913. Recueil general des bas-reliefs, statues, et bustes de la Gaule
romaine. Vol. 5. Paris.
Farnell, L. R. 1916. "Ino-Leukothea." JHS 36: 36-44.
Fenik, B. C. 1964. "Iliad X" and the "Rhesus": The Myth. Brussels.
. 1968. Typical Battle Scenes in the Iliad. Hermes Einzelschriften, Heft 21.
Weisbaden.
. 1986. Homer and the Nibelungenlied. Cambridge, Mass.
Fittschen, K. 1969. Untersuchungen zum Beginn der Sagendarstellungen bei den
Griechen. Berlin.
Foley, H. P., ed. 1994. The Homeric Hymn toDemeter. Princeton.
Forster, R. 1882. "Achilleus und Polyxena." Hermes 17: 193-238.
- . 1883. "Zu Achilleus und Polyxena." Hermes 18: 475-78.
Frazer, J. G., ed. 1921. Apollodorus: The Library. 2 Vols. Loeb Classical Library.
Cambridge,Mass.
Frisk,H. 1960.Griechisches etymologischesWirterbuch. 2 Vols. Heidelberg.
Gantz, T. 1993. Early Greek Myth. Baltimore.
Gamer, R. 1993. "Achilles in Locri." ZPE 96: 153-65.
Green, M. J. 1992. Dictionary of Celtic Myth and Legend. London.
Griffin, J. 1977. "The Epic Cycle and the Uniqueness of Homer." JHS 97: 39-53.
. 1980. Homer on Life and Death. Oxford.
Hainsworth, B. 1993. The Iliad: A Commentary. Vol. 3. Cambridge.
Hampe, R., and I. Krauskopf. 1981. "Alexandros." In LIMC.
Hampe, R., and E. Simon. 1964. Griechische Sagen in derfriihen etruskischen Kunst.
Mainz.
Hedreen, G. 1991. "The Cult of Achilles in the Euxine." Hesperia 60: 313-30.
Heubeck, A. 1954. Der Odyssee-Dichter und die Ilias. Erlangen.
--- . 1974. Die Homerische Frage. Darmstadt.
. 1989. "Books IX-XII." In A. Heubeck, S. West, and J. B. Hainsworth, eds.,
A Commentary on Homer's Odyssey, vol. 2. Oxford.

