Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
919Ð935, 1998
\ Pergamon
Þ 1998 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved
Printed in Great Britain
0160-7383/98 $19.00+0.00
PII: S0160-7383(98)00045-0
Abstract: Movies provide the objects and subjects for the gaze of many people, and for some
people, movies induce them to travel to the locations where they were filmed. The data gathered
at 12 US locations supports earlier anecdotal accounts of movie-induced tourism. This paper
extends from earlier studies by suggesting a variety of reasons for this type of gaze and
documents some of the impacts on movie-induced tourism locations. Visitation data were
gathered from a variety of settings and were aggregated to show the power of movies when
inducing people to locations. Data analysis showed at least four years of visitation increases
after movies were released. Keywords: movies, cinema, tourism, locations, movie-induced
tourism. Þ 1998 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Re sume : Le tourisme motive par le cine ma. Les films offrent des objets et des sujets au regard
de beaucoup de gens; certaines personnes sont motive es a voyager aux endroits ou un film a e te
tourne . Les donne es recueillies a douze sites ame ricains appuient des re cits anecdotiques du
tourisme motive par le cine ma. L|article porte plus loin la recherche ante rierure en sugge rant
plusieurs raisons pour ce genre de regard, et documente quelques impacts locaux du tourisme
motive par le cine ma. Des donne es au sujet des visites on e te recueillies de plusieurs sites et
puis agre ge es pour montrer le pouvoir du cine ma a fair aux gens visiter les sites. Une analyse
des donne es a montre au moins quatre anne es d|accroissements de visites apre s la sortie des
films. Mots-cle s: films, cine ma, tourisme, sites, tourisme motive par la cine ma. Þ 1998 Elsevier
Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
INTRODUCTION
In The Tourist Gaze, Urry suggests that tourists seek environments
and experiences that contrast non-tourism realms. One of his baseline
arguments is that:
. . . places are chosen to be gazed upon because there is an anticipation,
especially through daydreaming and fantasy, or intense pleasures, either on
a different scale or involving a different sense from those customarily
encountered. Such anticipation is constructed and sustained through a
variety of non-tourist practices such as film, TV, literature, magazines,
records, and videos which construct and reinforce the gaze (1990:3).
Through movies, people are sometimes induced to visit what they
have seen on the silver screen. If this gaze is directed at objects or
919
920 SILVER SCREEN AND TOURISM
US World
Release Revenue Revenue
Movie Name Date ($US mil) ($US mil) Location/s
For the Durham Bulls (minor league) baseball team, Andereck noted
RILEY, BAKER AND VAN DOREN 923
NB: Movies may have multiple icons for one or for various locations
RILEY, BAKER AND VAN DOREN 925
chose movies that were box office successes. That is, the movie made
more money than it cost to produce and received public acclaim
through attendance. Many moviegoers are not induced to visit
locations and thus a large volume of viewers was important. Two, the
movie had an icon that was clearly associated with an accessible
destination. The baseball icon of the Field of Dreams was easily associ-
ated with the diamond that was constructed in the cornfields of
Dyersville, Iowa. Even though this location was 30 miles from the
closest city, people visited in sufficient numbers to require the paving
of the access road.
The third selection criteria asked whether visitation data was col-
lected and if this was accessible for analysis. Many locations never
counted visitors because they had never been attractions before. This
problem eliminated many potential sites. Furthermore, some
locations were situated within cities with multiple ports of entry and
exit that made data collection difficult. Large population areas were
also avoided unless access to the location was controlled. The final
mitigating circumstance concerned for-profit locations. In situations,
proprietors were reluctant to supply visitation data that would then
be known by competitors. Other for-profit locations refused access to
their data because it may have indicated higher profit margins than
they had previously disclosed. These limitations precluded many
potential sites from investigation. The fourth selection criteria was
whether the location had collected visitation data before the movie
was released. Pre-release data was necessary so that pre- and post-
release attendance comparisons could be made. Pre-release data were
extrapolated beyond each movie|s release date using projected
regression lines. The projections were used as an estimate of visitation
had a movie never been released. The extrapolations were then com-
pared to actual visitation after the release of each movie. In most
cases, 10 years of prerelease data were collected so that attendance
aberrations were minimized.
