Release of Prisoners of War From Britain in 1813 and 1814

THE RELEASE OF PRISONERS OF WAR FROM BRITAIN IN 1813 AND 1814
Paul Chamberlain
La Fondation Napoléon | « Napoleonica. La Revue »
2014/3 n° 21 | pages 118 à 129
Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse :

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
https://www.cairn.inforevue-napoleonica-la-revue-2014-3-page-118.htm
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour La Fondation Napoléon.
© La Fondation Napoléon. Tous droits réservés pour tous pays.
La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les
limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la
licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie,
sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de
l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage
dans une base de données est également interdit.
Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

THE RELEASE OF PRISONERS OF WAR FROM BRITAIN IN
1813 AND 1814
By Paul Chamberlain
ABSTRACT
During the Napoleonic Wars, thousands of the French prisoners of war were held in Britain. The Allied victories
over Napoleon in 1813-1814 allowed many thousands of prisoners of war to be released. This article explores the
process of release of these prisoners of war. The release reduced the burden of the POW system on Britain’s
finances, but release and freedom produced mixed feelings amongst the men concerned.

RÉSUMÉ --- La libération des prisonniers de guerre par la Grande-Bretagne en 1813 et 1814
Durant les guerres napoléoniennes, des milliers de soldats ayant combattu sous les aigles françaises ont été
détenus en Grande-Bretagne. Les victoires alliées sur Napoléon de 1813-1814 leur permirent d’être libérés et de
regagner leurs patries ou, pour certains, de s’enrôler dans l’armée britannique. Cet article explore la gestion des
prisonniers par le gouvernement britannique, le poids budgétaire que cela impliqua, ainsi que le processus de
libération qui se mit en place avec la fin de la guerre. Si les anciens prisonniers retrouvèrent leurs foyers, certains
eurent des sentiments contradictoires face à ce retour à la liberté.
Paul Chamberlain, “The Release of Prisoners of War from Britain in 1813 and 1814”, Napoléonica. La Revue, n° 21, June 2015 118
THE RELEASE OF PRISONERS OF WAR FROM BRITAIN IN
1813 AND 1814
By Paul Chamberlain*
Napoleon’s abdication in April 1814 brought not only peace to Europe after many years of
conflict, but allowed many thousands of prisoners of war held in Britain to be released. However, the
advance of the Allies across the continent in 1813-14 had allowed many prisoners to be returned
prior to this date, as not all were Frenchmen. As French forces were pushed back into France,
countries that had once been part of the French Empire now found themselves included in the

alliance against Napoleon, and began rebuilding their armies to take their place within the ranks of
the victors. This allowed Britain to release many thousands of prisoners of war and thus alleviate the
pressure on a prison system that had expanded (both in physical size and cost) since the outbreak of
war in 1803. Release of these men reduced the burden of the system on Britain’s finances, but release
and freedom (however that was defined) produced mixed feelings amongst the men concerned. This
paper examines their story.
While the war on the continent came to an end in 1814, the war prison system in Britain
continued until 1816 when the last prisoners from the 1815 campaign were returned to France. The
latter years had seen an increase in the prisoner population. While the war at sea generated French
captives, from 1808 the conflict in the Iberian Peninsula generated a regular and ever-increasing haul
of prisoners, and the war with Denmark from 1807 and that with the United States from 1812
*
Paul Chamberlain is a Fellow of the Institute of Biomedical Sciences (UK) and fellow of the International Napoleonic Society. He is active amongst the Friends
of the depot for Napoleonic prisoners, Norman Cross, near Peterborough (UK), a detention centre active from 1797-1814.
increased the prisoner population in Britain. That the system continued to function and many
thousands of prisoners of war were administered effectively is testimony to the efficiency of the
Transport Office of the Admiralty, who had responsibility for these captives.
The Transport Office (run by the Transport Board) encouraged every means possible to prevent
captives arriving in the system in the first place, often via local exchanges as occurred with British
and French in the Peninsula, and British and Americans in Canada and the West Indies. They were
only too happy to remove captives before they actually entered the war prison system in Britain.
Despite prisoners being released (mainly Danes and Americans) the population increased
dramatically as Wellington’s successes in Spain generated thousands of captives. In 1810 and again in
1812 the Admiralty attempted to negotiate an exchange cartel with France, but on both occasions
these discussions foundered over various issues. The British détenus in France; what was their
military equivalent for exchange? There was disagreement over the French garrisons of Pondicherry,
St. Lucia, Tobago and Saint Domingue captured in 1803 who the French had believed would be
sent to France on parole, but who were instead dispatched to Britain. The ex-Hanoverian Army was
a body of men that the French insisted should be included in any calculations for exchange; an issue
the British disagreed with as despite George III being Elector of Hanover, the country was not a

