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ȼɂɁȺɇɌɈɅɈɒɄɈȽ ɂɇɋɌɂɌɍɌȺ
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UDC 949.5+7.033.2+877.3(05) ISSN 0584-9888

INSTITUT D’ÉTUDES BYZANTINES


DE L’ACADÉMIE SERBE DES SCIENCES ET DES ARTS

RECUEIL DES TRAVAUX


DE L’INSTITUT D’ÉTUDES BYZANTINES
L/1

MÉLANGES
LJUBOMIR MAKSIMOVIû
Rédacteurs
BOJANA KRSMANOVIû, SRĈAN PIRIVATRIû

Comité de rédaction:
Jean-Claude Cheynet (Paris), Evangelos Chrysos (Athènes), Vujadin Ivaniševiü, Jovanka Kaliü,
Sergej Karpov (Moscou), Bojana Krsmanoviü, Aleksandar Loma, Ljubomir Maksimoviü,
Miodrag Markoviü, Bojan Miljkoviü, Srÿan Pirivatriü, Claudia Rapp (Vienne), Peter
Schreiner (Munich), Gojko Subotiü, Dejan Dželebdžiü, Mirjana Živojinoviü

Secrétaires de la rédaction:
Miloš Cvetkoviü, Predrag Komatina

BEOGRAD
2013
ɍȾɄ 949.5+7.033.2+877.3(05) ISSN 0584-9888

ȼɂɁȺɇɌɈɅɈɒɄɂ ɂɇɋɌɂɌɍɌ
ɋɊɉɋɄȿ ȺɄȺȾȿɆɂȳȿ ɇȺɍɄȺ ɂ ɍɆȿɌɇɈɋɌɂ

ɁȻɈɊɇɂɄ ɊȺȾɈȼȺ
ȼɂɁȺɇɌɈɅɈɒɄɈȽ ɂɇɋɌɂɌɍɌȺ
L/1

MÉLANGES
LJUBOMIR MAKSIMOVIû
ɍɪɟɞɧɢɰɢ
ȻɈȳȺɇȺ ɄɊɋɆȺɇɈȼɂȶ, ɋɊȭȺɇ ǠɂɊɂȼȺǣɊɂȶ

Ɋɟɞɚɤɰɢɨɧɢ ɨɞɛɨɪ
Ɇɢɪʁɚɧɚ ɀɢɜɨʁɢɧɨɜɢʄ, ȼɭʁɚɞɢɧ ɂɜɚɧɢɲɟɜɢʄ, ȳɨɜɚɧɤɚ Ʉɚɥɢʄ, ɋɟɪɝɟʁ ɄɚɪȀɨɜ (Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ),
Ȼɨʁɚɧɚ Ʉɪɫɦɚɧɨɜɢʄ, Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɚɪ Ʌɨɦɚ, ȴɭɛɨɦɢɪ Ɇɚɤɫɢɦɨɜɢʄ, Ɇɢɨɞɪɚɝ Ɇɚɪɤɨɜɢʄ,
Ȼɨʁɚɧ Ɇɢʂɤɨɜɢʄ, ɋɪɻɚɧ Ǡɢɪɢɜɚȃɪɢʄ, Ʉɥɚɭɞɢʁɚ ɊɚȀ (Ȼɟɱ), Ƚɨʁɤɨ ɋɭɛɨȃɢʄ, ȿɜɚɧɝɟɥɨɫ
ɏɪɢɫɨɫ (Ⱥɬɢɧɚ), Ⱦɟʁɚɧ ȹɟɥɟɛʇɢʄ, ɀɚɧ-Ʉɥɨɞ ɒɟɧɟ (ɉɚɪɢɡ), Ǡɟȃɟɪ ɒɪɚʁɧɟɪ (Ɇɢɧɯɟɧ)

ɋɟɤɪɟɬɚɪɢ ɪɟɞɚɤɰɢʁɟ
Ǡɪɟɞɪɚɝ Ʉɨɦɚȃɢɧɚ, Ɇɢɥɨɲ ɐɜɟȃɤɨɜɢʄ

Ȼ ȿ Ɉ Ƚ ɊȺ Ⱦ
2013
ɉɪɢɯɜɚʄɟɧɨ ɡɚ ɲɬɚɦɩɭ ɧɚ ɫɟɞɧɢɰɢ Ɉɞɟʂɟʃɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɧɚɭɤɚ ɋȺɇɍ,
26. ɮɟɛɪɭɚɪɚ 2014.

Ɉɜɚ ɤʃɢɝɚ ɨɛʁɚɜʂɟɧɚ ʁɟ ɭɡ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɫɤɭ ɩɨɦɨʄ


Ɇɢɧɢɫɬɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɩɪɨɫɜɟɬɟ, ɧɚɭɤɟ ɢ ɬɟɯɧɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɪɚɡɜɨʁɚ Ɋɟɩɭɛɥɢɤɟ ɋɪɛɢʁɟ
ɮɨɬɨ ȼɭɤ ɇɟɧɟɡɢʄ
Ɉɜɟ, 2013. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ, ɧɚɜɪɲɚɜɚ ɫɟ ɫɟɞɚɦɞɟɫɟɬɩɟɬ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ ɠɢɜɨɬɚ ɚɤɚɞɟɦɢɤɚ
ɢ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɨɪɚ ȴɭɛɨɦɢɪɚ Ɇɚɤɫɢɦɨɜɢʄɚ. ɂɡɭɡɟɬɧɨ ɧɚɭɱɧɨ ɩɪɟɝɚɥɚɲɬɜɨ ɭ ɢɫɬɪɚ-
ɠɢɜɚʃɢɦɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɰɢɜɢɥɢɡɚɰɢʁɟ ɨɛɟɥɟɠɢɥɨ ʁɟ ɩɨɥɭɜɟɤɨɜɧɭ ɤɚɪɢʁɟɪɭ ɩɪɨɮɟ-
ɫɨɪɚ Ɇɚɤɫɢɦɨɜɢʄɚ, ɨɫɬɚɜʂɚʁɭʄɢ ɛɭɞɭʄɢɦ ɝɟɧɟɪɚɰɢʁɚɦɚ ɭ ɧɚɫɥɟɻɟ ɛɪɨʁɧɟ ɧɚɭɱɧɟ
ɫɬɭɞɢʁɟ, ɱɢʁɟ ɫɭ ɨɞɥɢɤɟ ɬɟɦɟʂɧɨɫɬ, ɥɭɰɢɞɧɨɫɬ ɢ ɢɧɫɩɢɪɚɬɢɜɧɟ ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢʁɟ.
ɂɡɭɱɚɜɚʃɟɦ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɭɩɪɚɜɟ, ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɢ ɫɪɩɫɤɨ-
ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɨɞɧɨɫɚ, ɚɤɚɞɟɦɢɤ ȴɭɛɨɦɢɪ Ɇɚɤɫɢɦɨɜɢʄ ɬɪɚʁɧɨ ʁɟ ɨɛɟɥɟɠɢɨ ɜɢɡɚɧ-
ɬɨɥɨɝɢʁɭ ɭ ɧɚɫ ɢ ɭ ɫɜɟɬɭ. ɉɨɱɚɫɧɢ ɞɨɤɬɨɪɚɬɢ ɢ ɱɥɚɧɫɬɜɚ ɭ ɢɧɨɫɬɪɚɧɢɦ ɚɤɚɞɟɦɢʁɚɦɚ
ɧɚɭɤɚ ɢ ɦɟɻɭɧɚɪɨɞɧɢɦ ɧɚɭɱɧɢɦ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɰɢʁɚɦɚ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɛɪɨʁɧɚ ɩɪɟɞɚɜɚʃɚ ɩɨ ɩɨ-
ɡɢɜɭ ɧɚ ɟɜɪɨɩɫɤɢɦ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɡɢɬɟɬɢɦɚ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɟ ɨ ɠɢɜɨʁ ɧɚɭɱɧɨʁ ɢ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɰɢɨɧɨʁ
ɞɟɥɚɬɧɨɫɬɢ ȴɭɛɨɦɢɪɚ Ɇɚɤɫɢɦɨɜɢʄɚ. ɇɚɫɬɨʁɟʄɢ ɞɚ ɭɧɚɩɪɟɞɢ ɢ ɚɮɢɪɦɢɲɟ ɛɟɨ-
ɝɪɚɞɫɤɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɭ ɲɤɨɥɭ, ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɚɦɚ ʁɟ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚɧɨ ɢɫɬɪɚʁɚɜɚɨ ɧɚ ɩɨɜɟɡɢɜɚʃɭ
ɫɪɩɫɤɟ ɫɚ ɢɧɨɫɬɪɚɧɢɦ ɧɚɭɱɧɢɦ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɚɦɚ. ɇɟɝɨɜɚʃɟ ɢ ɭɧɚɩɪɟɻɢɜɚʃɟ ɨɞɧɨɫɚ
ɫɚ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ ɫɜɟɬɫɤɢɦ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɢɦ ɰɟɧɬɪɢɦɚ ɭɱɢɧɢɥɨ ɝɚ ʁɟ ɧɚ ɫɜɨʁɟɜɪɫɬɚɧ ɧɚ-
ɱɢɧ ɚɦɛɚɫɚɞɨɪɨɦ ɧɚɲɟ ɧɚɭɱɧɟ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɟ. ɉɪɟɩɨɡɧɚɬʂɢɜ ɩɨ ɩɪɟɞɭɫɪɟɬʂɢɜɨɫɬɢ,
ʂɭɛɚɡɧɨɫɬɢ ɭ ɨɩɯɨɻɟʃɭ, ɨɬɜɨɪɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɫɩɪɟɦɧɨɫɬɢ ɧɚ ɫɚɪɚɞʃɭ, ɩɨɫɬɚɨ ʁɟ ɛɥɢɡɚɤ
ɦɧɨɝɢɦ ɝɟɧɟɪɚɰɢʁɚɦɚ ɧɚɭɱɧɢɤɚ, ɫɬɜɚɪɚʁɭʄɢ ɢ ɧɟɝɭʁɭʄɢ ɲɢɪɨɤ ɤɪɭɝ ɩɪɢʁɚɬɟʂɚ ɢ
ɤɨɥɟɝɚ ɭ ɡɟɦʂɢ ɢ ɢɧɨɫɬɪɚɧɫɬɜɭ. ɇɚʁɜɢɲɟ ɡɚɯɜɚʂɭʁɭʄɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɦ ɧɚɭɱɧɨɦ ɭɝɥɟɞɭ
ɢ ɧɚɩɨɪɢɦɚ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɱɢɧɢɨ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɨɪ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɨɝ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬɚ ɍɧɢɜɟɪɡɢɬɟɬɚ ɭ
Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞɭ, ɞɢɪɟɤɬɨɪ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ ɋȺɇɍ ɢ ɩɪɟɞɫɟɞɧɢɤ ɋɪɩɫɤɨɝ ɤɨ-
ɦɢɬɟɬɚ ɡɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɝɢʁɭ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ ʁɟ 2011. ɢɡɚɛɪɚɧ ɡɚ ɞɨɦɚʄɢɧɚ 23. ɦɟɻɭɧɚɪɨɞɧɨɝ
ɤɨɧɝɪɟɫɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɝɚ (2016). Ɍɚɤɨ ɫɭ ɫɪɩɫɤɢ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɡɢ ɢ ɦɟɞɢɟɜɢɫɬɢ ɞɨɛɢɥɢ
ʁɨɲ ʁɟɞɧɭ ɩɪɢɥɢɤɭ ɞɚ ɧɚ ɧɚʁɜɢɲɟɦ ɧɢɜɨɭ ɚɮɢɪɦɢɲɭ ɧɚɭɱɧɟ ɞɢɫɰɢɩɥɢɧɟ ɬɪɚɞɢ-
ɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɨ ɧɟɝɨɜɚɧɟ ɭ ɧɚɲɨʁ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɢ.
Ʉɚɨ ɢɡɪɚɡ ɡɚɯɜɚɥɧɨɫɬɢ ɡɚ ɢɡɭɡɟɬɧɟ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɫɤɟ ɧɚɩɨɪɟ ɭɥɨɠɟɧɟ ɭ ɨɱɭɜɚʃɟ ɢ
ɭɧɚɩɪɟɻɟʃɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɫɬɭɞɢʁɚ ɭ ɡɟɦʂɢ, ɫɚɪɚɞɧɢɰɢ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ
ɋȺɇɍ ɨɞɥɭɱɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɞɚ 50. ʁɭɛɢɥɚɪɧɭ ɫɜɟɫɤɭ ɁDzǿȁǾǹǻDZ ȁDZǵǿdzDZ ǓǹǸDZǾȃǿǼǿȉǻǿǴ
ǹǾȂȃǹȃȄȃDZ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɟ ɞɭɝɨɝɨɞɢɲʃɟɦ ɭɪɟɞɧɢɤɭ ɨɜɨɝ ɱɚɫɨɩɢɫɚ, ɫɜɨɦ ɤɨɥɟɝɢ ɢ ɩɪɨ-
ɮɟɫɨɪɭ, ɚɤɚɞɟɦɢɤɭ ȴɭɛɨɦɢɪɭ Ɇɚɤɫɢɦɨɜɢʄɭ. Ɂɚɞɨɜɨʂɫɬɜɨ ʁɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɚɬɨɜɚɬɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ
ɩɨɡɢɜ ɪɟɞɚɤɰɢʁɟ ɧɚɢɲɚɨ ɧɚ ɲɢɪɨɤ ɨɞɡɢɜ ɭ ɧɚɲɨʁ ɢ ɢɧɨɫɬɪɚɧɨʁ ɧɚɭɱɧɨʁ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɢ.

Ɋɟɞɚɤɰɢɨɧɢ ɨɞɛɨɪ
The year 2013 saw the celebration of the 75th birthday of academician and pro-
fessor Ljubomir Maksimoviü. Professor Maksimoviü’s half-century long career has
been marked by his extraordinary zeal for the investigation of Byzantine civiliza-
tion. The thoroughness, lucidity and innovative nature of his research has provided a
rich legacy that will continue to inspire future generations of scholars. By studying
Byzantine administration, the history of late byzantine cities, and Serbo-Byzantine
relations, academician Ljubomir Maksimoviü has made a fundamental contribution to
the Þeld of Byzantine studies not only in Serbia, but globally as well. Honorary doc-
torates, memberships in international academies of sciences, and various international
scientiÞc organizations, as well as invitations as a guest lecturer at prominent universi-
ties and cultural institutions throughout Europe, all testify to the vibrant scientiÞc and
organizational activities of academician Maksimoviü. For decades, he has endeav-
ored to improve and promote the Belgrade school of Byzantine studies by connecting
Serbian scholars with international scientiÞc communities and networks. Serving as
an ambassador for Serbia’s scholarly community, Professor Maksimoviü has fostered
and strengthened relationships with other international centers for Byzantine studies.
Known for his helpful, generous, and collaborative spirit, academician Maksi-
moviü has become a valued colleague, mentor and friend to a wide circle of scholars
at home and abroad. Professor at the Faculty of Philosophy of University of Belgrade,
Director of the Byzantine Institute, SANU, and president of the Serbian National
Committee for Byzantine Studies, it was llargely due to his esteemed internation-
al reputation that Belgrade was selected in 2011 as host for the 23rd International
Congress of Byzantine Studies (2016). Byzantine and medieval scholars in Serbia
will receive great beneÞt from this opportunity to participate in the highest level of
scholarly discourse in the scientiÞc disciplines traditionally cultivated in our country.
As an expression of gratitude for the extraordinary, decades-long, efforts in
the preservation and promotion of Byzantine studies in the country, associates of the
Byzantine Institute, SANU, have decided to dedicate the 50th anniversary issue of the
ZRVI (Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta) to the long-time editor of the journal,
our colleague and professor, academician Ljubomir Maksimoviü. It is our pleasure to
anounce that the call for contributions to this special issue of our journal met with a
strong response from scholars at home and abroad.
Editorial Board
TABULA GRATULATORIA

Hélène Ahrweiller Antonia Kioussopoulou


Michael Altripp Ewald Kislinger
Christina Angelidi Johannes Koder
Sima Avramoviü Taxiarches Kolias
Mark Bartusis Predrag Komatina
Albrecht Berger Dušan Koraü
Mikhail V. Bibikov Desanka Kovaþeviü-Kojiü
Ivan Biliarsky Otto Kresten
Stanoje Bojanin Bojana Krsmanoviü
Ivan Božilov Frederick Lauritzen
Ĉorÿe Bubalo Ralph-Johannes Lilie
Ludwig Burgmann Aleksandar Loma
Jean-Claude Cheynet Marina Loukaki
Kriton Chryssochoïdis Telemachos C. Lounghis
Evangelos Chrysos Ruth Macrides
Slobodan ûurþiü Georgios Makris
Miloš Cvetkoviü Élisabeth Malamut
Gilbert Dagron Chryssa Maltezou
Marko Draškoviü Triantafyllitsa Maniati-Kokkini
Dejan Dželebdžiü Smilja Marjanoviü-Dušaniü
Aksinia Džurova Athanasios Markopoulos
Vera von Falkenhausen Miodrag Markoviü
Karsten Fledelius Tamara Matoviü
Aleksandar Fotiü Igor P. Medvedev
Vassil Gjuzelev Sanja Mešanoviü
Michael Grünbart Lʁubomir Milanoviü
John Haldon Bojan Miljkoviü
Lars Hoffmann Rosemary Morris
Vujadin Ivaniševiü Kalliopi A. Mpourdara
Sergey A. Ivanov Vojin Nedeljkoviü
Elisabeth Jeffreys Maja Nikoliü
Jovanka Kaliü Georgi N. Nikolov
Sophia Kalopissi-Verti Paolo Odorico
Michel Kaplan Valentino Pace
Sergey Karpov Elephteria Papagianni
Vassilis Katsaros Bojana Pavloviü
Danica Petroviü Gojko Subotiü
Srÿan Pirivatriü Tatjana Subotin-Goluboviü
Aleksandar V. Popoviü Srÿan Šarkiü
Danica Popoviü Bogoljub Šijakoviü
Ivana Popoviü Marko Šuica
Marko Popoviü Anthonios-Aemilios Tachiaos
Mihailo St. Popoviü Niki Tsironi
Günter Prinzing Anatoliy A. Turilov
Claudia Rapp Vladimir VavĜinek
Diether Roderich Reinsch Vasya Velinova
Antonio Rigo Vassiliki N. Vlyssidou
Silvia Ronchey Dragan Vojvodiü
Peter Schreiner Martin Marko Vuþetiü
Werner Seibt Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt
Peter Soustal Brandes Wolfram
Momþilo Spremiü Miloš Živkoviü
Alkmini Stavridou-Zafraka Mirjana Živojinoviü
Paul Stephenson
ɋȺȾɊɀȺȳ – TABLE DES MATIÈRES

Ɍɨɦ I – Tome I

Bibliography of Ljubomir Maksimoviü (edited by Miloš Cvetkoviü, Predrag Komatina) – – 15

Athanasios Markopoulos, In search for ‘higher education’ in Byzantium – – – – – – – – – – 29


Ⱥȃɚɧɚɫɢɨɫ ɆɚɪɤɨȀɭɥɨɫ, ɍ ɩɨɬɪɚɡɢ ɡɚ „ɜɢɫɨɤɢɦ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚʃɟɦ“ ɭ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɢ – – – – – – 44

ȼɨʁɢɧ ɇɟɞɟʂɤɨɜɢʄ, ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɇɢɲɚ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɫɬɭ-


ɞɢʁɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 45
Vojin Nedeljkoviü, Features of Vulgar Latin in the inscriptions of Naissus – – – – – – – – – 62

Paul Stephenson, The Skylla Group in Constantinople’s Hippodrome – – – – – – – – – – – 65


Ǡɨɥ ɋȃɢɜɟɧɫɨɧ, Ƚɪɭɩɚ ɋɤɢɥɚ ɧɚ ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɦ ɏɢɩɨɞɪɨɦɭ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 74

Ɇɚɪɤɨ Ⱦɪɚɲɤɨɜɢʄ, ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ – – – – – – – – 75


Marko Draškoviü, Some remarks on economic history of Byzantine Sardis in the 5th century 110

Georgi N. Nikolov, Vorwärts nach Konstantinopel! Die Entstehung der Idee über die Eroberung
der byzantinischen Hauptstadt durch die Bulgaren – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 113
Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ ɇ. ɇɢɤɨɥɨɜ, ɇɚɩɪɟɞ ɧɚ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞ! Ɋɚɻɚʃɟ ɢɞɟʁɟ ɨ ɨɫɜɚʁɚʃɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɩɪɟɫɬɨ-
ɧɢɰɟ ɤɨɞ Ȼɭɝɚɪɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 121

Sergey A. Ivanov, The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late Sixth century as depicted by
Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos: A new source? – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 123
ɋɟɪɝɟʁ Ⱥ. ɂɜɚɧɨɜ, Ⱥɜɚɪɫɤɨ-ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɪɚɬɨɜɢ ɫ ɤɪɚʁɚ VI ɜɟɤɚ ɨɩɢɫɚɧɢ ɭ ɞɟɥɭ ɇɢʄɢɮɨɪɚ
Ʉɚɥɢɫɬɚ Ʉɫɚɧɬɨɩɭɥɚ: ɇɨɜɢ ɢɡɜɨɪ? – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 148

Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt, Der Terminus ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ in der byzantinischen Ver-


waltung – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 149
Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɚ-Ʉɢɪɢʁɚɤɢ ȼɚɫɢɥɢʁɭ-Ɂɚʁɛȃ, Ɍɟɪɦɢɧ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ ɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢʁɢ 161

Telemachos C. Lounghis, Was there a “pre-feudal” crisis? On Ljubomir Maksimoviü’s


inaugural lecture before the Academy of Athens – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 163
ǣɢɥɟɦɚɯɨɫ K. Ʌɭɧɝɢɫ, Ⱦɚ ɥɢ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ „ɩɪɟ-ɮɟɭɞɚɥɧɟ“ ɤɪɢɡɟ? Ɉ ɩɪɢɫɬɭɩɧɨʁ ɛɟɫɟɞɢ
ȴɭɛɨɦɢɪɚ Ɇɚɤɫɢɦɨɜɢʄɚ ɭ Ⱥɬɢɧɫɤɨʁ ɚɤɚɞɟɦɢʁɢ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 171

Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɚɪ ȼ. ǠɨȀɨɜɢʄ, „ȿɬɢɦɨɥɨɲɤɢ ɚɬɥɚɫ“ ʂɭɞɫɤɨɝ ɬɟɥɚ ɭ ɫɩɢɫɭ ‫ݾ‬įȘȖȩȢ Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɚ


ɋɢɧɚɢɬɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 173
Aleksandar V. Popoviü, „Etymological atlas“ of human body in Hodegos of Anastasios of Sinai 177

ɂɜɚɧ Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɇɹɤɨɥɤɨ ɛɟɥɟɠɤɢ ɤɴɦ Theophanes Chronographia, 49716–26 – – – – – – – 179


ɂɜɚɧ Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɇɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɪɟɱɢ ɨ ǣɟɨɮɚɧɨɜɨʁ ɏɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɢ, 49716–26 – – – – – – – – – – 186

Werner Seibt, Was lehren die Siegel über die Verwaltung von Cherson im Mittelalter? – – – 187
ȼɟɪɧɟɪ Ɂɚʁɛȃ, ɒɬɚ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɟ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢʁɢ ɏɟɪɫɨɧɚ ɭ ɫɪɟɞʃɟɦ ɜɟɤɭ? – – – 194
Predrag Komatina, Date of the composition of the Notitiae Episcopatuum Ecclesiae
Constantinopolitanae nos. 4, 5 and 6 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 195
Ǡɪɟɞɪɚɝ Ʉɨɦɚȃɢɧɚ, ȼɪɟɦɟ ɧɚɫɬɚɧɤɚ ɟȀɢɫɤɨȀɫɤɢɯ ɧɨȃɢɰɢʁɚ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɰɪɤɜɟ ɛɪ. 4,
5ɢ6 –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 213

Ɇɢɥɨɲ ɐɜɟȃɤɨɜɢʄ, Ɇɟɪɚɪɯ ɭ ɬɟɦɚɬɫɤɨʁ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɰɢʁɢ ɨɞ IX ɞɨ XII ɜɟɤɚ – – – – – – – – 215


Miloš Cvetkoviü, Merarches in the thematic organization (9th–12th centuries) – – – – – – – – 233

ɂɜɚɧ Ȼɢɥɹɪɫɤɢ, ɀɢɬɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɫɜ. Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɢɣ Ⱦɟɤɚɩɨɥɢɬ ɜ ɪɴɤɨɩɢɫ Ms. Sl. 307 ɨɬ
Ɋɭɦɴɧɫɤɚɬɚ Ⱥɤɚɞɟɦɢɹ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 235
ɂɜɚɧ Ȼɢʂɚɪɫɤɢ, ɀɢɬɢʁɟ ɋɜ. Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɢʁɚ Ⱦɟɤɚɩɨɥɢɬɚ ɭ ɪɭɤɨɩɢɫɭ Ms. Sl. 307 Ɋɭɦɭɧɫɤɟ
ɚɤɚɞɟɦɢʁɟ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 243

Ewald Kislinger, Erster und zweiter Sieger. Zum byzantinisch-karolingischen Bündnis be-
züglich Bari 870–871 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 245
ȿɜɚɥɞ Ʉɢɫɥɢɧɝɟɪ, ɉɪɜɢ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɩɨɛɟɞɧɢɰɢ. Ɉ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ-ɤɚɪɨɥɢɧɲɤɨɦ ɫɚɜɟɡɭ ɭ
Ȼɚɪɢʁɭ 870–871. – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 258

ȀĮȜȜȚȩʌȘ ǹ. ȂʌȠȣȡįȐȡĮ, ਺ ȞȠȝȠȜȠȖȓĮ, țȓȞȘIJȡȠ ȞȠȝȠșİIJȚțોȢ ʌȡȦIJȠȕȠȣȜȓĮȢ IJȠ૨ ȁȑȠȞIJȠȢ


Ȉȉǯ IJȠ૨ ȈȠijȠ૨ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 259
Ʉɚɥɢɨɩɢ Ⱥ. Ȼɭɪɞɚɪɚ, ɋɭɞɫɤɚ ɩɪɚɤɫɚ ɤɚɨ ɦɨɬɢɜ ɡɚɤɨɧɨɞɚɜɧɟ ɢɧɢɰɢʁɚɬɢɜɟ Ʌɚɜɚ VI Ɇɭɞɪɨɝ 267

ǣɚɦɚɪɚ Ɇɚȃɨɜɢʄ, ȂĮȞȓĮ ɤɚɨ ɨɫɧɨɜ ɡɚ ɪɚɡɜɨɞ ɛɪɚɤɚ ɭ ɇɨɜɟɥɚɦɚ CXI ɢ CXII Ʌɚɜɚ VI 269
Ɇɭɞɪɨɝ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –
Tamara Matoviü, ȂĮȞȓĮ as a ground for divorce in Novellae CXI and CXII of Leo the Wise 282

Michael Grünbart, Aspekte der politischen Verßechtung des Patriarchen in der mittelbyzan-
tinischen Zeit – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 283
Ɇɢɯɚɟɥ Ƚɪɢɧɛɚɪȃ, Ⱥɫɩɟɤɬɢ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɭɩɥɢɜɚ ɩɚɬɪɢʁɚɪɚɯɚ ɭ ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɩɟ-
ɪɢɨɞɭ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 300

Ɇɢɨɞɪɚɝ Ɇɚɪɤɨɜɢʄ, Ɉ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁɢɦɚ ɭɛɢɰɢɪɚʃɚ „ɧɚɫɟʂɟɧɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ“ ɉɨɪɮɢɪɨɝɟɧɢɬɨɜɟ


ɉɚɝɚɧɢʁɟ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɨɝɪɚɮɫɤɢ ɩɪɟɝɥɟɞ ɫɚ ɩɨɫɟɛɧɢɦ ɨɫɜɪɬɨɦ ɧɚ ɫɩɨɪɧɚ ɩɢɬɚʃɚ – – 303
Miodrag Markoviü, On the attempts to locate the “inhabited cities” of Porphyrogennetos’
Pagania. A historiographic overview with special reference to controversial issues – 332

Rosemary Morris, Travelling ȳudges in Byzantine Macedonia (10th–11th c.) – – – – – – – – 335


Ɋɨɡɦɟɪɢ Ɇɨɪɢɫ, ɉɭɬɭʁɭʄɟ ɫɭɞɢʁɟ ɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ Ɇɚɤɟɞɨɧɢʁɢ (ɏ–XI ɜɟɤ) – – – – – – – – 345

Vassiliki N. Vlyssidou, Relativement à la nomination d’Eustathe Maléïnos comme stratège


d’Antioche et de Lykandos – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 347
ȼɚɫɢɥɢɤɢ ɇ. ȼɥɢɫɢɞɭ, Ɉ ɢɦɟɧɨɜɚʃɭ ȿɜɫɬɚɬɢʁɚ Ɇɚɥɟɢɧɚ ɡɚ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝɚ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɟ ɢ Ʌɢɤɚɧɞɚ 355

Marina Loukaki, Kataphlôros ou Kataphlôron: Notes sur un patronyme byzantin – – – – – 357


Ɇɚɪɢɧɚ Ʌɭɤɚɤɢ, Kataphlôros ɢɥɢ Kataphlôron: ɛɟɥɟɲɤɟ ɨ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɩɪɟɡɢ-
ɦɟɧɭ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 365

Lʁubomir Milanoviü, On the threshold of certainty: The Incredulity of Thomas in the narthex
of the katholikon of the Hosios Loukas Monastery – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 367
ȴɭɛɨɦɢɪ Ɇɢɥɚɧɨɜɢʄ, ɇɚ ɩɪɚɝɭ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɨɫɬɢ: ɉɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɚ ɇɟɜɟɪɫɬɜɚ Ɍɨɦɢɧɨɝ ɭ ɩɪɢɩɪɚɬɢ
ɤɚɬɨɥɢɤɨɧɚ Ɇɚɧɚɫɬɢɪɚ ɏɨɫɢɨɫ Ʌɭɤɚɫ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 386
Diether Roderich Reinsch, Wer waren die Leser und Hörer der Chronographia des Michael
Psellos? – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 389
Ⱦɢȃɟɪ Ɋɨɞɟɪɢɯ Ɋɚʁɧɲ, Ʉɨ ɫɭ ɛɢɥɢ ɱɢɬɚɨɰɢ ɢ ɫɥɭɲɚɨɰɢ ɏɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɟ Ɇɢɯɚɢɥɚ
ɉɫɟɥɚ? – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 398

Frederick Lauritzen, The mixed life of Plato’s Philebus in Psellos’ Chronographia (6ɚ.8) – 399
Ɏɪɟɞɟɪɢɤ Ʌɚɭɪɢɰɟɧ, Ɇɟɲɨɜɢɬɢ ɠɢɜɨɬ ɉɥɚɬɨɧɨɜɨɝ Ɏɢɥɟɛɚ ɭ ɉɫɟɥɨɜɨʁ ɏɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɢ
(6ɚ.8) – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 409

Jean-Claude Cheynet, Michel Psellos et Antioche – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 411


ɀɚɧ-Ʉɥɨɞ ɒɟɧɟ, Ɇɢɯɚɢɥɨ ɉɫɟɥ ɢ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 422

Paolo Odorico, Le backgammon de Kékauménos. À propos d’un passage peu clair et d’une
bataille peu connue – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 423
Ǡɚɨɥɨ Ɉɞɨɪɢɤɨ, Ʉɟɤɚɜɦɟɧɨɜ ɛɟɤɝɟɦɨɧ. Ɉ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɧɟʁɚɫɧɨɦ ɨɞɟʂɤɭ ɢ ʁɟɞɧɨʁ ɦɚɥɨ ɩɨɡɧɚ-
ɬɨʁ ɛɢɰɢ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 430

ȳɨɜɚɧɤɚ Ʉɚɥɢʄ, ȿɩɢɫɤɨɩɫɤɢ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢ ɋɪɛɢʁɟ ɭ ɫɪɟɞʃɟɦ ɜɟɤɭ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 433


Jovanka Kaliü, Episcopal towns of medieval Serbia – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 446

Vujadin Ivaniševiü – Bojana Krsmanoviü, Byzantine seals from the Ras Fortress – – – – – 449
ȼɭʁɚɞɢɧ ɂɜɚɧɢɲɟɜɢʄ – Ȼɨʁɚɧɚ Ʉɪɫɦɚɧɨɜɢʄ, ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɢɡ ̰ɜɪɻɚɜɟ Ɋɚɫ – – – 460

Ɇɚɪɤɨ ǠɨȀɨɜɢʄ, ɉɪɢɥɨɝ ɩɪɨɭɱɚɜɚʃɭ ɬɨɩɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞɚ ɭ XI ɢ XII


ɜɟɤɭ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 461
Marko Popoviü, A contribution to the topography of Byzantine Belgrade in the 11th and 12th
century – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 477

Michel Kaplan, Retour sur le dossier du monastère de la Théotokos Éléousa à Stroumitza – 479
Ɇɢɲɟɥ ɄɚȀɥɚɧ, ɉɨɧɨɜɨ ɨ ɩɢɬɚʃɭ ɦɚɧɚɫɬɢɪɚ Ȼɨɝɨɪɨɞɢɰɟ ȿɥɟɭɫɟ ɭ ɋɬɪɭɦɢɰɢ – – – – – 492

Ɇɚɪȃɢɧ Ɇɚɪɤɨ ȼɭɱɟȃɢʄ, Ɋɢɬɭɚɥ ɩɨɬɱɢʃɚɜɚʃɚ ɋɬɟɮɚɧɚ ɇɟɦɚʃɟ ɰɚɪɭ Ɇɚɧɨʁɥɭ I


Ʉɨɦɧɢɧɭ (1172) – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 493
Martin Marko Vuþetiü, Das Ritual der Unterwerfung Stefan Nemanjas unter Manuel I.
Komnenos (1172) – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 503

ǺĮıȓȜȘȢ ȀĮIJıĮȡȩȢ, DZȖȚȠȢ īİȫȡȖȚȠȢ Ƞ īȠȡȖȩȢ: Ǿ ĮȜȜȘȖȠȡȚțȒ İȡȝȘȞİȓĮ ıIJȘȞ İȞȞȠȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒ


ȝİIJȐȜȜĮȟȘ IJȠȣ İʌȚșȑIJȠȣ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 505
ȼɚɫɢɥɢɫ Ʉɚɰɚɪɨɫ, ɋɜɟɬɢ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢʁɟ Ƚɨɪɝ: ɚɥɟɝɨɪɢʁɫɤɨ ɬɭɦɚɱɟʃɟ ɭ ɤɨɧɰɟɩɬɭɚɥɧɨɦ ɦɟʃɚʃɭ
ɟɩɢɬɟɬɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 518

Ɍɨɦ II – Tome II

Vera von Falkenhausen, Una sentenza di Sanctorus magne Regie curie magister iustitiarius
(Messina, 1185) – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 521
ȼɟɪɚ ɮɨɧ Ɏɚɥɤɟɧɯɚɭɡɟɧ, ȳɟɞɧɚ ɩɪɟɫɭɞɚ ɋɚɧɤɬɨɪɚ, magne Regie curie magister iusti-
tiarius-ɚ (Ɇɟɫɢɧɚ, 1185) – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 536

Ⱦɟʁɚɧ ȹɟɥɟɛʇɢʄ, ɉɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɫɤɢ ɫɟɜɚɫɬɢ ɨɞ ɤɪɚʁɚ XII ɞɨ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɟ XIII ɜɟɤɚ – – – – – – – 537
Dejan Dželebdžiü, Provincial sebastoi from the end of 12th to mid 13th century – – – – – – – 548
Günter Prinzing, Hatte Stefan I. von Serbien eine Tochter namens Komnene? Zur aktuellen
Diskussion über die Chomatenos-Akten zu Stefan Nemanjiü und seinem Bruder Sava 549
Ƚɢɧȃɟɪ Ǡɪɢɧɰɢɧɝ, Ⱦɚ ɥɢ ʁɟ ɋɬɟɮɚɧ ɇɟɦɚʃɢʄ ɢɦɚɨ ɤʄɟɪ ɩɨ ɢɦɟɧɭ Ʉɨɦɧɢɧɚ? ɉɪɢɥɨɝ
ɚɤɬɭɟɥɧɨʁ ɞɢɫɤɭɫɢʁɢ ɨ ɏɨɦɚɬɢɧɨɜɢɦ ɚɤɬɢɦɚ ɨ ɋɬɟɮɚɧɭ ɇɟɦɚʃɢʄɭ ɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɦ
ɛɪɚɬɭ ɋɚɜɢ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 569

Ⱦɚɧɢɰɚ ǠɨȀɨɜɢʄ, Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɤɪɚʂ ɋɬɟɮɚɧ ɉɪɜɨɜɟɧɱɚɧɢ ɭɜɪɲɬɟɧ ɭ ɫɜɟɬɢɬɟʂɟ? ɉɪɢɥɨɝ


ɩɪɨɭɱɚɜɚʃɭ ɜɥɚɞɚɪɫɤɟ „ɤɚɧɨɧɢɡɚɰɢʁɟ“ ɭ ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɨʁ ɋɪɛɢʁɢ – – – – – – – – 573
Danica Popoviü, When was King Stefan the First-Crowned included among the Saints?
A contribution to the study of royal „canonization“ in Medieval Serbia – – – – – – – 584

Bojana Pavloviü, Theodore II Lascaris as co-emperor: Reality and misapprehensions in


Byzantine historiography – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 587
Ȼɨʁɚɧɚ Ǡɚɜɥɨɜɢʄ, Ɍɟɨɞɨɪ II Ʌɚɫɤɚɪɢɫ ɤɚɨ ɫɚɜɥɚɞɚɪ: ɫɬɜɚɪɧɨɫɬ ɢ ɡɚɛɥɭɞɟ ɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ
ɢɫɬɨɪɢɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɢ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 606

Ⱥɤɫɢɧɢɹ Ⱦɠɭɪɨɜɚ, Ⱥɜɬɨɝɪɚɮ ɧɚ Ɍɟɨɞɨɪ ɏɚɝɢɨɩɟɬɪɢɬ ɨɬ ɐɴɪɤɨɜɧɢɹ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɤɨ-ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨ-


ɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬ ɜ ɋɨɮɢɹ, ɐɂȺɂ 949 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 609
Ⱥɤɫɢɧɢʁɚ ȹɭɪɨɜɚ, Ⱥɭɬɨɝɪɚɮ Ɍɟɨɞɨɪɚ ɏɚɝɢɨɩɟɬɪɢɬɚ ɢɡ ɐɪɤɜɟɧɨɝ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɨ-ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ
ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ ɭ ɋɨɮɢʁɢ, ɐɂȺɂ 949 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 616

Vassil Gjuzelev, Imperatrix Bulgariae Anna-Neda (1277 – c. 1346) – – – – – – – – – – – – – 617


ȼɚɫɢɥ ȭɭɡɟɥɟɜ, Imperatrix Bulgariae Anna-Neda (1277 – c. 1346) – – – – – – – – – – – – – 627

Triantafyllitsa Maniati-Kokkini, Were Byzantine monks of the 13th–15th centuries holders of


imperial grants? – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 629
Ɍɪɢʁɚɧɞɚɮɢɥɢɰɚ Ɇɚɧɢʁɚȃɢ-Ʉɨɤɢɧɢ, Ⱦɚ ɥɢ ɫɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɦɨɧɚɫɢ ɨɞ XIII ɞɨ XV ɜɟɤɚ
ɛɢɥɢ ɭɠɢɜɚɨɰɢ ɰɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɞɚɪɢɜɚʃɚ? – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 643

Élisabeth Malamut, L’impératrice byzantine et la cour (XIIIe – XVe siècle) – – – – – – – – – 645


ȿɥɢɡɚɛɟȃ Ɇɚɥɚɦɢ, ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɚ ɰɚɪɢɰɚ ɢ ɞɜɨɪ (XIII–XV ɜɟɤ) – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 661

Ɇɢɪʁɚɧɚ ɀɢɜɨʁɢɧɨɜɢʄ, Ⱥɤɬɢ ɨ ɚɞɟɥɮɚɬɢɦɚ. ɉɪɢɥɨɝ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ-ɫɪɩɫɤɨʁ ɞɢɩɥɨɦa-


ɬɢɰɢ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 663
Mirjana Živojinoviü, Chartes portant sur les adelphata. Contribution à la diplomatique
byzantino-serbe – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 681