242 CLASSICAL
. 1991. "Studien zur Struktur der Ilias (Retardation-Motiviibertragung)." In J.

Latacz, ed., Homer: Die Dichtung und ihre Deutung. Darmstadt.
Hommel, H. 1980. "Der Gott Achilleus." SBHeid Abh. 1: 7-52.
Janko, R. 1992. The Iliad: A Commentary. Vol. 4. Cambridge.
Jouan, F. 1980. "Le cycle pique: ftat des questions." In Association Guillaume Bude,
Actes du Xe congrds: 83-104. Paris.
Kakridis, J. T. 1949. Homeric Researches. Lund.
Kakridis,P. J. 1961. "Achilleus'Rtistung."Hermes 89: 288-97.
Kemp-Lindemann, D. 1975. Darstellungen des Achilleus in griechischer und r6mischer
Kunst. Frankfurt.
King, K. C. 1987.Achilles. Berkeley.
Knaack, G. 1903. "Demophon." In RE.
Kossatz-Deissmann,A. 1981. "Achilleus."InLIMC.
Kullmann, W. 1960. Die Quellen der Ilias. Hermes Einzelschriften, Heft 14.Wiesbaden.
. 1981. "ZurMethode der Neoanalyse in der Homerforschung." WS 15: 5-42.
. 1984. "Oral Poetry Theory and Neoanalysis in Homeric Research." GRBS 25:
307-24.
-. 1991. "ErgebnissedermotivgeschichtlichenForschung zu Homer (Neoanal
yse)." In J.Latacz, ed.,ZweihundertJahreHomer-Forschung.Stuttgart.
Kunisch,N. 1989. "Symposion:auchGesprkcheilberKunst." InSymposion:Griechische
Vasen aus dem Antikenmuseum der Ruhr-Universitit Bochum. K1ln.
Lehmann-Hartleben, K. 1938. "Two Roman Silver Jugs." AJA 42: 82-105.
Littleton, C. S., and L. A. Malcor. 1994. From Scythia to Camelot. New York and London.
MacCulloch, J. A. 1918. "Celtic Mythology." In L. H. Gray and G. F Moore, eds., The
Mythology ofAll Races, vol. 3. Repr.New York, 1964.
Macleod, C. W., ed. 1982. Homer, Iliad Book XXIV. Cambridge.
Marx, F. 1885. "Ein neuer Aresmythus." AZ 43: 169-79.
McLeod, W. 1987. "The Iliad and the Odyssey as Great Literature." In K. Myrsiades,
ed.,Approaches toTeachingHomer's Iliadand Odyssey.New York.
Mueller, M. 1984. The Iliad. London and Boston.
Murnaghan,S. 1992. "MaternityandMortality inHomeric Poetry."ClAnt 11:242-64.
Murray, G. 1934. The Rise of the Greek Epic. 4th ed. Oxford.
Nagy, G. 1979. TheBest of theAchaeans.Baltimore.
--- . 1990. Greek Mythology and Poetics. Ithaca.
Onians,R. B. 1951. TheOrigins of EuropeanThought.Cambridge.
Paton, W. R. 1912. "The Armour of Achilles." CR 26: 1-4.
P6pin, J. 1991a. 'The SurvivalofMyths inEarly Christianity."Tr. G. Honigsblum. In
Y. Bonnefoy and W. Doniger, eds., Mythologies, vol. 2: 649-54. Chicago.
-- . 199 lb. "Christian Judgments on the Analogies between Christianity and Pagan
Mythology." Tr. D. White. In Y. Bonnefoy andW. Doniger, eds., Mythologies, vol. 2:
655-65. Chicago.
Pestalozzi, H. 1945. Die Achilleis als Quelle der Ilias. Zurich.
Pfuhl, E. 1955. Masterpieces of Greek Drawing and Painting. Tr. J. D. Beazley. London.
Pinney, G. F. 1983. "Achilles Lord of Scythia." InW. G. Moon, ed., Ancient Greek Art
and Iconography.
Madison.
Redfield, J.M. 1975. Nature and Culture in the Iliad. Chicago.
Richardson, N. J., ed. 1974. The Homeric Hymn to Demeter. Oxford.
Robbins, E. I. 1993. "The Education of Achilles." QUCC 45: 7-20.
Robert, C. 1920-1926. Die griechische Heldensage. 4th ed. Vol. 2 of Griechische
Mythologie. L. Preller, rewrittenby C. Robert.Berlin.

BURGESS: Myth 243
Robertson, M. 1990. "Troilos and Polyxene: Notes on a Changing Legend." In J.-P.

