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I would like to forget about theory and look into those experiences of
democracy throughout the world. Did they face the same challenges?
Were their responses different? What does it say about our idea of living
together? And our conception of Democracy?
This Athenian democracy has come a long way. It traces its roots back
as far as the Bronze-Age Mycenaen world. The multiplicity of gods and
the multiplicity of rulers in aristocratic systems, made inconceivable the
authority of only one man. Instead the search for consensus among the
rulers, the Basileis was crucial. They would argue, debate, disagree and
challenge each other. My idea is that those Gods endlessly arguing and
this reluctance to accept the ruling of one man, paved the way.
Also, in the Ancient Greek culture, taking part in a Polis was essential.
The Polis, the political and social organization of the city, consists in a
commitment to the community at large. It functions like a language,
kept alive by the people who would practice it, both learning and
teaching it through that practice. The Athenian Polis gradually came to
be comprised of all adult male citizens. And the Athenian democracy
expanded. A large part of Athenian citizens would likely be called once
in their lives through allotment and regular rotation to look into legal and
political matters and consider a range of different arguments. They
would listen, change their minds, question, argue, etc and, thus, in doing
so exercise, modify and reinforce the democratic Polis. We will observe
how it evolved.
4 Mogens Herman Hansen, The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes, University of
5 Gregory Vlastos, Studies in Greek Philosophy: The Presocratics, Princeton University Press,
1993, p. 99.
Demos - δῆμος
The term Demos, or “the people”, holds a double meaning of both the
whole people and also the “common” one. It is not clear whether the
word Demokratia, the power of the Demos, was coined first by the critics
of a Constitution that would, according to them, allow the poorest to
overpower the aristocrats. If so, they would have used Demos
pejoratively in the sense of “common people”. Or by the Athenian
Democrats themselves, who would have meant the whole people, thus
including the “common” one.
6 I. M. Lewis, The Somali Conquest of the Horn of Africa, in The Journal of African History, Vol. 1,
Hold that thought. We will see more of the Samale later. I would like to
pause and consider another example dealing with this question of the
struggle over ressources.
62.
13 I. M. Lewis, The Somali Conquest of the Horn of Africa, in The Journal of African History, Vol. 1,
But we are digressing… Let’s leave it at that and note that the control
of resources brings together and also antagonizes people. Let’s take
another example that might help us understand how people are unified
or divided…
A typical Kalabari fishing village, in the Eastern Niger Delta, before the
arrival of Europeans, had a population ranging from 200 to 100015. The
assembly of all adult males, ama kobiri, dealt with legal and political
matters. The solidarity in the community was based upon an open
lineage, combined with generational bonds.
The sense of community, here, was ritualized in two institutions. Ekine
was a series of masquerades during which one had to master a
sophisticated drum language referring to the traditions, myths and history
of the village. Periapu ogbo, meaning the association of head-hunters,
was a gathering of men who had successfully caught a man from
another village and brought him to be killed 16.
135-136.
15 Robin Horton, From Fishing Village to City-State, in Man in Africa, Travistock Publications,
1969, p. 40.
16 Ibid, p. 43.
By the way, it is worth noting that in the majority of Kalabari fishing
villages, the waters remained undivided, as the availability of the
resources, the fish, would vary with fish migration17.
As the Atlantic slave trade developed, slaves were bought and the
population of the village grew considerably. The community became
more stratified. Fewer people, those who controlled the slave trade,
concentrated more and more power in their hands18. The definition,
mobilization and reinforcement of the idea of community evolved. A
clear and symbolic line used to be drawn between the men of one
village and those of other villages, now it was a matter of degrees. Ekine,
the masquerade ritual, was then used as a way of acculturation: a slave
could climb the social ladder by showing his skills. Let’s take a break
here. I would like to stress out this question of degrees. My idea is that
some people are more or less part of the group. And here, by mastering
the culture, the history, the language of the group during the ritual, one
would show whether he is more or less part of the community. The
second ritual, Periapu ogbo, the head hunters’ association was replaced
by koronogbo, the strong club, a gathering of men , who wandered the
streets at night and killed those who spoke with a foreign accent19. One
scholar sees koronogbo as merely a threat meant to encourage the
learning of the Kalabari language and culture20.
17 Robin Horton, From Fishing Village to City-State, in Man in Africa, Travistock Publications,
1969, p. 44.
18 Robin Horton, From Fishing Village to City-State, in Man in Africa, Travistock Publications,
1969, p. 51.
19 Ebiegberi Joe Alagoa, Development of the Eastern Niger Delta States, in Journal of African
1969, p. 54.
I would like to refrain from sharing my personal opinion, just know that I
didn’t find any example of the making of a group that didn’t antagonize
other groups.