Ⱦɪɚɝɚɧ ȼɨʁɜɨɞɢʄ, ɂɡɝɭɛʂɟɧɢ ɨɫɬɚɰɢ ɮɪɟɫɚɤɚ ɡɚɩɚɞɧɨɝ ɩɪɨɱɟʂɚ ɋɩɚɫɨɜɟ ɰɪɤɜɟ ɭ


ɀɢɱɢ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 683
Dragan Vojvodiü, The lost traces of the frescoes on the western frontage of the Ascension
Church in Žiþa – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 692

ɋɦɢʂɚ Ɇɚɪʁɚɧɨɜɢʄ-Ⱦɭɲɚɧɢʄ, Ʉɪɚʂɟɜɨ ɬɟɥɨ ɭ ɫɪɩɫɤɨʁ ɯɚɝɢɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɢ ɢ ɧɚɫɬɚɧɚɤ ɤɨɧ-


ɰɟɩɬɚ ɧɟɩɨɛɟɞɢɜɨɝ ʁɭɧɚɤɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 693
Smilja Marjanoviü-Dušaniü, The king’s body in Serbian hagiography: Meaning and function
of the corpus invictissimus topos – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 703

ǼȣȐȖȖİȜȠȢ ȋȡȣıȩȢ, ȈȤȩȜȚĮ ȖȚĮ IJȠ țȓȞȘȝĮ IJȦȞ ǽȘȜȦIJȫȞ ıIJȘ ĬİııĮȜȠȞȓțȘ – – – – – – – – – 705
ȿɜɚɧɝɟɥɨɫ ɏɪɢɫɨɫ, Ʉɨɦɟɧɬɚɪɢ ɨ ɩɨɤɪɟɬɭ ɡɢɥɨɬɚ ɭ ɋɨɥɭɧɭ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 712

ɋɪɻɚɧ Ǡɢɪɢɜɚȃɪɢʄ, ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɬɢɬɭɥɟ ȳɨɜɚɧɚ Ɉɥɢɜɟɪɚ. ɉɪɢɥɨɝ ɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚʃɭ ɩɪɨ-


ɛɥɟɦɚ ʃɢɯɨɜɨɝ ɩɨɪɟɤɥɚ ɢ ɯɪɨɧɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 713
Srÿan Pirivatriü, The Byzantine titles of Jovan Oliver. A contribution of the issues of their
origin and chronology – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 723
ȭɨɪɻɟ Ȼɭɛɚɥɨ, Ɉɝɥɟɞ ɢɡ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɬɟɤɫɬɚ Ⱦɭɲɚɧɨɜɨɝ ɡɚɤɨɧɢɤɚ. ɊɭɤɨȀɢɫɧɨ ɨɤɪɭɠɟʃɟ – 725
Ĉorÿe Bubalo, A prolusion on the history of the text of Dušan’s Code – – – – – – – – – – – 739

Antonio Rigo, Il prostagma di Giovanni VI Cantacuzeno del marzo 1347 – – – – – – – – – 741


Ⱥɧȃɨɧɢɨ Ɋɢɝɨ, Ǡɪɨɫȃɚɝɦɚ ȳɨɜɚɧɚ VI Ʉɚɧɬɚɤɭɡɢɧɚ ɢɡ ɦɚɪɬɚ 1347. – – – – – – – – – – – 762

Peter Schreiner, Ethnische Invektiven in der spätbyzantinischen Händlerwelt. Zum anonymen


Poem im Marcianus gr. XI, 6 aus dem 3. oder 4. Jahrzehnt des 14. Jahrhunderts – – – 763
Ǡɟȃɟɪ ɒɪɚʁɧɟɪ, ɇɟɝɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɩɪɢɤɚɡɢɜɚʃɟ ɟɬɧɢɱɤɢɯ ɝɪɭɩɚ ɭ ɤɚɫɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɬɪɝɨ-
ɜɚɱɤɨɦ ɫɜɟɬɭ. Ɉ Ⱥɧɨɧɢɦɨɜɨʁ ɩɟɫɦɢ ɭ Marcianus gr. XI, 6 ɢɡ 3. ɢɥɢ 4. ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɟ
XIV ɜɟɤɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 778

Ⱥɧɚɬɨɥɢɣ Ⱥ. Ɍɭɪɢɥɨɜ, Ʉ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɢ ɩɨɡɞɧɟɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɣ ɰɟɪɤɨɜɧɨɣ ɢɟɪɚɪɯɢɢ (ɩɨ ɞɚɧɧɵɦ


ɫɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɢɯ ɢɫɬɨɱɧɢɤɨɜ ɤɨɧɰɚ XIV – ɫɟɪɟɞɢɧɵ XV ɜɜ.) – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 779
ȺɇȻ̰ɈɅɂɠțȭɌɊɂɅɈȽ, ɉɪɢɥɨɝ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɰɪɤɜɟɧɟ ɯɢʁɟɪɚɪɯɢʁɟ (ɩɪɟɦɚ
ɩɨɞɚɰɢɦɚ ɫɥɨɜɟɧɫɤɢɯ ɢɡɜɨɪɚ ɨɞ ɤɪɚʁɚ XIV ɞɨ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɟ XV ɜɟɤɚ) – – – – – – – – – 788

Ɇɚʁɚ ɇɢɤɨɥɢʄ, ɑɭʁɟɦ ɞɚ ɢɦɚɲ Ȁɥɟɦɟɧɢȃɨɝ ɤɨʃɚ – ɉɢɫɦɨ Ɇɚɧɨʁɥɚ II ɉɚɥɟɨɥɨɝɚ Ⱦɢɦɢɬɪɢʁɭ
ɏɪɢɫɨɥɨɪɚɫɭ ɛɪ. 43 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 789
Maja Nikoliü, I hear you have a noble horse – Manuel II Palaiologos’ letter no. 43 addressed
to Demetrios Chrysoloras – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 800

Ɇɚɪɤɨ ɒɭɢɰɚ, Ɉ ɝɨɞɢɧɢ ɨɞɥɚɫɤɚ ɤɧɟɡɚ ɋɬɟɮɚɧɚ Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɜɢʄɚ ɭ ɋɟɜɚɫɬɢʁɭ – – – – – – – 803


Marko Šuica, On year of journey of Prince Stefan Lazareviü to Sivas – – – – – – – – – – – – 810

Ƚɨʁɤɨ ɋɭɛɨȃɢʄ, ȳɟɞɧɚ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɫɤɚ ɪɚɞɢɨɧɢɰɚ ɢɡ ɞɪɭɝɟ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɟ XV ɜɟɤɚ ɭ ɝɪɚɧɢɱɧɢɦ


ɩɪɟɞɟɥɢɦɚ Ȼɭɝɚɪɫɤɟ ɢ ɋɪɛɢʁɟ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 811
Gojko Subotiü, An architectural workshop from the 2nd decade of the 15th century in the border
regions of Bulgaria and Serbia – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 831

Slobodan ûurþiü, Visible and invisible aspects of building the fortiÞed palace of Smederevo
and its historical signiÞcance – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 835
ɋɥɨɛɨɞɚɧ ȶɭɪɱɢʄ, ȼɢɞʂɢɜɢ ɢ ɧɟɜɢɞʂɢɜɢ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɢ ɢɡɝɪɚɞʃɟ ɭɬɜɪɻɟɧɟ ɩɚɥɚɬɟ („Ɇɚɥɨɝ
ɝɪɚɞɚ“) ɭ ɋɦɟɞɟɪɟɜɭ ɢ ʃɟɧ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ ɡɧɚɱɚʁ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 850

Ⱦɟɫɚɧɤɚ Ʉɨɜɚɱɟɜɢʄ-Ʉɨʁɢʄ, Ɉ ɫɚɫɬɚɜɭ ɢ ɨɛɪɚɞɢ ɩɥɟɦɟɧɢɬɢɯ ɦɟɬɚɥɚ ɢɡ ɫɪɩɫɤɢɯ ɫɪɟɞʃɨ-


ɜʁɟɤɨɜɧɢɯ ɪɭɞɧɢɤɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 853
Desanka Kovaþeviü-Kojiü, About the composition and processing of precious metals from
the Serbian medieval mines – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 861

Peter Soustal, Überlegungen zu Toponymen der Region Kastoria aus dem osmanischen
Defter von 1440 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 863
Ǡɟȃɟɪ ɋɭɫȃɚɥ, Ɋɚɡɦɚɬɪɚʃɚ ɨ ɬɨɩɨɧɢɦɢɦɚ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ Ʉɨɫɬɭɪɚ ɩɪɟɦɚ ɨɫɦɚɧɫɤɨɦ ɞɟɮɬɟɪɭ
ɢɡ 1440. – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 871

Silvia Ronchey, Costantino Continuato. Ideologia e iconograÞa del carisma imperiale bizan-
tino agli albori dell’età moderna – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 873
ɋɢɥɜɢʁɚ Ɋɨɧɤɢ, Constantinus Continuatus. ɂɞɟɨɥɨɝɢʁɚ ɢ ɢɤɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɰɚɪ-
ɫɤɟ ɯɚɪɢɡɦɟ ɭ ɨɫɜɢɬ ɦɨɞɟɪɧɨɝ ɞɨɛɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 894

Ɇɨɦɱɢɥɨ ɋȀɪɟɦɢʄ, Ⱦɟɫɩɨɬ Ʌɚɡɚɪ Ȼɪɚɧɤɨɜɢʄ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 899


Momþilo Spremiü, Despot Lazar Brankoviü – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 911
Ɇɢɥɨɲ ɀɢɜɤɨɜɢʄ, ɋɜɟɬɢ ɋɢɫɨʁɟ ɧɚɞ ɝɪɨɛɨɦ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɚ ȼɟɥɢɤɨɝ. ȳɟɞɧɚ ɦɨɧɚɲɤɚ ɬɟɦɚ
ɩɨɫɬɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɭɦɟɬɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ ʃɟɧɢ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɢ ɭ ɫɪɩɫɤɨɦ ɫɥɢɤɚɪɫɬɜɭ XVII ɜɟɤɚ – 913
Miloš Živkoviü, Saint Sisoes above the grave of Alexander the Great. A monastic theme of
post-Byzantine art and its examples from the 17th century Serbian painting – – – – – 938

Mikhail V. Bibikov, Byzantine Eden – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 941


Ɇɢɯɚɢɥ ȼ. Ȼɢɛɢɤɨɜ, ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ȿɞɟɧ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 946

Johannes Koder, Kordax und methe: lasterhaftes Treiben in byzantinischer Zeit – – – – – – 947
ȳɨɯɚɧɟɫ Ʉɨɞɟɪ, Kordax ɢ methe: ɩɨɪɨɱɧɟ ɪɚɞʃɟ ɭ ɞɨɛɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɟ – – – – – – – – – – – – 958

Ralph-Johannes Lilie, Die byzantinische Gesellschaft im Spiegel ihrer Quellen – – – – – – 959


Ɋɚɥɮ-ȳɨɯɚɧɟɫ Ʌɢɥɢɟ, ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ ɞɪɭɲɬɜɨ ɭ ɨɝɥɟɞɚɥɭ ɢɡɜɨɪɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – 968

Michael Altripp, Hierarchies or direct relation to God: A new interpretation – – – – – – – – 969


Ɇɢɯɚɟɥ ȺɥȃɪɢȀ, ɏɢʁɟɪɚɪɯɢʁɟ ɢɥɢ ɧɟɩɨɫɪɟɞɧɚ ɜɟɡɚ ɫ Ȼɨɝɨɦ: ɧɨɜɚ ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢʁɚ – – – 985

Ȼɨʁɚɧ Ɇɢʂɤɨɜɢʄ, Ʉɪɭɠɧɢ ɩɨɫɬɪɢɝ ɭ ɩɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɧɨʁ ɰɪɤɜɢ (ıIJȡȠȖȖȪȜȘ țȠȣȡ੹, ʌĮʌĮȜȒșȡĮ,


sve{eni;qsko goumqn'ce) – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 987
Bojan Miljkoviü, Tonsure circulaire dans l’église orthodoxe (ıIJȡȠȖȖȪȜȘ țȠȣȡ੹, ʌĮʌĮȜȒșȡĮ,
sve{eni;qsko goumqn'ce) – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1001

ɋɪɻɚɧ ɒɚɪɤɢʄ, ɋɥɭɠɛɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɢ ɫɪɩɫɤɨɦ ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɨɦ ɩɪɚɜɭ – – – 1003


Srÿan Šarkiü, Servitudes in Byzantine and Serbian medieval law – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1012

Stanoje Bojanin, Sacred and profane topography in a medieval Serbian parish – An outline 1013
ɋȃɚɧɨʁɟ Ȼɨʁɚɧɢɧ, ɋɚɤɪɚɥɧɚ ɢ ɩɪɨɮɚɧɚ ɬɨɩɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ ɭ ɩɚɪɨɯɢʁɢ ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɟ ɋɪɛɢʁɟ:
ɧɚɰɪɬ ɡɚ ʁɟɞɧɨ ɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚʃɟ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1023

ȧɂɎȻɂɅɈȬ̰ȪɈ̱ɈȽɂɣ, Ⱦɚ ɥɢ ɫɭ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɚ ɝɟɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɫɜɟɬɚ ɢ


GIS ɬɟɯɧɨɥɨɝɢʁɚ ɩɪɨɬɢɜɪɟɱɧɨɫɬ? Ɉ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɢ ɫɚɜɪɟɦɟɧɢɯ ɬɟɯɧɨɥɨɝɢʁɚ ɭ ɯɭɦɚɧɢ-
ɫɬɢɱɤɢɦ ɧɚɭɤɚɦɚ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1025
Mihailo St. Popoviü, Are the classical historical geography of the Byzantine world and
GIS technology a contradiction? On the usage of contemporary technologies in the
humanities – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1037

Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɚɪ Ʌɨɦa, ɋɜɟɬɢ ɋɚɜɚ ɢ ɨɛɥɚɤɨɝɨɧɰɢ – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1041


Aleksandar Loma, St Sava and the Cloud-chasers – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1076
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ L, 2013
Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’études byzantines L, 2013

ɍȾɄ: 012 Ɇɚɤɫɢɦɨɜɢʄ ȴ.


DOI: 10.2298/ZRVI1350015C

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(edited by Miloš Cvetkoviü, Predrag Komatina)

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1963.
ȿ. ɗ. Ʌɢɩɲɢɰ, Ɉɱɟɪɤɢ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɢ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɝɨ ɨɛɳɟɫɬɜɚ ɢ ɤɭɥɶɬɭɪɵ, VIII – ɩɟɪɜɚɹ
ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɚ IX ɜ., Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ – Ʌɟɧɢɧɝɪɚɞ 1961, ȳɭɝɨɫɥɨɜɟɧɫɤɢ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ ɱɚɫɨɩɢɫ
4 (1963) 133–137.

1964.
Ɉ ɯɪɨɧɨɥɨɝɢʁɢ ɫɥɨɜɟɧɫɤɢɯ ɭɩɚɞɚ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɭ ɬɟɪɢɬɨɪɢʁɭ ɤɪɚʁɟɦ ɫɟɞɚɦɞɟɫɟɬɢɯ
ɢ ɩɨɱɟɬɤɨɦ ɨɫɚɦɞɟɫɟɬɢɯ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ VI ɜɟɤɚ (Chronological Notes about Slavonic
Raids into Byzantine Territories at the End of the Seventies and at the Beginning of
the Eighties of the 6th Century), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ 8/2
(1964) 263–271.
Ɉ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɭ ɞɨɥɚɫɤɚ ɇɟɪɟɬʂɚɧɚ ɧɚ ɞɚɥɦɚɬɢɧɫɤɚ ɨɫɬɪɜɚ (When did the Narentans Cross
from the Mainland to the Dalmatian Islands?), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɨɝ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬɚ
ɭ Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞɭ 8/1 (1964) 145–152.

1966.
ɉɨɥɢɬɢɱɤɚ ɭɥɨɝɚ ȳɨɜɚɧɚ Ʉɚɧɬɚɤɭɡɢɧɚ ɩɨɫɥɟ ɚɛɞɢɤɚɰɢʁɟ, 1354–1383 (The Political
Role of John Cantacuzenus after his Abdication, 1354–1383), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ 9 (1966) 119–194.
ɉɨɜɨɞɨɦ ɩɪɟɜɨɞɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɞɟɥɚ (St. Ransimen, Vizantijska civilizacija,
Subotica 1964), ȳɭɝɨɫɥɨɜɟɧɫɤɢ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ ɱɚɫɨɩɢɫ 3–4 (1966) 119–122.

1967.
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Theodore Synadenus), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ 10 (1967)
177–185.
16 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 15–28

1968.
Ȼɚɧɞɨɧ ɉɚɥɟɨɦɚɰɭɤɚ – ɩɪɢɥɨɝ ɩɪɨɭɱɚɜɚʃɭ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɬɢɜɧɨɝ ɭɪɟɻɟʃɚ ɭ Ɍɪɚɩɟɡɭɧɬɭ
(Bandon of Paleomatzouka – A Contribution to the Study of the Administrative
Organization in Trebizond) Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ 11 (1968)
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1969.
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Ȼ. Ɏɟɪʁɚɧɱɢʄ, ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɚ ɢ ȳɭɠɧɢ ɋɥɨɜɟɧɢ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 1966, ȳɭɝɨɫɥɨɜɟɧɫɤɢ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ
ɱɚɫɨɩɢɫ 1–2 (1969) 239–240.
Ƚɪɱɤɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ ɨ ʁɭɝɨɫɥɨɜɟɧɫɤɢɦ ɧɚɪɨɞɢɦɚ, ɂɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ ɝɥɚɫɧɢɤ 1 (1969)
134–138.
ɉɨɱɟɬɚɤ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɡɧɚɱɚʁɧɨɝ ɢɡɞɚɜɚɱɤɨɝ ɩɨɞɭɯɜɚɬɚ (Ƚ. Ɉɫɬɪɨɝɨɪɫɤɢ, ɂɫɬɨɪɢʁɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɟ,
ɉɪɨɫɜɟɬɚ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 1969), ɂɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ ɝɥɚɫɧɢɤ 2 (1969) 157–158.

1970.
Ƚɪɰɢ ɢ Ɋɨɦɚɧɢʁɚ ɭ ɫɪɩɫɤɨʁ ɜɥɚɞɚɪɫɤɨʁ ɬɢɬɭɥɢ (The Greeks and Romania in the Serbian
Sovereign Title), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ 12 (1970) 61–78.
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Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɨɝ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬɚ ɭ Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞɭ 11/1 (1970) 251–254.

1971.
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1972.
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1973.
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byzantin), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ 14/15 (1973) 103–154.

1974.
ɉɪɨɧɢʁɚɪɢ ɭ Ɍɪɚɩɟɡɭɧɬɫɤɨɦ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɭ (The Pronoiars in the Empire of Trebizond),
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɨɝ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬɚ ɭ Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞɭ 12/1 (1974) 393–404.
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mation de l’empereur Andronic III Paléologue), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ
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vinces grecques de l’Empire serbe), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ
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Ɋɟɝɟɧɬɫɬɜɨ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɢʁɚ Ⱥɩɨɤɚɜɤɚ ɢ ɞɪɭɲɬɜɟɧɚ ɤɪɟɬɚʃɚ ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ (The Regency of
Alexius Apocaucos and Social Movements in Constantinople), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ 18 (1978) 165–188.
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1979.
Ɉ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɭ ɩɨɯɨɞɚ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɤɧɟɡɚ Ȼɨɪɢɫɚ ɧɚ ɋɪɛɢʁɭ (Sur la date de l‘expédition du
prince de Bulgarie Boris contre la Serbie), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɨɝ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬɚ ɭ
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1980.
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Alexios III. Angelos, Kaiser. Lexikon des Mittelalters I, München 1980, 386.
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1981.
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Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ 20 (1981) 99–109.
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1981, 170–179.
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ɫɪɩɫɤɨɝ ɧɚɪɨɞɚ I, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 1981, 437–448.

1982.
ɋɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɚ 32. ɩɨɝɥɚɜʂɚ ɫɩɢɫɚ De admmistrando imperio (The Structure of Chapter 32
of De administrando imperio), Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ 21
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1983.
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(L’organisation du pouvoir byzantin après 1018 dans les contrées reconquises),
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ 36 (1997) 31–44.
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Ȼɚɪɢɲɢʄ Ɏɪɚʃɨ. ȿɧɰɢɤɥɨɩɟɞɢʁɚ ɫɪɩɫɤɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɟ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 1997, 272–273.


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ɉɪɨɤɢʄ Ȼɨɠɢɞɚɪ. ȿɧɰɢɤɥɨɩɟɞɢʁɚ ɫɪɩɫɤɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɟ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 1997, 598–599.
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ɋɜ. ɋɚɜɚ ɢ ɋɪɛɢʁɚ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ȿɩɢɪɚ ɢ ɇɢɤɟʁɟ (St Sava and Serbia between Epiros and
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2009.
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Ʉɪɚʂɟɜɫɬɜɨ ɢ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɨ: ɬɟɨɪɢʁɚ ɢ ɫɬɜɚɪɧɨɫɬ ɫɪɩɫɤɨ-ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɨɞɧɨɫɚ, Ƚɨɥɢʁɚ 13
(2010) 4–7.
Democracy in an Autocratic System: the Case of Byzantium. Athens Dialogues 2010.
Democracy and Politeia. Period Two. http://athensdialogues.chs.harvard.edu/cgi-
bin/WebObjects/athensdialogues.woa/wa/dist?dis=81. § 1.1–1.26.
ɋɜɟɬɨɪɨɞɧɚ ɥɨɡɚ ɇɟɦɚʃɢʄɚ (Ɉɝɥɟɞ ɨ ɜɥɚɞɚɪɫɤɨʁ ɢɞɟɨɥɨɝɢʁɢ ɢ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɤɨʁ ɬɟɨɪɢʁɢ),
Ƚɨɥɢʁɚ 14 (2010) 28–32.

2011.
Serbia’s View of the Byzantine World (1204–1261), edd. Judith Herrin, G. Saint-Guillain,
Identities and Allegiances in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204, Farnham (UK)
– Burlington (USA) 2011, 121–131.
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɚ ɤɚɨ ɢɡɚɡɨɜ (The Challenge of Byzantium), Ƚɥɚɫ ɋȺɇɍ 414, Ɉɞɟʂɟʃɟ
ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɧɚɭɤɚ 15 (2010, ɢɡɞ. 2011) 145–160.
ɋɢɦɚ ȶɢɪɤɨɜɢʄ – Ʉɨɦɟɦɨɪɚɰɢʁɚ, Ƚɥɚɫ ɋȺɇɍ 414, Ɉɞɟʂɟʃɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɧɚɭɤɚ 15
(2010, ɢɡɞ. 2011) 255–257.
Ǿ ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒ ȂĮțİįȠȞȓĮ ıIJȒȞ ʌȠȜȚIJȚțȒ IJȒȢ ȝİıĮȚȦȞȚțȒȢ ȈİȡȕȓĮȢ, ȆȡĮțIJȚțȐ IJȘȢ ǹțĮįȘȝȓĮȢ
ǹșȘȞȫȞ 85Ǻǯ (2010, ȑțį. 2011) 261–285.
La Serbie: pouvoir et organisation sociale, edd. A. Laiou (†) – C. Morrisson, Le Monde
Byzantin III, L’Empire grec et ses voisins (XIIIe – XVe siècle), Nouvelle Clio, Paris
2011, 323–342.
ɋɪɩɫɤɚ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɨɫɬ ɭ ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɨɦ ɫɜɟɬɭ (ɉɪɟɞɝɨɜɨɪ), Ɇ. Ȼɥɚɝɨʁɟɜɢʄ, ɋɪɩɫɤɚ
ɞɪɠɚɜɧɨɫɬ ɭ ɫɪɟɞʃɟɦ ɜɟɤɭ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2011, Vǿǿ – XVǿǿ.
Les souverains serbes dans les documents byzantins : maniérisme ou réalité? edd. S.
Marjanoviü-Dušaniü – B. Flusin, Remanier, métaphraser – fonctions et techniques
de la réécriture dans le monde byzantin, Belgrade 2011, 181–190.

2012.
ɋɢɦɚ Ɇ. ȶɢɪɤɨɜɢʄ (29. ʁɚɧɭɚɪ 1929, Ɉɫɢʁɟɤ – 14. ɧɨɜɟɦɛɚɪ 2009, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ), ɋɩɨɦɟɧɢɰɚ
ɚɤɚɞɟɦɢɤɚ ɋɢɦɟ ȶɢɪɤɨɜɢʄɚ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2011 (ɢɡɞ. 2012) 9–13.
ɋɜɟɬɢ ɋɚɜɚ ɢ ɩɨɞɢɡɚʃɟ Ɇɢɥɟɲɟɜɟ (St Sava and the Construction of Milesheva),
ɭɪ. Ȼ. Ʉɪɫɦɚɧɨɜɢʄ, ȴ. Ɇɚɤɫɢɦɨɜɢʄ, Ɋ. Ɋɚɞɢʄ, ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɫɜɟɬ ɧɚ Ȼɚɥɤɚɧɭ
I: Ɉɯɪɢɞɫɤɚ ɚɪɯɢɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɢʁɚ ɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɫɜɟɬɭ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2012, 97–109
(ɤɨɚɭɬɨɪ: Ƚ. ɋɭɛɨɬɢʄ).
ɉɨɞɫɟʄɚʃɟ ɧɚ ɞɟɥɨ ȼɥɚɞɢɦɢɪɚ ȶɨɪɨɜɢʄɚ, ȶɨɪɨɜɢʄɟɜɢ ɫɭɫɪɟɬɢ, Ȼɢɥɟʄɚ – Ƚɚɰɤɨ
2012, 128–134.
La Serbia: potere e organizzazione sociale, edd. A. Laiou (†) – C. Morrisson, Il mondo
bizantino III, L’Impero greco (1204–1453), Roma 2012, 332–351.

2013.
George Ostrogorsky (St Petersburg 19 January 1902 – 24 October 1976), ed. P. Armstrong,
Authority in Byzantium, London 2013, 327–335.
ɋɬɟɮɚɧ Ⱦɭɲɚɧ ɢ ɋɟɪ: ɞɜɟ ɫɢɦɛɨɥɢɱɧɟ ɛɟɥɟɲɤɟ (Stefan Dušan and Serres two
Symbolical Notes), Ƚɥɚɫ 420, Ɉɞɟʂɟʃɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɧɚɭɤɚ 16 (Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2012,
ɢɡɞ. 2013) 91–97.
28 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 15–28

Ɇɢɥɨɲ Ȼɥɚɝɨʁɟɜɢʄ (1930–2012), Ƚɨɞɢɲʃɚɤ ɋȺɇɍ 119, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2013, 623–624.


ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɭɡɨɪɢ ɫɪɩɫɤɟ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɫɜɟɬɢ ɋɚɜɚ, Ʌɟɬɨɩɢɫ Ɇɚɬɢɰɟ ɋɪɩɫɤɟ 491/6
(ʁɭɧ 2013) 807–814.
Ɉɝɥɟɞɢ ɨ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɤɨʁ ɦɨʄɢ ɭ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɢ – ɱɢɧɢɨɰɢ ɢ ɨɫɥɨɧɰɢ (Essays on Political
Power in Byzantium – factors and footholds), ɋɪɩɫɤɚ ɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɚ ɡɚɞɪɭɝɚ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ
2013, XXVIII+504.
Introduction, in: R. Stankoviü, Under this Sign Thou shalt Conquer, Belgrade 2013, 17–25.
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ L, 2013
Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’études byzantines L, 2013

UDC: 378:930.85(495.02)"03/11"
DOI: 10.2298/ZRVI1350029M

ATHANASIOS MARKOPOULOS
(University of Athens)

IN SEARCH FOR ’HIGHER EDUCATION’


IN BYZANTIUM*
This study aims to present and critically investigate the development of the so-
called ‘higher education’ in the Byzantine Empire. Some institutions will be examined,
such as the teaching with public funding (the case of Themistios), the well-known
Pandidakterion of the Þfth century, Magnaura in a much subsequent age, and, Þnally,
the re-organization of education during the reign of Constantine IX Monomachos in the
eleventh century, when, for the last time in its history, a case can be made for a higher
education institution in Byzantium.
Keywords: antecessores, enkyklios paideia, exedra, higher education, law school,
Magnaura, Pandidakterion, schools, scholastikoi, grammatikos, theatron

In an earlier paper about the ‘universal’ character of Byzantine education I


argued that the term Byzantine education is not acceptable, as Byzantium did not
pave new roads in this area; instead, relying on its Hellenistic and Roman heritage, it
continued almost as a matter of course the educational system already in place, and
retained it with few and not particularly important changes until the empire’s Þnal dis-
solution in 1453. I also pointed out that education as a whole formed part of Byzantine
civilisation, for which the term continuity applies with remarkable consistency at all
levels. This concept of Byzantine continuity must be understood as a harmonious
dialogue with the past, undergoing, however, some interventions of an ideological
nature, which suppressed almost at birth certain emerging ruptures; I mean the views
expressed in the fourth century by Basil the Great in his classic text To Youths on How

* An early form of this paper was presented at the symposium organised by the European Cultural
Centre of Delphi (Delphi, 6–8 July 2012) under the title “The University in Europe. From the Academy of
Plato to the Magna Charta Universitatum of Bologna”.
30 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 29–44

to ProÞt from Greek Literature, and (a little later and on a more theoretical level) by
Gregory of Nazianzos.1
All these points apply almost entirely to the Þrst two stages of education, i.e.
the school of the grammatistes, who was responsible for the ʌȡȠʌĮȚįİȓĮ of his young
charges, and most certainly for that of the grammatikos or maistor, in many ways an
important school which provided the ‫݋‬ȖțȪțȜȚȠȢ ʌĮȚįİȓĮ and gave pupils a solid foun-
dation in classical literature, grammar, rhetoric and certain complementary subjects.2
The same seems to be true of ‘higher education’, to use the current term, which does
exist, although it has few similarities with the structure of present-day universities.
It should be pointed out (although it is almost common knowledge) that in Antiquity
or Byzantium there were no Institutions of higher education in the speciÞc sense in
which the term is used today. “L’État tout puissant”, as Paul Lemerle puts it, repre-
sented of course by the emperor himself, saw, already since Roman times, to the edu-
cation of those who will staff the state machine, through a number of largely ‘public’
ofÞcials who provide knowledge and enjoy special privileges, such as tax exemption,
purely for reasons of public interest.3 This was not achieved by means of a centripetal
organisation of the various Þelds of study, but rather through the familiar diffusion
of education, ensured by the unhindered operation, at least until the sixth or even the
seventh century, of the famous schools of Late Antiquity. These were attended — or
frequented — by the ‘middle class’ of the time under the traditional view that the cul-
tural side of Antiquity constituted a source of inspiration, reßection, critical thought
and research.4 The schools in question focused on speciÞc areas of study: Platonic
and mostly Neoplatonic philosophy for the school of Athens, rhetoric for that of
Antioch, broader classical and philosophical studies for the schools of Alexandria and
1
A. Markopoulos, ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒ İțʌĮȓįİȣıȘ țĮȚ ȠȚțȠȣȝİȞȚțȩIJȘIJĮ, ed. Ǽ. Chrysos, Byzantium as
Oecumene, Athens 2005, 183–200, esp. 184–185, 186–187. Cf. also idem, Education, edd. Elizabeth
Jeffreys et al., The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies, Oxford 2008, 785–795, esp. 785, 786. Both
papers contain an extensive bibliography on the subject. As regards the rivalry between Christians and the
followers of earlier religions, which is a major issue at the time, the bibliography is notoriously vast. I note
here for instance the recent, very interesting if highly personal and often excessively scathing approach of
Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome, Oxford 2011, and the discreet response by St. Ratti, Polémiques
entre païens et chrétiens. Histoire, Paris 2012.
2
Markopoulos, ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒ İțʌĮȓįİȣıȘ, 184–185; idem, De la structure de l’école byzantine. Le
maître, les livres et le processus éducatif, ed. B. Mondrain, Lire et écrire à Byzance, Paris 2006, 85–96,
esp. 88–89; idem, Education, 788–789. See also two relevant contributions by G. Cavallo, Lire à Byzance,
Paris 2006, 38–40, and more importantly Oralità scrittura libro lettura. Appunti su usi e contesti didattici
tra antichità e Bisanzio, edd. L. Del Corso-O. Pecere, Libri di scuola e pratiche didattiche dall’Antichità
al Rinascimento, 1, Cassino 2010, 11–36, esp. 12–21 and passim. With regard to Late Antiquity, R. A.
Kaster’s, Guardians of Language: The Grammarian and Society in Late Antiquity, Berkeley 1988, re-
mains a valuable reference, particularly the section of prosopography (p. 231 ff.). Cf. also idem, Notes on
‘Primary’ and ‘Secondary’ Schools in Late Antiquity, TAPA 113 (1983) 323–346.
3
P. Lemerle, Le premier humanisme byzantin, Paris 1971, 50 ff. See the very interesting study of
S. Ratti, La culture du prince entre historiographie et idéologie, edd. J.-M. Pailler-P. Payen, Que reste-t-il
de l’éducation classique? Relire «le Marrou». Histoire de l’éducation dans l’Antiquité, Toulouse 2004,
297–306.
4
See the bibliography — often excessive, as it includes papers not directly relevant to the subject
— in D. DeForest, Between Mysteries and Factions: Initiation Rituals, Student Groups, and Violence in
the Schools of Late Antique Athens, Journal of Late Antiquity 4 (2011) 315–342, esp. 315 n. 2. See also
the careful observations of J. Beaucamp, Le philosophe et le joueur. La date de la “fermeture de l’école
d’Athènes”, TM 14 (2002) 21–35, esp. 23–24 and n. 11.
ATHANASIOS MARKOPOULOS: In search for ‘higher education’ in Byzantium 31

Aphrodisias; archaeological excavations have brought to light the latter’s building,


dating probably from the AD Þfth century, decorated with the busts of Pindar, Socrates,
Pythagoras, Aristotle and even Alcibiades and Alexander the Great.5 Philosophy was
also the focus of the school of Apameia, the favourite city of Iamblichos according to
Libanios,6 while Caesarea turned towards Christian and Jewish literature and thought,
equipped with an outstanding library comparable to that of Alexandria, mostly thanks
to the efforts of Pamphilos, as well as with famous scriptoria, as indicated by the
highly probable creation there of the codex Sinaiticus.7 Finally, Berytus cultivated
legal studies, from early on and at a very high level.8 Despite the axiomatic dictum
of Alexander Kazhdan, who declares, with regard to legal education, that “the system
of private education in law typical of the early Roman Empire was replaced, during
the late Roman Empire, by a system of state universities”,9 these schools remained
private, like the schools of the Þrst two levels, although at times they elicited funds
either from the state or from their host cities.10
We now have some knowledge about the internal organisation and operation of
many of these institutions beyond the most prominent ones of Athens and Alexandria,
on which there was always sufÞcient information, recently augmented by excavation
Þndings.11 I note some examples: prospective students at the school of Antioch, which
5
R. R. R. Smith, Late Roman Philosopher Portraits from Aphrodisias, JRS 80 (1990) 127–155;
idem, Late Antique Portraits in Public Context: HonoriÞc Statuary at Aphrodisias, JRS 89 (1999) 155–
189. See also K. E. Welch, Some Architectural Prototypes for the Auditoria at Kom el-Dikka and Three
Late Antique (Fifth Cent. AD) Comparanda from Aphrodisias in Caria, edd. T. Derda et al., Alexandria.
Auditoria of Kom el-Dikka and Late Antique Education, Warsaw 2007, 115–133. Charlotte Roueché’s,
Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity, London 1989, 85–97 and passim, remains essential. On the recently pu-
blished material from inscriptions see P. Athanassiadi, La lutte pour l’orthodoxie dans le platonisme tardif
de Numénius à Damascius, Paris 2006, 198 and n. 20.
6
Libanii opera, ed. R. Foerster, Leipzig 1903–1927, 11, ep. 1389, 3. On the city and the impor-
tance of the school founded there see, for instance, Athanassiadi, La lutte pour l’orthodoxie, 47 ff.
7
A. Grafton-M. Williams, Christianity and the Transformation of the Book. Origen, Eusebius, and
the Library of Caesarea, Cambridge Mass. 2006, 178 ff., 215 ff. and passim.
8
On the school of Berytus see below, p. 32–33, 36.
9
Law Schools, ODB 2, 1196; my emphasis.
10
See Ilsetraut Hadot, Arts libéraux et philosophie dans la pensée antique. Contribution à l’histoire
de l’éducation et de la culture dans l’Antiquité, Paris 2005, 217–220, 226, 244, 251, 451–453 and passim;
also Markopoulos, Education, 786, 790 with bibliography.
11
On the Þndings in Athens see A. Frantz, The Athenian Agora: results of excavations conducted
by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens XXIV: Late Antiquity A. D. 267–700, Princeton
1988, esp. 88 ff., where she discusses, among many other interesting things, House C, subsequently
linked to Damaskios by P. Athanassiadi, Damascius. The Philosophical History, Athens 1999, 343 ff.;
also eadem, La lutte pour l’orthodoxie, 199–200. There is more certainty concerning the attribution
of a house in the broader region of the Acropolis to Proklos: A. Kariveri, The ‘House of Proklos’
on the Southern Slope of Acropolis: A Contribution, ed. P. Castrén, Post-Herulian Athens AD 267–
529, Helsinki 1994, 115–139. The latest book of A. Kaldellis, The Christian Parthenon. Classicism
and Pilgrimage in Byzantine Athens, Cambridge 2009, does not add to the analysis attempted here.
In Alexandria, speciÞcally at Kom el-Dikka in the old town centre, a kind of theatre, which might
be more correctly called an auditorium, was excavated; a number of small auditoria, for thirty per-
sons, were discovered nearby. These buildings, which are relatively safely dated in the AD sixth cen-
tury, were built probably as teaching rooms but also used for public readings. See on this Alexandria.
Auditoria of Kom el-Dikka and Late Antique Education, mentioned earlier (n. 5), passim, and esp. the
paper of G. Majcherek, The Late Roman Auditoria of Alexandria: An Archeological Overview, 11–49;
see also idem, The Auditoria of Kom el-Dikka: A Glimpse of Late Antique Education in Alexandria,
32 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 29–44

was dominated by the personality of Libanios after AD 354,12 submitted an application


accompanied by the letter(s) of references required by the great rhetorician.13 As al-
most everywhere in Byzantium,14 this was a one-man school, although Libanios often
employed grammatikoi to undertake the teaching of classical texts, which he deemed
of major importance; some of Libanios’ associates either worked in Antioch or were
former students of his.15 The highly organised operation of the school was assisted by
the existence of an association of alumni, whose frequent meetings and close contact
with the orator via personal correspondence promoted the image of the institution
and of Libanios in particular.16 The law school of Berytus was included by Justinian
(527–565), alongside that of Constantinople, in the constitutio Omnem of the year
533,17 after which it adopted a rigorous Þve-year curriculum with distinct subjects
for each year, although, in all fairness, this was not much different from the previous
programme.18 The legal text was read in Latin, interpreted by the antecessores, who
were also called Ƞ‫ ݨ‬IJ߱Ȣ Ƞ‫ݧ‬țȠȣȝȑȞȘȢ įȚįȐıțĮȜȠȚ,19 and then translated into Greek by
the students; most of them had difÞculties in understanding Latin, and the teachers
intervened to resolve them.20 It is worth noting that there are surviving explanatory
texts by antecessores — although the only complete one is the paraphrasis of the
Institutes, known as Institutiones Theophili — as well as student notes.21 Finally, there
is evidence of the existence of student unions which participated in School matters.22
If all this is observed in the periphery, where the mobility of teachers and stu-
dents and the wealth of relevant information fully conÞrms Lemerle’s view of the
early Byzantine era as unique in many ways,23 great care is required when it comes