Location Analysis
Attendance figures for these 12 tourism film locations were com-
piled for 10 years prior to and the five years after the release of each
movie. In some cases, five years of post-release data were not possible
because the movies were released in 1993 or 1994. A baseline for
visitation attendance was established using figures from the year
prior to each movie|s release. To facilitate a comparison of multiple
locations, visitation data for each movie were transformed into a
percentage that was higher or lower than its baseline year. Due to the
small number of sites, a more conservative median value was used as
a measure of central tendency. The median of the percentage values,
for each year relative to the baseline, were calculated for all 12 movie
sites and also broken out by public and private parks.
Figure 1 provides a graphical representation of two important
points: the actual pre- and post- visitation as a percentage of the
baseline year for all 12 locations, and a linear trend line estimation
of expected visitation without the impact of the movie being filmed
at this location. The linear trend line was developed using the 10 years
of data prior to the baseline year and it was extrapolated five years
beyond the movie release date. The aggregated impact of movies was
significant. An estimated 54% increase in visitation was evident five
RILEY, BAKER AND VAN DOREN 929
years after the movie was released when compared to the linear
trend line. The Mann-Whitney UÐWilcoxon Sum W Test indicated a
significant difference between actual and estimated visitation (z
ranged from −5 to −2.65 and all p were ³0.05). Public parks had a
40% higher visitation rate after the movie release and private attrac-
tions had a 67% higher visitation rate after three years. Since data
were available for only one private location, four years after its movie|s
release, comparisons between actual and estimated attendance were
only calculated for private attractions for the three years.
The 12 sites were divided into public and private attractions, to
determine whether there were any differences between the two. Fig-
ures 2 and 3 illustrate that for the first three years after the movie,
there was a significant difference in impact between private attrac-
tions and private parks (z ranged from −3.46 to −3.16; all p ³ 0.05).
This may have been due to the ability of private attractions to be
more aggressive with their promotional budgets. Additional checks
were undertaken to ensure that increased visitation could not be
explained by other phenomena. Two sources were used for checks
related to outside influences. One, National Park Service visitation
data were used to ensure that the national parks were not experi-
1997 (Samuelson 1995). In at least one case, a movie has made a small
town into a boutique of movie memorabilia (Fried Green Tomatoes).
Location officials with an entrepreneurial spirit have packaged their
sites with additional attractions to extend the stay and spending
potential of visitors. The packaging strategy appears particularly wise
because the pulling power of movies tend to fade as other events
capture the viewing public|s eye.
As profitable as movie-induced tourism can be, there are several
problems that accompany this sudden recognition. While some of
these problems are typical of tourism destinations, others are peculiar
to movie-induced tourism. These problems range from exploitation
of locals and visitors to the lack of preparedness by locals when dealing
with tourist deluges. The first people problem typically occurs before
a movie is released. Actors, directors, and support crew need accom-
modation, food, and other services and these demands parlay into
profiteering which ultimately drives up local prices. Additional prob-
lems are caused when locations represent other places within a film.
For example, in The Fugitive, the train crash scene was a major icon
that was used in prerelease advertising. This scene was filmed in
North Carolina but the storyline situated it in Illinois. In recognizing
the tourism potential of the scene, the owners of the train line asked
for a contract clause requiring end-credits. For some unexplained
reason end-credits were not forthcoming and the potential for attract-
ing visitors was diminished (Great Smoky Mountain Railroad v.
Warner 1995).
Many locations have not recognized the pulling power of a movie
and have {{missed the boat|| with their pre-release promotion of the
location. Such was the case for the Iowa Division of Tourism which
did not anticipate the gaze generated by Field of Dreams. Nevertheless,
these tourism officials also caution against the use of movie locations
as headline attractions because many movies are not successful and
eventually the gaze will be superseded by other box office hits (per-
sonal communication with Iowa Division of Tourism in 1994).