British possession. Then there was the disparity in numbers between Britain and France.
In 1810 there were over 43,000 prisoners in Britain but only 15,000 Briton's in France. If the
regular exchange mechanism of man for man, rank for rank took place then there would be a
significant number of Frenchmen who would remain in Britain. To overcome this problem, the
French suggested including the Spanish they held as part of the exchange cartel. Initially this idea was
rejected, but when the negotiations looked as though they would founder, the British relented and
agreed to exchange Frenchmen for Britons and Spaniards. The French counter proposal that the
Admiralty should arrange for vessels to transport these men back to Spain caused the discussions to
end, and no major exchange cartel took place. 1
1 Paul Chamberlain, Hell Upon Water: Prisoners of war in Britain 1793-1815, Stroud, Gloucestershire: The History Press, 2008, pp. 214-235. This has a full discussion
of the abortive exchange negotiations that took place between Britain and France.
From 1803 until 1814, 122,440 prisoners of war of all nationalities were brought to Britain. Of
these 10,341 died and 17,607 were exchanged or sent home sick or on parole. 2 It was the convention
that if a man was so incapacitated by illness or wounds that he was no longer fit for service, he would
be sent home automatically without waiting for exchange to be negotiated. The Admiralty was very
particular about this and so between the outbreak of the war in 1803 and 30 July 1811, a total of
10,467 invalids had been released from England. During that same period only 13 invalid Britons
had been released from France. 3 Table 1 shows the increase in the prisoner of war population in the
years prior to the end of the war.
Table 1. Prisoner population in Britain 1810-1813

Year Prisoner total
1810 43,6834
1811 49,1325
1812 54,5176
1813 72,000
As the war progressed then so the prison system in Britain expanded to accommodate the ever-
increasing number of captives that arrived. In 1810 Portchester Castle was re-opened to house
prisoners taken in the Iberian theatre 7; Dartmoor Prison had opened the previous year and was filling

rapidly. 8 Of the 42 prison ships in use 1803-14, fifteen had been brought into use after 1810. 9 That
year saw the prisons in the south of England full to capacity so it was decided for security reasons to
establish depots further north; Esk Mills and Valleyfield in 1811, and Perth Prison in 1812, the last
major land depot to be constructed that housed up to 7,000 captives. 10
The war prison system was rapidly expanding due to the nature of the conflict and lack of
effective exchange cartels between Britain and France. However, the prison system was not a one-way
process into the depots. Prisoners did leave by various means, and these were encouraged by a
Transport Office keen to reduce the cost of administering these men, and to provide space in the
2 Francis Abell, Prisoners of War in Britain 1756 to 1815, London: 1914, p.450.
3 The National Archives, Kew, Public Records Office [hereafter cited as TNA: PRO] ADM105/46.
4 W1/2598, 24 October 1810. Whitbread Collection, Bedfordshire County Archives.
5 The Literary Panorama, 1811, Volume X, pp. 351-2.
6 TNA: PRO: ADM 105/46
7 TNA: PRO ADM98/252. Admiralty letters to Agent, Portchester Castle 1810.
8 Ron Joy, Dartmoor Prison Volume One: The War Prison 1809-1816, Devon: Halsgrove Publishing, 2002, pp. 18-28.
9 Chamberlain, Ibid., pp. 58-60.
10 Ibid., pp. 96-101.
depots for fresh captives, without having to commission further prison ships or build more land
depots.
The Peninsular War allowed local exchanges to be effected, often before the captives had been
sent to England. This system allowed officers to be exchanged via the outposts of the two armies, and
Wellington was encouraged to do this when it could be effectively arranged. The Transport Office
was not averse to British officers in Spain taken by the French to be exchanged for French officers on
parole in England. This was the case with Major Emain Le Gentil held in Britain, who was sent
across the Channel in exchange for Major O’Hara of the 1st Portuguese Regiment held in by the
French in the Peninsula. 11 The limited exchange in that theatre, albeit a minor arrangement, did
prevent some prisoners entering the prisons of Britain where they would otherwise remain for the
duration.
Prisoners of war did not always look forward to repatriation and often had mixed feelings about
being sent back to a continent that had suffered the ravages of war. The old cliché of going back to
their homes and loved ones did not often ring true. Many prisoners had been held in the depots of
England for up to eleven years and so their home had become the barrack in which they slung their
hammock. A soldier or seaman who had education or manual skills could find work within the