Proceedings of the Twenty-Fifth International Congress of Papyrology, Ann Arbor 2007, Ann Arbor
(American Studies in Papyrology) 2010, 471–484.
12
R. Cribiore, The School of Libanius in Late Antique Antioch, Princeton 2007, 84.
13
Ibid., 111 ff.
14
R. Browning, Literacy in the Byzantine World, BMGS 4 (1978) 39–54, esp. 46.
15
Cribiore, The School of Libanius, 30–37.
16
Ibid., 104 ff. A briefer survey of Libanios’ overall educational activity is provided again by R.
Cribiore, The Value of a Good Education: Libanius and Public Authority, ed. Ph. Rousseau (with the as-
sistance of J. Raithel), A Companion to Late Antiquity, Chichester 2009, 233–245.
17
It remains unknown whether the law school of Constantinople continued for any time after
Justinian’s death; see Sp. Troianos, ȅȚ ʌȘȖȑȢ IJȠȣ ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȠȪ įȚțĮȓȠȣ, Athens3 2011, 101 and n. 21, 147.
18
See Troianos, ȆȘȖȑȢ, 99 ff., esp. 101 n. 22. On law studies before Justinian cf. Fr. Wieacker,
ȆȩȞȠȚ IJ૵Ȟ įȚįĮıțȐȜȦȞ. Leistung und Grenzen der früher oströmischen Rechtswissenschaft, Festgabe für
Johannes Sontis, Munich 1977, 53–89.
19
P. Collinet, Histoire de l’École de droit de Beyrouth, Paris 1925, 124 ff.; P. I. Zepos, Ǿ ȞȠȝȚțȒ
ʌĮȚįİȓĮ țĮIJȐ IJȠȞ ǽǯ ĮȚȫȞĮ, Byzantium. Tribute to Andreas N. Stratos, 2, Athens 1986, 735–749, esp.
742 n. 12.
20
Sp. Troianos, Ǿ İȜȜȘȞȚțȒ ȞȠȝȚțȒ ȖȜȫııĮ, Athens-Komotini 2000, 27 ff. See also very recent-
ly H. de Jong, Stephanus on the Condictiones in D. 121: A Byzantine ClassiÞcation, ǼʌİIJ. ȀȑȞIJȡȠȣ
ǼȡİȪȞȘȢ ǿıIJ. ǼȜȜȘȞȚțȠȪ ǻȚțĮȓȠȣ 44 (2012–2013) 193–207. Averil Cameron writes from another point
of view: Old and New Rome: Roman Studies in Sixth-Century Constantinople, edd. Ph. Rousseau – M.
Papoutsakis, Transformations of Late Antiquity. Essays for Peter Brown, Aldershot 2009, 15–36. Cf. also
A. Markopoulos, Roman Antiquarianism: Aspects of the Roman Past in the Middle Byzantine Period
(9th-11th centuries), Proceedings of the 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies, London 21–26
August, 2006, Plenary Papers, 1, Aldershot 2006, 277–297, esp. 280–281.
21
Troianos, ȆȘȖȑȢ, 104–108, with extensive bibliography.
22
Markopoulos, ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒ İțʌĮȓįİȣıȘ, 198–199 and n. 65. Troianos, ȆȘȖȑȢ, 100 ff.
23
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 51.
ATHANASIOS MARKOPOULOS: In search for ‘higher education’ in Byzantium 33

to examining the presence of Byzantium, as a state, in the educational practice, with


a view to reinforcing the educational image of Constantinople. This latter city had no
history of ‘higher’ schools, and things were likely to remain ßuid for a period of time
necessary for the city’s ideological determinants to take shape. Yet these state inter-
ventions did not always have the same starting point. When Libanios, after brilliant
studies at the school of Athens, arrives in Constantinople in the AD 340s in search
of work as well as of contacts with the teachers already established there, he Þnds
‘sophists’ teaching in the market, having obtained ofÞcial positions remunerated by
the state, according to the old practice;24 indeed, as he notes, one of these sophists,
coming from Cappadocia, taught from the special throne in the exedra.25 Libanios’
involvement in the quarrels between the rival sophists will get the eminent rhetori-
cian into judicial adventures and cost him his stay permit in Constantinople, forcing
him to ßee rather hastily to Nikomedeia.26 Libanios returns again to Constantinople,
most probably between 348 and 355, but this second journey only adds to his unpleas-
ant impressions, despite the honours lavished upon him by the Emperor Constantius
(337–361).27
Constantinople evolves into the intellectual capital of the Empire in the time of
Constantius, after 355.28 As is widely known, a key role in this process was played by
Themistios. This Paphlagonian pagan, as Dagron describes him,29 was admitted to the
Senate, following a letter of imperial recommendation sent to this supreme state insti-
tution, in which Themistios’ appointment is explained in detail.30 This decision ena-
bled the emperor to introduce a new policy on many levels; in the area of education
in particular, the invitation to Themistios to teach in Constantinople clearly reßects
Constantius’ determination to furnish the new capital with the intellectual prestige it
hitherto lacked, despite the — rather sparse — presence of sophists.31 The orator, who
would teach from the city’s țȠȚȞާȞ șȑĮIJȡȠȞ, even renouncing his philosophical capac-
ity in order to be able to attack the sophists by demolishing their arguments, while
they often derided him,32 would soon repay his debt to Constantius. In his well-known
speech of the year 357 — on the occasion of the celebrations for the emperor’s vicen-
nalia in Rome, from which he was absent, oddly enough —,33 ThemistiȠs says that
the new role assigned to Constantinople is mainly intellectual rather than commercial,
as one might expect because of its advantageous location; the city’s mission was to
preserve the classical past through the Greek language and spread it all over the then
24
Cribiore, The School of Libanius, 60–61.
25
For the exedra see W. L(oerke), ODB 2, 769; D. Chatzilazarou, ȂȚĮ ȐȖȞȦıIJȘ ĮȖȠȡȐ ıIJȘȞ
ȀȦȞıIJĮȞIJȚȞȠȪʌȠȜȘ IJȠȣ 4Ƞȣ ĮȚȫȞĮ (unpubl. postgraduate thesis), Athens 2011, 90, and Majcherek, The
Late Roman Auditoria of Alexandria, 25 and Þg. 14.
26
G. Dagron, Naissance d’une capitale. Constantinople et ses institutions de 330 à 451, Paris2
1984, 220–221; Cribiore, The School of Libanius, 61.
27
Dagron, Naissance d’une capitale, 222.
28
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 54 ff.
29
Dagron, Naissance d’une capitale, 380.
30
G. Dagron, L’Empire Romain en Orient au IVe siècle et les traditions politiques de l’Hellénisme.
Le témoignage de Thémistios, TM 3 (1968) 1–242, esp. 60 ff.
31
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 55 ff.; Dagron, Naissance d’une capitale, 125–127 and passim.
32
Dagron, Le témoignage de Thémistios, 24, 42–43.
33
Ibid., 205 ff.
34 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 29–44

known world. In the same speech ThemistiȠs applauds the process of copying texts
and setting up a library, which was under way in the new capital at the time, again with
the emperor’s consent.34
It is obvious that the variously signiÞcant presence of Themistios in
Constantinople and his inßuence on the new capital’s educational matters and intel-
lectual life, always from within a safe net of imperial protection, largely paved the
way for the founding of the Pandidakterion by emperor Theodosios II (408–450).
Inaugurated in 425,35 this was beyond doubt an institutional novelty; it is the Þrst time
that Byzantium as a state goes into intellectual matters with the aim of instituting a
new educational policy and a new system in parallel to the existing one which, on the
other hand, had both a long history and an active presence (purely private education,
education with discreet state support, etc.). It must be stressed that this unprecedented
school had the exclusive purpose of educating ofÞcials for the administration of the
state; this is what led Lemerle to speak of a state monopoly in the subject of uni-
versities.36 It is signiÞcant that what Themistios had proposed about promoting the
Greek language in 357, is put into practice by this novel institution, which had an
almost equal number of teachers for Greek and Latin.37 It is also worth noting at this
point that in the fourth century the Empire experienced a rivalry between Greek and
Latin, caused exclusively by the switch towards learning Latin on the part of those
Greek speakers who were after a career in the state machine.38 Yet, after the death
of Thedosios I (395) and the resultant split of the Empire, a new lingual boundary
was created and became associated with the corresponding choices of the various
social classes. Therefore, the original tendency towards having a single state with
two ‘ofÞcial’ languages in use, Greek and Latin, falls into decline, judging from the
Pandidakterion, and is abandoned over time, as is broadly known and accepted.39
It is almost certain that the Pandidakterion did not continue after the reign of
Herakleios (610–641); more correctly, perhaps, we have no evidence that it did.40
After that, the state will undertake no further action in the Þeld of ‘higher’ educa-
tion and, apart from the constitutio Omnem,41 it will be more than two hundred years
before the next state initiative: the establishment of the school of Magnaura (855),
34
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 56–60. Cf. N. G. Wilson, Scholars of Byzantium, London 1983,
50; J. Vanderspool, Themistius and the Imperial Court, Ann Arbor 1995, 96–100; Markopoulos, ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒ
İțʌĮȓįİȣıȘ, 192; Chatzilazarou, ȂȚĮ ȐȖȞȦıIJȘ ĮȖȠȡȐ, 101. A. Kaldellis (Hellenism in Byzantium. The
Transformation of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition, Cambridge 2007, 73) aptly
points out that Themistios served as a model politician and philosopher in later Byzantine times.
35
CȠd. Theod.14.9.3=Cod. Just.11.19.1.
36
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 64. P. Speck’s review of Lemerle’s book is very useful in the
context of what is discussed here: BZ 67 (1974) 385–393 (= Understanding Byzantium, ed. S. Takács,
Aldershot 2003, nɨ. II). Cf. also A. K(azhdan), University of Constantinople, ODB 3, 2143.
37
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 63–64. More details in Wilson, Scholars, 49 ff.
38
See G. Dagron, Aux origines de la civilisation byzantine: Langue de culture et langue d’État,
Revue Historique 241 (1969), 23–56 (=La romanité chrétienne en Orient, London 1984, no. ǿ); Br.
Rochette, Le latin dans le monde grec. Recherches sur la diffusion de la langue et des lettres latines dans
les provinces hellénophones de l’empire romain, Brussels 1997, 130 ff.
39
Markopoulos, Roman Antiquarianism, 280–281, with all the relevant bibliography.
40
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 77 ff. See also W. Wolska–Conus, Stéphanos d’Athènes et
Stéphanos d’Alexandrie. Essai d’identiÞcation et de biographie, REB 47 (1989) 5–89, esp. 16 ff., 82 ff.
41
See above p. 32.
ATHANASIOS MARKOPOULOS: In search for ‘higher education’ in Byzantium 35

discussed below.42 The reasons behind this change in state policy go back to the times
of Justinian—and I believe that scholars are unanimous on this matter. It is during
that time that the earlier state dogma (once again essentially formed by Themistios),
whereby Hellenism and Christianity should be treated as two worldviews diametri-
cally opposed yet capable of coexisting,43 gives way to Justinian’s dogma of a sin-
gle state with a single language — harsh though the reality was for an emperor like
Justinian, a fervent lover of Latin — and a single religion with no exceptions. Thus in
September 529 Justinian issues the well-known edict by which he bans pagans, her-
etics and Jews from teaching; it is then that the closure of the school of Athens takes
place, although it had been showing signs of advancing decline,44 despite the presence
of Damaskios, who had been teaching philosophy there since the early sixth centu-
ry.45 As a consequence, research, a key element of education in the earlier centuries,
recedes; the antecessores of law schools are replaced by scholastikoi, who are closer
to rhetoric than to law theory;46 everything is codiÞed; teachers lose the tax immunity
they had enjoyed for centuries; and literary production is almost placed under control,
although Justinian’s efforts in this area were not successful.47 Nevertheless, I should
like to point out that Michael Maas exaggerates when he talks about the enhanced role
of the Church during the same period, especially with regard to education; I believe it
would be more accurate to say that the state uses the church as well in order to avert
any deviations from its own rules, particularly after the Nika revolt (532).48
It would be a distortion of the reality of those times to claim that, after Justinian’s
rigorously enforced institutional decisions on education, Byzantium severed the um-
bilical cord that linked it to education and knowledge more generally. I believe that
such generalisations, which Alexander Kazhdan accepts at least in part when he speaks
about a culturally silent Byzantium in direct contrast to an eloquent Antiquity,49 are
extreme and out of tune with reality. On the other hand, there is no doubt that from
the seventh century onward our sources almost dry up and it is hard to Þnd informa-
tion on higher education or, indeed, on any education at all. Nevertheless, the educa-
tional level of an admittedly limited élite, in the cities rather than in the countryside,
remains high, since the educational process is not disrupted, as one concludes from
42
See below p. 38–39.
43
See Dagron, Le témoignage de Thémistios, 163–186, with an extensive analysis of the relevant
speech of Themistios. Cf. also Vanderspool, Themistius and the Imperial Court, 138–139.
44
Cod. Just.1.5.18;1.11.10. See Beaucamp, Le philosophe et le joueur, passim, esp. 24–25 and
n. 22–24, with an analysis of the causes behind this decision. Watts, however, adopts a different focus
in the paper cited below. Cf. also Chr. Wildberg, Philosophy in the Age of Justinian, ed. M. Maas, The
Cambridge Companion to the Age of Justinian, Cambridge 2005, 316–340.
45
Athanassiadi, La lutte pour l’orthodoxie, 199; E. Watts, Justinian, Malalas, and the End of
Athenian Philosophical Teaching in A. D. 529, JRS 94 (2004) 168–182, esp. 169.
46
Troianos, ȆȘȖȑȢ, 147–148 ff.
47
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 72; Cl. Rapp, Literary Culture under Justinian, The Cambridge
Companion to the Age of Justinian, 376–397, esp. 392 ff., and recently P. Athanassiadi, Vers la pensée
unique. Le monde de l’intolérance dans l’Antiquité tardive, Paris 2010, 114 ff.
48
M. Maas, Roman Questions, Byzantine Answers: Contours of the Age of Justinian, The
Cambridge Companion to the Age of Justinian, 3–27, esp. 20–21.
49
A. Kazhdan, Der Mensch in der byzantinischen Literaturgeschichte, JÖB 28 (1979) 1–21, esp.
14 (= Authors and Texts in Byzantium, Aldershot 1993, no. ǿǿ).
36 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 29–44

numerous testimonies, predominantly in hagiographical texts;50 after all, it is in the


cities that Justinian seeks literate witnesses for judicial procedures concerning inherit-
ance or other similar cases.51 In any case, the scattered information at our disposal,
which has been analysed mainly by Lemerle, so that any further analysis is rendered
superßuous,52 conÞrms that no new institutions emerge. Moreover, the major crisis
that hit Byzantium for a long time after the years of Herakleios has a direct impact
on education. The huge territorial losses of the time deprive the Empire of the higher
schools it still had, such as Alexandria, which had survived Justinian’s ban,53 while
natural disasters and epidemics come to accelerate this process: the earthquake of AD
551 destroys the law school of Berytus,54 a later earthquake razes Aphrodisias to the
ground,55 and, Þnally, the plague epidemic of the year 551 may well be behind the
closure of the law school of Constantinople.56
The absence of higher schools was Þlled by the schools of enkyklios paideia, i.e.
those run by grammatikoi. This tacit reformation was imposed by the circumstances:
namely, the abandonment of cities, the concomitant restructuring of the state, but also
(slightly later) Iconoclasm, combined with decisions which had been taken earlier
but were still enforced, would produce entirely new conditions in a state which had
hitherto operated with different structures. It would be no exaggeration to say that
this school, which almost invariably relies on one main teacher, although its structure
varies,57 essentially “rises” in the educational hierarchy and attempts to compensate
for the absence of higher education from the country’s intellectual life — and largely
succeeds.58 It is worth noting that the internal structure of an organised school of en-
kyklios paideia is quite similar to that of the old higher schools;59 at least, this is what
transpires from the correspondence of the so-called Anonymous teacher, who had
established such a school in Constantinople around the mid-tenth century. There are
two cycles of study: the Þrst cycle is taught by students of the ‘higher’ grades, presum-
ably appointed after a selection process, who are described as Ƞ‫ ݨ‬IJ߱Ȣ ıȤȠȜ߱Ȣ ‫ݏ‬țțȡȚIJȠȚ,
Ƞ‫ބ ݨ‬ʌާ įȚĮIJȡȚȕ‫ޣ‬Ȟ ‫ݏ‬țțȡȚIJȠȚ or Ƞ‫݋ ݨ‬ʌȚıIJĮIJȠࠎȞIJİȢ;60 the second cycle is taught exclusively
by Anonymous himself, who uses dictation as his teaching method and tests his stu-
dents orally at regular intervals.61 There seems to have been no limit as to how long
50
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 98–99; see also very recently F. Ronconi, Quelle grammaire à
Byzance? La circulation des textes grammaticaux et son reßet dans les manuscrits, edd. G. De Gregorio
et alii, La produzione scritta tecnica e scientiÞca nel Medioevo:libro e documento tra scuole e professioni,
Spoleto 2012, 63–110, esp. 72 ff., whose views in some cases I do not share.
51
Cod. Just. 6. 23. 31.
52
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 74 ff.
53
Watts, Justinian, Malalas, and the End of Athenian Philosophical Teaching, 178.
54
Troianos, ȆȘȖȑȢ, 147.
55
Cl. F(oss), Aphrodisias, ODB 1, 128. See also above p. 31.
56
A theory proposed by A. Schminck; see Troianos, ȆȘȖȑȢ, 101 n. 21 and above p. 32 and n. 17.
57
Markopoulos, De la structure de l’école byzantine, 88.
58
Ibid., 86.
59
See above p. 30 ff.
60
Anonymi professoris epistulae, ed. A. Markopoulos, Berlin – New York 2000, 8*–9* (introduc-
tion), no. 20, 13 (p. 15), no. 105, 14 (p. 90), no. 80, 1 (p. 71), no. 96, 1 (p. 85). Cf. also Markopoulos, De
la structure de l’école byzantine, 88.
61
“... į੿Ȣ IJોȢ ਦȕįȠȝȐįȠȢ ਲ IJ૵Ȟ Į੝IJ૶ ਥȡȦIJȦȝȑȞȦȞ țĮIJİȞȫʌȚȠȞ ਲȝ૵Ȟ ਕȞĮțȡȓȞİIJĮȚ İ੅įȘıȚȢ· ਕʌઁ
ıIJȩȝĮIJȠȢ Į੝IJ૶ ıȤİįઁȞ ਕʌĮȡİȝʌȠįȓıIJȦȢ IJઁ țİȓȝİȞȠȞ ʌȡȠijȑȡİIJĮȚ IJોȢ ȖȡĮȝȝĮIJȚțોȢ· IJ૵Ȟ ਥʌȚȝİȡȚıȝ૵Ȟ
ATHANASIOS MARKOPOULOS: In search for ‘higher education’ in Byzantium 37

one could stay in the school, given that former students who had been absorbed by
the state machine continued to attend classes regularly.62 The selected students had a
say in the life of this small hub of education,63 which, judging from the recipients of
Anonymous’ letters, had excellent connections to the palace (Anonymous exchanged
books with despina Sophia, the widow of Christopher Lekapenos),64 to high-ranking
ofÞcials, as well as to the clergy;65 indeed, the patriarchate used to subsidise its opera-
tion from time to time, albeit to the great displeasure of Anonymous.66
In justifying the presence of a school of this level in the capital at the time,
Lemerle speaks of a couche sociale urbaine which uses education for social advance-
ment and entry into the higher echelons of the city’s society.67 This felicitous assess-
ment is corroborated by the presence of more schools of a probably similar structure
in the capital around the same time.68 On the other hand, it must be noted that only
shortly after the end of Iconoclasm (843), the Empire had already reintroduced the
institution of a higher ‘state’ establishment in the form of the school of Magnaura,
founded by caesar Bardas, to whom «ʌİȡ੿ ʌȠȜȜȠ૨... ਲ ıȠijȓĮ ʌİijȚȜȠIJȓȝȘIJȠ» (855).69
Could it be again the same couche sociale which, liberated from the long years of
dogmatic uncertainty under Iconoclasm, takes its Þrst steps towards forming its own
élite with the graduates of this new establishment? This is more than likely, especially
if Magnaura’s establishment by a high-ranking ofÞcial of the Empire is seen in con-
junction with the appointment as head of the school of Leo the Mathematician, who
enjoyed widespread acceptance70 and whose iconoclastic past did not seem enough
to prevent him from taking the reins of this very ambitious school.71 Both Genesios
and Theophanes Continuatus speak of the three teachers that joined Leo, who taught
philosophy; they would have speciÞc teaching duties which, as we shall see forthwith,
deviated somewhat from the familiar mathematical quadrivium of arithmetic, geom-
੒ IJȡȓIJȠȢ ਷ȡțIJĮȚ IJȠȪIJ૳ ȥĮȜȝȩȢ· ਲ IJȡȓIJȘ IJ૵Ȟ ȕĮȡȣIJȩȞȦȞ Į੝IJ૶ țȜȓȞİIJĮȚ ıȣȗȣȖȓĮ. ਘ įȚİȡȦIJȫȝİȞȠȢ
ਥțȝĮȞșȐȞİȚ, IJૌ ʌȡઁȢ ਦIJȑȡȠȣȢ ʌĮȡĮįȩıİȚ ʌĮȡĮțĮIJȑȤİȚȞ įȚįȐıțİIJĮȚ” (Anonymi professoris epistulae,
no. 110, 14–19 [p. 94]).
62
Anonymi professoris epistulae, 6*.
63
Ibid., 9*.
64
Ibid., no. 8, 98 and 99 (p. 6 and 86).
65
Ibid., 16* ff.
66
Ibid., 5*–6*.
67
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 256.
68
Ibid., 256–257 ff.
69
Iosephi Genesii regum libri quattuor, ed. A. Lesmueller-Werner/I. Thurn, Berlin-New York 1978,
69, 53. See Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 159–160 (where he points out the uncertainty about the year
of the establishment of the school), 165–167 and passim. Also P. Speck, Die Kaiserliche Universität von
Konstantinopel, Munich 1974, 10–13 and passim; Alan Cameron, The Greek Anthology from Meleager
to Planudes, Oxford 1993, 308–311 and recently P. Varona Codeso, Miguel III (842–867) Construcción
histórica y literaria de un reinado, Madrid 2009, 141 ff.
70
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 159 ff.
71
On Leo, apart from what is noted by Lemerle (Premier humanisme, 148 and n. 1) and Speck
(Kaiserliche Universität, 1 and n. 3 and passim) see PmbZ no 4440, containing an extending bibliog-
raphy, to which we could add Markopoulos, ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒ İțʌĮȓįİȣıȘ, 191 and n. 35; P. Magdalino, The
road to Baghdad in the thought-world of ninth-century Byzantium, ed. L. Brubaker, Byzantium in the
Ninth Century:Dead or Alive? Aldershot 1998, 195–213, esp. 199 sq.; idem, L’Orthodoxie des astro-
logues. La science entre le dogme et la divination à Byzance (VIIe-XIVe siècle), Paris 2006, 65–68 and
passim; Kaldellis, Hellenism in Byzantium, 182–183 and recently N. Siniossoglou, Radical Platonism in
Byzantium. Illumination and Utopia in Gemistos Plethon, Cambridge 2011, 64–65.
38 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 29–44

etry, music and astronomy.72 Of these three teachers, Theodore, a pupil of Leo, taught
geometry; astronomy was assigned to Theodegios and grammar to the well-known
Kometas.73 Both texts, evidently drawing on the same historical textual source, note
that the generous funding of Magnaura had been secured by Bardas himself.74
After Leo’s death (post 869) all traces of Magnaura are lost and there is no
evidence to show that the school continued to operate for any length of time.75 Things
seem to change again in the second half of the tenth century, around the time that
the school of Anonymous was operating in Constantinople.76 This is when the sixth
book of Theophanes Continuatus notes, in a passage impressively similar to Genesios’
account but also to the fourth book of Continuatus regarding Magnaura, that «Įੂ
ȜȠȖȚțĮ੿ IJȑȤȞĮȚ țĮ੿ Įੂ ਥʌȚıIJોȝĮȚ» had been abandoned during that time and the em-
peror Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (945–959), who had just come to power,
decided to reorganise the system of (higher) education by appointing four «ʌĮȚįİȣIJ੹Ȣ
ਕȡȓıIJȠȣȢ»: the protospatharios Constantine to teach philosophy, the metropolitan
Alexander of Nicaea for rhetoric,77 the patrician Nikephoros for geometry and the
asekretis Gregory for astronomy.78 With this action, the chronicle emphatically points
out, the emperor, who subsidised both teachers and students, as Bardas had done with
Magnaura, «IJ੽Ȟ ʌȠȜȚIJİȓĮȞ ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ IJૌ ıȠijȓ઺ țĮIJİțȩıȝȘıİȞ țĮ੿ țĮIJİʌȜȠȪIJȚıİȞ».79
The unknown author of the last section of Theophanes Continuatus seeks to exalt
Porphyrogennetos for his contribution to education,80 while the inference from a lit-
eral interpretation of this excerpt would be that Magnaura had been abandoned for a
long time before Constantine VII.
There is no mention in any source of the ‘school’ of Porphyrogennetos con-
tinuing after the emperor’s death in 959; it is my personal view that the old practice
of abandoning the whole matter was followed in this case as well, since none of the
subsequent emperors, as far as we know, showed any interest in its operation.
The last attempt at creating a higher education institution in Byzantium came,
as is widely known, from Constantine IX Monomachos (1042–1055) with his very
important novel of April 1047; with this text, drafted by John Mauropous, the pre-
existing (private) school of Michael Psellos and John Xiphilinos, which had two
72
Lemerle, Premier humanisme, 132.
73
Iosephi Genesii regum libri quattuor, 69, 58–70, 61; Theophanes Continuatus, Ioannes
Cameniata, Symeon magister, Georgius monachus, ed. I. Bekker, Bonn 1838, 192, 20–23.
74
Iosephi Genesii regum libri quattuor, 70, 67–72; Theophanes Continuatus 192, 16–20.
75
Lemerle’s attempt to prove the opposite (Premier humanisme, 263–266) was inconclusive; Speck
is on the right track in Kaiserliche Universität, 22 ff.
76
See above p. 37.
77
Alexander of Nicaea corresponds with the Anonymous teacher; see Anonymi professoris epis-
tulae, no. 69 (p. 62–63).
78
I note that the teaching of rhetoric in the school of Porphyrogennetos replaced that of grammar
in Magnaura.
79
Theophanes Continuatus 446, 1–22. A similar text is transmitted by Vaticanus gr. 163, a man-
uscript coming from the so-called ‘cycle’ of Symeon Logothete: A. Markopoulos, Le témoignage du
Vaticanus gr. 163 pour la période entre 945–963, ȈȪȝȝİȚțIJĮ 3 (1979) 83–119, esp. § 5, 92. 1–12, 103–104
(= History and Literature of Byzantium in the 9th–10th Centuries, Aldershot 2004, no. ǿǿǿ).
80
See ǹ. Markopoulos, ȉȠ ʌȠȡIJȡĮȓIJȠ IJȠȣ ȀȦȞıIJĮȞIJȓȞȠȣ ǽǯ IJȠȣ ȆȠȡijȣȡȠȖȑȞȞȘIJȠȣ ıIJȠ 6Ƞ ȕȚ-
ȕȜȓȠ IJȘȢ ȈȣȞȑȤİȚĮȢ IJȠȣ ĬİȠijȐȞȘ, ǼȣțĮȡʌȓĮȢ ȑʌĮȚȞȠȢ. ǹijȚȑȡȦȝĮ ıIJȠȞ țĮșȘȖȘIJȒ ȆĮȞĮȖȚȫIJȘ ǻ.
ȂĮıIJȡȠįȘȝȒIJȡȘ, Athens 2007, 511–520, esp. 518.
ATHANASIOS MARKOPOULOS: In search for ‘higher education’ in Byzantium 39

“orientations”, philosophy and law, was divided into separate schools—a school of
philosophy under Psellos and a school of law under Xiphilinos.81 Yet, despite the am-
ple information we have about the establishment and regulations of these institutions,82
as well as about their early years, it is almost certain that they did not continue for
long; indeed, the law school does not seem to survive beyond the year 1054.83
In later years and until the fall of Constantinople no higher school of the kind
described above will appear. Schools of a scope similar to that of Anonymous teacher
will dominate the scene84 and, again like the school of Anonymous, they will have
close ties to the palace.85 Other schools to emerge or survive are those with a spe-
ciÞc educational focus, such as the philosophy school of George Pachymeres,86 the
81
Dölger, Regesten, no. 863. For the text of the novel see ǿ. & ȇ. Zepos, Jus graecoromanum,
1, Athens 1931, 618–627 and Novella Constitutio saec. XI medii quae est de schola constituenda et
legum custode creando a Ioanne Mauropode conscripta a Constantino IX Monomacho promulgata,
ed. A. Salaü, Prague 1954. On the question of dating of the novel see always J. Lefort, Rhétorique et
politique. Trois discours de Jean Mauropous en 1047, TM 6 (1976) 265–303, esp. 272–284. As regards
the revision of the education system in the time of Monomachus, I shall only cite the two papers of
W. Wolska-Conus, Les écoles de Psellos et de Xiphilin sous Constantin IX Monomaque, TM 6 (1976)
223–243 and L’école de droit et l’enseignement du droit à Byzance au XIe siècle: Xiphilin et Psellos,
TM 7 (1979) 1–107, as well as the classic contribution of P. Lemerle, Cinq études sur le XIe siècle
byzantin, Paris 1977, 193–248. See also V. Katsaros, ȆȡȠįȡȠȝȚțȠȓ șİıȝȠȓ ȖȚĮ IJȘȞ ȠȡȖȐȞȦıȘ IJȘȢ ĮȞȫ-
IJİȡȘȢ İțʌĮȓįİȣıȘȢ IJȘȢ İʌȠȤȒȢ IJȦȞ ȀȠȝȞȘȞȫȞ Įʌȩ IJȘȞ ʌȡȠțȠȝȞȒȞİȚĮ ʌİȡȓȠįȠ, ed. V. N. Vlyssidou,
The Empire in Crisis (?). Byzantium in the 11th Century, Athens 2003, 443–471; Troianos, ȆȘȖȑȢ,
216–217 and n. 7, 236 and n. 68, with a review of the bibliography, and recently, L. G. Benakis, Michael
Psellos, Kommentar zur Physik des Aristoteles, editio princeps, Athens 2008, passim, esp. 21* ff. S.
D. Hondridou, ȅ ȀȦȞıIJĮȞIJȓȞȠȢ Ĭǯ ȂȠȞȠȝȐȤȠȢ țĮȚ Ș İʌȠȤȒ IJȠȣ, Thessaloniki 2002, 183 ff. is entirely
descriptive.
82
I note for intance that according to the content of the novel the nomophylax—the high-ranking
state ofÞcial in charge of the law school—ought to speak Greek, of course, but must also have a satisfac-
tory knowledge of Latin in order to be able to perform his duties. The Þrst nomophylax to be appointed,
was John Xiphilinos, the subsequent patriarch John VIII, with a rudimentary knowledge of Latin (Wolska-
Conus, L’école de droit, 13 ff., esp. 17–21; A. Kazhdan, ODB 2, 1054).
83
Troianos, ȆȘȖȑȢ, 217 and n. 7.
84
Markopoulos, De la structure de l’école byzantine, 90–91.
85
One example among many others is Theodore Hyrtakenos. See C. N. Constantinides, Higher
Education in Byzantium in the Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries (1204–ca. 1310), Nicosia
1982, 94; also S. Mergiali, L’enseignement et les lettrés pendant l’époque des Paléologues (1261–
1453), Athens 1996, 90 ff.
86
See e.g. E. Pappa, Georgios Pachymeres. Philosophia, Buch 10, Kommentar zur Metaphysik des
Aristoteles, editio princeps, Athens 2002; eadem, Georgios Pachymeres. Philosophia, Buch 6, Kommentar
zu De partibus animalium des Aristoteles, editio princeps, Athens 2008; eadem, Georgios Pachymeres.
Scholien und Glossen zu De partibus animalium des Aristoteles (cod. Vaticanus gr. 261), editio prin-
ceps, Athens 2009; K. Oikonomakos, īİȫȡȖȚȠȢ ȆĮȤȣȝȑȡȘȢ, ĭȚȜȠıȠijȓĮ, ǺȚȕȜȓȠȞ ਦȞįȑțĮIJȠȞ, ȉ੹ ਹșȚțȐ,
ਵIJȠȚ IJ੹ ȃȚțȠȝȐȤİȚĮ, editio princeps, Athens 2005; I. Telelis, Georgios Pachymeres. Philosophia, Buch 5,
Commentary in Aristotle’s Meteorologica, ǺȚȕȜȓȠȞ ʌȑȝʌIJȠȞ, IJ૵Ȟ ȝİIJİȦȡȚț૵Ȟ, editio princeps, Athens
2012. Also P. Golitsis, Un commentaire perpétuel de Georges Pachymère à la Physique d’Aristote faus-
sement attribué à Michel Psellos, BZ 100 (2007) 637–676; idem, Georges Pachymère comme didascale.
Essai pour une reconstitution de sa carrière et de son enseignement philosophique, JÖB 58 (2008) 53–68;
idem, La date de composition de la Philosophia de Georges Pachymère et quelques précisions sur la vie de
l’auteur, REB 67 (2009) 209–215 and very recently idem, A Byzantine philosopher’s devoutness toward
God: George Pachymeres’ poetic epilogue to his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, edd. B. Bydén-K.
Ierodiakonou, The Many Faces of Byzantine Philosophy, The Norwegian Institute at Athens 2012, 109–
127, with full bibliography on the subject.
40 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 29–44

medical school of John Argyropoulos, Þnanced by the state treasury,87 or the school of
George Scholarios, who taught philosophy from his family house in Constantinople
between 1430 and 1448, to a large and multinational audience.88 As the Empire’s end
approaches, a cycle seems to be drawing slowly but steadily to a close in educational
affairs, which revert to earlier practices.

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44 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 29–44

ǑȃDZǾDZȂǹǿȂ ǝDZȁǻǿȀȄǼǿȂ
(ɍɧɢɜɟɪɡɢɬɟɬ ɭ Ⱥɬɢɧɢ)

ɍ ɉɈɌɊȺɁɂ ɁȺ „ȼɂɋɈɄɂɆ ɈȻɊȺɁɈȼȺȵȿɆ“ ɍ ȼɂɁȺɇɌɂȳɂ

ȼɢɫɨɤɨɲɤɨɥɫɤɟ ɭɫɬɚɧɨɜɟ, ɭ ɡɧɚɱɟʃɭ ɤɨʁɢ ɬɚʁ ɬɟɪɦɢɧ ɞɚɧɚɫ ɢɦɚ, ɭ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɢ


ɧɢɫɭ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚɥɟ. ɂɩɚɤ, ʁɨɲ ɨɞ ɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ ɞɨɛɚ ɞɪɠɚɜɚ ɫɟ ɛɪɢɧɭɥɚ ɨ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚʃɭ
ɛɭɞɭʄɢɯ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɫɥɭɠɛɟɧɢɤɚ, ɤɨɪɢɫɬɟʄɢ ɡɚ ɬɨ ɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɢ ɛɪɨʁ ɩɪɟɜɚɫɯɨɞɧɨ
„ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ“ ɮɭɧɤɰɢɨɧɟɪɚ, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɡɧɚʃɟ ɫɬɚɜʂɚɥɢ ɧɚ ɪɚɫɩɨɥɚɝɚʃɟ, ɚ
ɡɚ ɭɡɜɪɚɬ ɭɠɢɜɚɥɢ ɡɧɚɱɚʁɧɟ ɩɪɢɜɢɥɟɝɢʁɟ. ɂɫɬɨɜɪɟɦɟɧɨ, ɱɭɜɟɧɟ ɲɤɨɥɟ ɩɨɡɧɟ
ɚɧɬɢɤɟ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɭ ɛɢɥɟ ɨɧɟ ɭ Ⱥɬɢɧɢ, Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɢ, ɝɞɟ ʁɟ ɞɨɦɢɧɢɪɚɨ Ʌɢɛɚɧɢʁɟ,
Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɢʁɢ, Ⱥɮɪɨɞɢɫɢʁɚɞɢ, Ȼɟʁɪɭɬɭ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɞɟ, ɧɟɨɦɟɬɚɧɨ ɫɭ ɧɚɫɬɚɜɢɥɟ ɞɚ ɪɚɞɟ
ɫɜɟ ɞɨ VI, ɚ ɦɨɠɞɚ ɢ VII ɜɟɤɚ. Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɩɨʂ ɫɟ ɭ ɜɪɟɦɟ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɰɢʁɚ (337–
361) ɪɚɡɜɢɨ ɭ ɞɭɯɨɜɧɢ ɰɟɧɬɚɪ, ɡɚɯɜɚʂɭʁɭʄɢ ɞɟɥɨɜɚʃɭ Ɍɟɦɢɫɬɢʁɚ, ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɨ
ɨɞɥɭɱɭʁɭʄɢ ɡɧɚɱɚʁ, ɚ 425. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ɞɨɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɢ ɩɪɜɭ „ɜɢɫɨɤɨɲɤɨɥɫɤɭ ɭɫɬɚɧɨɜɭ“;
ɪɟɱ ʁɟ ɨ ɞɨɛɪɨ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨɦ ɉɚɧɞɢɞɚɤɬɢɪɢɨɧɭ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɡɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɩɪɢɥɢɤɟ
ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚɨ ɜɟɥɢɤɭ ɧɨɜɢɧɭ, ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɪɚɞɢɥɨ ɨ ɱɢɫɬɨ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɨʁ ɢɧɢɰɢʁɚɬɢɜɢ.
Ɇɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɉɚɧɞɢɞɚɤɬɢɪɢɨɧ ɫɤɨɪɨ ɫɢɝɭɪɧɨ ɧɢʁɟ ɧɚɫɬɚɜɢɨ ɞɚ ɪɚɞɢ ɩɨɫɥɟ ɂɪɚɤɥɢʁɚ
(610–641). Ɉɞ ɬɚɞɚ, ɫɚ ɢɡɭɡɟɬɤɨɦ Constitutio omnem ɢɡ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɚ ȳɭɫɬɢɧɢʁɚɧɚ
(527–565), ɤɨʁɚ ʁɟ ɧɚɪɚɜɧɨ ɩɪɟɬɯɨɞɢɥɚ, ɞɪɠɚɜɚ ɜɢɲɟ ɨɞ ɞɜɟɫɬɚ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ ɧɢɲɬɚ ɧɢʁɟ
ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɥɚ ɩɨ ɩɢɬɚʃɭ ɜɢɫɨɤɨɝ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚʃɚ, ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɤɟɫɚɪ ȼɚɪɞɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɚɨ ɲɤɨɥɭ
ɭ Ɇɚɝɧɚɜɪɢ (855), ɚ ɭɩɪɚɜɭ ɧɚɞ ʃɨɦ ɩɪɟɭɡɟɨ Ʌɚɜ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮ ɢɥɢ Ɇɚɬɟɦɚɬɢɱɚɪ,
ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɭɠɢɜɚɨ ɢɡɭɡɟɬɧɨ ɜɟɥɢɤɢ ɭɝɥɟɞ. ɇɟɞɨɫɬɚɬɚɤ ɜɢɫɨɤɢɯ ɲɤɨɥɚ ɩɨɩɭʃɟɧ ʁɟ
ɲɤɨɥɚɦɚ ɨɩɲɬɟɝ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚʃɚ (‫݋‬ȖțȪțȜȚȠȢ ʌĮȚįİȓĮ). Ɍɭ ɪɟɮɨɪɦɭ ɧɚɦɟɬɧɭɥɟ ɫɭ
ɫɚɦɟ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢ, ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚʃɟɦ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ, ɪɟɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɰɢʁɨɦ ɞɪɠɚɜɟ
ɢ ɢɤɨɧɨɛɨɪɫɬɜɨɦ ɫɬɜɨɪɟɧɟ ɩɨɬɩɭɧɨ ɧɨɜɟ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢ. ɍ ɫɜɚɤɨɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ, ɩɨɫɥɟ
ɫɦɪɬɢ Ʌɚɜɚ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɚ Ɇɚɝɧɚɜɪɢ ɫɟ ɝɭɛɢ ɫɜɚɤɢ ɬɪɚɝ, ɞɚ ɛɢ ɫɜɟ ɤɪɟɧɭɥɨ ɭ ɞɪɭɝɨɦ
ɩɚɪɜɰɭ ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ VII ɉɨɪɮɢɪɨɝɟɧɢɬ (945–959) ɨɞɥɭɱɢɨ ɞɚ ɪɟɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɭʁɟ
„ɜɢɫɨɤɨ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚʃɟ“ ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ. ɇɢ ɉɨɪɮɢɪɨɝɟɧɢɬɨɜɚ ɲɤɨɥɚ, ɦɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɧɢʁɟ
ɞɭɝɨ ɨɩɫɬɚɥɚ. ɉɨɫɥɟɞʃɢ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁ ɫɬɜɚɪɚʃɚ ɜɢɫɨɤɨɲɤɨɥɫɤɟ ɭɫɬɚɧɨɜɟ ɭ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɢ
ɩɪɢɩɚɞɚ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɭ IX Ɇɨɧɨɦɚɯɭ (1042–1055). Ɉɧ ʁɟ 1047. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ɢɡɞɚɨ ɜɪɥɨ
ɡɧɚɱɚʁɧɭ ɧɨɜɟɥɭ, ɤɨʁɨɦ ʁɟ ʁɟɞɧɭ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɭ ɲɤɨɥɭ, ɱɢʁɢ ɫɭ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɰɢ ɞɨ ɬɚɞɚ
ɛɢɥɢ Ɇɢɯɚɢɥɨ ɉɫɟɥ ɢ ȳɨɜɚɧ Ʉɫɢɮɢɥɢɧ, ɪɚɡɞɜɨʁɢɨ ɧɚ ɞɜɟ: ɉɫɟɥ ʁɟ ɢɦɟɧɨɜɚɧ ɡɚ
ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɤɚ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɟ ɚ Ʉɫɢɮɢɥɢɧ ɉɪɚɜɧɟ ɲɤɨɥɟ. ɂ ɨɜɚʁ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁ, ɦɟɻɭɬɢɦ,
ɢɦɚɨ ʁɟ ɧɟɫɥɚɜɚɧ ɤɪɚʁ, ɢ ɬɨ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɛɪɡɨ. ɍ ɩɨɬɨʃɚ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɚ, ɫɜɟ ɞɨ ɩɚɞɚ
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɩɨʂɚ, „ɜɢɫɨɤɚ ɲɤɨɥɚ“ ɫɟ ɜɢɲɟ ɧɢʁɟ ɩɨʁɚɜɢɥɚ; ɞɨɦɢɧɢɪɚɥɟ ɫɭ ɲɤɨɥɟ
ɨɩɲɬɟɝ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚʃɚ ɢ ɲɤɨɥɟ ɫɚ ɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɢɦ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɧɢɦ ɭɫɦɟɪɟʃɟɦ, ɤɚɨ ɧɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪ
ɮɢɥɨɡɨɮɢʁɨɦ, ɦɟɞɢɰɢɧɨɦ, ɢ ɫɥɢɱɧɨ. Ɋɟɱ ʁɟ ɨ ɩɪɚɤɫɢ ɤɨʁɚ ɭ ɦɧɨɝɨɦɟ ɩɨɞɫɟʄɚ ɧɚ
ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ ɞɨɛɚ.
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ L, 2013
Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’études byzantines L, 2013

ɍȾɄ: 904:003.071=124(497.11)"02/03"
DOI: 10.2298/ZRVI1350045N

ȼɈȳɂɇ ɇȿȾȿȴɄɈȼɂȶ
(ɍɧɢɜɟɪɡɢɬɟɬ ɭ Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞɭ – Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɢ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬ)

ɇȺɌɉɂɋɂ ɉɈɁɇɈȺɇɌɂɑɄɈȽ ɇɂɒȺ ɄȺɈ ɉɊȿȾɆȿɌ


ȼɍɅȽȺɊɇɈɅȺɌɂɇɋɄɂɏ ɋɌɍȾɂȳȺ*
Ⱥɭɬɨɪ ɧɚɥɚɡɢ ɢ ɬɭɦɚɱɢ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɟ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɦɟ ɭ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ
ɇɢɲɚ ɢ ɨɫɬɚɥɨɦ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɨɦ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɭ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɚɱɢʃɚɜɚ ɱɟɬɜɪɬɭ ɫɜɟɫɤɭ IMS.
Ʉʂɭɱɧɟ ɪɟɱɢ: ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɢ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢ, ɪɢɦɫɤɢ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢ, ɞɢɜʂɚ
ɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɨɫɬ.