22 Ibid., p. 148.
23 Romila Thapar, From lineage to State, Social Formations in the Mid-First Millennium B.C. in
Now, I would like to make a point before going on. Let’s consider this
common sense idea about black, white and all the shades of grey. Say
that philosophy is about thinking the words used to think the world. For
centuries, after Socrates, Plato or Aristotle, philosophers focused on trying
to define what makes the world, Truth, Justice, Wisdom, Beauty and so
on… They would fabricate words or concepts, unify and classify things
and create their opposites. Here you would have a clear-cut white
opposed to a clear-cut black. And the black would be used as a proof
that the white exists… To be fair, the all philosophical adventure consists
in conceiving plenty of strategies to escape those dualisms. By the way,
Socrates, Plato and Aristotle happened not to be in favor of Democracy.
No wonder… If you consider the Truth as a fixed point, there is no room
for pluralism and debates… Anyway… The world happens not to be that
easily disciplined. And the words and concepts don’t function like a fixed
point but rather like a vanishing point. There is degrees of Truth. There is
things you will be more or less able to check. Words and concepts work
like combinations, mixtures… So you need to figure a different way to use
them that allows for their combinations and shift in degrees, to go on…
You need to think in shades of grey rather that in blind sided white and
black… Why am I trying to make that point? Because that is how groups
or Demos work. You will not find a specific, established group and you will
not find individuals that are permanently and equally parts of that group.
You will have combinations to define a group and degrees to locate the
individuals.
26 Donald Kagan, Introduction to Ancient Greek History, Series of lectures at Yale University,
2007, Lecture 3.
27 Ibid., Lecture 5.
28 Mogens Herman Hansen and Thomas Heine Nielsen, An Inventory of Archaic and Classical
31 Gregory Vlastos, Studies in Greek Philosophy: The Presocratics, Princeton University Press,
1993, p. 101.
32 Donald Kagan, Introduction to Ancient Greek History, Series of lectures at Yale University,
2007, Lecture 5.
As the increasingly wealthy farmers and slave trade began to emerge,
balance of power was shifting. The separation between aristocrats and
commoners was replaced. In the early stages of the Athenian
Democracy, social categories became based on wealth, and no longer
on birth33.
The peasants, who were asking for a fairer division of the land and the
redistribution of political rights, saw their requests denied. The only
economic measure was the cancellation of debts secured onto
individual persons: a citizen could no longer be enslaved, and citizenship
couldn’t be lost or sold anymore. A clear line between citizens and
slaves was drawn by granting minimal rights to even the poorest citizens.
One scholar argues that, thereby the elite expected a “large body of
persons” to side with them against the slaves34. These changes reinforced
the notions of citizenship and Demos. To sum it up, some people living in
Athens would be more or less or not at all citizens.
After a series of events, including the rise and fall of a tyrant and
violent riots35, democracy was fully established. The poorest could take
equal part in the decision-making process. One scholar emphasized the
politicisation of the citizens and the emergence of a jealous conscious
towards the Athenian citizenry36.
In times of “chronic malady of poverty” 37, as another scholar phrases
it, the poorest will enjoy equal political rights while still struggling to cover
basic necessities.
34 Josiah Ober, Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens, Princeton University Press, 1989, p. 62.
35 Josiah Ober, The Athenian Revolution of 508/7 B.C.E., in Cultural Poetics in Archaic Greece,
37 Gregory Vlastos, Studies in Greek Philosophy: The Presocratics, Princeton University Press,
1993, p. 102.
In the early Athenian democracy, citizenship was limited to adult
males with a citizen father, representing 20 per cent of the population.
Women, slaves and foreigners, called Metics, were excluded. Soon,
citizenship was also offered to metic residents of Athens who had
desirable skills38.
Two centuries later, after their defeat in the Peloponnesian war, the
city-state was ruled by Spartan oligarchs. Exiled Athenians, alongside
mostly Metics and slaves39, were gathered to form an army to overthrow
these tyrants. When the proposition was made to grant citizenship to the
soldiers who had fought to liberate Athens and restore Democracy, the
Athenians voted no40 .
The Ekklesia, the Athenian Assembly, which met 40 times a year on the
Pnyx hill 41, was open to as many as 50000 men. Though most of them
lived too far away to attend, approximately 6000 men were actively
participating42. While the leisure class comprised just 5 to 10 percent of
the population, prominent citizens, orators, litigants and politicians were
primarily, if not entirely, members of this class43.
38 Donald Kagan, Introduction to Ancient Greek History, Series of lectures at Yale University,
40 Donald Kagan, Introduction to Ancient Greek History, Series of lectures at Yale University,
43 Josiah Ober, Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens, Princeton University Press, 1989, p. 192.
The Greeks were divided into four tribes speaking different dialects.