depots and many set themselves up as teachers of languages, mathematics, fencing, dancing; while
others made a good living by constructing bone and straw models to sell in the prison market; and
some found occasional labouring work that earned them money with which to better their lot. Of
those who manufactured bone models, there were those who earned enough from their endeavours
to employ a servant or cook from amongst the other prisoners and so lived a comfortable life. While
many soldiers and seamen enjoyed the military life, despite conscription being their introduction to
such service; a long captivity, a consistent food ration with the opportunity to purchase extra and
varied food items in the markets, relatively comfortable living conditions (even on board the hulks
they received consistent rations), and regular healthcare, would cause many to settle into a
comfortable although restricted routine.
11 TNA: PRO ADM103/614. Parole prisoners, November 1813.
Large numbers of prisoners had been taken captive in the West Indies and so being returned to
the European mainland was only part of the journey home, made difficult if they did not possess
funds to take passage across the Atlantic. Jean Eustache was a fisherman on the island of Saint
Domingue who found himself a prisoner of war on board HMS Franchise in October 1808,
alongside Louis Dalles, a tailor, Jean Nicolas, a Baker and Gabrielle Victor le Jeune, a shoemaker, all
of whom were taken captive and conveyed across the ocean to Norman Cross Prison Depot, where
they lived until released in June 1814. 12 They were then conveyed across the Channel and from there
had to find their own way home, if that was their ambition.
Study of the General Entry Books for Norman Cross show that in the early months of the war
this was one of the main depots for receipt of prisoners taken on merchant vessels, privateers and
transports. These men had enlisted prior to the outbreak of war in 1803 and then spent the next ten
to eleven years at Norman Cross, to be released to France in June and July 1814. They were men
who had left their homes during a period when France had rejected a monarchy, spent the
Napoleonic period isolated from the Imperial wars of the Emperor, only to return to a France where
the once-deposed Bourbons were back on the throne. It was not surprising that many were reluctant
and apprehensive about returning to their native country.

The decisive defeat of Napoleon at the Battle of Leipzig in 1813 convinced many of his German
allies to throw in their lot with the Coalition forces. This battle also prompted popular uprisings in
Holland in November of that year, and on 30 November William VI landed at Schlevinghen, being
proclaimed sovereign of the Netherlands on 2 December. 13 In December 1813 Switzerland also
broke away from Napoleon’s control, and the following month Denmark withdrew from the war,
while in January the Emperor’s marshal and brother-in-law Murat took Naples into the Sixth
Coalition. The redefinition of alliances meant that soldiers and seamen who had been captured
under the French flag were now nationals of countries allied to Britain. To confirm their
commitment to their new allies, these states began to recruit and equip armies. For many of the
German States and for Holland, a lot of their experienced officers and soldiers were being held as
prisoners of war in England, and so they naturally applied to the Admiralty for their troops back.
12 TNA: PRO ADM103/260. General Entry Book of French prisoners of war at Norman Cross 1811-14.
13 Stephen Pope, Dictionary of the Napoleonic Wars, London: 1999, p.352.
In April 1813 the Transport Board had written to the Agents at the depots instructing them to
‘report what number of Italians and Germans may be in this country and whether without much
inconvenience the said prisoners could be separated from the French’. 14 The separation of these
nationals was met with some discussion as to the practicalities of effectively segregating them, and
maintaining that separation. The Board was only too aware of what would happen if they released
some prisoners en masse but retained others. When Spanish prisoners of war had been released in
1808 there were occasions when the French held alongside them became riotous at the thought of
their so-called allies being sent home. Disturbances occurred at Forton Prison, when French
prisoners became riotous and tried to hide themselves amongst the returning Spanish who, taking
exception to this, turned upon their former allies. 15 While the Germans and Italians may not have
shared the same enthusiasm for the Emperor as their French counterparts, the latter saw them as
deserters. With the large numbers of Germans and Italians in the prison depots who were being
conscripted into the forces arrayed against Napoleon, this was seen as potentially a serious problem.
From 1812 the majority of prisoners taken in the Peninsula had been shipped directly to the
depots in Scotland, in particular the newly opened depot of Perth. In July 1813 there were 852
German and Italian prisoners held there who were transferred to Valleyfield, in exchange for the