The author reviews and discusses instances of substandard Latin usage that
are found in the inscriptions of Naissus and other epigraphs contained in Vol. 4 of the
Inscriptions de la Mésie Supérieure.
Keywords: Latin Vulgarisms, Roman Epitaphs, Subliterature.

Ɉ ɨɩɲɬɟɦ ɡɧɚɱɚʁɭ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɨɝ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɚ ɡɚ ɢɡɭɱɚɜɚʃɟ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɟ ɫɬɚɪɢɧɟ


ɧɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɬɪɨɲɢɬɢ ɪɟɱɢ. Ⱦɨɞɭɲɟ, ɪɚɞ ɫɚ ʃɢɦ ɢ ɧɚ ʃɟɦɭ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ʁɟ ɫɬɪɚɧ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ
ɧɟɡɚɧɟɦɚɪʂɢɜɨɦ ɛɪɨʁɭ ɫɬɪɭɱʃɚɤɚ ɭ ɪɟɥɟɜɚɧɬɧɢɦ ɞɢɫɰɢɩɥɢɧɚɦɚ; ɧɨ, ɧɚ ɬɟɪɟɧɭ
ɤɨʁɢɦ ʄɟɦɨ ɫɟ ɛɚɜɢɬɢ ɭ ɨɜɨʁ ɩɪɢɥɢɰɢ, ɩɢɬɚʃɚ ɤɨɥɢɱɢɧɟ, ɜɪɫɬɟ ɢ ɫɚɞɪɠɢɧɟ ɫɚɱɭ-
ɜɚɧɢɯ ɪɢɦɫɤɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ ɤɚɨ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɢ ɜɚɠɧɢʁɚ ɧɟɝɨ ɢɧɚɱɟ. ɉɨ ɫɭɞɭ ʁɟɞɧɨɝɚ ɡɧɚɥɰɚ
ɧɚ ɱɢʁɟ ʄɭ ɫɟ ɞɟɥɨ ɨɜɞɟ ɩɨɡɜɚɬɢ ʁɨɲ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɩɭɬɚ, ɪɢɦɫɤɢ ɇɢɲ, ɥɟɠɟʄɢ ɭ ʁɟɞɧɨʁ
ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ ɡɚ ɤɨʁɭ ɫɭ ɫɬɚɪɢ ɩɢɫɰɢ ɩɨɤɚɡɢɜɚɥɢ ɦɚɥɨ ɧɟɩɨɫɪɟɞɧɨɝ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚ, ɨɫɬɚɨ ɛɢ
ɧɚɦ, ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɬɢɱɟ ɟɬɧɢɱɤɟ, ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɟ ɢ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɬɢɜɧɟ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɟ, ɩɪɢɫɭɫɬɜɚ
ɜɨʁɫɤɟ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɫɜɢɯ ɚɫɩɟɤɚɬɚ ɭɪɛɚɧɨɝ ɢ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɨɝ ɠɢɜɨɬɚ, ɫɤɨɪɨ ɫɚɫɜɢɦ ɧɟɩɨɡɧɚɬ
ɞɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɧɚɬɩɢɫâ, ɚ »ɡɧɚɱɚʁ ɨɜɨɝ ɞɪɚɝɨɰɟɧɨɝ ɢɡɜɨɪɧɨɝ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɚ ɭɬɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɜɟʄɢ
ɲɬɨ ɫɭ ɢ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬɢ ɡɚ ɨɬɤɪɢɜɚʃɟ ɧɨɜɢɯ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɤɚ ɩɪɢɥɢɱɧɨ ɪɟɚɥɧɟ, ɭ ɫɪɚɡɦɟ-
ɪɢ ɫ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɲɤɢɦ, ɤɨɧɡɟɪɜɚɬɨɪɫɤɢɦ ɢ ɪɟɫɬɚɭɪɚɬɨɪɫɤɢɦ ɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ ɧɚ Ɍɜɪɻɚɜɢ«.1
Ȼɢɥɚ ɬɚ ɧɚɞɚ ʁɚɥɨɜɚ ɢɥɢ ɧɟ, ɞɨɫɚɞɚɲʃɢ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢ ɧɚɥɚɡ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ
ɇɢɲɚ ɫɤɪɨɦɚɧ ʁɟ ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɨɛɢɦɚ ɬɢɱɟ. Ɋɢɦɫɤɟ ɤɚɦɟɧɨɜɟ ɫɭ Ɍɭɪɰɢ ɭ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɜɪɟɦɟ
* Ɋɚɞ ɭ ɨɤɜɢɪɭ ɩɪɨʁɟɤɬɚ Ɋɢɦɫɤɨ ɢ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ ɩɪɢɫɭɫɬɜɨ ɧɚ ɬɥɭ ɋɪɛɢʁɟ: ɩɪɟɡɟɧɬɚɰɢʁɚ
ɢ ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢʁɚ ɢɡɜɨɪɧɟ ɝɪɚɻɟ, ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢɪɚɧɨɝ ɨɞ Ɇɢɧɢɫɬɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɟ Ɋɋ.
1
ɉ. ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ, ɇɢɲ ɭ ɚɧɬɢɱɤɨ ɞɨɛɚ, ɇɢɲ 19992, 17.
46 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 45–62

ɦɚɫɨɜɧɨ ɭɡɢɞɚɥɢ ɭ ɬɜɪɻɚɜɭ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɚ ɡɞɚʃɚ; ɩɨ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨɦ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɚɧɫɬɜɭ,


ɩɪɨɰɟɫ ɢɫɤɨɪɢɲʄɚɜɚʃɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɢɯ ɫɩɨɥɢʁɚ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɭ ɩɭɧɨɦ ʁɟɤɭ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɨɦ XVI ɜɟɤɚ.2
ɇɟɲɬɨ ɧɢɲɤɢɯ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɯ ɬɟɤɫɬɨɜɚ ɪɟɩɪɨɞɭɤɨɜɚɧɨ ʁɟ ɭ ɫɬɚɪɢɦ ɩɭɬɨɩɢɫɢɦɚ3
– ɧɚ ɫɜɭ ɫɪɟʄɭ, ʁɟɪ ɫɭ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɨɦ XIX ɜɟɤɚ, ɩɨ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɟʃɭ Ʉɚɧɢɱɟɜɨɦ,4 ɨɫɬɚɰɢ ɪɢɦ-
ɫɤɨɝɚ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɜɟʄ ɛɢɥɢ, ɫɟɦ ɧɟɡɧɚɬɧɢɯ ɢɡɭɡɟɬɚɤɚ, ɪɚɡɧɟɫɟɧɢ. ɇɚɠɚɥɨɫɬ, ɝɭɛɢɬɚɤ
ɧɟɤɢɯ ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧɢɯ ɩɚ ɢ ɧɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɜɟɧɢɯ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɤɚ ɩɚɞɚ ɭ ɦɨɞɟɪɧɚ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɚ. Ɉɜɨ,
ɞɚɛɨɦɟ, ɧɟ ɜɚɠɢ ɫɚɦɨ ɡɚ ɇɢɲ, ɧɨ ɧɢɲɤɢ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɭɬɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɩɚɪɚɞɨɤɫɚɥɚɧ ɲɬɨ ɫɭ
ɡɧɚɱɚʁɧɢ ɝɭɛɢɰɢ ɧɚɱɢʃɟɧɢ ɬɨɤɨɦ ɩɨɫɥɟɞʃɢɯ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɚ XIX ɜɟɤɚ, ɛɚɲ ɭ ɞɨɛɚ ɜɟɥɢ-
ɤɨɝ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɨɜɚʃɚ ɢ ɠɢɜɟ ɩɨɬɪɚɝɟ ɡɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɢɦ ɫɬɚɪɢɧɚɦɚ.5
ȳɚ ʄɭ ɨɜɞɟ ɩɪɢɫɬɭɩɢɬɢ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɭ ɫ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɧɟɲɬɨ ɪɟɻɨɦ, ɦɚɞɚ, ɪɚɡɭɦɟ ɫɟ,
ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨɦ ɢ ɥɟɝɢɬɢɦɧɨɦ ɧɚɦɟɪɨɦ. Ƚɨɜɨɪɢʄɭ ɨ ɩɪɨɛɪɚɧɢɦ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɢɦ ɮɟɧɨɦɟɧɢɦɚ
ɤɨʁɟ ɨɩɚɠɚɦ ɭ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ ɇɢɲɚ ɢ ɨɤɨɥɢɧɟ – ɬɚɱɧɢʁɟ, ɭ ɱɟɬɜɪɬɨʁ ɫɜɟɫɰɢ
ɝɨɪʃɨɦɟɡɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɨɝ ɤɨɪɩɭɫɚ (IMS), ɤɨʁɚ ɨɫɢɦ ɇɢɲɚ ɨɛɭɯɜɚɬɚ ɢ ɧɟɲɬɨ
ʃɟɝɨɜɟ ɲɢɪɟ ɨɤɨɥɢɧɟ, ɚɥɢ ɧɟ ɫɜɟ, ɞɨɤ ɫɟ ɧɚ ɞɪɭɝɨʁ ɫɬɪɚɧɢ ɩɪɨɬɟɠɟ ɤɚ ɫɟɜɟɪɭ ɱɚɤ
ɞɨ ȶɭɩɪɢʁɟ ɢ Ɇɟɞɜɟɻɟ.6 ɋɩɨɪɟɞɧɢ ɫɚ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɢɲɬɚ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɟ, ɩɨɫɥɨɜɢ ɨɜɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ
ɢɦɚʁɭ ɩɪɟɜɚɫɯɨɞɧɭ ɜɚɠɧɨɫɬ ɭ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɢɦ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢɦɚ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɟ ɮɢɥɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ. ɇɚʁɤɪɚʄɟ
ɪɟɱɟɧɨ, ɮɢɥɨɥɨɝɭ ʁɟ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɚɧ ɫɚ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨʁɟɡɢɱɤɟ ɢ
ɫɚ ɫɭɛɥɢɬɟɪɚɪɧɟ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ; ɨɜɚ ɞɜɚ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɚ, ɢɚɤɨ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɚ, ɫɬɨʁɟ ɭ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɨʁ ɜɟɡɢ,
ɫɤɨɩɱɚɧɨʁ ɫɚ ɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɚɦɚ ʁɟɡɢɤɚ ɭ ɞɪɭɲɬɜɭ. Ɍɚɤɨ ɡɚɫɧɨɜɚɧ, ɮɢɥɨɥɨɲɤɢ ɩɨɝɥɟɞ ɧɚ
ɪɢɦɫɤɟ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɟ ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɟ ɫɟ ɦɟɫɬɢɦɢɰɟ ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜɢɦ ɢ ɲɢɪɟɦ ɤɪɭɝɭ ɫɬɪɭɱʃɚɤɚ ɧɚ
ɩɨʂɭ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɢɯ, ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɢɯ ɢ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɫɬɭɞɢʁɚ.

***

Ʉɚɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨ, ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɦɢ ɩɨ ɪɢɦɫɤɢɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ ɬɢɱɭ ɫɟ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɟ


ɮɨɧɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ ɱɟɲʄɟ ɧɟɝɨ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɚɫɩɟɤɚɬɚ ʁɟɡɢɤɚ. Ⱥɥɢ ɢ ɭ ɬɨʁ ɩɪɢɜɢɥɟɝɨɜɚɧɨʁ ɨɛ-
ɥɚɫɬɢ ɢɦɚ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɫɩɥɟɬ ɩɢɬɚʃɚ ɨ ɤɨʁɟɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɟ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɪɟɬɤɨ: ɬɨ ɫɭ
2
ɉɚɩɚɡɨɝɥɭ ɭ IMS 4, ɫɬɪ. 7; ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ, ad loc., ɫɬɪ. 13; ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ, ɇɢɲ ɭ ɚɧɬɢɱɤɨ ɞɨɛɚ,
9–10. — Ɂɚ ɭɠɢɜɚʃɟ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɢ ɱɢɬɚɨɱɟɜɨ ɢɫɩɢɫɚʄɭ ɨɜɞɟ ɨɧɚʁ ɱɟɲʄɟ ɫɩɨɦɢʃɚɧɢ ɧɟɝɨ ɰɢɬɢɪɚɧɢ ɩɚɫɚɠ
ɢɡ ȼɪɚɧɱɢʄɟɜɨɝ ɩɭɬɨɩɢɫɚ Ɉɞ Ȼɭɞɢɦɚ ɞɨ ȳɟɞɪɟɧɚ (ɜ. www.ffzg.unizg.hr/klaÞl/croala/cgi-bin/getobject.
pl?c.234:2.croala): »Sexta inde Augusti, trajecto jam, et a tergo bis relicto amne Morava, venimus ad
oppidum Nys, quod olim Nessus vocabatur et fuit non obscura Civitas. Nunc mercatorum tantummodo
frequentia, ruinarum aggeribus, et prostratae, ac late jacentis urbis cadavere memorabilis. In qua quae
veterum Romanorum elogia lapidibus insculpta reperi, dedita opera vestigata, et transcripta hic subjunxi
memoriae causa, et tuae benevolentiae gratia. [ɢɫɩɢɫɢ ʁɟɞɚɧɚɟɫɬ ɪɢɦɫɤɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ] Plures et inscrip-
tiones ejusmodi, et alia scitu digna monumenta vetustatis hujus Urbis invenire potuissemus, si diutius
in eadem nobis manendi, et liberius lustrandi facultas fuisset data. Nam passim et fundamenta veterum
murorum e terra prominentium ostendit, et oppidanorum rara fere domus est, quae aliquem non habeat
lapidem Romani operis indicem.«
3
Ɍɚʁ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥ ʁɟ ɭɤʂɭɱɟɧ ɜɟʄ ɭ CIL 3, ɚ ʁɨɲ ɛɪɢɠʂɢɜɢʁɟ ɩɪɢɤɭɩʂɟɧ ɭ IMS 4, ɭɩɨɪ. ɫɬɪ.
13–14.
4
F. Kanitz, Römische Studien in Serbien, Wien 1892, 75. Ɉ Ʉɚɧɢɱɟɜɢɦ ɩɨɫɟɬɚɦɚ ɇɢɲɭ
ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ, ɇɢɲ ɭ ɚɧɬɢɱɤɨ ɞɨɛɚ, 13–14.
5
ɉɚɩɚɡɨɝɥɭ ɭ IMS 4, ɫɬɪ. 16–17.
6
Ɉɜɢɦɟ ɧɚɫɬɚɜʂɚɦ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɜɟʄ ɡɚɩɨɱɟɬ ɩɨɫɚɨ, ɮɢɥɨɥɨɲɤɭ ɨɛɪɚɞɭ ɩɭɛɥɢɤɨɜɚɧɢɯ ɫɜɟɡɚɤɚ
ɝɨɪʃɨɦɟɡɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɨɝ ɤɨɪɩɭɫɚ (IMS): ɜ. ȼ. ɇɟɞɟʂɤɨɜɢʄ, Ɉ ʁɟɡɢɤɭ ɜɨɬɢɜɧɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ
ɋɢɧɝɢɞɭɧɭɦɚ, ɭɪ. ȼ. ȳɟɥɢʄ, Sobria ebrietas: ɍ ɫɩɨɦɟɧ ɧɚ Ɇɢɪɨɧɚ Ɏɥɚɲɚɪɚ (Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɨɝ
ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬɚ, A20), Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2006, 181–190.
ȼɈȳɂɇ ɇȿȾȿȴɄɈȼɂȶ: ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɇɢɲɚ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ … 47

ɩɢɬɚʃɚ ɜɟɡɚɧɚ ɡɚ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɭ ɚɤɰɟɧɬɭɚɰɢʁɭ. ɍɬɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɧɢʁɟ ɲɬɨ ɧɚɦ


ɧɚɲ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥ ɧɭɞɢ ɩɨɧɟɲɬɨ ɭ ɨɜɨʁ ɫɬɜɚɪɢ. ɋɤɪɟɧɭɨ ɛɢɯ ɩɚɠʃɭ ɧɚ ɞɜɚ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɚ.
Ʉɪɚʁɟɦ XVII ɜɟɤɚ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɨ ɫɟ ɭ Ȼɟɥɨʁ ɉɚɥɚɧɰɢ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ɭ ɱɚɫɬ ɰɚɪɚ
ɋɟɩɬɢɦɢʁɚ ɋɟɜɟɪɚ, IMS 4.69; ʃɟɝɨɜ ɩɚɧɞɚɧ, 4.70, ɭ ɱɚɫɬ Ʉɚɪɚɤɚɥɢɧɭ, ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧ ʁɟ
ɢ ɞɨ ɞɚɧɚɫ; ɨɛɚ ɫɟ ɞɚɬɢɪɚʁɭ 202. ɝɨɞɢɧɨɦ. ɍ ʃɢɦɚ ʁɟɞɧɨ ɨɞ ɰɚɪɟɜɢɯ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɝɥɚɫɢ
Pertenaci (ɭ ɞɚɬɢɜɭ) ɨɞɧ. Pertenacis (ɭ ɝɟɧɢɬɢɜɭ). Ɉɜɨ ɫɟ ɧɚɪɚɜɧɨ ɦɨɠɟ ɦɨɬɢɜɢ-
ɫɚɬɢ ɭ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɢɦɚ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɝ ɜɨɤɚɥɢɡɦɚ: Pertinaci(s) > Pertenaci(s), ɫɚ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɨɦ
Ʊ > e ɭ ɢɧɬɟɪɬɨɧɢɱɤɨɦ ɫɥɨɝɭ. ɇɨ, ɫ ɛɥɢɠɢɦ ɭɜɢɞɨɦ ɢɫɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɫɜɟɞɨ-
ɱɚɧɫɬɜɚ ɬɟ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɟ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɪɟɬɤɚ ɜɟʄ ɢ ɛɢɬɧɨ ɩɨɡɧɢʁɚ ɨɞ ɪɟɱɟɧɨɝɚ
ɞɚɬɭɦɚ7 – ɲɬɨ, ɧɚɱɟɥɧɨ ɝɨɜɨɪɟʄɢ, ɧɟ ɱɢɧɢ ɫɬɜɚɪ ɧɟɦɨɝɭʄɨɦ ɭ ɧɚɲɟɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ,
ɚɥɢ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɦɟɫɬɚ ɡɚ ɞɪɭɤɱɢʁɟ ɬɭɦɚɱɟʃɟ. Ȼɢɬɧɢɦ ɫɟ ɱɢɧɢ ɬɨ ɲɬɨ, ɦɚɞɚ
ɩɨ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ ɧɟ ɧɚɢɥɚɡɢɦɨ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɭ E ɡɚ Ʊ ɭ ɢɧɬɟɪɬɨɧɢɰɢ, ɫáɦɨ ɰɚɪɟɜɨ
ɢɦɟ ɭ ɨɛɥɢɰɢɦɚ Pertenacis, Pertenaci, ɧɢʁɟ ɨɝɪɚɧɢɱɟɧɨ ɧɚ ɨɜɭ ɧɚɲɭ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɭ;8
ɲɬɚɜɢɲɟ, ɰɚɪ ɫɟ ɢ ɭ ɧɨɦɢɧɚɬɢɜɭ ɡɨɜɟ Pertenax ɭ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ AE 1954.172 (Ɉɫɬɢʁɚ).
ȳɚ ɫɚɦ ɫɤɥɨɧ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɰɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɬɨ ɝɥɚɫɢɥɨ Perténax, ɫ ɚɤɰɟɧɬɨɦ ɧɚ ɩɟɧɭɥɬɢɦɢ.
ɉɪɢɞɟɜ perténax ɛɢɨ ɛɢ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɟ ɪɟɤɨɦɩɨɡɢɰɢʁɟ ɦɨɬɢɜɢɫɚɧɟ ɫɟɦɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɦ
ɪɟɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢʁɨɦ ɢ ɩɪɚʄɟɧɟ ɪɢɡɨɬɨɧɢʁɨɦ: ɬɨ ʁɟɫɬ, ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɨ ɨɞ ɫɬɚɪɨɝ ɩɪɢɞɟɜɚ
pertƱnax »ɭɫɬɪɚʁɚɧ, ɭɩɨɪɚɧ«, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɦɚɯɨɦ ɭɡɢɦɚ ɩɪɟɧɟɫɟɧɨ, ɫɚɞ ɛɢɫɦɨ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɢ
per-tenax »ʁɚɤɨ ɞɭɪɚɲɚɧ, ɠɢɥɚɜ«, ɭ ɩɪɨɡɢɪɧɨʁ ɜɟɡɢ ɫ ɩɪɨɫɬɢɦ ɩɪɢɞɟɜɨɦ tenax.9 ɍ
ɞɨɦɟɧɭ ɚɧɬɪɨɩɨɧɢɦɢʁɟ, Perténax ɛɢ ɫɟ, ɨɧɞɚ, ɫɜɪɫɬɚɥɨ ɭɡ ɨɦɢʂɟɧɚ ɤɨɝɧɨɦɟɧɬɚ
ɤɚɨ Valens, Constans ɢ ɫɥ., ɦɟɻɭ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɤɨʁɚ ɯɨʄɟ ɞɚ ɡɧɚɱɟ ɨɩɫɬɚɧɚɤ ɢ ɡɞɪɚɜʂɟ.
Ⱦɪɭɝɢ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɫɟ ɬɢɱɟ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ ɫɪɟɛɪɧɨɝ ɬɚʃɢɪɚ ɧɚɻɟɧɨɝ ɭ ɒɜɚʁ-
ɰɚɪɫɤɨʁ; ɨ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɦ ɧɢɲɤɨɦ ɩɨɪɟɤɥɭ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ɭɤɭɰɚɧ ɧɚ ɩɨɥɟɻɢɧɢ: Euticius
Naisi p(ondo) (quinque) (IMS 4.131). ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ ɬɭ (ɢ ɧɚ ʁɨɲ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɦɟɫɬɭ, 4.133c)
ɩɢɲɟ Nais(s)i, ɤɚɨ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɝɟɦɢɧɚɬɚ ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚ. Ⱥɥɢ ɦɨɠɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɭ Naisi ɝɟ-
ɦɢɧɚɬɚ ɢɡɨɫɬɚɜʂɟɧɚ ɯɨɬɢɦɢɱɧɨ, ɞɚ ɛɢ ɫɟ ɢɡɛɟɝɥɨ ɚɤɰɟɧɬɨɜɚʃɟ ɧɚ ɩɟɧɭɥɬɢɦɭ,
ɤɨʁɟ ɩɨ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢ ɧɨɪɦɚɥɧɨ ɫɥɟɞɭʁɟ ɭɨɛɢɱɚʁɟɧɨʁ ɮɨɪɦɢ Naissus,10 ɚ ɨɞɪɚɠɚɜɚ ɫɟ
ɢ ɭ ɩɨɬɨʃɢɦ ɛɚɥɤɚɧɫɤɢɦ ɩɪɟɨɛɥɢɤɚɦɚ ɨɜɨɝ ɢɦɟɧɚ. Ɇɨɬɢɜ ɛɢ ɦɨɠɞɚ ɛɢɨ ɬɚʁ ɞɚ
ɫɟ ɚɤɰɟɧɬɭɚɰɢʁɚ ɫɚɨɛɪɚɡɢ ɟɩɢɯɨɪɫɤɢɦ ɧɚɜɢɤɚɦɚ – ɫ ɬɢɦ ɲɬɨ ɜɚʂɚ ɩɪɢɡɧɚɬɢ ɞɚ ɨ
ɟɩɢɯɨɪɫɤɨɦ ɨɛɥɢɤɭ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɨɝ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɭ ɩɪɜɢɦ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɚɦɚ IV ɜɟɤɚ, ɩɚ ɧɢ ɨ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɦ
ɚɤɰɟɧɬɨɜɚʃɭ, ɦɢ ɧɟ ɡɧɚɦɨ ɞɨɜɨʂɧɨ. Ƚɪɱɤɢ, ɤɨʁɢ ɢɦɚ ȃȐȧııȠȢ ɢ ȃĮȧııȩȢ, ɫɜɟ-
ɞɨɱɢ, ɧɚʁɫɤɟɩɬɢɱɧɢʁɟ ɭɡɟɜ,11 ɚɤɨ ɧɟ ɨ ɚɤɰɟɧɬɭɚɰɢʁɢ ɞɪɭɤɱɢʁɨʁ ɨɞ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɟ ɨɧɞɚ
ɛɚɪ ɧɟ ɢɡɪɢɱɢɬɨ ɭ ɤɨɪɢɫɬ ɨɜɟ, ɚ ɫɥɢɤɭ ɤɨɦɩɥɢɤɭʁɭ ɢ ɞɜɨɫɥɨɠɧɟ ɜɚɪɢʁɚɧɬɟ, ɤɚɨ
Naessus ɤɨɞ Ⱥɦɢʁɚɧɚ Ɇɚɪɰɟɥɢɧɚ (21.12.21 apud Naessum) ɢ Nesus ɤɨɞ Ⱥɧɨɧɢɦɚ
7
S. W. Omeltchenko, A Quantitative and Comparative Study of the Vocalism of the Latin
Inscriptions of North Africa, Britain, Dalmatia, and the Balkans, Chapel Hill 1977, 203–208. ɉɨ ʃɟɦɭ,
ɩɪɨɦɟɧɭ Ʊ > e ɭ ɢɧɬɟɪɬɨɧɢɰɢ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɞɚɬɢɪɚɬɢ VI–VII ɜɟɤɨɦ ɢ ɜɟɡɢɜɚɬɢ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɡɚ ɩɨɞɪɭɱʁɟ Ƚɚɥɢʁɟ.
8
Pertenaci(s) ɧɚɥɚɡɢɦ ɧɚ ʁɨɲ ɞɟɫɟɬɚɤ ɦɟɫɬɚ ɩɨ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɦ ɬɟɤɫɬɨɜɢɦɚ; ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɨɫɬɚɥɨɝ, ɭ
ɬɪɨɝɢɪɫɤɨɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ ILJug 2793.
9
Ɉɜɚʁ ɢɦɚ ɢ ɪɨɦɚɧɫɤɨɝ ɩɨɬɨɦɫɬɜɚ: REW 8638, ɫɬɚɜɤɚ 1.
10
ɂɫɬɨ ɛɢ ɜɚɠɢɥɨ ɢ ɨ Navissus, ɮɨɪɦɢ ɡɚɛɟɥɟɠɟɧɨʁ ɤɨɞ Ʉɨɧɫɟɧɰɢʁɚ.
11
Ⱦɨɤɚɡɟ ɞɚ ɢɧɨʁɟɡɢɱɧɢ ɢ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥ ɭ ɝɪɱɤɨɦ ɩɨɞɥɟɠɟ ɪɟɚɤɰɟɧɬɨɜɚʃɭ ɩɨ
ɞɨɦɚʄɢɦ ɨɛɪɚɫɰɢɦɚ ɩɪɢɤɭɩʂɚ ɢ ɬɭɦɚɱɢ J. Kramer, Von der Papyrologie zur Romanistik, Berlin / New
York 2010, 139–150 (»Zur Akzentuierung der Latinismen des Griechischen: Von der “lex Wackernagel”
zur “lex Clarysse”«). ɉɨ ɬɨʁ ɫɬɭɞɢʁɢ ɫɭɞɟʄɢ, ɚɤɰɟɧɬɭɚɰɢʁɚ ɛɟɡ ɨɛɡɢɪɚ ɧɚ ɢɡɜɨɪɧɭ ɛɢɥɚ ɛɢ ɭ ɝɪɱɤɨɦ
ɬɨɥɢɤɨ ɩɪɟɬɟɠɚɧ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɢɡ ɝɪɱɤɢɯ ɨɛɥɢɤɚ ɫɬɪɚɧɢɯ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɫɤɨɪɨ ɧɢɤɚɞ ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɧɟɩɨɫɪɟɞɧɨ
ɡɚɤʂɭɱɢɜɚɬɢ ɨ ɢɡɜɨɪɧɨɦ ɚɤɰɟɧɬɭ.
48 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 45–62

ɨɞ Ɋɚɜɟɧɟ (4.15 Nesi).12 ɋɜɚɤɚɤɨ, ɨ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɫɤɢɦ ɧɚɜɢɤɚɦɚ ɜɟɡɚɧɢɦ ɡɚ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨ ɢɦɟ


ɇɢɲɚ, ɢ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɨ ɩɢɬɚʃɭ ɝɟɦɢɧɚɬɟ, ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɪɢɤɭɩʂɟɧɢ ɭ IMS ɧɚɠɚɥɨɫɬ ɧɟ
ɝɨɜɨɪɟ ɦɧɨɝɨ: ɨɞ ɭɤɭɩɧɨ ɫɟɞɚɦ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɢ, ɫ ɝɟɦɢɧɚɬɨɦ ɫɭ 4.129 Naiss(i) ɢ 132
Naissat(um), ɚ ɛɟɡ ʃɟ 3.2.102 Naisati; ɨɫɬɚɥɨ ʁɟ ɫɤɪɚʄɟɧɨ (NAIS ɢɥɢ N).13
ɉɨɞ ɫɬɚɜɤɨɦ ɮɨɧɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ ɭɤɚɡɚʄɭ ʁɨɲ ɫɚɦɨ ɧɚ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜɨɫɬɢ ɫɤɨɩ-
ɱɚɧɢɯ ɫɚ ɢɦɟɧɢɦɚ ɥɢɰɚ. ɇɢɲɤɚ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɚ ɛɨɝɢʃɢ Ɏɨɪɬɭɧɢ, IMS 4.4, ɞɚɬɢɪɚɧɚ 221.
ɝɨɞɢɧɨɦ ɚ ɧɟɫɬɚɥɚ ɭ XX ɜɟɤɭ, ɫɚɞɪɠɢ (ɨɫɢɦ ɢɦɟɧɚ Restutus ɡɚ Restitutus, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ
ɱɟɫɬ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦ ɡɚɫɧɨɜɚɧ ɧɚ ɝɚɲɟʃɭ ɜɨɤɚɥɚ ɭ ɢɧɬɟɪɬɨɧɢɱɧɨɦ ɫɥɨɝɭ) ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜɭ
ɮɨɪɦɭ Selaucus. ɂɦɟ ʁɟ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɫɤɨ, ɢ ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ ɩɨɩɪɚɜʂɚ: Sel‹e›ucus, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ, ɪɚɡ-
ɭɦɟ ɫɟ, ɮɚɤɬɢɱɤɢ ɬɚɱɧɨ;14 ɦɟɻɭɬɢɦ ɦɨɠɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɬɚ ɝɪɟɲɤɚ ɛɢɥɚ ɦɨɬɢɜɢɫɚɧɚ
ɫɚɡɜɭɱʁɟɦ ɫ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ ɢɦɟɧɢɦɚ: ɭɩɨɪ. Glaucus, Alaucus, Selaucha.
Ɇɢʂɨɤɚɡ ɢɡ ȶɭɩɪɢʁɟ (ɞɚɧɚɫ ɭ Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞɭ, ɭ ɦɟɻɭɜɪɟɦɟɧɭ ɪɚɡɛɢʁɟɧ ɧɚ ɤɨɦɚ-
ɞɟ) IMS 4.123 ɫɚɞɪɠɢ ɮɨɪɦɭ Gall‹e›nio15 ɭɦɟɫɬɨ Gallieno. ɂɦɟ ɬɨɝɚ ɰɚɪɚ ɭ ɧɚɬɩɢ-
ɫɢɦɚ ɩɨɞɥɟɠɟ ɞɨɫɬɚ ɲɢɪɨɤɨɦ ɜɚɪɢɪɚʃɭ: ɞɨɛɪɨ ɫɭ ɩɨɬɜɪɻɟɧɟ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɟ Galienus ɢ
Gallenus,16 ɚ ɢ ɡɚ ʄɭɩɪɢʁɫɤɭ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɭ ɫɚɞ ɢɦɚɦɨ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɭ ɭ AE 1984.445 (ɋɚɪɞɢɧɢʁɚ)
[G]allenio. Ɉɫɢɦ ɨɱɟɜɢɞɧɨɝ ɭɬɢɰɚʁɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɭ ɨɜɨʁ ɫɬɜɚɪɢ ɢɦɚ ɝɟɧɬɢɥɢɰɢʁ Gallenius
(ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢ ɩɨɬɜɪɻɟɧ ɧɚ ɞɟɫɟɬɢɧɟ ɩɭɬɚ) – ɨɧɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɫɤɢɦ ɜɚɪɢʁɚɧɬɚɦɚ
ɰɚɪɟɜɨɝ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɱɤɨ, ɬɨ ʁɟ ʃɢɯɨɜɚ ɜɟɡɚɧɨɫɬ ɡɚ ɩɢɬɚʃɟ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨɝ
ʁɨɞɚ. ɍ ɢɝɪɢ ɫɭ ɫɟɤɭɧɞɚɪɧɟ ɤɨɧɫɨɧɚɧɬɫɤɟ ɝɪɭɩɟ [lj] ɢ [nj], ɩɪɨɛɥɟɦ ʃɢɯɨɜɨɝ
ɞɚʂɟɝ ɬɪɟɬɦɚɧɚ ɭ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɦ ɪɚɡɜɨʁɭ, ɢ ɫ ɬɢɦ ɭ ɜɟɡɢ ɩɢɬɚʃɟ ɩɢɫɦɟɧɨɝ ɨɞɪɚɡɚ
ɨɜɢɯ ɮɨɧɟɬɫɤɢɯ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɚ. ɋɭɞɟʄɢ ɩɨ ɜɚɪɢʁɚɧɬɚɦɚ ɢɦɟɧɚ Gallienus, ɬɪɟɬɦɚɧ ɜɭɥ-
ɝɚɪɧɢɯ ɤɨɧɫɨɧɚɧɬɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɭɩɚ [lj] ɢ [nj] ɫɪɟɞɢɧɨɦ III ɜɟɤɚ ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚɨ ʁɟ ɬɟɠʃɭ
ɤɚ ɟɥɢɦɢɧɚɰɢʁɢ ʁɨɞɚ ɧɚ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɨɞ ɞɜɚ ɦɟɻɭɫɨɛɧɨ ɢɫɤʂɭɱɢɜɚ ɧɚɱɢɧɚ: ɢɥɢ ɤɪɨɡ ɧɚ-
ɫɬɚɧɚɤ ɧɨɜɢɯ ɩɚɥɚɬɚɥɚ [‫ ]ݠ‬ɢ [݄], ɢɥɢ ɤɪɨɡ ɩɨɜɪɚɬɚɤ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɫɬɨ [l] ɢ [n] ɭɡ ɝɭɛɢ-
ɬɚɤ ʁɨɞɚ. Ɍɨ ʁɟ, ɞɚɤɥɟ, ɨɧɚ ɫɢɬɭɚɰɢʁɚ ɤɨʁɚ ɫɟ ɭ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɥɢɧɝɜɢɫɬɢɰɢ ɧɚɡɢɜɚ
ɫɭɱɟʂɟɧɢɦ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɢɦɚ.
ɇɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɨɦ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤɭ ɢɫɤɨɩɚɧɨɦ ɭ ɇɢɲɭ ɩɪɟ ɩɟɞɟɫɟɬɚɤ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ, IMS
4.34, ɱɢɬɚ ɫɟ Ti. Cladius ɡɚ Ti. Claudius. Ɍɚɤɜɚ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɧɟɡɚɛɟɥɟɠɟɧɚ, ɧɩɪ.
CIL 3.13760 (Ⱦɚɤɢʁɚ) Ulpia Cladia, CIL 6.667 (p.3757) Cladius Eutyches, 7554
Cladius Juc[undus], 31151 Ti. Cladius Justus, 8.6875 Q. Cladius Rusticus. ɉɪɢɜɢɞɧɨ,
ɬɨ ʁɟ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɪɟɞɭɤɰɢʁɟ ɞɢɮɬɨɧɝɚ au > a: ɪɟɱ ɛɢ ɛɢɥɚ ɨ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɦɭ ɡɚɫɬɭɩʂɟɧɨɦ
ɧɚʁɜɢɲɟ ɭ ɮɨɪɦɢ Agustus ɡɚ Augustus, ɩɨɬɜɪɻɟɧoj ɜɟʄ ɭ ɉɨɦɩɟʁɢɦɚ (DPomp 92)
ɢ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɩɭɬɚ ɩɨɬɨɦ; ɤɨɞ ɝɪɚɦɚɬɢɱɚɪâ ɭɩɨɪ. GL 7.108.6 (Ʉɚɩɪɨ) ausculta non
asculta. Ⱥɥɢ ɪɟɞɭɤɰɢʁɚ au > a ɡɚɩɪɚɜɨ ʁɟ ɭɫɥɨɜʂɟɧɚ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɨɦ: ɨɧɚ ɫɟ ɞɨɝɚɻɚ ɭ
ɩɪɟɬɨɧɢɱɧɨɦ ɫɥɨɝɭ ɨɧɞɚ ɤɚɞ ɭ ɬɨɧɢɰɢ ɢɦɚɦɨ ɜɨɤɚɥ u. ɍ ɧɚɲɟɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ ɬɚʁ ɭɫ-
ɥɨɜ ɧɢʁɟ ɢɫɩɭʃɟɧ, ɢ ɡɚɬɨ ɡɚ ɮɨɪɦɭ Cladius ɧɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ, ɩɨ ɦɨɦ ɦɢɲʂɟʃɭ, ɬɪɚɠɢɬɢ
12
ɋɭɦɚɪɚɧ ɩɪɟɝɥɟɞ ɚɧɬɢɱɤɢɯ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɇɢɲɚ ɞɚɨ ʁɟ ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ ɭ IMS 4, ɫɬɪ. 37; ɡɚ ɩɨɬɩɭɧɢʁɭ
ɫɥɢɤɭ ɜ. A. Loma, Osamnaest vekova u tri slova: toponim Niš kao živi spomenik prošlosti«, ɭɪ. ɇ.
Ȼɨɝɞɚɧɨɜɢʄ, ɍ ɫɜɟɬɥɭ ɰɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ, ɇɢɲ 1994, ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ 16–17.
13
ɍɡ ɬɚ ɞɜɚ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɚɧɫɬɜɚ ɢɡ IMS 4 ɜɪɟɞɧɨ ʁɟ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɚ ɢ ʁɟɞɧɨ ɤɨɫɬɨɥɚɱɤɨ, IMS 2.217 Cosanciolo.
Ɍɚ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ, ɤɨʁɚ ɫɬɨʁɢ ɡɚ Constantiolo, ɫɜɟɞɨɱɢ ɨ ɩɪɟɨɛɪɚɠɚʁɭ ɜɨɤɚɥɚ i ɭ ɯɢʁɚɬɭ ɭ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢ
ʁɨɞ, ɢ, ɫ ɬɢɦ ɭ ɜɟɡɢ, ɩɪɟɦɟɲɬɚʃɭ ɚɤɰɟɧɬɚ: ɫɜɪɲɟɬɚɤ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɟ ɪɟɱɢ, ɤɨʁɢ ɛɢ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɨ ɝɥɚɫɢɨ -tíolo,
ɨɜɞɟ ɝɥɚɫɢ - tjólo ɢɥɢ -kjólo.
14
Ⱥɤɨ ʁɟ ɫɭɞɢɬɢ ɩɨ ɮɚɤɫɢɦɢɥɭ, ɝɪɟɲɤɭ ʁɟ ɦɨɠɞɚ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɨ ɞɚ ɢɫɩɪɚɜɢ ɢ ɫɚɦ ɤɥɟɫɚɪ.
15
ɇɚ ɤɚɦɟɧɭ ʁɟ GALLFNIO, ɛɚɧɚɥɧɚ ɝɪɟɲɤɚ.
16
ȼɢɞɢ ILS 3, ɫɬɪ. 199.
ȼɈȳɂɇ ɇȿȾȿȴɄɈȼɂȶ: ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɇɢɲɚ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ … 49