Additional problems arise when movies are box office successes. In
rural or remote locations there is the dilemma of costly development
or dollar losses. In the case of Madison County, Iowa, there were
few commercial accommodations and little infrastructure to handle
tourists. While commercial ventures were developed, the lack of ser-
vices caused many dollars to be lost to nearby cities. For-profit oper-
ations can also cause their own set of problems. Cheap memorabilia
can inundate the location and quickly built structures can alter the
gaze of the location as viewed in the movie. The result can cause
tourists to be disappointed when the location does not have the look
they remembered.
For Thelma and Louise and The Fugitive train crash site, imitators and
souvenir hunters have been respective problems. Suicide attempts
were made in the style of Thelma and Louse even though they got
their location wrong and used the Grand Canyon instead (personal
communication with Arches National Park in 1995). At the train crash
site, management welded all movable components to the trains so
they could not be stolen. They also feared that souvenir hunters
932 SILVER SCREEN AND TOURISM
CONCLUSION
Film companies and merchandisers have exploited the spin-off
effects of movies for many years. Most major movies sell sound tracks
on compact disc and various forms of memorabilia through retail
outlets. In some cases, these memorabilia are a part of the marketing
campaign. For merchandisers, movies can be used to promote motor
vehicles, drinks, food, and clothing, but only recently have people
thought that movies might promote tourism. It is here that Urry|s
contention would appear to be supported. Based on the data collected
for this study, the visual media of today appear to construct antici-
pation and allure that induces people to travel. In the case of major
motion pictures, the constructed gaze is not a sales strategy for tour-
ism promotion but an entertainment ploy where storylines, underlying
themes, exciting events, spectacular scenery, and characters create
hallmark events. These events create exotic worlds that do not exist
in reality but can be recreated through a visit to the location(s) where
they were filmed.
Through the analysis of visitation figures from the 12 sites, it
appears that each location|s allure is distinct. Some locations are
attractive for their inherent physical properties while others just
happen to be the site where the theme or event took place. In some
cases, particular locations were not considered to be tourism des-
tinations until they were seen on the silver screen (Tooke and Baker
1996). When the median increases of the aggregated data were
graphed, the span of movie inducement lasted for at least four years
and increased between 40 and 50%. Data not presented in this paper
would suggest that the induced effect could be longer at some sites
and not exist in other cases where locations were not identifiable or
accessible. The same may be true for movies that are not box office
successes.
Apart from the analysis of data, the idea of icons is important. The
icons of each movie may be visually concrete and can be located at a
specific site, or they may be thematic and merely associated with
them. Each beholder of a movie will be attracted by their own icon
and in some cases may be moved to visit the associated location. The
icons are as diverse as the range of movies and the people who view
them. Locations need not be beautiful nor the storylines positive in
order to attract visitors. While positive affect may well be important,
{{dark|| movies have also created visitation booms.
The tourism impacts created by movies have also been varied. For
some locations, the impacts have created economic windfalls while for
others they have caused safety concerns and overcrowding. Movie
locations appear to attract everyone from the merely curious to the
hard core {{junkie||. While the sight of the site may be sufficient for
some visitors, a re-creation of the action or a piece of the location may
be necessary for others to relive their favorite scene. As famous actors
RILEY, BAKER AND VAN DOREN 933
Acknowledgments*The authors are indebted to the following for providing the annual
visitations at the sites that have been used to measure the impact of movies; the staff
of the Denver Service Center, National Park Service; Betty Boekensted of Dyersville,
Iowa; Historic Fort Hays, Kansas; Orchard House Museum, Massachusetts; Nat-
chitoches Parish Tourist Commission, Louisiana; the Sixth Floor Museum/Book
Depository in Dallas, Texas; Chimney Rock Park, North Carolina; and Great Smoky
Mountain Railroad, North Carolina. Assistance has also been received from the
Arches Film Commission; Greater Cincinnati Film Commission; Savannah, Georgia
Chamber of Commerce; Gettysburg, Pennsylvania Chamber of Commerce; and Iowa,
Wyoming, Utah, and South Dakota Film Commissions.
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Submitted 2 May 1996
Resubmitted 10 April 1997
Accepted 6 February 1998
Refereed anonymously
Coordinating Editor: Deirdre E. Evans-Prichard