same number of French who were sent to Perth. 16 Amongst the Germans were 204 men from the
Hesse-Darmstadt troops who had been part of the garrison of Badajoz when it fell in April 1812.
There were already such nationalities being held at Valleyfield, so by August there were at least 641
Italians and 588 Germans collected at the depot. 17
The only choice these men were given was that of which force they could join. From Valleyfield
they enlisted into the King’s German Legion, the 1st Dutch Regiment and most of the Italians into
the army of the King of Sardinia. To facilitate their recruitment, officers from the foreign forces were
allowed to enter the depots to recruit. In March, four officers from Piedmont had arrived in Scotland
to enlist soldiers from Sardinia, Piedmont and Genoa being held in the country. 18 These gentlemen
were also allowed to liaise with other depots in the country, as Captain Hanwell, the Agent at
14 TNA: PRO WO1/916. Letters to Agents regarding prisoners of war 1813. Letter dated 9 April 1813.
15 Chamberlain, Ibid., pp. 83-4.
16 Ian MacDougall, All Men Are Brethren: prisoners of war in Scotland, 1803-1814, Edinburgh: 2008, p.552.
17 Ibid., pp. 552-3.
18 Ibid., p.554.
Norman Cross, was instructed. He had some prisoners from Piedmont and Genoa and was ordered
to send those who wished to enlist to Yarmouth.19
By November the Transport Office was compiling lists of the Dutch prisoners held at all the
depots and informed the Agents here that:
… their Lordships have given orders for sending round to Yarmouth, the Nore and Deal, such of these prisoners as
20
may volunteer for the service of His Serene Highness the Prince of Orange.
Their correspondence determined that Dutch were held at the following depots and if enlisted
would provide a sizable force for the Prince of Orange:
Table 2. Dutch prisoners held in Britain November 181321

Depot Number of Dutch prisoners
Dartmoor 13
Plymouth 455
Stapleton 7
Norman Cross 14
Chatham 110
Portchester 32
Portsmouth 48
Valleyfield 100
Perth 20

Total 799
Consequently these men were assembled at Yarmouth prior to being formed into a battalion for
service under the Prince of Orange and not only helped Britain’s allies, but removed prisoners from
the system. While men were taken out of the depots by this process, there were still many French
and Americans entering the prisons so recruitment allowed accommodation to be made available for
the new arrivals without expanding at cost the existing depots.
While many of the prisoners volunteered for service, there was reluctance on the part of some to
gain their release at the expense of finding themselves participating in the fighting again, especially if
they still felt loyalty to Napoleon. Some were also sceptical of the European situation and how it was
being portrayed to them. The Board wrote to the Agent at Jedburgh in February 1814:
19 TNA: PRO ADM98/238. Transport office correspondence to Agents, Eastern District, 5 March and 15 April 1814.
20 TNA: PRO WO1/916. Letters to Agents 26 November 1813.
21 Ibid., 22 November 1813
There being several prisoners in confinement at Valleyfield belonging to the Hesse Darmstadt
Regiment, who have declined coming forward as volunteers from their not being particularly
informed by their own officers of the actual state of their country.
The Parole Depot of Jedburgh was home to some officers from Hesse and the Agent was
instructed to:
…inform the officers under your care who belong to that Regiment of this circumstance, suggesting to them the
propriety of their writing to the prisoners at Valleyfield, apprizing them of the actual situation of their country. 22
Llanfyllin in Wales was another Parole Depot to which officers of Hesse Darmstadt taken at
Badajoz were sent, and most of these men were returned to the continent in January 1814 to assist in
rebuilding their army. One officer however, had reasons to stay in this quiet village. Captain Adolphe
Herff stayed here out of loyalty to Jane Williams with whom he had daughter, also called Jane,
baptised on 7 January. When his illegitimate daughter died and was buried on 2 October 1816 he
felt released from his ties to Wales and returned home then. 23
Not all prisoners were keen to return to the continent, especially if they were unsure to whom
their loyalties should now be directed. Many were loyal to Napoleon and could not believe that he