ɨɛʁɚɲʃɟʃɟ ɭ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨʁ ɮɨɧɨɥɨɝɢʁɢ.17 Ɇɨɠɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɞɚ ɬɚ ɮɨɪɦɚ ɫɬɨʁɢ ɩɨɞ


ɭɬɢɰɚʁɟɦ ɟɝɡɨɬɢɱɧɢɯ ɢɦɟɧɚ Cladus, Clado, Cladeus, Clada, Cladilla.18

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ɇɚ ɩɨʂɭ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɟ ɦɨɪɮɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ ɭɤɚɡɚɨ ɛɢɯ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɧɚ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ɢɡ
ȶɭɩɪɢʁɟ IMS 4.85, ɝɞɟ ɢɦɚ ʁɟɞɧɚ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɧɚ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɚ ɰɪɬɚ ɫ ɞɨɫɬɚ ɲɢɪɨɤɢɦ
ɢɦɩɥɢɤɚɰɢʁɚɦɚ. ɇɚ ɬɨɦ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤɭ ɱɢɬɚ ɫɟ superstantes ɭ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ »ɨɫɬɚɥɢ [ɡɚ
ɩɨɤɨʁɧɢɤɨɦ], ɠɢɜɢ« – ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɧɨɪɦɚɥɧɨ ɤɚɠɟ superstites. Ɉɜɚ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɚ ɝɥɚɝɨɥɚ
superstare ɧɚɦɟɫɬɨ superesse (»ɨɩɫɬɚɬɢ, ɩɪɟɬɟʄɢ«) ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɚ ʁɟ; ɭ ɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɨɦ ɤɨɪ-
ɩɭɫɭ ɬɨɦɟ ɧɚʁɛɥɢɠɟ ɫɬɨʁɢ ɢɧɬɟɧɡɢɜ superstitare »ɩɪɟɨɫɬɚʁɚɬɢ, ɧɟ ɩɨɧɟɫɬɚʁɚɬɢ« ɧɚ
ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɦɟɫɬɭ ɤɨɞ ɉɥɚɭɬɚ (Per. 331), ɞɨɤ ɡɚ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɭ ɫɥɢɱɧɭ ɪɟɱɟɧɨɦɟ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡ-
ɦɭ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɡɚʄɢ ɭ ɩɨɡɧɢ ɥɚɬɢɧɢɬɟɬ.19 ȿɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɯ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɚ, ɦɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɢɦɚ ɜɢɲɟ,
ɢ ɬɨ ɞɨɛɪɢɯ. ɇɚʁɛɨʂɚ ɫɟ ɧɚɥɚɡɢ ɭ Ʉɨɫɬɨɰɭ, ɧɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɝɥɚɝɨʂɢɜɨɦ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨɦ
ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤɭ ɩɭɧɨɦ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦɚ, IMS 2.142, ɝɞɟ ɪɟɱɢ donec superstaret ɧɟɞɜɨɫ-
ɦɢɫɥɟɧɨ ɡɧɚɱɟ »ɫɜɟ ɞɨɤ ʁɟ ɩɨɠɢɜɟɨ«, quamdiu vixit. Ⱦɚʂɟ ɩɨɬɜɪɞɟ ɢɦɚɦɨ ɭ ILJug
1297 (Ʉɚɪɚɛɢɧɰɢ ɤɨɞ ɒɬɢɩɚ) [parentes] suprastantes Þli‹is› »ɪɨɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɤɨʁɢ ɨɫɬɚ-
ɞɨɲɟ ɡɚ ɫɜɨʁɨɦ ɞɟɰɨɦ«,20 ILBulg 171 matri pientis(simae) superstanti, IScM 5.42
reliquerunt heredes bonos Þlios superstantis,21 ɢ ɦɨɠɞɚ AE 1979.536 (Ⱦɨʃɚ Ɇɟɡɢʁɚ)
coniux pientissima superstans. ɍɩɚɞʂɢɜɨ, ɫɜɟ ɬɟ ɩɨɬɜɪɞɟ – ɚ ʁɚ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɧɟ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɦ
– ɩɨɬɢɱɭ ɫ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ ɢɡ ɛɚɥɤɚɧɫɤɢɯ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚ. Ⱦɨɞɭɲɟ, ɧɟɦɚ ɢɯ ɦɧɨɝɨ, ɩɚ ɫ ɬɚɤɨ
ɦɚɥɢɦ ɨɫɧɨɜɨɦ ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟɦɨ ɬɜɪɞɢɬɢ ɞɚ ɩɪɟɞ ɫɨɛɨɦ ɢɦɚɦɨ ɩɨɫɜɟɞɨɱɟɧɭ ʁɟɞɧɭ ɪɟ-
ɝɢɨɧɚɥɧɭ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɭ ɰɪɬɭ; ɨɩɟɬ, ɦɢ ɬɭ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬ ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟɦɨ ɧɢ ɢɫɤʂɭɱɢɬɢ. Ȼɢɥɨ
ɤɚɤɨ ɛɢɥɨ, ɡɚ ɦɨɬɢɜɚɰɢʁɭ ɨɜɨɝ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɦɚ ɱɢɧɢ ɫɟ ɡɧɚɱɚʁɧɢɦ ɬɨ ɲɬɨ, ɫɚ ɢɡɭɡɟɬ-
ɤɨɦ IMS 2.142, ɩɨɫɜɭɞɚ ɢɦɚɦɨ ɧɟ ɝɥɚɝɨɥ ɭ ɥɢɱɧɢɦ ɨɛɥɢɰɢɦɚ ɜɟʄ ɨɛɥɢɤɟ ɩɚɪɬɢ-
ɰɢɩɚ superstans. Ɍɨ ɛɢ, ɨɧɞɚ, ɦɨɝɥɚ ɛɢɬɢ ɯɢɩɟɪɤɨɪɟɤɬɧɚ ɮɨɪɦɚ ɩɪɢɞɟɜɚ superstes,
ɜɪɥɨ ɱɟɫɬɨɝ ɭ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ. Ɉɜɚʁ ɫɟ, ɧɚɢɦɟ, ʁɚɜʂɚ ɭ ɦɧɨɝɨɛɪɨʁɧɢɦ
ɝɪɚɮɢʁɚɦɚ22 ɤɨʁɟ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɟ ɨ ɬɨɦɟ ɞɚ (ɩɨɩɭɬ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɪɟɱɢ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɩɚɞɚʁɭ ɭ ɜɢɲɟ ɪɟɝɢ-
ɫɬɪɟ ʁɟɡɢɤɚ ɚ ɩɪɢɬɨɦ ɢɦɚʁɭ ɦɚʃɟ ɨɛɢɱɧɭ ɮɥɟɤɫɢʁɭ) ʃɟɝɨɜ ɬɚɱɚɧ ɨɛɥɢɤ ɢ ɫɤɥɨɩ
ɧɢɫɭ ɛɢɥɢ ʁɚɫɧɢ ɫɥɚɛɢʁɟ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɨɦ ɫɜɟɬɭ ɦɟɻɭ ɥɚɬɢɧɨɮɨɧɢɦɚ. ɋ ʁɟɞɧɟ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ,
ɩɪɢɞɟɜ ʁɟ ɩɨɞɥéɝɚɨ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨʁ ɬɟɠʃɢ ɤɚ ɪɚɜɧɨɫɥɨɠɧɨɫɬɢ, ɢ ɨɬɭɞ NomSg superstis,
17
ɍ ɨɜɨɦ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɭ, ɦɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɜɪɟɞɢ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɞɚ ɪɟɞɭɤɰɢʁɭ au > a ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɭ ɪɚɧɢ ɥɚɬɢɧɢɡɦɢ
ɭ ɚɥɛɚɧɫɤɨɦ (aurum > ar, gaudium > gas); ɯɜɚɥɚ Ⱥɥɟɤɚɫɚɧɞɪɭ Ʌɨɦɢ ɧɚ ɨɜɨʁ ɨɩɚɫɰɢ.
18
ɍɡɝɪɟɞ ɢ ɨɜɨ: ɭ ɢɫɬɨɦɟ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ ɱɢɬɚ ɫɟ ɢ COHR, ɡɚ ɲɬɚ ɭ ɢɡɞɚʃɢɦɚ ɫɬɨʁɢ cohor(tis) ɢɥɢ
coh‹o›r(tis); ɭ ɫɬɜɚɪɢ ɛɢ ɬɪɟɛɚɥɨ cohr(tis), ɭɩɨɪ. AE 2001.1568 (Ɋɟɰɢʁɚ, II ɜɟɤ) cohrt(ibus). ɉɨɫɪɟɞɢ
ɫɭ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɟ ɮɨɪɦɟ chortis, chortibus, a ɝɪɚɮɢʁɟ cohrtis, cohrtibus ɨɛɟɥɟɠɟɧɟ ɫɭ ʁɟɞɧɢɦ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ
ɱɟɫɬɢɦ ɮɟɧɨɦɟɧɨɦ, ɦɟɬɚɬɟɡɨɦ ɚɫɩɢɪɚɰɢʁɟ (ɜ. ɧɩɪ. DVulg, ɫɬɪ. 162, ɩɨɞ metathesis aspirationis). — ɇɚ
ɢɦɟ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɟ ɮɨɧɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ ɟɜɨ ʁɨɲ ɢ ɨɜɨɝɚ: ɧɚ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɨʁ ɫɬɟɥɢ ɧɚɻɟɧɨʁ ɭ ɫɟɥɭ Ɋɭɬɟɜɰɭ (ɬɟ ɩɪɟɧɟɬɨʁ
ɭ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɢɧɚɰ, ɝɞɟ ʁɟ ɢ ɢɡɝɭɛʂɟɧɚ), IMS 4.96, ɱɢɬɚ ɫɟ ɮɨɪɦɭɥɚ positus es »ɫɚɯɪɚʃɟɧ ʁɟ«. Ɍɭ ɧɟɦɚ
ɩɨɬɪɟɛɟ ɩɢɫɚɬɢ es(t), ɤɚɤɨ ɫɬɨʁɢ ɭ ɢɡɞɚʃɢɦɚ; es ɡɚ est ʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦ (ɨɱɭɜɚɧ ɭ ɪɨɦɚɧɫɤɨɦ,
ɧɩɪ. ɲɩ. es) ɦɨɬɢɜɢɫɚɧ ɮɨɧɟɬɫɤɢ (ɭɩɨɪ. ɱɟɫɬɭ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɭ pos ɡɚ post, ɡɚ ɤɨʁɭ ɜ. ɧɩɪ. ILS 3, ɫɬɪ. 833).
19
Ʉɨɞ ȿɧɨɞɢʁɚ, Carm. 2.6.1 (ɟɩɢɬɚɮ ɡɚ ɞɟɜɢɰɭ Ɇɟɥɢɫɭ) ɱɢɬɚɦɨ corpore devicto moritur qui-
cumque superstat: ‘survive’, ɩɪɟɜɨɞɢ A. Souter, A Glossary of Later Latin to 600 A.D., Oxford 1949 s.v.
supersto. ȳɨɲ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɩɨɡɧɢʁɟ, ɭ XII ɜɟɤɭ, ɏɭɝɨ ɨɞ ɋɜ. ȼɢɤɬɨɪɚ, Gramm. 4, ɦɟɻɭ signiÞcantia ‘superesse’
(ɪɟɱɢ ɤɨʁɟ ɡɧɚɱɟ »ɨɩɫɬɚɬɢ, ɩɪɟɨɫɬɚɬɢ«) ɭɛɪɚʁɚ remanet, restat, superstat.
20
ɒɚɲɟɥ ad loc. ɧɚɩɨɦɢʃɟ: »suprastantes pro superstantes«, ɨɱɟɜɢɞɧɨ ɢɦɚʁɭʄɢ ɭ ɜɢɞɭ
ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦ ɨ ɤɨʁɟɦ ɨɜɞɟ ɝɨɜɨɪɢɦɨ.
21
H. Mihăescu, La langue latine dans le sud-est de l’Europe, Bucureúti, Paris 1978, § 289.
22
Ɂɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɟ ɜ. ILCV 3, ɫɬɪ. 595–596.
50 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 45–62

Gen superstis, Acc superstem, ɫɜɟ ɨɛɥɢɰɢ ɤɨʁɢ ɨɜɭ ɪɟɱ ɩɪɢɞɪɭɠɭʁɭ ɩɪɟɬɟɠɧɨɦ
ɬɢɩɭ ɩɪɢɞɟɜɫɤɟ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɟ ɭ ɬɪɟʄɨʁ ɞɟɤɥɢɧɚɰɢʁɢ. ɋɭɩɪɨɬɧɨ, ʁɚɜʂɚʁɭ ɫɟ ɢ ɨɛɥɢɰɢ
ɤɚɨ superistitem, ɝɞɟ ɩɪɨɬɟɬɢɱɤɨ i ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁe ɞɚ ɫɟ ɪɟɱ ɞɨɠɢɜʂɚɜɚ ɤɚɨ ɫɥɨɠɟɧɢɰɚ
(super-istitem), ɱɢʁɢ ʁɟ ɩɪɜɢ ɞɟɨ ɭ ɫɜɚɤɨɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ ɩɪɨɡɢɪɚɧ; ɞɪɭɝɢ, ɧɟɩɪɨɡɢɪɧɢ
ɞɟɨ ɡɚɬɢɱɟɦɨ ɩɪɟɨɛɥɢɤɨɜɚɧ ɭ NomSg superstens (ILCV 446A), ɝɞɟ ɫɟ ɝɪɚɻɚ ɩɪɢ-
ɞɟɜɚ superstes ɢɡʁɟɞɧɚɱɚɜɚ ɫ ɝɪɚɻɨɦ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɚ. ɍ ɫɥɟɞɟʄɟɦ ɤɨɪɚɤɭ, ɬɚʁ ɧɚɨɤɨ ɩɚɪ-
ɬɢɰɢɩ ɩɪɟɬɜɨɪɢʄɟ ɫɟ, ɯɢɩɟɪɤɨɪɟɤɰɢʁɨɦ, ɭ ɩɪɚɜɢ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩ, ɜɟɡɚɧ ɡɚ ɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɚɧ
ɝɥɚɝɨɥ: ɧɟ ɜɢɲɟ superstens, ɧɟɝɨ superstans, ɭɡ superstare.23 ɇɚ ɤɪɚʁɭ ʄɟ ɝɥɚɝɨɥ
superstare ɩɨɤɚɡɚɬɢ ɢ ɭ ɥɢɱɧɢɦ ɨɛɥɢɰɢɦɚ ɡɧɚɱɟʃɟ ɫɜɨʁɫɬɜɟɧɨ ɯɢɩɟɪɤɨɪɟɤɬɧɨɦ
ɨɛɥɢɤɭ superstans: ɬɨ ʁɟ ɫɬɚʃɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɡɚɬɢɱɟɦɨ ɭ IMS 2.142, ɢ ɩɨ ɦɨɦ ɭɜɢɞɭ ɦɨɠɞɚ
ʁɨɲ ɫɚɦɨ ɭ CLE 541 coniux... vidua n(un)c mihi... superstat.24
ɋɩɨɦɟɧɭɨ ɫɚɦ ɦɚɥɨɱɚɫ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɭ ɬɟɠʃɭ ɤɚ ɪɚɜɧɨɫɥɨɠɧɨɫɬɢ. ɉɨɡɧɚɬɚ ɩɨɞ
ɧɚɡɢɜɨɦ ɢɡɨɫɢɥɚɛɢɡɚɦ, ɬɚ ɩɨʁɚɜɚ ɬɢɱɟ ɫɟ ɨɛɥɢɤâ NomSg ɭ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨʁ ɬɪɟʄɨʁ
ɞɟɤɥɢɧɚɰɢʁɢ, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɫɚɨɛɪɚɠɚɜɚʁɭ ɫɜɨʁɢɦ ɝɟɧɢɬɢɜɢɦɚ, ɨɦɨɝɭʄɭʁɭʄɢ ɬɢɦɟ ɩɪɨ-
ɦɟɧɭ ɩɨ ɪɚɜɧɨɫɥɨɠɧɨɦ ɨɛɪɚɫɰɭ.25 Ɇɨɠɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɞɚ ʁɟɞɧɭ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɭ ɢɡɨɫɢɥɚɛɢɡɦɚ
ɢɦɚɦɨ ɭ ɧɢɲɤɨɦ ɜɨɬɢɜɧɨɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ IMS 4.1, ɝɞɟ ɫɟ ɱɢɬɚ Melioris v(otum) s(olvit):
ɞɟɞɢɤɚɧɬɨɜɨ ɢɦɟ, ɤɨʁɟ ɛɢ ɢɦɚɥɨ ɞɚ ɝɥɚɫɢ Melior, ɨɜɞɟ ɫɟ ɭ NomSg ʁɚɜʂɚ ɤɚɨ
Melioris. ɒɬɨ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɧɚɝɥɚɫɢɬɢ, ɬɨ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɬɜɚɪ ɧɢʁɟ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɚ. ɂɡɨɫɢɥɚɛɢɡɚɦ ɜɪɥɨ
ɩɪɟɬɟɠɧɨ ɩɨɝɚɻɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɫɥɨɠɧɟ NomSg; ɬɢɩɢɱɧɢ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɟɜɢ ɫɭ ɧɩɪ. lentis, urbis
ɭɦɟɫɬɨ lens, urbs;26 ɧɚ ɬɨɦ ɫɟ ɬɢɩɭ ɡɚɫɧɢɜɚʁɭ ɢ ɪɟɮɥɟɤɫɢ ɢɡɨɫɢɥɚɛɢɡɦɚ ɭ ɪɨɦɚɧ-
ɫɤɨɦ ɞɜɨɩɚɞɟɠɧɨɦ ɫɢɫɬɟɦɭ, ɧɩɪ. ɥɚɬ. NomSg *montis > ɫɬɮɪ. monz.27 ɇɚ ɬɨʁ ɥɢɧɢʁɢ
ɬɪɟɛɚ ɭɡɟɬɢ ɭ ɨɛɡɢɪ ɞɚ – ɤɚɞ ʁɟ ɩɨɫɪɟɞɢ ɨɧɚʁ ɬɢɩ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɟ ɤɨʁɢ ɧɚɫ ɫɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɬɢɱɟ,
ɚ ɬɨ ɫɭ imparisyllaba ɧɚ -or – ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɚ ɨɩɨɡɢɰɢʁɚ ɬɢɩɚ imperator : imperatorem, ɫ
ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɢɦ ɚɤɰɟɧɬɨɦ ɢ ɧɟʁɟɞɧɚɤɢɦ ɛɪɨʁɟɦ ɫɥɨɝɨɜɚ ɭ NomSg ɢ AccSg, ɨɩɫɬɚʁɟ ɢ
ɮɭɧɤɰɢɨɧɢɲɟ ɭ ɪɨɦɚɧɫɤɨɦ ɞɜɨɩɚɞɟɠɧɨɦ ɫɢɫɬɟɦɭ, ɭɩɨɪ. ɫɬɮɪ. emperere (ɩɪɚɜɢ
ɩɚɞɟɠ) : emperɟor (ɤɨɫɢ ɩɚɞɟɠ); ɩɚ ɬɚɤɨ ɢ ɭ ɫɚɦɨɦ ɧɚɲɟɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ, ɥɚɬ. melior >
ɫɬɮɪ. meldre, ɥɚɬ. meliorem > ɫɬɮɪ. meillor. ɉɨ ɬɨɦɟ, ɞɚɤɥɟ, ɢɡɨɫɢɥɚɛɢɡɚɦ ɬɢɩɚ
NomSg melior > melioris ɧɟ ɢɡɝɥɟɞɚ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɚɧ. ɇɨ ɧɚ ɞɪɭɝɨʁ ɫɬɪɚɧɢ, ɡɧɚ ɫɟ
ɞɚ ɨ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɦ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɦɢɦɚ ɧɟ ɫɦɟ ɞɚ ɩɪɟɫɭɻɭʁɟ ɩɨɬɨʃɟ ɫɬɚʃɟ ɭ ɪɨɦɚɧɫɤɨɦ;28 ɢ
ɭɨɫɬɚɥɨɦ, ɮɨɪɦɭ Melioris ɭ IMS 4.1 ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɲɬɨ ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟɦɨ ɭɡɟɬɢ ɞɪɭɤɱɢʁɟ ɨɫɢɦ
ɤɚɨ NomSg, ɜɟʄ ɨɧɚ ɢ ɧɢʁɟ ɫɚɫɜɢɦ ɛɟɡ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɟ: ɢɦɚ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ɢɡ
ɑɚɤɨɜɰɚ, ILJug 358, ɝɞɟ ɫɟ ɜɥɚɫɬɢɬɨ ɢɦɟ Favor ʁɚɜʂɚ ɭ NomSg ɤɚɨ Favoris.
23
Ɉɞ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɨɝɚ ɡɧɚɱɚʁɚ ɦɨɠɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɢ ɬɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɝɥɚɝɨɥ superstare, ɫɚ ɫɜɨʁɢɦ ɨɛɢɱɧɢɦ ɡɧɚɱɟʃɟɦ
(»ɫɬɚʁɚɬɢ ɢɡɧɚɞ, ɧɚɞɧɨɫɢɬɢ ɫɟ«), ɤɨɞ ɪɢɦɫɤɢɯ ɩɢɫɚɰɚ ʁɚɜʂɚ ɭ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɭ ɩɪɟɡɟɧɬɚ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɱɟɲʄɟ ɧɟɝɨ
ɭ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ ɨɛɥɢɰɢɦɚ – ɜɪɥɨ ɢɡɪɚɡɢɬɨ ɤɨɞ Ʌɢɜɢʁɚ (10 ɨɞ 12 ɫɥɭɱɚʁɟɜɚ) ɢ ɤɨɞ ɋɬɚɰɢʁɚ (4 ɨɞ 5).
24
Ɉɜɚɤɨ ɫɤɪɚʄɟɧɨ ɰɢɬɢɪɚɧe, ɪɟɱɢ ɢɡ CLE 541 ɢɡɝɥɟɞɚʁɭ ʁɚɫɧɢʁɟ ɧɟɝɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟɫɭ ɭ ɫɜɨɦ ɭɤɭɩɧɨɦ
ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɭ. ɂɩɚɤ, »coniux mea mihi superstes est, hoc dici puto« – Buecheler ad loc.
25
Ɂɚ ɤʃɢɲɤɚ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɚɧɫɬɜɚ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨɝ ɢɡɨɫɢɥɚɛɢɡɦɚ ɜ. W. A. Baehrens, Sprachlicher
Kommentar zur vulgärlateinischen Appendix Probi, Halle a. d. Saale 1922, 102–103; ɡɚ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɚ,
Mihăescu, Langue latine dans le sud-est de l’Europe, § 199; ɡɚ ɩɪɟɝɥɟɞɧɨ ɢɡɥɚɝɚʃɟ, P. Stotz, Handbuch
zur lateinischen Sprache des Mittelalters (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, II.5), vol. 4: Formenlehre,
Syntax und Stilistik, München 1998, 4 VIII § 28. ɇɚ ɢɡɨɫɢɥɚɛɢɱɤɟ ɮɨɪɦɚɰɢʁɟ ɨɫɜɪʄɟ ɫɟ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɩɭɬɚ
ɢ ɫɚɦ Appendix Probi: 21, 115, 128; ɭɩɨɪ. ɢ 74, 96; ɡɚ ɤɨɦɟɧɬɚɪ ɜ. R. J. Quirk, The Appendix Probi. A
Scholar’s Guide to Text and Context, Newark 2006 ad locc.
26
ɉɪɢɫɰɢʁɚɧ, GL 2.341.22; Ɏɪɟɞɟɝɚɪɨɜɚ ɯɪɨɧɢɤɚ 1.54.14.
27
V. Väänänen, Introduction au latin vulgaire, Paris 31981, § 233.
28
ȼ. ɇɟɞɟʂɤɨɜɢʄ, ɍɜɨɞ ɭ ɩɪɨɭɱɚɜɚʃɟ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɝ ɥɚɬɢɧɢɬɟɬɚ, ɤʃ. 1: Ɏɟɧɨɦɟɧɨɥɨɝɢʁɚ ɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ,
Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2012, 82–83.
ȼɈȳɂɇ ɇȿȾȿȴɄɈȼɂȶ: ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɇɢɲɚ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ … 51

Ɂɚ ɞɟɤɥɢɧɚɰɢʁɭ ɜɥɚɫɬɢɬɢɯ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɜɟɡɭʁɟ ɫɟ ɢ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ IMS 4.40 Candidani.


ɇɚɫɭɩɪɨɬ ʁɟɞɧɨʁ ɫɬɚɪɢʁɨʁ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɰɢ,29 ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ ʁɟ ɨɜɭ ɮɨɪɦɭ ɭɡɟɨ ɤɚɨ ɠɟɧɫɤɨ
ɢɦɟ ɭ DatSg. Ɍɨɦɟ ɭ ɩɨɬɩɨɪɭ ɜɪɟɞɢ ɧɚɜɟɫɬɢ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɝɨɪʃɨɦɟɡɢʁɫɤɢɯ
ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɚ: IMS 1.55 Caleni, 2.102 Aurelianeni, 132 Agathen[i], ɚ ʁɚ ɦɢɫɥɢɦ ɞɚ ɢ ɭ
1.1 ɬɪɟɛɚ ɱɢɬɚɬɢ dea[e] Hecaten(i).30 Ⱦɨɞɭɲɟ, ɫɜɟ ɫɟ ɬɟ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɟ ɬɢɱɭ ɠɟɧɫɤɢɯ
ɜɥɚɫɬɢɬɢɯ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɫ ɟɝɡɨɬɢɱɧɢɦ NomSg ɧɚ -e, ɤɨʁɚ, ɭɨɩɲɬɟɧɨ ɝɨɜɨɪɟʄɢ, ɢ ʁɟɫɭ
ɧɚʁɩɨɞɥɨɠɧɢʁɚ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨʁ ɞɟɤɥɢɧɚɰɢʁɢ ɩɪɟɤɨ -n-. ɋɚɦ ɮɟɧɨɦɟɧ,31 ɦɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɡɚ-
ɯɜɚɬɚ ɧɟɲɬɨ ɲɢɪɟ: ɟɤɫɩɚɧɡɢʁɚ ɧɚɡɚɥɧɟ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɟ ɧɚ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɭ a-ɞɟɤɥɢɧɚɰɢʁɭ ɜɪɲɢ
ɫɟ ɭ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ ɜɥɚɫɬɢɬɢɯ ɢɦɟɧɚ (ɧɩɪ. Sergia Sergianis, Fortunata Fortunatanis) ɢ
ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɱɤɢɯ ɢɦɟɧɢɰɚ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ɫɟ ɫ ɪɚɡɧɢɯ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɢɲɬɚ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚʁɭ ɥɢɰɚ (ɧɩɪ. tata
tatanis, barba barbanis):32 ɨɜɨ ɫɟ ɡɛɢɜɚ ɫ ɨɫɥɨɧɰɟɦ ɧɚ ɫɬɚɪɢ ɢ ɜɪɥɨ ɭɩɟɱɚɬʂɢɜɢ
ɬɢɩ -o -onis ɭ ɬɪɟʄɨʁ ɞɟɤɥɢɧɚɰɢʁɢ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɩɭɧ ɢɦɟɧɢɰɚ ɢɡ ɪɟɱɟɧɢɯ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ, ɢ
ɬɨ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɫ ɩɪɢɡɜɭɤɨɦ ɤɨɥɨɤɜɢʁɚɥɧɢɦ ɚɤɨ ɧɟ ɢ ɢɡɪɚɡɢɬɨ ɧɚɪɨɞɫɤɢɦ (ɧɩɪ. Capito
Capitonis, Naso Nasonis, baro baronis, pusio pusionis).
ɇɚ ɫɜɨʁɨʁ ɫɬɪɚɧɢ, ɦɟɻɭ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɟ ɩɨʁɚɜɟ ɭ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨʁ ɬɪɟʄɨʁ ɞɟɤɥɢɧɚɰɢʁɢ
ɭɛɪɚʁɚʁɭ ɫɟ ɢ ɫɥɟɞɟʄɚ ɞɜɚ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɚ. ɍ Ȼɟɥɨʁ ɉɚɥɚɧɰɢ ʁɟ ɫɜɨʁɟɜɪɟɦɟɧɨ ɧɚɻɟɧ,
ɚ ɭ ɦɟɻɭɜɪɟɦɟɧɭ ɢ ɮɪɚɝɦɟɧɬɨɜɚɧ, ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤ IMS 4.76, ɝɞɟ ɫɟ ɱɢɬɚ generi
pient(issimo). Ɍɭ ɢɦɚɦɨ ɩɨɫɥɚ ɫ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɦ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɨɦ ɢɦɟɧɢɰɟ gener »ɡɟɬ« ɩɨ
ɬɪɟʄɨʁ ɭɦɟɫɬɨ ɞɪɭɝɨʁ ɞɟɤɥɢɧɚɰɢʁɢ: ɢɫɬɨɜɟɬɚɧ DatSg ɭ ɜɪɥɨ ɫɥɢɱɧɨɦ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɭ
ɧɚɥɚɡɢ ɫɟ ɭ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɞɚɱɤɨɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ, IDR 2.39, a o ɨɛɥɢɤɭ NomPl generes, ɨɩɟɬ
ɩɨ ɬɪɟʄɨʁ ɞɟɤɥɢɧɚɰɢʁɢ, ɫɜɟɞɨɱɟ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢ AE 1989.480 (ɒɩɚɧɢʁɚ),
CIL 8.3492 ɢ 7928 (Ⱥɮɪɢɤɚ), ɞɨɤ ʁɟ ɭ ɤʃɢɲɤɢɦ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ ɚɪɯɚɢɱɧɨ ɩɨɬɜɪɻɟɧ
DatPl generibus.33 Ⱥ ɞɪɭɝɨ, ɜɪɥɨ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɧɢ ɝɪɚɮɢɬɨ ɧɚ ɨɩɟɰɢ ɧɚɻɟɧɨʁ ɛɥɢɡɭ
ȼɥɚɞɢɱɢɧɨɝ ɏɚɧɚ, IMS 4.118, ɫɚɞɪɠɢ, ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɨɫɬɚɥɢɯ ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜɨɫɬɢ,34 ɮɨɪɦɭɥɭ
pro bona volumtate sua »ɩɨ ɫɜɨʁɨʁ ɞɨɛɪɨʁ ɜɨʂɢ, ɫɜɨʁɟɜɨʂɧɨ«. ɇɚɢɡɝɥɟɞ, volumtate
ʁɟ ɬɭ ɫɚɦɨ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ ɡɚ ɨɧɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɨɛɢɱɧɨ ɩɢɲɟ voluntate. Ɍɪɟɛɚ, ɫɚɦɨ, ɭɡɟɬɢ ɧɚ ɭɦ
ɢ ɬɨ ɞɚ ɭ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɢɦ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ, ɤʃɢɲɤɢɦ ɢ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɦ,35 ɢɦɚ ʁɟɞɧɚ ɛɚɫɬɚɪɞɧɚ
ɪɟɱ, volumptas, ɧɚɫɬɚɥɚ ɧɟ ɞɟʁɫɬɜɨɦ ɮɨɧɨɥɨɲɤɢɯ ɱɢɧɢɥɚɰɚ ɜɟʄ ɭɤɪɲɬɚʃɟɦ ɞɜɟʁɭ
ɢɦɟɧɢɰɚ ɫɥɢɱɧɢɯ ɩɨ ɨɛɥɢɤɭ ɢ ɫɪɨɞɧɢɯ ɩɨ ɡɧɚɱɟʃɭ: voluntas »ɜɨʂɚ, ɠɟʂɚ« ɢ
voluptas »ɭɠɢɜɚʃɟ, ɡɚɞɨɜɨʂɫɬɜɨ«. ɍ IMS 4.118, ɞɚɤɥɟ, ɦɨɝɥɢ ɛɢɫɦɨ ɥɚɤɨ ɢɦɚɬɢ
29
ɉɪɟɦɟɪɲɬɚʁɧ ɢ ȼɭɥɢʄ ɫɭ ɬɭ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚɥɢ Candid[i]ani (ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ, ad loc.).
30
ȼ. ɇɟɞɟʂɤɨɜɢʄ, Ɉ ʁɟɡɢɤɭ ɜɨɬɢɜɧɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ ɋɢɧɝɢɞɭɧɭɦɚ, ɭɪ. ȼ. ȳɟɥɢʄ, Sobria
ebrietas: ɍ ɫɩɨɦɟɧ ɧɚ Ɇɢɪɨɧɚ Ɏɥɚɲɚɪɚ (Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɨɝ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬɚ, A20), Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2006, 184.
31
Väänänen, Introduction au latin vulgaire, § 239.
32
ȳɚ ɨɜɞɟ ɫɚ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɱɧɢɯ ɪɚɡɥɨɝɚ ɧɚɜɨɞɢɦ ɢɡɚ ɧɨɦɢɧɚɬɢɜɚ ɝɟɧɢɬɢɜ. ɍ ɫɬɜɚɪɢ, ɝɟɧɢɬɢɜɢ ɧɚ
-anis (ɢ -enis) ɫɪɚɡɦɟɪɧɨ ɫɭ ɪɟɬɤɢ; ɚɤɭɡɚɬɢɜɢ ɧɚ -anem ɢɥɢ -enem ʁɚɜʂɚʁɭ ɫɟ ɧɟɲɬɨ ɱɟɲʄɟ, ɚ ɞɚɥɟɤɨ
ɧɚʁɜɟʄɢ ɛɪɨʁ ɩɨɬɜɪɞɚ ɢɦɚɦɨ ɡɚ ɞɚɬɢɜɟ ɧɚ -ani ɢɥɢ -eni.
33
ɇɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɦɟɫɬɭ ɤɨɞ Ⱥɤɰɢʁɚ, trag. 65.
34
Ɇɨɠɞɚ ɫɢɥɚɛɢɱɤɚ ɫɤɪɚʄɟɧɢɰɚ ɭ d‹e›votus; ɭ ɢɦɟɧɭ Ingenus, ɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ ɫɚ -u- ɦɟɫɬɨ -uu-; ɮɪɚ-
ɡɚ liberum dimittere; ɢ ɧɚʁɜɚɠɧɢʁɟ, ɭ ɬɨɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ ɢɫɩɪɜɚ ɫɟ ɦɟɫɬɨ dim‹i›sit ɱɢɬɚɥɨ d(e)posit (ɜ. IMS
1.177): ɫ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɨɝ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɢɲɬɚ ɬɨ ɛɢ ɛɢɥɨ ɡɧɚɱɚʁɧɨ ɭɬɨɥɢɤɨ ɲɬɨ ɨɛɥɢɤ posit ɜɚɠɢ ɡɚ ɥɟɩ ɪɟɝɢɨɧɚɥ-
ɧɢ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦ (ɨ ɤɨʁɟɦ J. Herman, Du latin aux langues romanes. Études de linguistique historique,
Tübingen 1990, 94–104).
35
H. Rönsch, Itala und Vulgata. Das Sprachidiom der urchristlichen Itala und der katholisch-
en Vulgata unter Berücksichtigung der römischen Volkssprache, Marburg 18752, 459; M. Leumann,
Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft II.2.1), München 1977,
216–217.
52 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 45–62