Depending on their circumstances, they would emphasize their
commonality, when unified against a common enemy 44 (Persa,
Syracuse, etc.). When worried by the growing influence of one of them
(Sparta, Macedon…), their cultural and religious distinctions were
emphasized45. The Athenian democracy was, therefore, engaged in
constant battles and wars. As they sought hegemony in the region, they
committed Andrapodismoi, the destruction of conquered cities, while
slaughtering the men and enslaving women and children46.
44 Jennifer T. Roberts, The Plague of War: Athens, Sparta, and the Struggle for Ancient Greece,
48 Expansion of Rights and Liberties - The Right of Suffrage, Online Exhibit: The Charters of
Among the Samale, the nomadic people in the Horn of Africa, the
heer, a contract or treaty in the egalitarian sense 52, binds each member
to his group. The word heer also refers to the rope fastening at the top of
the nomadic hut to the ground. Within a group, the heer consists of a set
of obligations, rights and duties, and provisions of compensations in case
of homicide, wounding and insult, from adultery to defamation. It also
defines the collective responsibility in case of disputes with another
group, since each member receives or gives his share in the
51 Josiah Ober, The Original Meaning of “Democracy”: Capacity to do things, not Majority Rule,
In the Ganges Plain, during the first half of the millennium before our
era, the Raja was merely a leader. His power was checked, in a sort of
“government by discussion”56, as one scholar phrases it. These checks
were orchestrated through assemblies and councils: the vidatha, a
gathering for ceremonies57, the sabha, a council of a chosen group and
the samiti, an assembly of the clan.
As “the need for protection and for social regulation” became
necessary58, a “military leader” was selected. The Raja had to defend
the settlement, carry out raids and win booties to reinforce his status.
53 Ibid., p. 283.
54 Ibid., p. 286.
55 Ibid., p. 283.
56 J.P. Sharma, Republics in Ancient India, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1968, p. 13.
57 J.P. Sharma, Republics in Ancient India, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1968, p. 77.
Originally limited to only the wealthiest citizens, almost all the offices
were gradually opened to more and more people. Payments for
attendance in the Assembly or the courts allowed the poorest to
participate64.
During the aristocratic regime, the Archons, or rulers, were elected
from the aristocracy for a non-renewable term of one year. This
60 Ibid., p. 120.
61 Ibid., p. 121.
62 Ibid.
63 Ibid., p. 120.
64 Josiah Ober, Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens, Princeton University Press, 1989, p. 98.
prevented anyone from expanding his power and popularity65. During
the democratic regime, the rotation was still annual, but the offices were
allocated by allotment among almost all citizens 66. Ostracism was
another measure to forbid anyone to gain too much influence, as the
Assembly could vote to ban someone from Attica for 10 years 67.
Their sense of citizenship developed as they were taking part in the
decision-making process, thereby learning and experiencing their rights.
They must have been galvanized by a sense of entitlement as a vast
proportion of the population was still denied those very same rights. The
influence of the wealthiest or the wellborn faded as they saw even the
poorest members of society could stand up to them68. Failed coup
attempts by some of the elites increased the jealousy of the democrats69
and they became even more suspicious of displays of wealth and
power70 .
While the wellborn could still leverage their education or generosity 71, I
could not find any provision aimed to protect the rights of the most
fragile dissidents from normative social pressures, and a duty to prove
that they were worthy of citizenship.
65 Donald Kagan, Introduction to Ancient Greek History, Series of lectures at Yale University,
67 Donald Kagan, Introduction to Ancient Greek History, Series of lectures at Yale University,
69 Ibid., p. 94.
70 Ibid., p. 86.
71 Ibid., p. 85.
During the mid-twentieth century, a scholar describes the handling of
disputes in rural central Java72 aiming to reach a consensus or
unanimous decision.
In a dukuhan, a local village, the population forms a small community
which is careful to maintain social harmony and cooperation. While the
authority structure of administration is a pyramid, at the dukuhan level
authority is loosened as a spirit of independence from the government is
growing. Decision-making meetings are open to all the male residents
over 18 and all married women. Matters are not decided by voting but
rather by trying to achieve unanimity.
Depending on the matters—taxes, division of land, irrigation water,
labor for community projects (like the building of a school or the
establishment of a cooperative…)—the propositions would be initiated
by individuals, small groups or by the local authorities. Arguments would
be heard, avoiding direct confrontations while the initiators make their
case and try to gain support. Objections would then be raised and
modifications considered. Talented orators and influential figures would
try to weigh in, but if an essential unanimity was not secured, the
proposal would be tacitly dropped or postponed. It is worth noting
though that these meetings were called less frequent, as they tended to
antagonize people.