was no longer in power; others were more pragmatic and declared for the restored Bourbons. The
Board attempted to ascertain if any prisoners were inclined to support the restored regime. After
Napoleon’s abdication they instructed the Agents to:
…report by return of post whether the late change of affairs in France appears to have had any and what effect on
the French prisoners in your custody and whether any and what number of them have declared in favour of the
Bourbons, or are likely so to declare themselves if separated from the other prisoners. 24
Dartmoor Prison in early April saw many French prisoners declare with tears in their eyes they
would rather die in prison than serve any master but their Emperor, wore tricolour cockades in their
hats, and pinned white Bourbon cockades on the dogs that ran about the prison yards. 25 A British
22 TNA: PRO ADM 98/210. Transport Board to Agent, Jedburgh, 19 February 1814.
23 Murray Chapman, “Napoleonic Prisoners of War in Llanfyllin”, Montgomery Collections relating to Montgomeryshire and its borders, vol. 71 (1983) pp. 70-85.
24 TNA PRO: ADM98/170, 7 April 1814.
25 Basil Thomson, The Story of Dartmoor Prison, London: 1907, pp. 117-8.
officer foolishly entered Portchester Castle wearing a white cockade to demonstrate his support for
the new French regime and was greeted with hisses, groans and stone-throwing. 26 The British
government had supported the restoration of the Bourbons to France, but were apprehensive lest the
repatriation of thousands of French prisoners, many of whom were strong supporters of Napoleon,
would destabilise the new regime. A concern that the new French government had was the sudden
influx of not only many French soldiers and seamen into France, but the many non-French prisoners
who had been part of Napoleon’s forces.
The French government wrote to the Admiralty in May 1814 requesting that:
…no prisoners shall be sent to France who are not real subjects of that country, but be delivered over to their
respective Consuls or sent directly from England to the countries where they belong.
Accordingly the Board instructed the Agents at all depots to only embark prisoners for France
who were natives of that country. Non-French prisoners were to be sent via ports such as
Helvoetsluys in Holland. 27
It was obvious to the authorities that there were mixed feelings amongst the prisoner population
about the situation now existing in France. Throughout the country in April 1814 there were

celebrations that the war was now over, and prisoners were well-aware of the rejoicing taking place.
Some were caught up in the celebrations that the conflict was now over, while others were
apprehensive about what the future held for them. Sir George Jackson recalled meeting some French
prisoners passing through Bath after their release from Stapleton Prison at Bristol:
The joy of the thousands of prisoners who are soon to be released, one would suppose must be
very great indeed; but I was surprised to hear quite a different account, of about two hundred who
passed through Bath some few days ago, in exchange, I believe, for those brought from Dunquerque.
They certainly were not very much delighted; or seemed to understand why they were returning. Of
the truth they could hardly be persuaded. Some said they should soon be ordered to fight again, and
26 Abell, op. cit., p.182.