ɝɪɚɮɢʁɫɤɭ ɜɚɪɢʁɚɧɬɭ ɬɨɝ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨɝ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɦɚ – ɢɫɬɨ ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɧɚ ɞɪɭɝɨɦ ɦɟɫɬɭ
ʁɚɜʂɚ ɨɜɨʁ ɧɚɲɨʁ ɫɭɩɪɨɬɧɚ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ volunptate (CIL 6.15018).
ɇɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɨɦ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤɭ IMS 4.38, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɞɚɧɚɫ ɮɪɚɝɦɟɧɬɨɜɚɧ ɱɭɜɚ ɭ
ɧɢɲɤɨɦ ɇɚɪɨɞɧɨɦ ɦɭɡɟʁɭ,36 ɱɢɬɚ ɫɟ ɢ ɨɜɨ: Þl(iae) dulc(issimae) et sibi sequiture:
ɞɟɞɢɤɚɧɬɤɢʃɚ, ɬɨ ʁɟɫɬ, ɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɤ (ɫɜɨɦɟ ɦɭɠɭ ɢ) ɫɜɨʁɨʁ ɪɚɧɨ ɭɦɪɥɨʁ
ɤʄɟɪɢ. ɋɚ ɪɟɱʁɭ sequiture, ɤɨʁɚ ɬɭ ɫɬɨʁɢ ɤɚɨ ɠɟɧɫɤɢ DatSg ɮɭɬɭɪɫɤɨɝ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɚ,
ɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚʁɭ ɫɟ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɚ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɚ ɩɢɬɚʃɚ; ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɩɢɬɚʃɟ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɟ ɦɨɪɮɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ:
ʁɟɪ, ɪɚɡɭɦɟ ɫɟ, ɨɱɟɤɢɜɚɥɢ ɛɢɫɦɨ secuturae. ɋ ɩɨɝɥɟɞɨɦ ɧɚ ɢɡɜɨɪɟ, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɭ ɨɜɨʁ
ɫɬɜɚɪɢ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɤʃɢɲɤɢ, ɦɨɠɟ ɫɟ ɪɟʄɢ ɞɚ ɩɪɢ ɢɡɜɨɻɟʃɭ ɮɭɬɭɪɫɤɨɝ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɚ
ɢɦɚ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɧɟɞɨɫɥɟɞɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɤɨɥɟɛɚʃɚ (ɤɨɦɩɥɢɤɨɜɚɧɨɫɬ ɬɟ ɫɥɢɤɟ ɧɟ ɞɚʁɟ ɫɟ ɧɢ ɧɚ-
ɫɥɭɬɢɬɢ ɢɡ ɲɤɨɥɫɤɢ ɩɨɫɩɪɟɦʂɟɧɢɯ »ɨɫɧɨɜɧɢɯ ɨɛɥɢɤɚ« ɝɥɚɝɨɥɚ). ɍ ɲɭɦɢ ɢɧɫɬɚɧ-
ɰɢ ɪɚɫɭɬɢɯ ɩɨ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɢ ɨɞ ɪɚɧɟ ɞɨ ɩɨɡɧɟ ɟɩɨɯɟ37 ɪɚɡɚɡɧɚʁɟ ɫɟ ʁɟɞɧɚ ɧɟɫɭɦʃɢɜɚ
ɬɟɧɞɟɧɰɢʁɚ: ɨɫɧɨɜɚ ɮɭɬɭɪɫɤɨɝ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɚ ɬɟɠɢ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɚɫɢɦɢɥɭʁɟ ɩɪɟɡɟɧɬɫɤɨʁ ɨɫ-
ɧɨɜɢ. Ɉɜɨ ɫɟ ɞɨɝɚɻɚ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɭ ɧɟɞɨɫɬɚɬɤɭ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɚ ɩɟɪɮɟɤɬɚ (ɧɚ ɱɢʁɨʁ ɫɟ ɨɫɧɨ-
ɜɢ ɮɭɬɭɪɫɤɢ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩ ɧɨɪɦɚɥɧɨ ɢɡɜɨɞɢ) ɜɟʄ ɢ ɦɢɦɨ ɬɨɝɚ: ɡɚɬɨ ɢɦɚɦɨ ɨɩɨɡɢɰɢʁɟ
ɤɚɨ sonitus ɚɥɢ sonaturus, sectus ɚɥɢ secaturus, fructus ɚɥɢ fruiturus, argutus ɚɥɢ
arguiturus, rutus ɚɥɢ ruiturus, a ɤɨɞ ɞɟɩɨɧɟɧɬɧɢɯ ɝɥɚɝɨɥɚ ɧɨɬɨɪɧo mortuus ɚɥɢ
moriturus, ortus ɚɥɢ oriturus. ɍ ɩɨɡɧɨɦ ɥɚɬɢɧɢɬɟɬɭ ɢ ɤɪɨɡɚ ɫɪɟɞʃɢ ɜɟɤ ɨɛɥɢɰɢ
ɧɚ -iturus ɬɨɥɢɤɨ ɫɭ ɭɱɟɫɬɚɥɢ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɨɧɟɤɚɞ ɧɚɡɢɜɚʁɭ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɢɦ ɢɦɟɧɨɦ: »ɫɥɚ-
ɛɢ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩ ɮɭɬɭɪɚ«.38 Ɉɜɞɚɲʃɭ ɮɨɪɦɭ sequiturus ɫɦɟɲɬɚɦɨ, ɞɚɤɥɟ, ɭ ʁɚɫɚɧ
ʁɟɡɢɱɤɨɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬ, ɢɚɤɨ ɨɧɚ ɫɚɦɚ ɧɟɦɚ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɛɥɢɫɤɢɯ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɚ; ɜɪɟɞ-
ɧɚ ʁɟ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɚ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ʁɟɞɧɚ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɪɚɧɚ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɚ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɚ, CIL 9.1681
(Ȼɟɧɟɜɟɧɬɨ, 257. ɝɨɞɢɧɚ) consequituros. Ɍɨ ʁɟ ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɦɨɪɮɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ ɬɢɱɟ, ɚ ɫɦɢɫɚɨ
ɝɥɚɝɨɥɚ sequi ɭ ɨɜɨɦ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɭ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ʁɟ »ɩɨʄɢ ɡɚ ɩɨɤɨʁɧɢɤɨɦ«, ɬʁ. ɭɦɪɟɬɢ ɩɨ-
ɫɥɟ ʃɟɝɚ; ɬɨɝɚ ɢɦɚ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɞɟ ɩɨ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ, ɧɩɪ. CIL 3.2490 (ɋɚɥɨɧɚ)
hanc post bis quinos sequitur... mater annos »ɡɚ ʃɨɦ ʁɟ ɩɨɫɥɟ ɞɟɫɟɬ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ ɩɨɲɥɚ
ɢ ʃɟɧɚ ɦɚɬɢ«. Ɏɭɬɭɪɫɤɢ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩ ɭ IMS 4.38 ɢɦɚ ɜɪɟɞɧɨɫɬ ɢɪɟɚɥɧɟ ɚɩɨɞɨɡɟ ɭɡ
ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚɧɭ ɩɪɨɬɚɡɭ: ɬɨ ʁɟɫɬ, ɫɚ Þliae sibi secuturae ɦɢɫɥɢ ɫɟ »ɤʄɟɪɢ ɤɨʁɚ ɛɢ ɞɨ-
ɲɥɚ ɧɚ ɪɟɞ ɬɟɤ ɩɨɫɥɟ ʃɟ«, ɢ ɞɨɦɢɲʂɚ ɫɟ si fata dedissent »ɞɚ ʁɟ ɫɭɞɛɢɧɚ ɯɬɟɥɚ«.39
ɉɨɫɪɟɞɢ ʁɟ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɨɞ ɩɪɟɝɧɚɧɬɧɢɯ ɫɤɥɨɩɨɜɚ ɫɜɨʁɫɬɜɟɧɢɯ ɩɨɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɨɦ ɢ ɩɨɬɨʃɟɦ
ɥɚɬɢɧɢɬɟɬɭ.40
Ɉɜɞɟ ʄɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɦɟɫɬɨ ɢ ɡɚ ɨɩɚɫɤɭ ɨ ɝɪɱɤɨɦ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɨɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ IMS 4.53,
ɧɚɻɟɧɨɦ ɫɜɨʁɟɜɪɟɦɟɧɨ ɭ ɇɢɲɭ, ɚ ɤɚɫɧɢʁɟ ɢɡɝɭɛʂɟɧɨɦ ɭ Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞɭ. ɍ ɬɨɦ ɬɟɤɫɬɭ
ɧɚɢɥɚɡɢɦɨ ɧɚ ɱɭɞɧɨɜɚɬɭ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɫɤɭ ɮɨɪɦɭ ਕʌȠIJİȞ੺ȝİȞȠȢ, ɤɨʁɚ ɫɟ ɞɨɫɚɞ ɬɭɦɚɱɢ-
ɥɚ ɞɜɨʁɚɤɨ. ɇɚɫɭɩɪɨɬ ɉɪɟɦɟɪɲɬɚʁɧ-ȼɭɥɢʄɟɜɨɦ ɧɚɝɚɻɚʃɭ ɞɚ ਕʌȠIJİȞ੺ȝİȞȠȢ ɬɭ ɫɬɨʁɢ
36
ȼɭɥɢʄ ʁɟ ʁɨɲ ɜɢɞɟɨ ɰɟɨ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤ, ɢ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɢ ɮɚɤɫɢɦɢɥ; ɜ. ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ, ad loc.
37
Ɂɚ ɨɛɢɥɚɬ ɩɪɟɝɥɟɞ ɜ. F. Neue / C. Wagener, Formenlehre der lateinischen Sprache, vol. 3: Das
Verbum, Leipzig 18973, 581–593; ɩɪɨɛɪɚɧɨ Leumann, Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre, 617.
38
Stotz, HLSMA 4, VIII § 119.1.
39
Ȼɥɢɫɤɭ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɭ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɭ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɛɢɫɦɨ ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɭ ILCV 4431B, ɤɚɞ ɬɚʁ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ɧɟ ɛɢ
ɛɢɨ ɢɫɭɜɢɲɟ ɮɪɚɝɦɟɧɬɨɜɚɧ. Ɋɟɱ ʁɟ ɨ ɯɪɢɲʄɚɧɫɤɨɦ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤɭ ɫ ɤɪɚʁɚ IV ɜ.; ɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɝɚ, ɱɢɧɢ ɫɟ,
ɨɬɚɰ ɫɢɧɭ. Ɍɭ ɫɟ ɧɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɦɟɫɬɭ ɱɢɬɚ quem secuturus: ɦɢɫɥɢ ɫɟ, ɜɚʂɞɚ, ɬɪɟɛɚɥɨ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɨɞɟ ɫɢɧ ɡɚ ɨɰɟɦ
ɚ ɧɟ ɨɛɪɚɬɧɨ; ɞɪɭɝɞɟ ɫɬɨʁɢ reversurus in virum, ɨɩɟɬ ɫɚ ɮɭɬɭɪɫɤɢɦ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɨɦ – ɚɥɢ ɬɭ ʁɟ ɫɦɢɫɚɨ
ɩɨɝɨɬɨɜɭ ɧɟʁɚɫɚɧ.
40
Ɂɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɟ ɮɭɬɭɪɫɤɨɝ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɚ ɤɚɨ ɟɤɜɢɜɚɥɟɧɬɚ ɢɪɟɚɥɧɟ ɚɩɨɞɨɡɟ ɭ ɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɨʁ ɭɩɨɬɪɟ-
ɛɢ ɜ. R. Kühner / C. Stegmann, Ausführliche Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache, II: Satzlehre, 1–2,
Hannover 19765, 1.761–762.
ȼɈȳɂɇ ɇȿȾȿȴɄɈȼɂȶ: ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɇɢɲɚ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ … 53

ɤɚɨ ɤɥɟɫɚɪɟɜɚ ɨɦɚɲɤɚ ɡɚ ਕʌȠȖİȞ੺ȝİȞȠȢ, ɬʁ. ɞɚ ɧɚ ɤɚɦɟɧɭ ɢɦɚɦɨ ȉ ɡɚ ī, ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ


ʁɟ ɞɪɠɚɨ ɞɚ ɨɦɚɲɤɟ ɧɟɦɚ ɢ ɞɚ ɨɛɥɢɤ ਕʌȠIJİȞ੺ȝİȞȠȢ ɫɬɨʁɢ ɡɚ ਕʌȠIJİșȞĮȝȑȞȠȢ.41
ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄɟɜɨ ɪɟɡɨɧɨɜɚʃɟ ɱɢɧɢ ɫɟ ɞɜɨɫɬɪɭɤɨ ɧɟɭɛɟɞʂɢɜɢɦ: ɧɟʁɚɫɧɨ ʁɟ ɤɚɤɨ ɦɨ-
ɠɟɦɨ ɭɡɟɬɢ ਕʌȠIJİȞ੺ȝİȞȠȢ ɤɚɨ ਕʌȠIJİșȞĮȝȑȞȠȢ ɚ ɩɪɢɬɨɦ ɧɟ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɢɬɢ ɤɥɟɫɚ-
ɪɟɜɭ ɨɦɚɲɤɭ; ɚ ɧɢ ɭ ɫɚɦ ɰɢʂɚɧɢ ɨɛɥɢɤ ਕʌȠIJİșȞĮȝȑȞȠȢ ɧɟ ɜɪɟɞɢ ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɢ, ʁɟɪ
ɬɚɤɜɨɝ ɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɚ (ɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɚ ɜɢɞɢɦ) ɧɢɝɞɟ ɧɟɦɚ. ɇɚ ɞɪɭɝɨʁ ɫɬɪɚɧɢ, ɉɪɟɦɟɪɲɚʁɧ-
ȼɭɥɢʄɟɜɭ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɤɭ ਕʌȠ‹Ȗ›İȞ੺ȝİȞȠȢ ɡɚ ਕʌȠȖİȞȩȝİȞȠȢ (»ɩɪɟɦɢɧɭɨ«) ɥɚɤɨ ʁɟ
ɩɨɞɪɠɚɬɢ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɫ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɫɤɟ ɜɟʄ ɢ ɫ ɦɨɪɮɨɥɨɲɤɟ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ;42 ɭ ɦɟɻɭɜɪɟɦɟɧɭ, ɧɚ-
ɲɥɚ ɫɟ ɢ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɚ ਕʌȠȖİȞĮȝȑȞȘ ɧɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤɭ ɭ Ȼɭɝɚɪɫɤɨʁ.43

***
ɇɚ ɩɨɧɟɲɬɨ ɨɞ ɨɧɨɝɚ ɲɬɨ ɫɚɦ ɩɨɞɜɟɨ ɩɨɞ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɭ ɦɨɪɮɨɥɨɝɢʁɭ ɦɨɠɟ
ɫɟ ɝɥɟɞɚɬɢ ɢ ɤɚɨ ɧɚ ɥɟɤɫɢɤɨɥɨɲɤɚ ɩɢɬɚʃɚ. ɍ ɬɨʁ ɫɮɟɪɢ, ɦɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜɟ
ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɨɫɬɢ ɢɡ ɧɢɲɤɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ ɧɟ ɫɩɚɞɚʁɭ ɫɜɟ ɦɟɻɭ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɦɟ. ȼɨɬɢɜɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ
IMS 4.62, ɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɟɧ ɭ ɰɚɪɫɤɨ ɡɞɪɚɜʂɟ, pro salute dominorum nostrorum, ɫɜɨʁɨɦ
ɮɨɪɦɭɥɚɰɢʁɨɦ ɧɟ ɨɞɜɚʁɚ ɨɞ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɫɥɢɱɧɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ, ɫ ɬɢɦ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɡɚɤʂɭɱɟɧ ɪɟɱʁɭ
dicatissimus »ɨɞɚɧ, ɥɨʁɚɥɚɧ«. ɑɢɬɚɥɚɰ ɧɚɜɢɤɧɭɬ ɜɢɲɟ ɧɚ ɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɟ ɧɟɝɨ ɧɚ ɟɩɢ-
ɝɪɚɮɫɤɟ ɢɡɜɨɪɟ ɬɭ ʄɟ ɡɚɫɬɚɬɢ, ʁɟɪ ɬɟɪɦɢɧ ɞɟɥɭʁɟ ɱɭɞɧɨɜɚɬɨ: ɨɞɚɧɨɫɬ ɰɚɪɫɤɨɦ ɜɟ-
ɥɢɱɚɧɫɬɜɭ ɨɛɢɱɧɨ ɫɟ ɢɫɤɚɡɭʁɟ ɩɪɢɞɟɜɨɦ devotus. ɂ ɨɞɢɫɬɚ, dicat(issim)us ʁɟ ɩɪɚɜɚ
»ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɚ ɪɟɱ«; ɩɨɬɜɪɻɟɧɚ ɧɚ ɞɟɫɟɬɢɧɟ ɩɭɬɚ ɭ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ,44 ɨɧɚ ʁɟ ɢɩɚɤ ɡɚɬɨ ɭ
ɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɨɫɬɢ ɤɨɪɢɲʄɟɧɚ ɜɪɥɨ ɫɥɚɛɨ.45
Ⱦɪɭɝɚɱɢʁɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɤɜɚɥɢɮɢɤɨɜɚɬɢ ʁɟɞɧɭ ɧɟɨɛɢɱɧɨɫɬ ɭ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɨɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ
IMS 4.31, ɝɞɟ ɫɟ ɩɨɤɨʁɧɢɤ, ɜɨʁɧɢɤ, ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɤɚɨ disces epibeta. ɍ ɱɢɬɚʃɟ ɧɟɦɚ
ɫɭɦʃɟ ɢɚɤɨ ʁɟ ɤɚɦɟɧ ɢɡɝɭɛʂɟɧ,46 ɚ ɧɟɨɛɢɱɚɧ ʁɟ ɤɚɤɨ ɫɤɥɨɩ ɬɚɤɨ ɢ ɫɚɦɚ ɮɨɪɦɚ ɪɟɱɢ.
Ɉɩɲɬɢ ɬɟɪɦɢɧ discens (»ɲɟɝɪɬ, ɨɛɭɱɟɧɢɤ, ɩɪɢɩɪɚɜɧɢɤ«) ɭ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɭ ɜɨʁɧɢɱɤɢɯ
ɫɩɟɰɢʁɚɥɧɨɫɬɢ ɨɛɢɱɧɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɚʄɟɧ ɫɩɟɰɢɮɢɤɚɰɢʁɨɦ ɭ ɝɟɧɢɬɢɜɭ ɦɧɨɠɢɧɟ, ɩɨ ɨɛɪɚɫɰɭ
discens equitum. Ɂɚɲɬɨ ɢ ɨɜɞɟ ɧɢʁɟ ɬɚɤɨ, ɬɟɲɤɨ ʁɟ ɪɟʄɢ; ɦɨɠɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɧɨɫɬ
ɨɛɥɢɤâ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɟ ɢɦɟɧɢɰɟ ɩɪɨɬɟɡɚɥɚ ɢ ɧɚ GenPl, ɩɚ ʁɟ ɨɜɚʁ ɡɚɬɨ ɢɡɛɟɝɧɭɬ. ȿɜɨ ɩɚɤ ɭ
ɱɟɦɭ ʁɟ ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɧɨɫɬ. Ɂɚ ɨɜɞɚɲʃɟ epibeta »ɦɚɪɢɧɚɰ« ɢɦɚ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɩɨɬɜɪɞɚ, ɚɥɢ ɫɭ
ɨɧɟ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɪɟɬɤɟ ɢ ɞɢɫɬɚɧɬɧɟ (ɞɜɟ ɭ ɐɟɡɚɪɫɤɨɦ ɤɨɪɩɭɫɭ, ʁɟɞɧɚ ɤɨɞ ȼɢɬɪɭɜɢʁɚ) ɜɟʄ
ɢ ɝɥɚɫɟ ɧɟɲɬɨ ɞɪɭɤɱɢʁɟ: epibata. Ɍɚʁ ɫɟ ɬɟɪɦɢɧ, ɭ ɫɬɜɚɪɢ, ɩɪɢɤʂɭɱɭʁɟ ʁɟɞɧɨʁ ɧɟ ɬɚɤɨ
ɦɚɥɨʁ ɝɪɭɩɢ ɩɨɡɚʁɦʂɟɧɢɰɚ ɱɢʁɢ ɫɭ ɝɪɱɤɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɧɢɰɢ ɚɝɟɧɬɢɜɧɚ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɭɡɚ ɫɥɨɠɟɧɢ-
ɰɟ ɝɥɚɝɨɥɚ ȕĮȓȞȦ. ɍ ɨɛɥɢɤɭ NomSg ɬɟ ɩɨɡɚʁɦʂɟɧɢɰɟ ɫɟ ɤɨɥɟɛɚʁɭ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɟɝɡɨɬɢɱ-
ɧɨɝ ɫɜɪɲɟɬɤɚ -tes ɢ ɨɞɨɦɚʄɟɧɨɝ -ta;47 ɧɨ ɭ ɫɜɚɤɨɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ, ɨɫɧɨɜɧɢ ɜɨɤɚɥ ɭ ʃɢɦɚ
41
»ਝʌȠIJİȞ੺ȝİȞȠȢ certainement pour ਕʌȠIJİșȞĮȝȑȞȠȢ ; il est moins probable que cette forme soit
une erreur du lapicide, écrite au lieu de ਕʌȠȖİȞ੺ȝİȞȠȢ« – ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ ad loc.
42
Ʌɟɬɢɦɢɱɧɢɦ ɩɪɟɬɪɚɠɢɜɚʃɟɦ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɟɥɟɤɬɪɨɧɫɤɨɝ ɤɨɪɩɭɫɚ ɞɨɥɚɡɢɦ ɞɨ ɞɜɟɫɬɚ ɢ ɜɢɲɟ
ɩɨʁɚɜɚ ɝɥɚɝɨɥɚ ȖȓȖȞȠȝĮȚ ɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɯ ɤɨɦɩɨɡɢɬɚ ɭ ɚɨɪɢɫɬɭ ɬɢɩɚ ਥȖİȞ੺ȝȘȞ (ɦɟɫɬɨ ਥȖİȞȩȝȘȞ) ɭ ɩɨɡɧɨɝɪɱɤɨʁ
ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɢ.
43
V. Beševliev, Spätgriechische und Spätlateinische Inschriften aus Bulgarien, Berlin 1964, ɛɪ.
110 – ɫ ɪɟɮɟɪɟɧɰɢʁɨɦ ɧɚ ɧɚɲ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ.
44
ɐɢɝɥɨ 50 ɩɨɝɨɞɚɤɚ ɞɚʁɟ ɩɪɟɬɪɚɝɚ ɭ EDH.
45
ɍɩɨɪ. Aug. Civ. Dei 1.1 ɢ 3.31.
46
Ɍɟɤɫɬ ɫɟ ɜɪɥɨ ʁɚɫɧɨ ɪɚɡɚɡɧɚʁɟ ɱɚɤ ɢ ɧɚ ɮɨɬɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɢ ɩɚɩɢɪɧɚɬɨɝ ɨɬɢɫɤɚ ɞɚɬɨʁ ɭ IMS.
47
Ɍɚɱɧɚ ɫɥɢɤɚ ɬɨɝɚ ɤɨɥɟɛɚʃɚ ɬɟɲɤɨ ɫɟ ɫɬɢɱɟ, ʁɟɪ ɫɭ ɥɟɦɟ ɭ ɦɧɨɝɢɦ ɪɟɱɧɢɰɢɦɚ ɭɧɢɮɨɪɦɢɫɚɧɟ,
ɢɥɢ ɫɟ ɤɨɥɟɛɚʃɟ -tes/-ta ɫɚɦɨ ɤɨɧɫɬɚɬɭʁɟ, ɛɟɡ ɪɟɱɢ ɨ ɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɢɦ ɩɨɬɜɪɞɚɦɚ.
54 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 45–62

ʁɟ a, ɧɟ e, ɩɚ ɢɦɚɦɨ -bates, ɧɟ -betes – ɪɚɡɭɦɟ ɫɟ, ɭ ɫɤɥɚɞɭ ɫ ɢɡɜɨɪɧɢɦ -ࢠȐIJȘȢ.48 Ɂɚ


ɨɛʁɚɲʃɟʃɟ ɧɟɨɛɢɱɧɨɝ ɧɢɲɤɨɝ epibeta ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ ʁɟ ɭɤɚɡɢɜɚɨ ɧɚ ɞɜɟ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬɢ:
ʁɟɞɧɨ ɧɚ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢ ɩɪɟɥɚɡɚɤ a > e ɭ ɧɟɚɤɰɟɧɬɨɜɚɧɨɦ ɫɥɨɝɭ, ɚ ɞɪɭɝɨ ɧɚ ɝɪɱɤɢ
ɩɪɟɞɥɨɠɚɤ ɞɪɭɤɱɢʁɢ ɨɞ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨɝ.49 Ɂɛɢʂɚ, ɚɤɨ ɫɟ ɭɡ ਥʌȚࢠĮȓȞȦ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɢ *ਥʌȚࢠȒIJȘȢ
ɭɦɟɫɬɨ ɧɨɪɦɚɥɧɨɝ ਥʌȚࢠȐIJȘȢ, ɬɨ ɛɢ ɛɢɥɨ ɞɨɧɟɤɥɟ ɧɚɥɢɤ ɧɚ ɫɢɬɭɚɰɢʁɭ ɭɡ įȚĮࢠĮȓȞȦ, ɝɞɟ
ɢɦɚɦɨ ɢ įȚĮࢠȒIJȘȢ ɢ įȚĮࢠȐIJȘȢ, ɞɨɞɭɲɟ ɧɟ ɤɚɨ ɤɨɥɟɛɚʃɟ ɜɟʄ ɤɚɨ ɞɜɟ ɨɞɟɥɢɬɟ ɥɟɤɫɟɦɟ.
Ɉɜɨ, ɪɚɡɭɦɟ ɫɟ, ɦɨɪɚ ɨɫɬɚɬɢ ɭ ɞɨɦɟɧɭ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɤɟ, ɛɚɲ ɤɚɨ ɢ ɨɧɨ ɩɪɜɨ, ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɚ
ɩɪɨɦɟɧɚ a > e. ɉɨɭɡɞɚɧɨɝ ɨɛʁɚɲʃɟʃɚ ɧɟɦɚ; ɫɜɟ ɞɨɤ ʁɟ ɬɚɤɨ, epibeta ɨɫɬɚʁɟ ɯɚɩɚɤɫ ɢɥɢ
ɛɚɪ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɫɥɢɱɚɧ ɯɚɩɚɤɫɭ ɢ ɭɬɨɥɢɤɨ ɜɪɟɞɚɧ ɞɪɠɚʃɚ ɧɚ ɭɦɭ.
Ⱦɨɬɚɤɧɢɦɨ ɫɟ ɧɚʁɡɚɞ ɢ ʁɟɞɧɟ ɥɟɤɫɢɤɨɥɨɲɤɟ ɰɪɬɟ ɤɨʁɚ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɲɬɨ (ɡɚ ɪɚɡ-
ɥɢɤɭ ɨɞ ɦɚɥɨɩɪɟɻɚɲʃɢɯ) ʁɟɫɬɟ ɧɟɞɜɨɫɦɢɫɥɟɧɨ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɚ ɜɟʄ ɢɦɚ ɢ ɜɢɲɟɝ ɡɧɚɱɚʁɚ.
ɍ ʄɭɩɪɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɨɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ IMS 4.84 ɧɚɥɚɡɢ ɫɟ ɢɦɟɧɢɰɚ brutes »ɫɧɚɯɚ«.
ɉɨɫɪɟɞɢ ʁɟ ɪɟɱ ɝɟɪɦɚɧɫɤɨɝ ɩɨɪɟɤɥɚ (ɭɩɨɪ. ɝɨɬɫɤɢ bruths), ɤɨʁɚ ɫɟ, ɫ ɨɛɡɢɪɨɦ ɧɚ ɨɫɬɚɥɟ
ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɟ ɩɨɬɜɪɞɟ, ɫɜɪɫɬɚɜɚ ɦɟɻɭ ɦɨɝɭʄɟ ɩɨɞɭɧɚɜɫɤɟ ɪɟɝɢɨɧɚɥɢɡɦɟ.50 Ɍɢɯ ɩɨɬɜɪɞɚ,
ɦɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɭɤɭɩɧɨ ɢɦɚ ɦɚɥɨ, ɫɚɦɨ ɬɪɢ,51 ɚ ɧɚ ɞɪɭɝɨʁ ɫɬɪɚɧɢ, ɨɜɚʁ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɢ ɝɟɪɦɚɧɢ-
ɡɚɦ ɢɦɚ ɪɨɦɚɧɫɤɨɝ ɩɨɬɨɦɫɬɜɚ ɱɢʁɚ ɞɢɫɬɪɢɛɭɰɢʁɚ ɧɢɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɧɢʁɟ ɩɨɞɭɧɚɜɫɤɚ (ɝɥɚɜɧɚ
ɫɬɚɜɤɚ ʁɟ ɞɚɧɚɫ ɜɟʄ ɢɡɨɛɢɱɚʁɟɧɚ ɮɪɚɧɰɭɫɤɚ ɪɟɱ bru »ɫɧɚɯɚ«).52 ɇɚ ɫɜɚɤɢ ɧɚɱɢɧ, ɡɧɚ ɫɟ
ɞɚ ɪɟɝɢɨɧɚɥɢɡɦɢ ɤɚɨ ɬɚɤɜɢ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚʁɭ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɞɟɥɢɤɚɬɚɧ ɚɫɩɟɤɬ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɯ
ɫɬɭɞɢʁɚ: ɡɚɬɨ ɢ ɧɚ ɨɜɭ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɭ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɩɨɢɦɟɧɰɟ ɢ ɧɚɝɥɚɲɟɧɨ ɭɤɚɡɚɬɢ.

***
Ɂɚ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɟ ɪɟɝɢɨɧɚɥɢɡɦɟ ɜɟɡɭʁɟ ɫɟ ɢ ɨɜɨ ɲɬɨ ʄɭ ɩɪɜɨ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ
ɩɪɟɥɚɡɟʄɢ ɧɚ ɩɢɬɚʃɚ ɫɢɧɬɚɤɫɟ. ɍ ɧɢɲɤɨɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ IMS 4.51 ɧɚɥɚɡɟ ɫɟ ɞɜɟ ɢɧ-
ɫɬɚɧɰɟ ɚɞɧɨɦɢɧɚɥɧɨɝ ɞɚɬɢɜɚ: Þlius Thomae vicario, ɢ ɩɨɬɨɦ sororis (ɬʁ. sorores)
patri.53 Ʉɚɨ ɫɩɟɰɢʁɚɥɧɢ ɱɢɧɢɥɚɰ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɩɨɝɨɞɨɜɚɨ ɲɢɪɟʃɭ ɚɞɧɨɦɢɧɚɥɧɨɝ ɞɚɬɢ-
ɜɚ ɭ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɦ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ ɩɨ ɂɥɢɪɢɤɭ ɧɚɜɨɞɢ ɫɟ54 ɬɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ, ɩɪɢ
ɩɪɟɧɨɲɟʃɭ ɭ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢ ʁɟɡɢɤ, ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɜɟɥɢɤ ɛɪɨʁ ɛɚɥɤɚɧɫɤɢɯ ɟɩɢɯɨɪɫɤɢɯ ɚɧ-
ɬɪɨɩɨɧɢɦɚ ɛɢɜɚɨ ɚɞɚɩɬɢɪɚɧ ɧɚ ɞɜɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɚ ɢ ɤɨɧɤɭɪɟɧɬɧɚ ɧɚɱɢɧɚ, ɩɨ ɨɛɪɚɫɰɭ
48
ɉɨɪɟɞ epibates, eɜɨ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɬɨ ɪɟɱɢ: angobates, chorobates, embates, neurobates, oribates,
schoenobates, stereobates, stylobates, tichobates, toechobates; ɬɨɥɢɤɨ ɞɚʁɟ ɫɬɚɪɢ O. Gradenwitz,
Laterculi vocum Latinarum, Leipzig 1904.
49
ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ, ad loc.
50
J. N. Adams, The Regional DiversiÞcation of Latin 200BC–AD600, Cambridge 2007, 678.
51
ɋɟɦ ɨɜɟ ʄɭɩɪɢʁɫɤɟ, ɬɨ ɫɭ CIL 3.4746 = ILLProN 498 (ɇɨɪɢɤ) ɢ CIL 3.12377 = ILS 8558
(Ⱦɨʃɚ Ɇɟɡɢʁɚ).
52
ɋ ɞɢʁɚɥɟɤɬɚɥɧɨ ɡɚɛɟɥɟɠɟɧɢɦ ɫɟɤɭɧɞɚɪɧɢɦ ɡɧɚɱɟʃɟɦ »ɧɟɜɟɫɬɚ«. Ɉ ɪɨɦɚɧɫɤɢɦ ɪɟɮɥɟɤɫɢɦɚ
ɜ. REW 1345.
53
Ɍɚʁ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ɫɩɚɞɚ ɭ ɝɪɭɩɭ ɨɞ ɬɪɢ ɯɪɢɲʄɚɧɫɤɚ ɟɩɢɬɚɮɚ ɧɚ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɭ, ɨɞ ɤɨʁɢɯ IMS 4.50 ɢ 51
ɩɪɢɩɚɞɚʁɭ ɢɫɬɨʁ ɩɨɪɨɞɢɰɢ ɢ ɜɚʂɞɚ ɢɫɬɨɦɟ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɤɭ, ɚ ɧɢ IMS 4.52 ɤɚɨ ɞɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɞɚɥɟɤɨ. Ƚɥɚɜɧɭ
ɨɫɨɛɟɧɨɫɬ ɬɢɯ ɬɪɢʁɭ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ ɱɢɧɢ ɩɢɫɦɨ, ɫ ɜɪɥɨ ɭɨɱʂɢɜɢɦ ɰɪɬɚɦɚ ɭɧɰɢʁɚɥɟ. Ⱥɥɢ ɨɧɢ ɫɭ ɭɩɚɞʂɢɜɢ
ɢ ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ʁɟɡɢɤɚ ɬɢɱɟ, ɫɚ ɨɜɟʄɢɦ ɭɞɟɥɨɦ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦɚ. Ⱦɚɬɢɪɚʃɟ: ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ ɭ IMS 4, ɫɬɪ. 34, ɩɨɪɚɞɢ
ɨɧɨɦɚɫɬɢɤɟ ɫɩɨɦɢʃɟ 4.51 ɤɚɨ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɤ ɢɡ VI ɜɟɤɚ; ɉ. ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ, ɉɚɥɟɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ ɭ
Ƚɨɪʃɨʁ Ɇɟɡɢʁɢ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 1975., 135–136 ɢ Ɍɚɛɥɚ IX (»Ʉɚɬɚɥɨɝ«, ɛɪ. 24–26): »V–VI ɜɟɤ, ɩɪɟɦɚ ɦɟɫɬɭ
ɧɚɥɚɡɚ«.
54
ɉɪɟɦɚ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨʁ ɯɢɩɨɬɟɡɢ ȳɨɠɟɮɚ ɏɟɪɦɚɧɚ: ɜ. Herman, Du latin aux langues romanes,
315–320. ɉɨɬɜɪɞɟ ʁɟ ɫɚɛɪɚɨ Mihăescu, Langue latine dans le sud-est de l’Europe, § 234 (ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɟ ɫ
ɛɚɥɤɚɧɫɤɨɝ ɩɨɞɪɭɱʁɚ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɞɜɟ ɢɡ Ƚɚɥɢʁɟ; ɭɨɫɬɚɥɨɦ ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɟ ɢ ɫɬɚɜɤɟ ɢɡ ɉɪɨɤɨɩɢʁɚ), ɚ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɱɚɧ
ɨɫɜɪɬ ɞɚʁɟ Adams, Regional DiversiÞcation of Latin, 675–676.
ȼɈȳɂɇ ɇȿȾȿȴɄɈȼɂȶ: ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɇɢɲɚ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ … 55

Bato Batonis, Pletor Pletoris, ɨɞɧɨɫɧɨ Batonius Batoni(i), Pletorius Pletori(i); ɨɜɨ ʁɟ
ɞɨɜɟɥɨ ɞɨ ɦɨɪɮɨɫɢɧɬɚɤɬɢɱɤɟ ɚɦɛɢɜɚɥɟɧɰɢʁɟ ɨɛɥɢɤɚ ɧɚ -i, ɫɯɜɚɬʂɢɜɢɯ ɤɚɨ DatSg
ɩɨ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɢɥɢ GenSg ɩɨ ɞɪɭɝɨɦ ɨɛɪɚɫɰɭ;55 ɫɚ ɬɨɝ ɩɨɥɚɡɢɲɬɚ, ɭ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɦ ɧɚɬ-
ɩɢɫɢɦɚ, ɩɨɝɨɬɨɜɭ ɯɪɢɲʄɚɧɫɤɢɦ, ɭɱɟɫɬɚɜɚʁɭ ɢ ɨɞɨɦɚʄɭʁɭ ɫɟ ɫɤɥɨɩɨɜɢ ɫ ɧɟɞɜɨɫ-
ɦɢɫɥɟɧɢɦ ɞɚɬɢɜɨɦ, ɬɢɩɚ CIL 3.9537 (ɋɨɥɢɧ) arca Saturnino militi Salonitano.
ɒɢɪɟ ɭɡɟɜ,56 ɬɢ ɫɤɥɨɩɨɜɢ ɫɭ ɨɫɥɨʃɟɧɢ ɧɚ ɫɬɚɪɢ ɚɞɧɨɦɢɧɚɥɧɢ ɞɚɬɢɜ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɭ
ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨɦ ɛɟɥɟɠɢ ʁɨɲ ɨɞ ɉɥɚɭɬɚ ɧɚɞɚʂɟ, ɢ ɧɟ ɫɚɫɜɢɦ ɪɟɬɤɨ.57 Ⱦɜɟ ɩɨʁɚɜɟ ɚɞɧɨ-
ɦɢɧɚɥɧɨɝ ɞɚɬɢɜɚ ɭ IMS 4.51 ɫɜɟɞɨɱɢɥɟ ɛɢ, ɨɧɞɚ, ɨ ɤɨɧɚɱɧɨɦ ɞɨɦɟɬɭ ɬɨɝ ɪɚɡɜɢɬɤɚ:
ɢɡɜɟɫɧɨɫɬ ɢ ɩɪɚɜɢɥɧɨɫɬ ɬɪɢʁɭ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɢɯ ɮɨɪɦɢ ʁɟɦɱɢ ɧɚɦ ɞɚ ɨɜɞɟ ɜɢɲɟ ɧɟɦɚɦɨ
ɩɨɫɥɚ ɫ ɚɦɛɢɜɚɥɟɧɰɢʁɨɦ ɫɭɩɫɬɪɚɬɧɨɝ ɩɨɪɟɤɥɚ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ʁɨɲ ɧɟ ɫɭɨɱɚɜɚɦɨ ɧɢ ɫ
ɧɟɭɬɪɚɥɢɫɚɧɢɦ ɫɜɪɲɟɰɢɦɚ ɪɟɱɢ ɭɧɭɬɚɪ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ (ɮɨɧɨɥɨɲɤɢɦ ɢɥɢ ɤɨʁɢɦ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ
ɩɭɬɟɦ) ɧɚɪɭɲɟɧɨɝ ɫɢɫɬɟɦɚ ɢɦɟɧɫɤɟ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɟ ɧɚ ɩɭɬɭ ɨɞ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨɝ ɤɚ ɪɨɦɚɧɫɤɨɦ;
ɭɦɟɫɬɨ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɬɨɝɚ, ɧɚ ɞɟɥɭ ɫɭ ɧɟɞɜɨɫɦɢɫɥɟɧɢ ɢ ɯɨɬɢɦɢɱɧɢ ɞɚɬɢɜɢ.
Ɍɟɤɫɬ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ IMS 4.129 ɧɚɥɚɡɢ ɫɟ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɛɪɧɢɦ ɩɚɬɟɪɚɦɚ ɢɡ ɇɢɲɚ
ɢɡɪɚɻɟɧɢɦ ɨ ɞɟɫɟɬɨɝɨɞɢɲʃɢɰɢ ɰɚɪɚ Ʌɢɰɢɧɢʁɚ (317): Licini Auguste semper vincas.
Sic X sic XX. Naiss(i). Ɋɟɱɢ sic decem sic viginti ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɡɧɚɱɟ »ɤɚɤɨ ɞɟɫɟɬ ɬɚɤɨ ɢ
ɞɜɚɞɟɫɟɬ«; ɬɨ ʁɟɫɬ, ɧɟɤɚ ɛɢ ɐɚɪ ɞɨɱɟɤɚɨ ɢ ɧɚɪɟɞɧɭ ɝɨɞɢɲʃɢɰɭ. ɋ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɟ ɫɬɪɚ-
ɧɟ, ɤɨɪɟɥɚɰɢʁɚ sic... sic... ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɚ ʁɟ, ɢɥɢ (ɞɚ ɫɟ ɬɚɱɧɢʁɟ ɢɡɪɚɡɢɦɨ) ɧɟɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɚ.
ɍ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɨʁ ɮɨɪɦɢ ɨɧɚ ɛɢ ɝɥɚɫɢɥɚ ut ɢɥɢ quemadmodum... sic... (ɩɨɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɢ
ʁɟɡɢɤ ɩɨɡɧɚʁɟ ɢ quomodo... sic...).58 ɉɪɚɜɢɯ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɚ ɡɚ sic... sic... ʁɚ ɧɟ ɡɧɚɦ ɧɢ ɢɡ
ɩɨɡɧɢʁɟ ɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɨɫɬɢ; ɫɚɦɨ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɛɥɢɡɭ ɫɬɨʁɟ ɦɟɫɬɚ ɤɚɨ Hier. Comm. Eph. 3
(PL 26.549) illud sic esse non debuit, hoc vero esse sic debuit »ɨɧɨ ɧɢʁɟ ɫɦɟɥɨ ɨɧɚɤɨ,
ɚ ɨɜɨ ʁɟ ɦɨɪɚɥɨ ɨɜɚɤɨ«. ɒɢɪɢ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬ ɞɚɬɟ ɩɨʁɚɜɟ ʁɟ ɨɜɚʁ: ɤɨɥɨɤɜɢʁɚɥɧɨ, ɢɥɢ ɫ
ɩɪɢɡɜɭɤɨɦ ɤɨɥɨɤɜɢʁɚɥɧɨɝ, ɨɞɭɜɟɤ ɫɟ ɦɨɝɥɨ ɧɚ ɞɜɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɚ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬɚ ɭɡɚɫɬɨɩɰɟ
ɪɟɮɟɪɢɫɚɬɢ ɢɫɬɨɦ ɡɚɦɟɧɢɰɨɦ, ɩɨ ɨɛɪɚɫɰɭ hic... hic... (»ɨɜɚʁ..., ɚ ɨɧɚʁ...«), huc...
huc... (»ɨɜɚɦɨ..., ɚ ɨɧɚɦɨ...«), ɭɦɟɫɬɨ ɨɱɟɤɢɜɚɧɨɝ hic... ille... ɢ huc... illuc...: ɧɩɪ.
Pl. Mil. 1308, Most. 778; Rh. Her. 2.25.40; Cic. Inv. 1.99.59 ɍɨɫɬɚɥɨɦ, ɢ ɫɚɦ ɤɥɚɫɢɱ-
ɧɢ ɥɚɬɢɧɢɬɟɬ ɡɧɚ ɡɚ ɨɛɪɬɟ ɤɚɨ alter... alter... »ʁɟɞɚɧ..., ɚ ɞɪɭɝɢ...«. ɍɜɢɻɚɦɨ, ɞɚɤɥɟ,
ɞɚ ɤɨɪɟɥɚɰɢʁɚ sic... sic..., ɩɨɩɭɬ ɦɧɨɝɢɯ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦɚ, ɭ ɫɬɜɚɪɢ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚ
ɫɚɦɨ ɤɨɪɚɤ ɞɚʂɟ ɨɞ ɞɚɜɧɨ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɢɯ ɢ ɩɪɢɦʂɟɧɢɯ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɢɯ ɰɪɬɚ.
ɍ ɥɟɫɤɨɜɚɱɤɨɦ ɇɚɪɨɞɧɨɦ ɦɭɡɟʁɭ ɢɦɚ ʁɟɞɧɚ ɫɪɚɡɦɟɪɧɨ ɞɨɛɪɨ ɨɱɭɜɚɧɚ ɜɨ-
ɬɢɜɧɚ ɩɥɨɱɚ ɛɨɝɭ Ʌɢɛɟɪɭ, IMS 4.109. Tɟɤɫɬ joj ɫɟ ɫɜɪɲɚɜɚ ɨɜɚɤɨ: pro salutes suas
et vicanorum posuerunt. ɋɬɜɚɪ ʁɟ ɨɛɢɱɧɚ, ɚɥɢ ɮɨɪɦɭɥɚɰɢʁɚ ʁɟ ɧɟɨɛɢɱɧɚ, ɫ ɚɤɭɡɚ-
ɬɢɜɨɦ ɭɦɟɫɬɨ ɚɛɥɚɬɢɜɚ ɢ ɦɧɨɠɢɧɨɦ ɭɦɟɫɬɨ ʁɟɞɧɢɧɟ. ɒɬɨ ɫɟ ɨɧɨɝ ɩɪɜɨɝ ɬɢɱɟ,
ɛɪɤɚʃɟ ɩɚɞɟɠɚ ɭ ɩɪɟɞɥɨɲɤɢɦ ɤɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɰɢʁɚɦɚ, ɢ ɩɨɝɨɬɨɜɭ ɩɨʁɚɜɚ ɚɤɭɡɚɬɢɜɚ ɢɡɚ
ɨɧɢɯ ɩɪɟɞɥɨɝɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɨ ɬɪɚɠɟ ɚɛɥɚɬɢɜ, ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚ (ɭɤɭɩɧɨ ɝɨɜɨɪɟʄɢ)
ɦɨɠɞɚ ɢ ɧɚʁɛɨʂɟ ɩɨɬɜɪɻɟɧ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦ ɢɡ ɫɮɟɪɟ ɩɚɞɟɲɤɢɯ ɝɪɟɲɚɤɚ. Ɇɟɻɭɬɢɦ,
55
ɍɡɝɪɟɞ, ɱɢɧɢ ɫɟ ɞɚ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɬɚɤɚɜ ɢɦɟɧɫɤɢ ɨɛɥɢɤ – ɚɦɛɢɜɚɥɟɧɬɚɧ, ɚ ɞɨɫɚɞ ɧɟɨɩɚɠɟɧ ɤɚɨ ɬɚɤɚɜ
– ɢɦɚɦɨ ɭ ɛɟɨɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ IMS 1.53 Falconi.
56
Ʉɥɚɫɢɱɧɭ ɪɚɫɩɪɚɜɭ ɤɨɧɤɭɪɟɧɬɧɢɯ ɨɛɪɬɚ ɫ ɞɚɬɢɜɨɦ ɢ ɫ ɝɟɧɢɬɢɜɨɦ ɞɚɨ ʁɟ E. Löfstedt,
Syntactica. Studien und Beiträge zur historischen Syntax des Lateins, ɤʃ. 1: Über einige Grundfragen der
lateinischen Nominalsyntax, Lund 19422, 209–224 ɢ 402–405.
57
ɑɭɜɟɧɢ ɩɪɢɦɟɪ ɢɡ ɉɥɚɭɬɚ ʁɟ Mil. 1431 Philocomasio amator.
58
Ɂɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɟ ɜ. OLD s.v. sic, 7.
59
J. B. Hofmann / A. Szantyr, Lateinische Syntax und Stilistik (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft
II.2.2), München 1965, 181–182.
56 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 45–62