72 Robert R Jay, Local Government in Rural Central Java, The Far Eastern Quarterly
73 F.G. Bailey, Decisions by Consensus in Councils and Committees: with special Reference to
Village and local Government in India, in Political systems and the distribution of power,
Routledge, 1965, p. 9.
74 Cf James Madison, Fœderalist 10, 1787.
76 Michael Zuckerman, The Social Context of Democracy in Massachusetts in William and Mary
78 Ibid., p. 526.
It is worth noting though that, in fanatic pursuit of harmony, and where
differences in values, religion, nationality or culture were rejected79,
unanimity became a coercive device. Casting a vote meant to
“participate in the consolidation”80 and normalization of the community.
That means you would vote like the others to show that you are part of
their group… From time to time even a decision of the majority could be
dismissed when the majority consisted of the newcomers or the
poorest81, particularly when it went against a minority who were intent on
traditions and clinging to privileges and prejudices.
In the Medieval Europe, from Italy, Spain and France to Germany and
Russia some villages, too small to be of any interest to the aristocracy,
were self-governing82, managing their political and legal matters or their
commons. The assemblies were equally open to the richest and the
poorest, even to the serfs and the women83 in some towns. The decision-
making process was based on consensus84.
The vast majority of medieval towns however, fell under the authority
of a lord or a bishop who placed their men in strategic positions, from tax
collection to legal matters. The increase population and growing
79 Ibid., p. 538.
80 Ibid., p. 544.
81 Ibid., p. 542.
82 Paul Viollet, Les communes françaises au Moyen Âge, in Mémoires de l'Institut national de
85 Henri Pirenne, Histoire de la Constitution de la ville de Dinant au Moyen-Âge, Gand, 1889, pp.
34-35.
86 Frank R. Lewis, The Wards of Cologne in the Middle Ages, in
Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law, Vol. 21, No. 4 (1939), p. 233.
87 Henri Pirenne, Histoire de la Constitution de la ville de Dinant au Moyen-Âge, Gand, 1889, p.
42.
88 Paul Viollet, Les communes françaises au Moyen Âge, in Mémoires de l'Institut national de
91 Paul Viollet, Les communes françaises au Moyen Âge, in Mémoires de l'Institut national de
94 Charles W Colby, The Growth of Oligarchy in English Towns, in The English Historical Review,
30.
97 Paul Viollet, Les communes françaises au Moyen Âge, in Mémoires de l'Institut national de
99 Paul Viollet, Les communes françaises au Moyen Âge, in Mémoires de l'Institut national de
Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law, Vol. 21, No. 4 (1939), p. 234.
the region of Liège, the word bourgeoisie began to refer only to
landowners and merchants102.
102 Henri Pirenne, Histoire de la Constitution de la ville de Dinant au Moyen-Âge, Gand, 1889, pp.
34-35.
103 Horatio F Brown, Venice, an Historical Sketch of the Republic, London, 1895, p. 103.
105 Paul Viollet, Les communes françaises au Moyen Âge, in Mémoires de l'Institut national de
109 Edouard de Laplane, Essai sur l'histoire municipale de la ville de Sisteron, Paris, 1840, p. 18.
110 Juan Sempere, Histoire des Cortès d’Espagne, Bordeaux, 1815, p. 241.
111 Charles W Colby, The Growth of Oligarchy in English Towns, in The English Historical Review,
But I would like to be a little more personal. I was surprised how… I will
name it, even if it sounds exaggerated… I was surprised how inherently
xenophobic the making of a Demos seems. And the inequalities and
antagonism it generates. I was not expecting either that social
inequalities could threaten to that extent Democracy. For those reasons,
I doubt the promise implied by the word Democracy can be fulfilled
solely by the making of a Democracy. We need to question how we
establish a group ; we have to address the problems of social inequalities
; and we ought to spread and seize the power and not let a group, a
body, an individual keep their grip on our mutual liberties and turn them
into an abusive power… I would like to share a last comment. I was also
surprised by the need in the decision making process for debates,
deliberations, pluralism. How they strengthen the political fabric. That
means we also have to cherish the differences and protect the
minorities. Not because it is the right thing to do but because the promise
of Democracy is at stake.
The Athenian experience might be the only example in history that
such a vast and deep spread of power turned back into liberties.
However, the question of equality remained unsolved. When the Demos
fought to obtain a redistribution of power, they asked for Isomoiria,
consisting in “redivision of the land as well as redistribution of political
rights and privileges”118. We saw that their economic demands were
dismissed. They were granted Isonomia, the equality through the law.
One scholar suggests that this Isonomia, the other term used to refer to
Democracy by the Greeks, can be seen as “the record of a defeat for
the poorest section of the demos”119.
118 Gregory Vlastos, Studies in Greek Philosophy: The Presocratics, Princeton University Press,
1993, p. 101.
119 Ibid., p. 102.
©claude pérès, 2019