Desceudres, ed., EYMOTEIA: Ceramic and Iconographic Studies in Honour of
AlexanderCambitoglou.Sydney.
Rose, H. J., and C. M. Robertson. 1970. "Achilles." In OCD, 2nd ed.
Rumpf,A. 1927.ChalkidischeVasen.Berlin.
Rzach, A. 1922. "Kyklos." In RE.
Schadewaldt, W. 1965. Von Homers Welt und Werk. 4th ed. Stuttgart.
Schein, S. L. 1984. The Mortal Hero. Berkeley.
Scheliha, R. von. 1943. Patroklos. Basel.
Scherer, M. R. 1963. The Legends of Troy. London.
Schoeck,G. 1961. Ilias undAithiopis.Zurich.
Severyns, A. 1928. Le cycle pique dans I'dcole d'Aristarque. Paris.
Shefton, B. B. 1973. "Agamemnon or Ajax?" RA 203-18.
Simon, E. 1984. "Mars auf prlnestinischen Cisten." In LIMC "Ares/Mars," E. Simon
and G. Bauchhenss, p. 510.
Stanford, W. B., ed. 1959. The Odyssey of Homer. 2 vols. 2nd ed. London.
Stanley, K. 1993. The Shield of Homer. Princeton.
Tardieu, M. 1991. "The Gnostics and theMythologies of Paganism." Tr. D. White. In
Y.Bonnefoy andW. Doniger, eds.,Mythologies, vol. 2: 667-79. Chicago.
Thompson,S. 1955-1958.Motif-Indexof FolkLiterature.2nd ed.Bloomington.
Thordarson, F. 1972. "Die Ferse des Achilleus-ein skythisches Motiv?" SymbOslo 47:
109-24.
Toynbee, J.M. C. 1977. "Greek Myth inRoman Stone." Latomus 36: 343-412.
TUrk, G. 1897-1909. "Polyxena." InW. H. R. Roscher, ed., Ausfihrliches Lexicon der
griechischenund romischen Mythologie, 1884-1937. Leipzig.
Vermeule,E. 1979.Aspects of Death inEarlyGreekArt and Poetry.Berkeley.
Vian, F. 1959. Recherches sur les Posthomerica de Quintus de Smyrne. Paris.
Waser, 0. 1909-1915. "Styx." In W. H. R. Roscher, ed., Ausfiihrliches Lexicon der
griechischenund romischenMythologie, 1884-1937. Leipzig.
Waszink, J. H., ed. 1947. Tertullian: De anima. Amsterdam.
Way, A. S., ed. 1913. Quintus Smyrnaeus: The Fall of Troy. Loeb Classical Library.
Cambridge,Mass.
Weitzmann, K. 1959. Ancient Book Illumination. Cambridge, Mass.
Welcker, F. G. 1882. Der epische Cyclus, oder die Homerischen Dichter. 2nd ed. Vol. 2.
Repr. Hildesheim and New York, 1981.
West, M. L., ed. 1966. Hesiod, Theogony. Oxford.
West, S. 1988. "Books I-IV." In A. Heubeck, S. West and J. B. Hainsworth, eds., A
Commentary on Homer's Odyssey, vol. 1. Oxford.
Whitman, C. 1958. Homer and the Heroic Tradition. Cambridge, Mass.
Woodford, S. 1993. The Trojan War inAncient Art. Ithaca.
Young, D. C. 1979. "The Diachronic Study of Myth and Achilles' Heel." CCA-NS Journal
4.1: 3-34.

FIGURES 1-2 BURGESS
.:?.W .
2Wr::? ll 5
.XR. I .... .e_
i:
' ?.. :
? 1S2.= t.7::=It_ ~
'rr} ..=....:=.:
Figure 1: Stone relief; Rome, Musei Capitolini 64. Photo courtesy of

Alinari/Art Resource, N.Y.
". i
!aided~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~":I
.?
fa~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
;E
s .._
^........
*.. ~.....::.B#"^,~:e i.:'............

:,,:: . F:i:
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i''
'~? '....
?g
.=g .. '' . .
::':~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ : .] '' m ........ . -'.8
. .:~s.- .X
";'~ ."'.. ..'.....
_K?..-Ws. ....= : 1__
=-- ? ' "!::!:i='

'::
i::!! :i'
:' i: ?..i~~':
::{,:: .i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
:: i~~~~~~:: :::::
:::::,,:i:::iij ::: .....

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
:::::::':i:
'-~?--:~ ..............................
~, ...................~~~~~~~~~?:
Fiue:: Rmncsen eln talceMse ic 29 ht
Figure 2: Roman cistern; Berlin, Staatliche Museen Misc. 6239. Photo
by John Glover of line drawing (Marx 169).
loe fliedain Mr
byJh
169.
Figure 3: "Chalcidian" amphora by the Inscription Painter; lost: once in the Pembroke-Hop
drawing(Rumpf,pl. 12).

FIGURE 4 BURGESS
... ?=i.."..?~!
I
! i , I ~ .. ~
: ~_.........~E [._* ... .. E|
rv s _ e - X":
..:Zi ........
?-=';r
Z .
P.
.,:.=?, ..............
:1 .i
.ivP
..........
*f
...'""::;":::B:~.!:~
- ?.:r....:::.
? .
:;, _.
",
'.".:" .'. ".
's_
/:. .
w_
_ .. e::_-"--
Figure 4: Etruscan amphora; Copenhagen, National Museum 14066.