ɭɧɭɬɚɪ ɬɨɝ ɩɚɤɟɬɚ ɢɦɚ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɢɯ ɧɟʁɟɞɧɚɤɨɫɬɢ. Ⱦɨɤ ɫɟ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɟ ɚɤɭɡɚɬɢɜɚ ɢɡɚ
cum, ɧɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪ, ʁɚɜʂɚʁɭ ɞɨɫɬɚ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɭ ɧɚʁɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɢʁɢɦ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ, ɚɤɭɡɚɬɢɜ ɢɡɚ
pro ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɫɟ ɧɢɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɫɦɚɬɪɚɬɢ ɨɛɢɥɧɨ ɩɨɬɜɪɻɟɧɢɦ.60 ɍ ɤʃɢɲɤɢɦ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ
ɨɧ ɫɟ ɜɟɡɭʁɟ ɦɚɯɨɦ ɡɚ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɟ ɢɞɢɨɦɟ pro hoc ipsud »ɯɨɬɢɦɢɰɟ« (ɩɨɬɜɪɻɟɧ ɤɨɞ
ȿɝɟɪɢʁɟ, 24.8, ɢ ɭ Ȼɟɧɟɞɢɤɬɨɜɨɦ ɉɪɚɜɢɥɭ, 61.1), ɢ pro modum »ɫɪɚɡɦɟɪɧɨ« (ɧɚ
ɜɢɲɟ ɦɟɫɬɚ ɭ ɏɢɪɨɧɨɜɨɦ ɦɚɪɜɟɧɨɦ ɥɟɤɚɪɫɬɜɭ). ɍ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɦ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ, ɨɩɟɬ,
ɩɨɫɜɟɬɧɚ ɮɨɪɦɭɥɚ pro salute ɞɨɛɪɨ ʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɚ ɭ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɦ ɨɛɥɢɤɭ pro salutem;
ɦɟɻɭ ɞɟɫɟɬɢɧɚɦɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɚ ɢɡ ɪɚɡɧɢɯ ɤɪɚʁɟɜɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ ɫɜɟɬɚ ɞɨɜɨʂɧɨ ʁɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɫɩɨ-
ɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɞɜɚ ɦɚɥɨɫɤɢɬɢʁɫɤɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɚ, IScM 1.340 ɢ 5.64.61 Ʉʃɢɲɤɢ ɢ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢ
ɢɡɜɨɪɢ, ɞɚɤɥɟ, ɭɡɚʁɚɦɧɨ ɫɟ ɞɨɩɭʃɭʁɭ ɭɤɚɡɭʁɭʄɢ ɧɚ ɬɨ ɞɚ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɢ ɚɤɭɡɚɬɢɜ ɢɡɚ
pro ɭɝɥɚɜɧɨɦ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɨɛɟɥɟɠʁɟ ɧɟɤɢɯ ɝɨɬɨɜɢɯ, ɢɞɢɨɦɚɬɢɡɨɜɚɧɢɯ ɢɡɪɚɡɚ; ɭ
»ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɨʁ« ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɢ ʃɟɝɚ ɛɟɡɦɚɥɨ ɢ ɧɟɦɚ.62 Ɍɨ ʁɟ ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɬɢɱɟ ɚɤɭɡɚɬɢɜɚ; ɦɧɨ-
ɠɢɧɚ salutes, ɦɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɜɟʄɟ ɢɡɧɟɧɚɻɟʃɟ. ȿɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɯ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɚ ɡɚ
ʃɭ ʁɚ ɧɟ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɦ, ɚ ɧɢ ɤʃɢɲɤɢɯ, ɩɨ ɫɜɟɦɭ ɫɭɞɟʄɢ, ɧɟʄɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɦɧɨɝɨ. Ʉɚɞ ɫɟ ɢ
ʁɚɜɢ, ɚ ʁɚɜʂɚ ɫɟ ɤɨɞ ɩɨɡɧɢʁɢɯ ɩɢɫɚɰɚ, ɬɚ ɦɧɨɠɢɧɚ ɩɪɚʄɟɧɚ ɩɪɢɫɜɨʁɧɢɦ ɟɥɟɦɟɧ-
ɬɨɦ – salutes meae, tuae ɢ ɬɨɦɟ ɫɥɢɱɧɨ – ɢɦɚ ɡɧɚɱɟʃɟ »ɦɨʁɢ (ɬɜɨʁɢ ɢɬɞ.) ɩɨɡɞɪɚ-
ɜɢ«, ɧɩɪ. Greg. Ep. 3.63 domnae Dominicae salutes meas dicite; ɭ ɨɜɨʁ ɬɚɱɤɢ ɫɟ
ɩɨɡɧɨɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢ ɭɡɭɫ ɫɥɚɠɟ ɫ ɦɨɞɟɪɧɢɦ ɫɪɩɫɤɢɦ, ɝɞɟ ɩɨɡɞɪɚɜ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɫɬɚɜʂɚɦɨ ɭ
ɦɧɨɠɢɧɭ ɩɚ ɝɨɜɨɪɢɦɨ ɨ ɩɨɡɞɪɚɜɢɦɚ ɢɡ ɱɢɫɬɨ ɮɪɚɡɟɨɥɨɲɤɢɯ ɪɚɡɥɨɝɚ. ɇɨ, ɡɚ salus
ɭ ɡɧɚɱɟʃɭ »ɡɞɪɚɜʂɟ« ɢ »ɫɩɚɫɟʃɟ« ɬɨɝ ɦɨɬɢɜɚ ɧɟɦɚ, ɢ ɡɚɬɨ ɨɜɚʁ ɥɟɫɤɨɜɚɱɤɢ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ
ɬɪɟɛɚ ɨɫɨɛɢɬɨ ɧɨɬɢɪɚɬɢ.
ɇɚ ʁɟɞɧɨʁ ɨɩɟɰɢ ɧɚɻɟɧɨʁ ɫɜɨʁɟɜɪɟɦɟɧɨ ɭ ɥɟɫɤɨɜɚɱɤɨɦ ɤɪɚʁɭ, ɚ ɞɚɧɚɫ
ɢɡɝɭɛʂɟɧɨʁ, ɱɢɬɚɨ ɫɟ ɧɟɨɲɬɟʄɟɧ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢ ɝɪɚɮɢɬɨ: Deus aduvet vobis et nobis
»Ȼɨɝ ɞɚ ɩɨɦɨɝɧɟ ɜɚɦɚ ɢ ɧɚɦɚ« (IMS 4.115);63 ɬɚʁ ʁɟ ɩɨɡɞɪɚɜ, ɨɱɟɜɢɞɧɨ, ɛɢɨ ɭɩɭʄɟɧ
ɫɚ ɰɢɝɥɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɭ. ɂɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɚɧ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦ ɬɭ ɥɟɠɢ ɭ ɤɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɰɢʁɢ ɝɥɚ-
ɝɨɥɚ adjuvare, ɫ ɨɛʁɟɤɬɨɦ ɭ ɞɚɬɢɜɭ ɦɟɫɬɨ ɩɪɚɜɢɥɧɨɝ ɚɤɭɡɚɬɢɜɚ. ɒɢɪɟʃɟ ɞɚɬɢɜɫɤɟ
ɪɟɤɰɢʁɟ ɝɥɚɝɨɥɚ ɧɚɭɲɬɪɛ ɚɤɭɡɚɬɢɜɧɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɚ ʁɟ ɫɬɜɚɪ;64 ɞɪɠɢ ɫɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɧɨ ɛɢɥɨ
ɨɞ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɚ ɞɨ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɚ ɦɨɬɢɜɢɫɚɧɨ ɪɟɤɰɢʁɨɦ ɲɬɨ ɛɥɢɫɤɢɯ ɲɬɨ ɞɚʂɢɯ ɫɢɧɨɧɢɦɚ,
ɧɩɪ. sinere +Dat ɩɪɟɦɚ permittere; docere +Dat ɩɪɟɦɚ suadere ɢ ostendere; ɩɚ ɬɚɤɨ
ɢ adjuvare +Dat ɩɪɟɦɚ adesse ɢ prodesse. ɉɨɪɟɤɥɨɦ, ɬɚ ɩɨʁɚɜɚ ʁɟ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɚ,
ɦɚɞɚ ɨ ʃɟɧɨʁ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨʁ ɩɪɢɯɜɚʄɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɭ ɩɨɡɧɨɦ ɥɚɬɢɧɢɬɟɬɭ ɢɡɪɢɱɢɬɨ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɢ
60
ɉɨ ɪɟɱɢɦɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɫɬɚɪɨɝ ɡɧɚɥɰɚ, ɨɧ ɫɟ ʁɚɜʂɚ »ɪɟɬɤɨ ɚɥɢ ɩɨɭɡɞɚɧɨ«: E. Löfstedt, Philologischer
Kommentar zur Peregrinatio Aetheriae. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der lateinischen Sprache, Uppsala
1911, 289.
61
ɇɚ ɫɜɨʁ ɧɚɱɢɧ, ɡɚ ɞɟɞɢɤɚɰɢʁɭ ɫɟ ɜɟɡɭʁɟ ɢ ɧɟ ɛɚɲ ʁɚɫɧɢ ɩɨɦɩɟʁɫɤɢ ɝɪɚɮɢɬɨ DPomp 41
Romanus olim palim aurum pro ferrum dedica(t).
62
ɍɬɨɥɢɤɨ ʄɟ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɢʁɢ ɛɢɬɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ILS 705 (ɩɪɟɩɢɫ ɰɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɪɟɫɤɪɢɩɬɚ, ɫɪɟɞɢɲʃɚ
ɂɬɚɥɢʁɚ, ɬɪɢɞɟɫɟɬɟ ɝɨɞɢɧɟ IV ɜɟɤɚ) pro amplitudinem nuncupationis »ɫɩɪɚɦ ɜɢɫɨɤɨɝ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɤɨʁɟ ʄɟ
[ɯɪɚɦ] ɩɨɧɟɬɢ«. ɇɚɫɭɩɪɨɬ ɬɨɦɟ, ɩɨɬɜɪɞɚɦɚ ɚɤɭɡɚɬɢɜɚ ɢɡɚ pro ɧɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ, ɩɨ ɦɨɦ ɦɢɲʂɟʃɭ, ɩɪɢɛɪɚʁɚɬɢ
ʁɟɞɚɧ ɫɥɭɠɛɟɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ɢɡ ʁɭɠɧɟ ɂɬɚɥɢʁɟ ɫ ɤɪɚʁɚ IV ɜɟɤɚ, ILS 792, ɝɞɟ ɭ ɫɤɥɨɩɭ ɮɨɪɦɭɥɟ pro beatitudi-
ne temporum felicitateque publici status ɢɦɚɦɨ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɭ felicitatemque. Ɍɚ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ ʁɟ, ɜɟɪɭʁɟɦ, ɭɜɟɥɢɤɨ
ɫɤɨɩɱɚɧɚ ɫ ɬɟɲɤɨʄɚɦɚ ɧɚɫɥɚʃɚʃɚ ɟɧɤɥɢɬɢɤɟ -que ɧɚ ɩɪɟɻɚɲʃɢ ɤɪɚɬɚɤ ɫɥɨɝ (ɜ. ɧɩɪ. ȼ. ɇɟɞɟʂɤɨɜɢʄ,
ɇɚɰɪɬ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɨɝ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨɝ ɜɨɤɚɥɢɡɦɚ ɢ ɩɪɨɡɨɞɢʁɟ, ɇɨɜɢ ɋɚɞ, ɋɪɟɦɫɤɢ Ʉɚɪɥɨɜɰɢ 2008, 79–80).
63
Ɉ ɩɨɬɪɟɛɢ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɬɭ ɱɢɬɚ ɞɨɫɥɨɜɰɟ aduvet, ɚ ɧɟ ad(i)uvet (ɤɚɤɨ ʁɟ ɱɢɬɚɨ ȼɭɥɢʄ ɢ ɡɚ ʃɢɦ
ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ), ɢ ɨ ɮɨɧɟɬɫɤɨɦ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɦɭ ɡɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɨɜɨ ɜɟɡɭʁɟ, ɇɟɞɟʂɤɨɜɢʄ, Ɉ ʁɟɡɢɤɭ ɜɨɬɢɜɧɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ
ɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ ɋɢɧɝɢɞɭɧɭɦɚ, 378.
64
Löfstedt, Syntactica, 200–208; Hofmann / Szantyr, Lateinische Syntax, 89; Stotz, HLSMA 4, IX
§ 15.
ȼɈȳɂɇ ɇȿȾȿȴɄɈȼɂȶ: ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɇɢɲɚ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ … 57

ʁɟɞɧɚ ɫɬɚɜɤɚ ɭ ɉɥɚɰɢɞɨɜɢɦ ɝɥɨɫɚɦɚ, CGL 5.44.22–23 »adjuva me«, »adjuva mihi«,
utrumque dici potest, melius tamen »me«. ɇɚ ɫɜɚɤɢ ɧɚɱɢɧ, ɩɨɬɜɪɞe ɡɚ adjuvare +Dat
ɫɜɨɞɟ ɫɟ ɧɚ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɫɚɫɜɢɦ ɩɨɡɧɢɯ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɟɜɚ ɭ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɪɧɢɦ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ,65 ɩɚ ʁɟ ɨɜɚ
ɧɚɲɚ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɚ ɭɬɨɥɢɤɨ ɜɪɟɞɧɢʁɚ ɩɚɠʃɟ.

***
Ʉɨ ɫɟ ɛɚɜɢ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɚɧɫɬɜɢɦɚ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɝ ɥɚɬɢɧɢɬɟɬɚ ɡɧɚ ɢɡ ɢɫɤɭɫɬɜɚ ɞɚ ɭ ɧɟ-
ɤɢɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɟɜɢɦɚ ɭɬɢɫɚɤ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɫɬɢ ɧɟ ɩɨɬɢɱɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɢɡ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɟ ɫɮɟɪɟ. ɍ ɬɟɤɫɬɭ
ɢɥɢ ɧɚ ɞɚɬɨɦ ɦɟɫɬɭ ɧɟ ɦɨɪɚ ɛɢɬɢ ɨɩɢɩʂɢɜɢɯ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦɚ ɭ ɩɪɚɜɨɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ ɪɟɱɢ
ɚ ɨɩɟɬ ɫɟ ɤɪɨɡ ɮɨɪɦɭɥɚɰɢʁɭ ɬɚɤɜɭ ɤɚɤɜɚ ʁɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɩɪɨɡɢɪɚɬɢ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɚ ɧɟɭɤɨɫɬ ɢ
ɩɪɨɫɬɨɬɚ. ɇɢʁɟ ɧɢ ɱɭɞɨ. ɍ ɩɨɬɪɚɡɢ ɡɚ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɢɦ ɩɨɤɚɡɚɬɟʂɢɦɚ ɧɟɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɨɫɬɢ,
ɦɢ ʄɟɦɨ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɧɚʄɢ ɞɚ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɫɢɦɩɬɨɦɢ ɭɤɚɡɭʁɭ ɧɚ ɬɨ ɢɫɬɨ: ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɬɨɝɚ ɤɚɤɨ
ɧɚɦ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɝɨɜɨɪɟ ɢ ɲɬɚ ɧɚɦ ɨɧɢ ɝɨɜɨɪɟ ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɫɟ ɭɜɟɤ ɩɨɜɭʄɢ ʁɚɫɧɚ
ɝɪɚɧɢɰɚ. ɂɧɫɬɚɧɰɢ ɤɨʁɟ ɭ ɨɜɨɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ ɢɡɦɢɱɭ ɞɟɮɢɧɢɫɚʃɭ (ɩɚ ɫɭ, ɭ ɧɟɤɭ ɪɭɤɭ,
ʁɨɲ ɭɬɨɥɢɤɨ ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜɢʁɟ) ɢɦɚ ɞɨɫɬɚ ɢ ɩɨ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɦ ɬɟɤɫɬɨɜɢɦɚ. Ɉɜɞɟ ɛɢɯ
ɨɛɪɚɬɢɨ ɩɚɠʃɭ ɧɚ ɞɜɚ ɥɨɤɚɥɧɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɚ.
Ɇɟɻɭ ɪɢɦɫɤɟ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɟ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɨɦ XVI ɜɟɤɚ Ⱥɧɬɭɧ ȼɪɚɧɱɢʄ ɡɚɬɟɤɚɨ ɧɚ-
ɛɚɰɚɧɟ ɩɪɟɞ ɧɢɲɤɢɦ ɤɚɪɚɜɚɧɫɟɪɚʁɟɦ ɢ ɢɫɩɢɫɚɨ ɢɯ66 ɫɩɚɞɚ ɢ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤ IMS 4.37,
ɧɚ ɤɨʁɟɦ ɫɟ ɱɢɬɚɥɚ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɚ ɜɟɬɟɪɚɧɭ ȳɭɥɢʁɭ ȼɢɧɞɟɤɫɭ ɢ »ʃɟɝɨɜɨʁ ȿɥɢʁɢ ɋɟɪɟɧɢ«,
Aeliae Serenae ejus. Ɋɟɱ ʁɟ ɨ ɫɭɩɪɭɠɧɢɰɢɦɚ, ɢ ɨɱɟɤɢɜɚɥɨ ɛɢ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɩɨɤɨʁɧɢɰɚ ɫɥɨɜɢ
ɤɚɨ ɩɨɤɨʁɧɢɤɨɜɚ conjunx »ɫɭɩɪɭɝɚ« ɢɥɢ ɛɚɪ contubernalis »ɠɢɜɨɬɧɚ ɫɚɩɭɬɧɢɰɚ«;67
ɦɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ʃɢɯɨɜ ɨɞɧɨɫ ɧɢʁɟ ɟɤɫɩɥɢɰɢɪɚɧ ɧɢʁɟɞɧɢɦ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɨɦ. ɂ ɦɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɫɬɜɚɪ, ɫ
ɨɛɡɢɪɨɦ ɧɚ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬ, ɩɨɬɩɭɧɨ ʁɚɫɧɚ, ɫɚɦ ɨɜɚʁ ɨɤɨɥɢɲɧɢ ɦɚɧɢɪ ɢɡɪɚɠɚɜɚʃɚ ɩɨɞɫɟʄɚ
ɧɚ ɨɧɨ ɡɚɡɢɪɚʃɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɭ ɬɪɚɞɢɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɢʁɢɦ ɢɥɢ ɦɚʃɟ ɩɪɨɫɜɟʄɟɧɢɦ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɚɦɚ ɧɟ-
ɪɟɬɤɨ ɫɥɟɞɭʁɟ ɟɤɫɩɥɢɰɢɬɧɨɦ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɭ ɛɪɚɱɧɨɝ ɨɞɧɨɫɚ – ɨɧɨ ɱɢɦɟ ʁɟ, ɧɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪ,
ɛɢɥɚ ɦɨɬɢɜɢɫɚɧɚ ɫɬɚɪɢɧɫɤɚ ɫɪɩɫɤɚ (ɢ ɧɢɲɤɚ!) ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɚ ɪɟɱɢ ɞɨɦɚʄɢɰɚ. ɇɚ ɬɚʁ
ɦɚɧɢɪ ʁɟ, ɛɟɡ ɫɭɦʃɟ, ɰɢʂɚɨ ɢ ɉɟɬɪɨɧɢʁɟ ɨɩɢɫɭʁɭʄɢ ɫɜɨɝ Ɍɪɢɦɚɥɯɢɨɧɚ ɤɚɤɨ ɩɪɟɞ
ɝɨɫɬɢɦɚ ɨɩɟɬ ɢ ɨɩɟɬ ɝɨɜɨɪɢ ɨ ɫɜɨʁɨʁ ɠɟɧɢ: Fortunata mea.68
ɍ ɧɢɲɤɨɦ ɇɚɪɨɞɧɨɦ ɦɭɡɟʁɭ ɱɭɜɚ ɫɟ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ IMS 4.81, ɧɚɻɟɧ ɭ Ɉɜɫɢʃɢɧɰɭ,69
ɧɚ ʁɭɠɧɢɦ ɨɛɪɨɧɰɢɦɚ ɋɭɜɟ ɩɥɚɧɢɧɟ, ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɤ ɤɨʁɢ ɩɨɞɢɠɟ ʁɟɞɧɚ
ɭɞɨɜɚ: conjux bene merita m{m}arito titulu posuit.70 Ɍɭ ɛɢɫɦɨ, ɪɚɡɭɦɟ ɫɟ, ɨɱɟ-
ɤɢɜɚɥɢ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɭ »ɡɚɫɥɭɠɧɨɦ ɦɭɠɭ«, marito bene merito (ɢɥɢ bene merenti), ɚɥɢ
ɧɟ: ɭɦɟɫɬɨ ɬɨɝɚ, ɞɟɞɢɤɚɧɬɤɢʃɚ ɫɚɦɚ ɫɟɛɟ ɧɚɡɢɜɚ ɡɚɫɥɭɠɧɨɦ, bene merita. ɇɚ
ɨɜɨ ɦɨɠɟɦɨ ɝɥɟɞɚɬɢ ɤɚɨ ɧɚ ɮɪɚɡɟɨɥɨɲɤɢ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦ, ɭɩɨɪɟɞɢɜ ɫ ɦɨɞɟɪɧɢɦ
ɫɪɩɫɤɢɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɟɜɢɦɚ ɤɚɨ ɛɢʄɭ ʂɭɛɚɡɚɧ ɞɚ... (ɫ ɧɚɢɜɧɢɦ ɨɫɥɨɧɰɟɦ ɧɚ ɢɞɢɨɦ
ɛɭɞɢɬɟ ʂɭɛɚɡɧɢ). ɋɬɢɰɚʁɟɦ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢ, ɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɢ ɭɫɥɨɜɢ ɭ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ɫɟ ɦɨɝɥɚ

65
ThLL s.v. adiuvo [Bannier] 1.718.72–78.
66
Ƚɨɪɟ, ɮɭɫɧ. 2.
67
ɂɥɢ, ɧɚ ɤɪɚʁɭ ɤɪɚʁɟɜɚ, uxor – ʁɟɪ ɧɢ ɬɚ ɪɟɱ ɧɢʁɟ ɪɟɬɤɚ ɩɨ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ.
68
Petr. 52.8, 71.3, 71.11.
69
Ʉɨɞ ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄɚ, ad loc., ɩɢɲɟ Ovsinjac (ɤɨʁɚ ɫɟ ɨɦɚɲɤɚ ɩɪɟɧɟɥɚ ɢ ɭ ɧɨɜɢʁɭ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɭ),
ɞɨɤ ɭ ɪɟɝɢɫɬɪɭ IMS 4 ɫɬɨʁɢ Ovsenica, ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɩɨ ȼɭɥɢʄɭ, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɭ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɫɥɭɠɢɨ ɬɢɦ ɨɛɥɢɤɨɦ.
70
ɂɡɞɚɜɚɱ ɬɭ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɤɥɟɫɚɪɫɤɭ ɝɪɟɲɤɭ, ɲɬɨ ɧɢʁɟ ɧɭɠɧɨ: ɦɨɠɟɦɨ ɱɢɬɚɬɢ ɢ meritam
marito, ɫɚ ɫɭɜɢɲɧɢɦ m ɧɚ ɤɪɚʁɭ ɪɟɱɢ, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɨɩɟɬ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɢɡɚɦ (ɡɚ ɝɪɚɮɢʁɭ -am ɭɦɟɫɬɨ -a ɭ NomSg
ɭɩɨɪ. ɧɩɪ. CIL 3.7547 (Ɍɨɦɢ) matronam). ɇɨ, ɬɚ ɫɬɜɚɪ ɧɟ ɭɬɢɱɟ ɧɚ ɡɚɩɚɠɚʃɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɥɟɞɢ.
58 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 45–62

ɪɚɡɜɢɬɢ ɬɚ ɧɟɭɤɚ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɚ ɜɢɞʂɢɜɢ ɫɭ ɧɚɦ ɭ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɞɚɧɚɫ ɢɡɝɭɛʂɟɧɨɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ


ɢɡ ɉɪʄɢɥɨɜɢɰɟ, IMS 4.100, ɝɞɟ ʁɟ ɫɬɚʁɚɥɨ Candidus, Þli b. m. p.: ɬɨ ɫɟ ɧɚɪɚɜɧɨ ɱɢɬɚ
Þlii bene merenti posuerunt »ɡɚɫɥɭɠɧɨɦ (ɩɨɤɨʁɧɢɤɭ) ɩɨɞɢɝɨɲɟ ɫɢɧɨɜɢ«, ɚɥɢ ɤɨ
ɧɢʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɧɚɱɢɫɬɨ ɫ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɦ ɮɨɪɦɭɥɚɦɚ, ɦɨɝɚɨ ʁɟ ɬɚɤɜɭ ɫɤɪɚʄɟɧɢɰɭ ɪɚɲɱɢɬɚ-
ɜɚɬɢ ɢ ɩɨɝɪɟɲɧɨ: Þlii bene merentes, »ɡɚɫɥɭɠɧɢ ɫɢɧɨɜɢ«.
ɋɩɨɦɟɧɢɦɨ ɧɚʁɡɚɞ ɢ ʁɟɞɧɭ ɫɩɟɰɢʁɚɥɧɭ ɨɛɥɚɫɬ ɮɢɥɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɡɭɱɚɜɚʃɚ ɟɩɢ-
ɝɪɚɮɫɤɨɝ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɚ: ɬɭɦɚɱɟʃɟ ɪɢɦɫɤɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ ɭ ʃɢɯɨɜɨɦ ɫɭɛɥɢɬɟɪɚɪɧɨɦ
ɚɫɩɟɤɬɭ. ȳɟɞɧɚ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɚ ɜɪɫɬɚ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ – ɟɩɢɬɚɮɢ ɭ ɧɚʁɭɠɟɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ ɪɟɱɢ, ɬʁ.
ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɭ ɫɬɢɯɭ – ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚʁɭ ɝɥɚɜɧɢ ɤɨɪɩɭɫ ɬɟɤɫɬɨɜɚ ɩɨʁɦʂɢɜɢɯ
ɤɚɨ ɚɧɬɢɱɤɚ ɩɪɟɮɢɝɭɪɚɰɢʁɚ ɨɧɨɝɚ ɲɬɨ ɞɚɧɚɫ ɡɧɚɦɨ ɤɚɨ ɫɭɛɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɭ ɢɥɢ ɱɚɤ
»ɞɢɜʂɭ ɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɨɫɬ«. ɍ ɬɨɦɟ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ, ɪɢɦɫɤɚ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɚ ɩɨɟɡɢʁɚ ɧɚɦ ɛɨʂɟ ɨɞ
ɫɤɨɪɨ ɫɜɢɯ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɢɡɜɨɪɚ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɢ ɤɚɤɜɟ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɟ ɩɨɥɭɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢ
ɫɜɟɬ ɢɦɚɨ ɨ ɬɨɦɟ ɲɬɚ ʁɟ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɪɧɨ. Ɉɧɢ ɩɨ ɫɟɛɢ ɧɚʁɩɪɢʁɟɦɱɢɜɢʁɢ ɢ ɝɪɚɦɚɬɢɱɚɪɟ-
ɜɢɦ ɬɪɭɞɨɦ ɧɚʁɛɨʂɟ ɭɬɭɛʂɟɧɢ ɫɚɫɬɨʁɰɢ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɨɝ ɩɟɫɧɢɲɬɜɚ, ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ʃɟɝɨɜɚ
ɬɨɩɢɤɚ ɢ ɤɨɧɜɟɧɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɢ ɟɥɟɦɟɧɬɢ ʁɟɡɢɤɚ ɢ ɫɬɢɥɚ, ɨɜɞɟ ɫɟ ʁɚɜʂɚʁɭ ɤɚɨ ɫɬɟɪɟɨ-
ɬɢɩɢ ɤɨʁɢɦ ɚɧɨɧɢɦɧɢ ɫɬɢɯɨɬɜɨɪɰɢ ɪɭɤɭʁɭ ɤɚɤɨ ɡɧɚʁɭ ɢ ɭɦɟʁɭ, ɤɚɞ ɜɟɲɬɨ, ɤɚɞ ɧɟ-
ɜɟɲɬɨ, ɫ ɪɟɡɭɥɬɚɬɢɦɚ ɛɚɧɚɥɧɢɦ ɢɥɢ ɝɪɨɬɟɫɤɧɢɦ.
ɋɚɱɭɜɚɧɢ ɪɢɦɫɤɢ ɟɩɢɬɚɮɢ ɛɪɨʁɟ ɫɟ ɧɚ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɯɢʂɚɞɚ; ɨɜɚʁ ɛɪɨʁ ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɟ
ɦɧɨɝɟ ɮɪɚɝɦɟɧɬɨɜɚɧɟ ɢ ɧɚ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɧɚɱɢɧ ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɧɟ ɢɥɢ ɧɟʁɚɫɧɟ ɬɟɤɫɬɨɜɟ. ɉɨ
ɫɟɛɢ ɫɟ ɪɚɡɭɦɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɬɭɦɚɱɟʃɟ ɬɨɝ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɚ ɫɤɨɩɱɚɧɨ ɢ ɫɚ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɦ
ɫɬɭɞɢʁɚɦɚ. Ɇɚɥɢ ɭɡɨɪɚɤ ɬɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɚ ɢɡɧɟʄɭ ɨɜɞɟ ɧɚ ɞɜɚ ɧɢɲɤɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɚ.
Ɍɟɤɫɬ ɯɪɢɲʄɚɧɫɤɨɝ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤɚ IMS 4.5071 ɝɥɚɫɢ ɨɜɚɤɨ: Fili meus dulcis
Antonine, quem fata tulerunt cum octavo carperet anno, disripuit mors invida vitae.
Fecit vero terminum vite ms. sept. ind. nona. ȵɟɝɨɜɚ ʁɟ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɚ ɭ ɧɟɤɭ ɪɭɤɭ ɬɢ-
ɩɢɱɧɚ. ɂɫɩɪɚɜɧɭ ɫɢɧɬɚɤɫɭ ɬɭ ɧɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɬɪɚɠɢɬɢ; ɭ ɬɟɤɫɬɭ ɫɭ ɞɜɚ ɚɧɚɤɨɥɭɬɚ: ɨɧ
ɨɬɩɨɱɢʃɟ ɚɩɨɫɬɪɨɮɨɦ (»ɦɢɥɢ ɦɨʁ ɫɢɧɟ Ⱥɧɬɨɧɢɧɟ«, ɭ ɧɟ ɫɚɫɜɢɦ ɩɪɚɜɢɥɧɨɦ ɜɨ-
ɤɚɬɢɜɭ), ɚɥɢ ɫɟ ɧɟ ɧɚɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɫɯɨɞɧɨ ɬɨɦɟ, ɚ ɡɚɬɢɦ ɢ ɝɥɚɝɨɥ disripuit ɨɫɬɚʁɟ ɛɟɡ
ɨɛʁɟɤɬɚ. ɇɨ, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɧɚʁɭɩɚɞʂɢɜɢʁɟ, ɬɨ ɫɭ ɬɪɢ ɭɡɚɫɬɨɩɧɚ ɩɪɚɜɢɥɧɚ ɯɟɤɫɚɦɟɬɚɪɫɤɚ
ɫɜɪɲɟɬɤɚ: quem fáta tulérunt, cum octávo cárperet ánno, dísripuít mors ínvida vítae.
ɋɬɢɯɨɜɚ ɬɭ, ɩɪɚɜɨ ɝɨɜɨɪɟʄɢ, ɧɟɦɚ; ɱɟɝɚ ɢɦɚ, ɬɨ ɫɭ ɨɤɪɚʁɰɢ ɜɟɪɫɢɮɢɤɚɰɢʁɟ,
ɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɞɚ ɫɚɫɬɚɜ ɡɚɥɢɱɢ ɧɚ ɩɟɫɦɭ, ɢ ɬɢ ɫɭ ɨɤɪɚʁɰɢ ɭɞɟɲɟɧɢ ɞɚ ɡɜɭɱɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨ ɢ
ɩɪɢɤɥɚɞɧɨ, ɝɪɨɛʂɚɧɫɤɢ. ɉɪɜɢ, »ɤɨʁɟɝ ɋɭɞɛɚ ɭɡɟ«, ɩɨɡɚʁɦʂɟɧ ʁɟ ɢɡ ȼɟɪɝɢɥɢʁɟɜɨɝ
ɩɥɚɱɚ ɡɚ Ⱦɚɮɧɢɞɨɦ;72 ɞɪɭɝɢ, »ɧɚ ɩɨɱɟɬɤɭ ɨɫɦɟ ɦɭ ɝɨɞɢɧɟ«, ɩɨɱɢɜɚ ɧɚ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ
ɨɦɢʂɟɧɨʁ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɢ ɝɥɚɝɨɥɚ carpere ɭ ɟɩɢɬɚɮɢɦɚ;73 ɭ ɬɪɟʄɟɦ, ɤɨʁɢ ɧɢ ɩɨ ɫɟɛɢ
ɧɢ ɭ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɭ ɧɟ ɞɚʁɟ ɩɨɬɩɭɧɨɝ ɫɦɢɫɥɚ, ɦɨɬɢɜ »ɧɟɧɚɜɢɞɧɢɰɟ ɋɦɪɬɢ« ɩɪɢɡɜɚɧ
ʁɟ ɩɨɦɨʄɭ ʁɟɞɧɟ ɨɞ ɧɚʁɨɜɟɲɬɚɥɢʁɢɯ ɮɪɚɡɚ ɭ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨʁ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɨʁ ɩɨɟɡɢʁɢ.74 ɂɡɚ
71
Ɍɚʁ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ɩɪɢɩɚɞɚ ɝɪɭɩɢ ɜɟʄ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɨʁ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ ɩɨɜɨɞɨɦ – ɜ. ɮɭɫɧ. 51.
72
Verg. Buc. 5.34 postquam te fata tulerunt. ȿɩɢɬɚɮɢ ɭɨɩɲɬɟ ɫɬɨʁɟ ɩɨɞ ɜɟɥɢɤɢɦ ɭɬɢɰɚʁɟɦ
ȼɟɪɝɢɥɢʁɚ ɤɚɨ ɤɥɚɫɢɤɚ ɧɚɞ ɤɥɚɫɢɰɢɦɚ. Ɍɟɦɟʂɧɨ ɨ ɬɨɦɟ R. P. Hoogma, Der Einßuss Vergils auf die
Carmina latina epigraphica. Eine Studie mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der metrisch-technischen
Grundsätze der Entlehnung, Amsterdam 1959.
73
Ɇɚɯɨɦ ɭ ɢɡɪɚɡɢɦɚ iter carpere »ɢʄɢ ɩɭɬɟɦ« (ɨɜɨ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɨ ɩɭɬɧɢɤɭ ɩɪɨɥɚɡɧɢɤɭ) ɢ vitam
carpere »ɢʄɢ ɤɪɨɡ ɠɢɜɨɬ«. ɇɚɲɟɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɭ ɧɚʁɛɥɢɠɟ ɫɬɨʁɢ CLE 2234 = ILCV 1590, ɝɞɟ ʁɟ ɝɥɚɝɨɥ
carpere ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ɩɪɚʄɟɧ ɩɨɞɚɬɤɨɦ ɨ ɝɨɞɢɧɚɦɚ ɠɢɜɨɬɚ.
74
ɍɩɨɪ. ɧɩɪ. CLE 429 mors me invida traxit, 647 sic tibi non rapiat mors invida tam cito natos,
698 abstulit hunc rebus decimo mors invida lustro, 1375 quamvis... tuos mors invida ruperit annos. ɂɫɬɢ
ȼɈȳɂɇ ɇȿȾȿȴɄɈȼɂȶ: ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɇɢɲɚ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ … 59