27 TNA PRO: ADM98/170. Transport Board to Agents, 6 June 1814.
it was much the same to them who it was for; others declared that having taken oaths to Bonaparte
they would never forswear themselves. 28
The Peace Treaty of Paris, signed between the Allied powers and the Bourbon government on
30 May paved the way for the release of all prisoners of war. In the middle of April the French
government had issued orders for the release of all British prisoners held in France, and it was natural
that they expected the release of French nationals to be reciprocated. Two French government
commissioners, Vice Admiral de Sercey and Monsieur de la Boulaye, arrived in London in early May
to arrange the release of all French prisoners in Britain.29 The Transport Board had already been
making plans to hire transport vessels for the task, awarding contracts to their owners for subsistence
of the prisoners on their journey to the continent. 30 In all the depots the Agents were instructed to
pay the prisoners any monies owing to them, and to ensure that the prisoners paid their debts prior
to release. The Agents were also instructed to release prisoners according to priority of capture. This
had always been the procedure for exchange in that those men taken first would be given priority if
an exchange cartel took place. 31
To speed up the release of prisoners, and to reduce the cost to the Admiralty of transporting
them home, the Board resorted to any measure that removed prisoners from the system and indeed,

from the country. Those men who had acquired money from their work in the prisons were allowed
to make their own way home. Some prisoners had committed crimes that resulted in British justice
being served upon them. Jean Nicholas Deschamps and Jean Robillard had been sentenced to
imprisonment at Huntingdon. The Board wrote to Captain Hanwell at Norman Cross on 14 May:
His Royal Highness the Prince Regent having been pleased to grant a full pardon to two
prisoners [Deschamps and Robillard] … formerly prisoners of war at Norman Cross Depot who had
been convicted at Huntingdon of uttering forged Bank notes, and authority having been given to the
High Sheriff of Huntingdon for the removal of these men to Norman Cross, we direct you to receive
them again into your custody. 32
28 Lady Jackson, ed., A Further Selection from the Diaries and Letters of Sir George Jackson, from 1809 to 1816 London: 1873, vol. I, pp.434-5.
29 MacDougall, Ibid., p.573.
30 TNA PRO: ADM98/280. Letters to Agents, 29 April, 6 May & 6 June 1814.
31 TNA PRO: ADM98/238. Transport Board to Agent, Norman Cross, 14 May 1814.
32 Ibid., 13 May 1814.
In 1814 prisoners of war could even be found in Institutions other than the war prisons. The
Admiralty ordered that ‘…14 insane French prisoners of war confined at Bethlem Hospital’ should be
sent to France. 33
By the end of July 1814 the prison depots had been emptied of French, Dutch, German and
Italian prisoners of war, leaving only Americans at Dartmoor and some of the Chatham hulks.
Immediately the Admiralty instructed their Agents to reduce the prison establishment and prepare
for the closure of the depots 34, thus reducing the cost of a prison establishment that had administered
the many thousands of captives taken during the Napoleonic Wars. For these men an uncertain
future awaited them, and it is interesting that some had taken matters into their own hands. The
General Entry Books for Norman Cross Prison covering the period 1813-14 have notes regarding
the escape of some prisoners. No entry is made as to their recapture as was the norm, and it appears
that the authorities allowed them to make their own way in the world. It removed the effort and
expense on the part of the Admiralty of transporting these few intrepid men back to the continent. 35
33 TNA PRO: ADM99/258. Admiralty Medical Department Letters 4 May 1814.

34 TNA PRO: ADM 98/238 Ibid., 16 July 1814.
35 TNA PRO: ADM103/260. General Entry Book of French prisoners of war at Norman Cross 1811-14.

Release of Prisoners of War From Britain in 1813 and 1814

Transféré par

Informations du document

Copyright

Formats disponibles

Partager ce document

Partager ou intégrer le document

Options de partage

Avez-vous trouvé ce document utile ?

Ce contenu est-il inapproprié ?

Droits d'auteur :

Formats disponibles

Release of Prisoners of War From Britain in 1813 and 1814

Transféré par

Droits d'auteur :

Formats disponibles

THE RELEASE OF PRISONERS OF WAR FROM BRITAIN IN 1813 AND 1814

La Fondation Napoléon | « Napoleonica. La Revue »

2014/3 n° 21 | pages 118 à 129

Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse :

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Table 1. Prisoner population in Britain 1810-1813

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

11 TNA: PRO ADM103/614. Parole prisoners, November 1813.

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Table 2. Dutch prisoners held in Britain November 181321

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

26 Abell, op. cit., p.182.

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - - - 85.201.153.67 - 20/10/2019 12:54 - © La Fondation Napoléon

33 TNA PRO: ADM99/258. Admiralty Medical Department Letters 4 May 1814.

Vous aimerez peut-être aussi