Photo courtesy of the National Museum, Copenhagen, Department of
Near Eastern and Classical Antiquities.

BURGESS FIGURE5
,,,~
? . . ' ,.
B^- I __
'i_;_
1_ -_
--i 1
_I
i
_'1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ I
L_
i
5:Red-figure
Figure pelikeby theNiobid Bochum,
Painter; Ruhr
Universit~Lt S 1060.Photoby Irma
Antikenmuseum Bemndt,
courtesy
of RuhrUniversitSlt
Antikenmuseum.

FIGURES 6-7 BURGESS
Figure 6: Etruscan-Italic gem; Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum

AS IX B 228. Photo courtesy of Kunsthistorisches Museum.
=~ ........._
:=::~ L!_i=
=~::~:=,
Figure 7: Italic gem; New York, Metropolitan

Museum of Art 81.6.21, gift of John Taylor
Johnston, 1881. Photo courtesy of theMetro
politan Museum of Art.

BURGESS FIGURE 8
.
L
;::~si'~'~',~ .....a S?1 a~ 'I E e".a . .
.....",g .
.i Jt??: 'jlIJ~iB~:.'.??~i I?
* |/ l! i 1 |~~~!B~l
Ii
1|S
0ffi
' jS ?*l 'iX
::i~,.
t?i~ iI.'t ' i^_| l
'~:,:'.. .: .... : ^
:':'"~-'.':f'SK
*<ii
*#,, ;.-.*.?.-,,
Figure 8: Roman bronzepan; St. Petersburg,HermitageB 407. Photo

courtesyof theHermitage.


Burgess1995 PDF

Transféré par

Informations du document

Description originale:

Titre original

Copyright

Formats disponibles

Partager ce document

Partager ou intégrer le document

Options de partage

Avez-vous trouvé ce document utile ?

Ce contenu est-il inapproprié ?

Droits d'auteur :

Formats disponibles

Burgess1995 PDF

Transféré par

Droits d'auteur :

Formats disponibles

Achilles' Heel: The Death of Achilles in Ancient Myth

Author(s): Jonathan Burgess

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

THE STORY of Achilles' heel is familiar to everyone: Thetis makes Achilles

? 1995 BY THE REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

invulnerability, i.e., invulnerability except for a single vulnerable location.3

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

THETIS WITH THE INFANT ACHILLES

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

17. Achil. 1.133-34, 1.268-70, 1.480-81.

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

THE DEATH OF ACHILLES

The question of when the concept of Achilles' imperfect invulnerability first

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

naive contradiction to it [Achilles' invulnerability] a second arrow is sticking in

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

41. Kunisch 19 differently concludes thatone arrow is represented at twomoments.

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

What can we conclude from these numerous illustrations of the death of

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

uniquely vulnerable location (themere wounding of which can cause death no

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

75. See Vian 31-32; Gantz 625.

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

level to the enactment of Achilles' death by the slaying of Patroclus, asMueller

Ahlberg-Cornell, G. 1992. Myth and Epos in Early Greek Art. Jonsered.

88. See Schoeck 76-77; Kullmann 1960:314-15.

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

. 1991. "Studien zur Struktur der Ilias (Retardation-Motiviibertragung)." In J.

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

Robertson, M. 1990. "Troilos and Polyxene: Notes on a Changing Legend." In J.-P.

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

.XR. I .... .e_

Figure 1: Stone relief; Rome, Musei Capitolini 64. Photo courtesy of

*.. ~.....::.B#"^,~:e i.:'............

=-- ? ' "!::!:i='

:::::,,:i:::iij ::: .....

Fiue:: Rmncsen eln talceMse ic 29 ht

Figure 2: Roman cistern; Berlin, Staatliche Museen Misc. 6239. Photo

by John Glover of line drawing (Marx 169).

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

Figure 4: Etruscan amphora; Copenhagen, National Museum 14066.

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM

Figure 6: Etruscan-Italic gem; Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum

Figure 7: Italic gem; New York, Metropolitan

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.230 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 22:14:15 PM