ɬɨɝɚ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɛɢɜɚ ɭ ɟɩɢɬɚɮɢɦɚ ɱɚɤ ɢ ɤɚɞ ɫɭ ɫɪɨɱɟɧɢ ɫɩɪɟɬɧɢʁɟ ɨɞ ɨɜɨ-
ɝɚ, ɧɟɲɬɨ ɩɨɞɚɬɚɤɚ ɨɫɬɚɜʂɟɧɨ ʁɟ ɢ ɡɚ ɩɨɬɨʃɢ, ɩɪɨɡɧɢ ɞɟɨ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ. ɍ ɨɜɨɦɟ, ɡɚ
ɝɥɚɝɨɥɫɤɭ ɮɪɚɡɭ fecit terminum vitae ɬɟɲɤɨ ʁɟ ɪɟʄɢ ɞɚ ɥɢ ʁɨʁ ʁɟ ɫɭɛʁɟɤɬ ɫɦɪɬ ɢɥɢ
ɫâɦ ɩɨɤɨʁɧɢɤ; ʁɚ ɜɟɪɭʁɟɦ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɜɨ ɞɪɭɝɨ, ʁɟɪ ɦɢ ɫɟ ɱɢɧɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ mors invida ɫɚɫɜɢɦ
ɨɞɢɝɪɚɥɚ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɭ ɩɪɜɨʁ, ɩɟɫɧɢɱɤɨʁ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ.
Ɉ ɧɢɲɤɨɦ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɤɭ IMS 4.39 ɩɢɫɚɨ ɫɚɦ ɜɟʄ;75 ɨɜɞɟ ʄɭ ɤɪɚɬɤɨ ɭɤɚɡɚɬɢ
ɧɚ ɬɚʁ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɤ ɫɤɪɨɦɧɟ ɢɡɪɚɞɟ ɚɥɢ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɧɢɯ ɨɞɥɢɤɚ. ȵɟɝɨɜɚ ɞɜɚ ɮɪɚɝ-
ɦɟɧɬɚ ɧɚɥɚɡɟ ɫɟ ɭɡɢɞɚɧɚ ɭ ɢɫɬɨɱɧɭ ɟɫɤɚɪɩɭ ɧɢɲɤɟ ɬɜɪɻɚɜɟ,76 ɧɟɞɚɥɟɤɨ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɨɞ
ɞɪɭɝɨɝɚ: ɫɬɟɫɚɧɢ ɢ ɢɡɥɢɡɚɧɢ, ɨɧɢ ɫɟ ɞɚɧɚɫ ɜɢɲɟ ɢ ɧɟ ɪɚɡɚɡɧɚʁɭ ɭ ɦɚɫɢ ɤɚɦɟɧɢɯ
ɛɥɨɤɨɜɚ.77 ɉɨ ɱɢɬɚʃɭ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɚɦ ɩɪɟɞɥɨɠɢɨ ɢ ɨɛɪɚɡɥɨɠɢɨ, ɬɟɤɫɬ ɝɥɚɫɢ ɨɜɚɤɨ: [- – -
de]cepta juvencl[i], Aurel(i) Bant[ionis] juvenis, qui (i)nnocuus vi[x(it) a(nnos) X]X
dilectus. qu[i] miserand[us a] pessimam gentem, qui[etus] dum restaret, per[em]ptus,
[neque] gentis perʁura p[e]nam, nec eßict[a c]onjux neque am[ic]i, quantum [n]efas
vider[e paren]tes. ɉɪɟɜɨɞ, ɞɨɫɥɨɜɚɧ ɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɦɨɝɭʄɟ, ɛɢɨ ɛɢ ɨɜɚʁ: »...ɩɪɟɜɚɪɟɧɚ...
(ʁɟɞɧɨɝ) ɦɥɚɞɢʄɚ, ɦɥɚɞɨɝ Ⱥɭɪɟɥɢʁɚ Ȼɚɧɰɢɨɧɚ, ɤɨʁɢ ɧɟɡɥɨɛɢɜɨ ɩɨɠɢɜɟ ɞɜɚɞɟɫɟɬ
ɝɨɞɢɧɚ, ɨɦɢʂɟɧ. Ɉɧ, ɫɢɪɨɦɚɯ, ɫɦɚɤɧɭɬ ɨɞ ɪɻɚɜɢɯ ʂɭɞɢ ɞɨɤ ɫɬɚʁɚɲɟ ɦɢɪɚɧ, ɧɢɬɢ
ɜɟɪɨɥɨɦɧɢɰɢ ɩɪɨɩɚɬɢɲɟ, ɧɢɬɢ ɨʁɚɻɟɧɚ (ɦɭ) ɫɭɩɪɭɝɚ ɢ ɩɪɢʁɚɬɟʂɢ, ɤɨɥɢɤɭ ɫɬɪɚɯɨ-
ɬɭ ɞɨɠɢɜɟɲɟ (ʃɟɝɨɜɢ) ɪɨɞɢɬɟʂɢ.« ɍ ɫɜɨɦ ɚɤɬɭɚɥɧɨɦ ɫɬɚʃɭ, ɬɚʁ ɟɩɢɬɚɮ ɫɟ (ɢɫɬɨ
ɤɚɨ ɦɚɥɨɩɪɟɻɚɲʃɢ IMS 4.50) ɢɦɚ ɭɛɪɨʁɚɬɢ ɦɟɻɭ ɬɡɜ. commatica, ɧɚɬɩɢɫɟ ɤɨʁɢ,
ɦɚɞɚ ɧɢɫɭ ɭ ɫɬɢɯɭ, ɫɚɞɪɠɟ ɭɥɨɦɤɟ ɦɟɬɪɢɱɧɨɝ ɬɟɤɫɬɚ.78
ɒɬɨ ɫɟ ɫɚɞɪɠɢɧɟ ɬɢɱɟ, ɟɩɢɬɚɮ IMS 4.39 ɫɪɨɱɟɧ ʁɟ ɫ ɨɫɥɨɧɰɟɦ ɧɚ ɱɢɬɚɜɭ
ɛɚɬɟɪɢʁɭ ɫɬɟɪɟɨɬɢɩɚ. ɉɪɢʁɚɡɚɧ ɱɨɜɟɤ ɢ ɦɢɪɚɧ ɝɪɚɻɚɧɢɧ, ɩɨɤɨʁɧɢɤ ʁɟ, ɧɚ ɫɜɨʁɭ
ɧɟɫɪɟʄɭ ɢ ɫɜɚɱɢʁɭ ɠɚɥɨɫɬ, ɞɪɚɦɚɬɢɱɧɨ ɭɦɨɪɟɧ ɨɞ »ɨɥɨɲɚ«, ɬɨ ʁɟɫɬ ɪɚɡɛɨʁɧɢɤâ,
ɤɨʁɢ ɫɦɢɱɭ ɩɭɬɧɢɤɟ ɱɚɤ ɢ ɤɚɞ ɫɟ ɨɜɢ ɧɟ ɨɩɢɪɭ ʃɢɯɨɜɨɦ ɧɚɫɢʂɭ; ɬɚʁ »ɜɟɪɨɥɨɦɧɢ
ɫɨʁ« ɧɟ ɞɨɛɢɜɚ ɲɬɨ ɡɚɫɥɭɠɭʁɟ; ɧɢ ʃɢɯɨɜɚ ɤɚɡɧɚ, ɤɚɨ ɧɢ ɛɨɥ ɩɨɤɨʁɧɢɤɨɜɟ ɭɞɨɜɢɰɟ
ɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɯ ɩɪɢʁɚɬɟʂɚ, ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɫɟ ɦɟɪɢɬɢ ɫ ɬɭɝɨɦ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɯ ɪɨɞɢɬɟʂɚ – ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ,
ɨɱɟɜɢɞɧɨ, ɢ ɞɟɞɢɤɚɧɬɢ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɤɚ.
ɇɚ ɜɟɪɛɚɥɧɨʁ ɪɚɡɢɧɢ, ɰɟɥɢ ɬɚʁ ɫɤɥɨɩ ɱɢɧɢ ɭɬɢɫɚɤ ɫɦɭɲɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɩɨɦɟɬʃɟ.
Ⱥɧɚɤɨɥɭɬɢɱɚɧ, ɤɚɨ ɧɟɫɦɢɲʂɟɧ ɭɰɟɥɨ ɜɟʄ ɞɨɦɢɲʂɚɧ ɧɚ ɩɚɪɱɟ, ɚ ɧɚ ɞɪɭɝɨʁ ɫɬɪɚɧɢ
ɩɭɧ ɩɨɟɬɢɡɚɦɚ, ɨɧ ʁɟ ɦɨɠɞɚ ɧɚɫɬɚɨ ɤɚɨ ɪɚɞɢɤɚɥɧɚ ɩɪɟɪɚɞɚ ɧɟɤɨɝ ɩɪɜɨɛɢɬɧɨɝ
ɫɚɫɬɚɜɚ ɭ ɫɬɢɯɭ. Ɉɜɚʁ ʁɟ ɦɨɝɚɨ ɛɢɬɢ ɜɟɲɬɢʁɟ ɫɪɨɱɟɧ ɢ ɛɚɲ ɡɚɬɨ ɢɡɜɟɞɟɧ ɭɡɞɪɠɚɧɨ,
ɛɟɡ ɞɪɟɱɚɜɢɯ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɨɫɬɢ. ɇɨ, ɞɟɞɢɤɚɧɬɢ ɤɚɨ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɯɬɟɥɢ ɧɟɲɬɨ ɞɪɭɝɨ – ɧɟ
ɫɬɢɥɢɡɨɜɚɧɭ ɫɥɢɤɭ ɧɟɱɢʁɟ ɩɨɝɢɛɢʁɟ, ɧɟɱɢʁɟɝ ɧɟɱɨɜɟɲɬɜɚ, ɧɟɱɢʁɟ ɠɚɥɨɫɬɢ, ɧɟɝɨ
ɦɨɬɢɜ ɢ ɢɫɬɭ ɮɨɪɦɭɥɚɰɢʁɭ ɡɚɬɢɱɟɦɨ ɧɚʁɡɚɞ ɢ ɭ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɟɩɢɝɨɧɫɤɨɦ ɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɨɦ ɫɚɫɬɚɜɭ, Ȼɭɤɨɥɢɤɚɦɚ
ɇɟɦɟɡɢʁɚɧɨɜɢɦ, 1.47 si ßorentes mors invida carperet annos.
75
V. Nedeljkoviü, From Funɟrary Poetry to Vulgar Prose? The Case of IMS 4.39, Illinois Classical
Studies 31 (2006) 114–127.
76
ɍ ɧɢɲɤɭ ɬɜɪɻɚɜɭ ɭɡɢɞɚɧ ʁɟ ɨɜɟʄɢ ɛɪɨʁ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɯ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɤɚ: ɜ. ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ, ɇɢɲ ɭ
ɚɧɬɢɱɤɨ ɞɨɛɚ, 16–18.
77
ɇɚɬɩɢɫ ʁɟ ɜɢɞɟɨ ɢ ɢɡɞɚɨ ȼɭɥɢʄ (ɭ ɋɩɨɦɟɧɢɤɭ ɋɄȺ 47 (1909), ɫɬɪ. 148, ɛɪ. 72, ɫ ɮɚɤɫɢɦɢɥɨɦ);
ɭ IMS ʁɟ ɞɨɧɟɫɟɧ ɛɟɡ ɪɟɜɢɡɢʁɟ (»nous ne l’avons pas trouvé« – ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ, ad loc.) ɢ ɛɟɡ ɢɧɨɜɚɰɢʁɚ.
ɉɨɞɚɬɚɤ ɞɚ ɤɨɞ Ɇ. ȭ. Ɇɢɥɢʄɟɜɢʄɚ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɢ ɮɚɤɫɢɦɢɥ ɬɨɝ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ ɭ ɩɨɬɩɭɧɨ ɨɱɭɜɚɧɨɦ ɫɬɚʃɭ (ɬɚɤɨ
ɉɟɬɪɨɜɢʄ ɭ IMS 4, ɫɬɪ. 15, ɮɭɫɧ. 18) ɧɢʁɟ ɢɫɩɪɚɜɚɧ: ɛɪɨʁ 39 ɬɭ ʁɟ ɲɬɚɦɩɚɧ ɭɦɟɫɬɨ 38.
78
ɋɢɬɧɢɰɟ ɧɚ ɫɬɪɚɧɭ, ɨɜɞɟ ɢɦɚɦɨ ɧɚʁɦɚʃɟ ɞɜɚ ɭɩɚɞʂɢɜɚ ɯɟɤɫɚɦɟɬɚɪɫɤɚ ɫɜɪɲɟɬɤɚ, decepta
juvencli ɢ nefas videre parentes, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɯɟɤɫɚɦɟɬɚɪ ɞɨɩɨɥɚ ɭ qui innocuus vixit.
60 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 45–62

ɫɜɨʁɭ ɜɥɚɫɬɢɬɭ ɬɭɠɧɭ ɩɪɢɱɭ ɭ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɪɟɱɢ. Ⱥɤɨ ʁɟ ɬɚɤɨ, ɨɞ ɩɟɫɦɟ ɤɨʁɭ ɫɭ ɨɧɢ
ɞɪɠɚɥɢ ɞɚ ɦɨɪɚʁɭ ɩɪɟɩɪɚɜɢɬɢ ɨɫɬɚʁɭ ɧɚɦ ɫɚɦɨ ɬɪɚɝɨɜɢ ɤɨʁɢ ɤɚɡɭʁɭ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚɥɚ.

***

ɇɚ ɤɪɚʁɭ ɛɢɯ ɧɚɝɥɚɫɢɨ ʁɨɲ ɞɜɟ ɫɬɜɚɪɢ, ɢɥɢ, ɦɨɞɟɪɧɢʁɟ ɪɟɱɟɧɨ, ɢɡɜɭɤɚɨ ɞɜɟ
ɩɨɟɧɬɟ. Ʉɚɞ ɭ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɦ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ ɬɪɚɠɢɦɨ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɚɧɫɬɜɚ ʁɟɡɢɱɤɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ,
ɬɚɞɚ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɩɪɢ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ ɩɨɫɥɨɜɢɦɚ ɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɦɟ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɭ, ɭɠɢɜɚɦɨ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɟ
ɩɪɟɞɧɨɫɬɢ ɤɨʁɟ ɪɢɦɫɤɚ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɚ ɡɚɨɫɬɚɜɲɬɢɧɚ ɢɫɤɚɡɭʁɟ ɧɚɞ ɧɟɤɢɦ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ
ɜɪɫɬɚɦɚ ɢɡɜɨɪɚ. ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɫɭ ɞɪɚɝɨɰɟɧɢ ɤɚɤɨ ɫɚ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɧɟ ɚɭɬɟɧɬɢɱɧɨɫɬɢ,
ɬɚɤɨ ɢ ɫɚ ɲɢɪɢɧɟ ɢ ɪɚɡɧɨɪɨɞɧɨɫɬɢ ɞɪɭɲɬɜɟɧɢɯ ɝɪɭɩɚ ɢ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɚɰɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ
ɢɯ ɨɫɬɚɜɢɥɢ ɡɚ ɫɨɛɨɦ. Ɍɨɥɢɤɨ ɫɟ, ɜɚʂɞɚ, ɦɨɝɥɨ ɧɚɡɪɟɬɢ ɢ ɢɡ ɦɨɝ ɨɜɞɚɲʃɟɝ
ɢɡɥɚɝɚʃɚ. Ⱦɪɭɝɨ, ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ʁɚɦɚɱɧɨ ɦɚʃɟ ɜɢɞɟɥɨ ɚɥɢ ɫɜɟʁɟɞɧɨ ɜɚɠɢ, ɬɨ ʁɟ ɤɨɪɢɫɬ
ɢ ɭ ɞɪɭɝɨɦ ɫɦɟɪɭ. Ɏɢɥɨɥɨɲɤɢ ɪɚɞ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɲɬɨ ɧɟ ɢɞɟ ɧɚɭɲɬɪɛ ɩɪɢɫɬɭɩɚ ɤɨʁɢ
ɧɭɞɢ ɢ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɤɭʁɟ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɚ ɧɚɭɤɚ, ɜɟʄ ɭɡ ʃɟɝɚ ɞɨɥɚɡɢ ɤɚɨ ɜɪɟɞɧɚ ɢ, ɭ ɩɨɧɟɤɨɦ
ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ, ɛɢɬɧɚ ɞɨɩɭɧɚ. Ɉɞ »ɮɢɥɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ ɦɟɻɭ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢɦɚ«79 ɤɨɪɢɫɬ ɫɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɢɦɚɬɢ
ɜɟʄ ɩɪɢ ɨɛʁɚɜʂɢɜɚʃɭ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɟ ɝɪɚɻɟ. Ɉɛɡɢɪɢ ɬɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ ɦɨɝɭ, ɧɚɢɦɟ, ɞɚ ɭɬɢɱɭ
ɩɨɧɟɤɚɞ ɢ ɧɚ ɫɚɦɨ ɱɢɬɚʃɟ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ – ɞɚ ɧɟ ɫɩɨɦɢʃɟɦ ɲɬɨ ɛɚɪ ɧɚ ʁɟɞɧɨʁ ɜɪɫɬɢ
ɬɟɤɫɬɨɜɚ ɤɨʁɢɯ ɫɦɨ ɫɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɞɨɬɚɤɥɢ, ɧɚ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɦ ɩɟɫɦɚɦɚ, ɨɞ ɩɨɱɟɬɤɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɧɢ
ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨ ɪɚɞɢɬɢ ɛɟɡ ɞɨɛɪɟ ɮɢɥɨɥɨɲɤɟ ɫɩɪɟɦɟ ɢ ɫɬɚɥɧɨɝ ɨɫɥɨɧɰɚ ɧɚ ɮɢɥɨɥɨɲɤɟ
ɩɪɨɰɟɞɭɪɟ.

ɅɂɋɌȺ ɊȿɎȿɊȿɇɐɂ – LIST OF REFERENCES

ɂɡɜɨɪɢ – Primary Sources

AE = L’Année épigraphique.
CGL 5 = G. Goetz, Corpus glossariorum Latinorum, vol. 5: Placidus. Liber glossarum. Glossaria reliqua,
Lipsiae 1894.
CIL = Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum.
CLE = F. Buecheler, Carmina Latina epigraphica, vol. 1: Lipsiae 19302; vol. 2: 1897; vol. 3: E. Lommatsch,
Supplementum, 1926.
DPomp = E. Diehl, Pompeianische Wandinschriften und Verwandtes (Kleine Texte, 56), Bonn 1910.
DVulg = E. Diehl, Vulgärlateinische Inschriften (Kleine Texte, 62), Bonn 1910.
EDH = Epigraphische Datenbank Heidelberg, www.uni-heidelberg.de/institute/sonst/adw/edh/ .
GL = H. Keil, Grammatici Latini, 1–7, Lipsiae 1855–1880.
IDR 2 = D. M. Pippidi, I. I. Russu (edd.), InscripĠiile antice din Dacia úi Scythia Minor, Bucureúti 1975– ,
prvi razred: Inscriptiones Daciae Romanae, vol. 2: G. Florescu, C. C. Petolescu, Pars meridionalis
inter Danuvium et Carpatos montes, 1977.
ILBulg = B. Gerov, Inscriptiones Latinae in Bulgaria repertae, vol. 1.2: Inscriptiones inter Oescum et
Iatrum repertae, Serdicae 1989.
ILCV = E. Diehl, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae veteres, 1–3, Berolini 19612.
79
ɉɪɨɝɪɚɦɫɤɢ ɨ ɬɨɦɟ Marcillet-Jaubert J., Philologie et inscriptions, Revue des études anciennes
42 (1960) 362–382.
ȼɈȳɂɇ ɇȿȾȿȴɄɈȼɂȶ: ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɇɢɲɚ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ … 61

ILJug = A. & J. Šašel, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia... repertae et editae sunt, Ljubljana 1963–
1986: vol. 1: ...inter annos MCMXL et MCMLX... ; vol. 2: ...inter annos MCMLX et MCMLXX... , 1978; vol.
3: ...inter annos MCMII et MCMXL... .
ILLProN = M. Hainzmann, P. Schubert, Inscriptionum lapidariarum Latinarum provinciae Norici usque
ad annum MCMLXXXIV repertarum indices, Berolini, Novi Eboraci 1986– .
ILS = H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, 1–3, Berolini 1892–1916.
IMS = F. Papazoglou (ed.), Inscriptions de la Mésie Superieure, Beograd 1976– : vol. 1: M. Mirkoviü,
S. Dušaniü, Singidunum et le nord-ouest de la province, 1976; vol. 2: M. Mirkoviü, Viminacium
et Margum, 1986; vol. 3.2: P. Petroviü, Timacum Minus et la valée de Timok, 1995; vol. 4: P.
Petroviü, Naissus—Remesiana—Horreum Margi, 1979.
IScM = D. M. Pippidi, I. I. Russu (edd.), InscripĠiile antice din Dacia úi Scythia Minor, Bucureúti 1975– ,
ɞɪɭɝɢ ɪɚɡɪɟɞ: Inscriptiones Scythiae Minoris Graecae et Latinae, vol. 1: D. M. Pippidi, Histria et
vicinia, 1983; vol. 5: E. DoruĠiu-Boilă, Capidava—Troesmis—Noviodunum, 1980.
PL = Patrologia Latina.

Ʌɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ – Secondary Works

Adams J. N., The Regional DiversiÞcation of Latin 200BC–AD600, Cambridge 2007.


Baehrens W. A., Sprachlicher Kommentar zur vulgärlateinischen Appendix Probi, Halle a. d. Saale 1922.
Beševliev V., Spätgriechische und Spätlateinische Inschriften aus Bulgarien, Berlin 1964.
Gradenwitz O., Laterculi vocum Latinarum, Leipzig 1904.
Herman J., Du latin aux langues romanes. Études de linguistique historique, Tübingen 1990.
Hofmann J. B. / Szantyr A., Lateinische Syntax und Stilistik (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft II.2.2),
München 1965.
Hoogma R. P., Der Einßuss Vergils auf die Carmina latina epigraphica. Eine Studie mit besonderer
Berücksichtigung der metrisch-technischen Grundsätze der Entlehnung, Amsterdam 1959.
Kanitz F., Römische Studien in Serbien, Wien 1892.
Kramer J., Von der Papyrologie zur Romanistik (Archiv für Papyrusforschung, Beiheft 30), Berlin / New
York 2010.
Kühner R. / Stegmann C., Ausführliche Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache, II: Satzlehre, 1–2, Hannover
19765.
Leumann M., Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft II.2.1), München
1977.
Löfstedt E., Philologischer Kommentar zur Peregrinatio Aetheriae. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
lateinischen Sprache, Uppsala 1911.
Löfstedt E., Syntactica. Studien und Beiträge zur historischen Syntax des Lateins, ɤʃ. 1: Über einige
Grundfragen der lateinischen Nominalsyntax, Lund 19422.
Loma A., Osamnaest vekova u tri slova: toponim Niš kao živi spomenik prošlosti«, ɭɪ. ɇ. Ȼɨɝɞɚɧɨɜɢʄ, ɍ
ɫɜɟɬɥɭ ɰɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ, ɇɢɲ 1994, 7–26.
Marcillet-Jaubert J., Philologie et inscriptions, Revue des études anciennes 42 (1960) 362–382.
Mihăescu H., La langue latine dans le sud-est de l’Europe, Bucureúti, Paris 1978.
ɇɟɞɟʂɤɨɜɢʄ ȼ., Ɉ ʁɟɡɢɤɭ ɜɨɬɢɜɧɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ ɋɢɧɝɢɞɭɧɭɦɚ, ɭɪ. ȼ. ȳɟɥɢʄ, Sobria ebrietas: ɍ
ɫɩɨɦɟɧ ɧɚ Ɇɢɪɨɧɚ Ɏɥɚɲɚɪɚ (Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɨɝ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬɚ, A20), Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2006, 181–190
[Nedeljkoviü V., O jeziku votivnih natpisa rimskog Singidunuma, ur. V. Jeliü, Sobra ebrietas: U
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62 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 45–62

ɇɟɞɟʂɤɨɜɢʄ ȼ., ɇɚɰɪɬ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɨɝ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨɝ ɜɨɤɚɥɢɡɦɚ ɢ ɩɪɨɡɨɞɢʁɟ, ɇɨɜɢ ɋɚɞ, ɋɪɟɦɫɤɢ Ʉɚɪɥɨɜɰɢ 2008
[Nedeljkoviü V., Nacrt klasiþnog latinskog vokalizma i prozodije, Novi Sad, Sremski Karlovci 2008].
ɇɟɞɟʂɤɨɜɢʄ ȼ., ɍɜɨɞ ɭ ɩɪɨɭɱɚɜɚʃɟ ɜɭɥɝɚɪɧɨɝ ɥɚɬɢɧɢɬɟɬɚ, ɤʃ. 1: Ɏɟɧɨɦɟɧɨɥɨɝɢʁɚ ɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ
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North Africa, Britain, Dalmatia, and the Balkans, Chapel Hill 1977.
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Rönsch H., Itala und Vulgata. Das Sprachidiom der urchristlichen Itala und der katholischen Vulgata unter
Berücksichtigung der römischen Volkssprache, Marburg 21875.
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Väänänen V., Introduction au latin vulgaire, Paris 19813.

Vojin Nedeljkoviï
(University of Belgrade – Faculty of Philosophy)

FEATURES OF VULGAR LATIN IN THE INSCRIPTIONS OF NAISSUS

The epigraphic material from the region of Naissus, in spite of its relative scar-
city and poor state of preservation, offers valuable examples of Vulgar Latin usage.
Interesting phenomena include an instance of the imperial name Pertinax in the form
Pertenax, which may be due to a vulgar reinterpretation of the name (‘Very Tough’,
cf. Constans, Valens, sim.) and may imply rhizotony (Perténax); the adjective su-
perstantes ‘survivors’, apparently the issue of two consequent vulgar developments,
superstes > superstens (hypercorrect spelling) > superstans (false analogy); an isosyl-
labic 3rd declension nominative singular, Melioris (from the name Melior), as well
as a 3rd decl. dative singular generi from the 2nd decl. noun gener ‘son-in-law’; an
early borrowing from Germanic, brutes ‘daughter-in-law’; a ‘weak’ future participle,
sequiture, for secuturae; the bastard noun volumptas, cf. voluntas and voluptas; a
correlative construction with sic...sic for quemadmodum...sic; and the verb adjuva-
re followed by a dative, which illustrates a vulgarism known from the Glossaries.
ȼɈȳɂɇ ɇȿȾȿȴɄɈȼɂȶ: ɇɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɇɢɲɚ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ … 63

Another kind of vulgarity, which is rather a matter of simplicity than purely linguistic
incompetence, is found in cases such as an epitaph whose dedicator calls herself bene
merita; or a semi-metric inscription—a commaticum—whose actual text may be the
outcome of tampering with a regular epigraphic poem.
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ L, 2013
Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’études byzantines L, 2013

UDC: 730:725.826(495.02):94(495.02)"03"
DOI: 10.2298/ZRVI1350065S

PAUL STEPHENSON
(Radboud University, Nijmegen)

THE SKYLLA GROUP IN CONSTANTINOPLE’S HIPPODROME


The Skylla group was among the most famous bronze sculptures installed in
the hippodrome at Constantinople. This paper suggests that the Skylla was a feature of
Constantinople at its re-foundation, but perhaps originally stood facing the Bosphorus.
In around AD 400 it was moved to the hippodrome where it stood until its destruction in
1204, and where it may for some time have served as a fountain.
Keywords: Skylla, Sculpture, Hippodrome, Harbour, Fountain

The Skylla group was among the most famous bronze sculptures installed at
Constantinople. It was well placed on the central reservation of Constantinople’s
hippodrome, because the spina comprised seven water basins and was called euripos
after the water channel between Attika and Euboea. The Skylla was closely associated
with a narrow strait: she prowled one shore of a narrow channel, traditionally identiÞed
as the Strait of Messina, opposite the whirlpool Charybdis. Sculpture groups featuring
the Skylla were placed in artiÞcial water features in Roman villas and grottos, imperial
and aristocratic, notably in Italy. Most famously, a fragmentary marble version of the
Skylla group was discovered in 1957 at Sperlonga, at a villa held to have been owned
by the emperor Tiberius.1 It was placed on an island in the central pool of a grotto facing
a triclinium, or dining area.2 The group was reconstructed by the sculptor S. Bertelin,
advised by B. Andreae and B. Conticello, and since then a digital recreation has been
1
Notably by Andreae in various publications since the discovery of the fragments in 1957, includ-
ing at B. Andreae, Laokoon und die Gründung Roms, Mainz 1988, 69–70; Idem, Odysseus. Mythos und
Errinerung, Mainz 1999, 205–6. See also Stewart 1977, with a lengthy argument for Tiberius' ownership.
However, the grotto should not be understood to have been owned by Tiberius simply because he is known
to have been dining there during a tragic rock-fall in AD 26.
2
A. Kuttner, Delight and danger in the Roman water garden: Sperlonga and Tivoli, ed. M. Conan,
Landscape Design and the Experience of Motion, Washington D.C. 2003, 121, has suggested that the beast
devouring men might be seen as a humorous allusion to dining, and might have said the same for nearby
Polyphemos and the wine-sack. See also B. A. Robinson, Histories of Peirene. A Corinthian Fountain in
Three Millennia, Princeton and Athens 2011, 240–2.
66 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 65–74

produced by A. Tayfun Öner.3 Skylla emerges from the water beside Odysseus’ ship,
its stern rising up near her right hand, which is clasping the head of the steersman,
and in her left a the steering oar which she wields above her head as a weapon. Her
two writhing Þsh trails grasp Odysseus’ travelling companions, pulled from the boat,
which the dogs around her waste are mauling and biting. Odysseus stands behind the
doomed steersman holding his sword and shield.4
This is the not the form of the Skylla described by Homer, but rather follows
a later type, which had emerged by the Þfth century BC, as a terracotta from Melos
now in the British Museum demonstrates (Þg. 1). It was the preferred Roman form,
as described by Virgil (Aeneid 3. 427–8), and Ovid (Metamorphoses 13. 898–968).5
Andreae has dubbed the composition the Sperlonga – Constantinople type, because
he believed that the Sperlonga group was based on a Hellenistic bronze original,
probably from Rhodes, and perhaps the very one later installed in Constantinople.6 A
second type, a sculptural group reconstructed from marble fragments preserved from
Hadrian’s villa at Tivoli, lacked a boat. Nonetheless, it was placed on an island in a
scenic canal artiÞcial lake. Similarly, Domitian placed a Skylla group in a round pool
in the gardens of his villa at Castel Gandolfo.7
Let us trace the history of Constantinople’s Skylla group backwards from the
moment of its destruction. Niketas Choniates, writing shortly after the sack of the
city in 1204, described ‘the ancient Skylla’ of Constantinople as she appeared when
she was destroyed by the forces of the Fourth Crusade. She was ‘depicted leaning
forward as she leapt into Odysseus’ ships and devoured many of his companions: in
female form down to the waist, huge-breasted and full of savagery, and below the
waist divided into beasts of prey.’8 The Patria Konstantinoupoleos, compiled at the
very end of the tenth century, conÞrms that the boat was part of the ensemble and
suggests that seven men were depicted, being Odysseus and the six companions that
he allowed Skylla to devour.9
3
Andreae, Laokoon, 69–134. See also G. Säßund, The Polyphemus and Scylla Groups at Sperlonga,
Stockholm 1972. The digital recreation can be seen at A. Berger, Hippodrome in Folklore and Legend, ed.
B. Pitarakis, Hippodrom / Atmeydanõ. A stage for Istanbul's history, 2 vols., Istanbul 2010, 198, Þg. 11.1,
and online (last accessed 3 July 2013), http://www.byzantium1200.com/hipodrom.html
4
Andreae, Laokoon, 76–86, provides expansive description and analysis of the Sperlonga frag-
ments, which is reprised more brießy but with better photos at Andreae, Odysseus, 205–15.
5
It was this form of the Skylla that would re-appear in the Latin west, in a rare, perhaps unique
fresco at Corvey, dated to c. AD 850–900. Here Skylla is not slaying Odysseus' men, but rather being slain
by Odysseus, who pierces her with a spear in the manner of a warrior saint. See G. Hanfmann, The Scylla
of Corvey and her Ancestors, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 21 (1987) 249–60.
6
Andreae, Laokoon, 100–1, 115–17, 118–21. For criticism of Andreae's theories see B. S. Ridgway,
Laokoon and the foundation of Rome, Journal of Roman Archaeology 2 (1989).
7
For the extensive literature on the Roman villas, notably at Tivoli and Sperlonga, see Kuttner,
Delight and danger, and Robinson, Histories of Peirene, 239–45, with notes.
8
Nicetae Choniatae Historiae, ed. J.-A. Van Dieten, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, Berlin
and New York 1975, 651. The references to Skylla in medieval Greek sources are collected by Andreae,
Laokoon, 108–11; S. Bassett, The Urban Image of Late Antique Constantinople, Cambridge 2004, 218–
219; Berger, Hippodrome, 197–8.
9
According to Homer, Odyssey, 12.85–110, who tells the tale Þrst, the beast had six necks and
heads, each with three rows of teeth that would seize a man. Up to her middle she was hidden in a grotto.
This form is shown, albeit with only three of the six necks, in the Chiusi ivory (dated to c. 600 BC).
See Buitron D., Cohen B. and Austin N., The Odyssey and Ancient Art: An Epic in Word and Image,
PAUL STEPHENSON: The Skylla Group in Constantinople’s hippodrome 67

And there is another [statue] which includes a boat: some say it is Skylla who
devours men from Charybdis. And there is Odysseus whose head she holds in
her hand. Others say this is the Earth and the Sea and the seven ages which are
devoured by the deluge, and the present age is the seventh.10

The Þrst interpretation is incorrect to identify Odysseus in Skylla’s grip, for we


know this to have been the steersman. In the alternative, prophetic interpretation, each
man represented an age, six of which have passed, and the last – presumably this is
Odysseus, the only man not in the Skylla’s grip – will soon join them.
In the eighth century, the Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai devoted six chapters
to the statues of Constantinople’s hippodrome, comprising various enigmatic allusions
to monuments that can or cannot easily be identiÞed.11 Among these are the so-called
‘Dragon Statue’ (IJઁ įȡĮțȠȞIJĮ૙ȠȞ) and ‘Epigram of the Medes’ (IJ૵Ȟ Ȃ੾įȦȞ IJȠ૨ ਥȜİ-
ȖİȓȠȣ). The latter is often taken to mean the Serpent Column, which was inscribed
with a list of Greek cities who defeated the Persians, i.e., Medes. The Parastaseis
states the following of the drakontaion:

Philip the dynast expounded many things, in the course of which he passed
this on: that while the drakontaion is a likeness (ਥțIJȪʌȦȝȐ) of Arkadios, it is a
display (ਥʌȓįİȚȟȚȢ) of his brother Honorius reigning in Rome.12

It has been suggested that the drakontaion refers to the Skylla group, and
therefore that it was installed on the euripos by Arkadios (ektypoma being either his
‘erection’ or ‘likeness’, both possible translations offered by Cameron and Herrin, and
contrasted with epideixis). ‘Likeness’ seems a perfectly sensible English translation
in the context of this work, for the authors of the Parastaseis set themselves the task
of identifying for each statue both its historical and prophetical meanings, only some
of which had hitherto been revealed.13 For example, a statue of an elephant in the
Basilika was revealed to have been a metaphor for Justinian II’s use of barbarians
to regain the throne, but also for his subsequent inability to control them. By the
same reasoning, the ‘likeness’ of the Skylla, may have been taken as a metaphor for
Arkadios’ victory over the Goths, in 401, and for the decapitation of the Gothic king
Gainas, whose head was sent to the emperor. Skylla, as we have noted, was gripping
the head of the steersman in one hand, while she wielded his steering oar as a weapon,
as if to behead him.
Annendale-on-Hudson, New York 1992, 136–49; Andreae, Odysseus, 303–4; Robinson, Histories of
Peirene, 239.
10
Patria II.77, ed. T. Preger, Scriptores Originum Constantinopolitanarum, Leipzig 1901–1907,
190.
11
Constantinople in the early eighth century: the Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai, 60–65, edd. A.
M. Cameron and J. Herrin, Leiden 1984, 136–47, 248–60.
12
Parastaseis 62, edd. Cameron, Herrin, 138–41, 250, 252.
13
B. Anderson, ClassiÞed knowledge: the epistemology of statuary in the Parastaseis Syntomoi
Chronikai, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 35 (2011) 1–19, suggests that the 'philosophers' of the
city, who compiled the work as a dossier through the eighth century, were compelled by those objects that
would reveal their true meanings through time, like the elephant that had revealed the fate of Justinian II.
68 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 65–74

However, Skylla cannot be seen on extant illustrations of the Column of


Arkadios, as has frequently been claimed. The column depicted the celebration of
Arkadios’ victory over Gainas, and which was completed in the early decades of the
Þfth century, featured on the lowest spiral of its winding narrative frieze, illustrations
of the Forum of Constantine and its statues as they must have appeared at the end
of the fourth century. It has frequently, and mistakenly, been stated that this is the
hippodrome. On the eastern side of the Column of Arkadios, depicted immediately
to the left the schematic sketch of the circular forum, is a male upper torso wielding
a club, who in the place of legs has two writhing serpents. This is a typical depiction
of a giant, at least since the Hellenistic period, who appears to be engaged in combat
with another male Þgure, around whose arm a beast, or a living pelt, is wrapped. This
is clear in a high-resolution illustration supplied by Trinity College Cambridge (The
FreshÞeld Album, Trinity College Library Cambridge, MS 0117.2) (Þg. 2).14
The identiÞcation of the Parastaseis’ drakontaion as the Skylla is plausible,
therefore, but far from certain.15 Indeed, the identiÞcation appears to be undermined
by the fact that the Parastaseis has just described the Skylla group, referring to it not
as a dragon, but as ‘among the female statues ... giving birth to wild beasts that devour
men’, referring thus to the serpents and dogs issuing from parts of the she-beast. The
group is ‘accompanied also by a boat’ and it ‘reveals the story of the godless Justinian’,
meaning the second reign of Justinian II (705–11).16 However, if one accepts that the
Parastaseis was a compilation which reßected various opinions on the same objects,
and notes that we are expressly told that the drakontaion was interpreted by ‘Philip the
dynast’, then this duplication need not be an obstacle to identiÞcation.
The Skylla was already on the euripos in c. 500, when a satirical poem preserved
in the Greek Anthology (XI. 271) reveals that an iron statue of Anastasios was placed
near to it:

Near to Skylla they set up cruel Charybdis, this savage ogre Anastasios. Have
fear in your heart Skylla, lest he devour you too, turning a brazen goddess into
small change.

Anastasios was famous for his parsimony, and reputed to have melted down
statues to mint coins. Another epigram has been preserved in the Greek Anthology:

On Skylla in Bronze. Unless the bronze glistened and betrayed the work to be
a product of Hephiastos’ cunning art, one looking from afar would think that
14
See Bardill J., The monuments and decoration of the hippodrome in Constantinople, ed. B.
Pitarakis, Hippodrom / Atmeydanõ. A stage for Istanbul's history, 2 vols., Istanbul 2010, 168, 181; and
Bassett, Urban Image, 229, who have followed FreshÞeld himself in interpreting the lowest spiral as de-
picting the hippodrome rather than the forum, and therefore have misinterpreted the giant as a depiction
of Skylla.
15
Parastaseis 62, edd. Cameron, Herrin, 138–9, 140–1, suggesting that the Skylla may be the
drakontaion. Bassett, Urban Image, 215–16, 227–9, has provided reasons to support this identiÞcation.
16
Parastaseis 61, edd. Cameron, Herrin, 138–9, 250–1.
PAUL STEPHENSON: The Skylla Group in Constantinople’s hippodrome 69

Skylla herself stood there, transferred from sea to land, so threatening is her
gesture, such wrath does she exhibit, as if dashing ships to pieces in the sea.17
It is clear that the Skylla here described was accompanied by a boat, and
therefore was of the type identiÞed by Andreae as the Sperlonga – Constantinople
type.
If it was on the euripos of the hippodrome by AD 500, there is clear evidence
that the Skylla group was already in Constantinople in the fourth century. A epigram
attributed to Palladas, but preserved only in a Latin translation collated in c. AD 400 in
the Epigrammata Bobiensia, is entitled ‘On the Skylla in the circus at Constantinople’:
There is fear that the gnashing Skylla has been set up in this manner near the
coast, O Caesar; fashion restraints before (she strikes). For the excellence of the
breathing bronze has the power to deceive, that she might seize the sailor before
he is on his guard.18
The hippodrome is, perhaps, sufÞciently close to the sea to justify the rhetorical
claim that real sailors would join those cast in bronze in falling victim to the Skylla.
Certainly, the Sphendone, but not the euripos, might have been visible from the shore
of the Sea of Marmara. However, it may also be taken to indicate that the Skylla was
placed Þrst ‘near the coast’ (prope littoram), when the epigram was composed, and
subsequently ‘in the circus’ (in circo), when it was copied into the collection and
given an identifying title.
The epigram must have been translated into Latin from the Greek original
before 400. If the Greek epigram was the work of Palladas, as scholars believe, then
the Skylla will have been present in Constantinople when he wrote.19 Kevin Wilkinson
has recently argued that the epigrams of Palladas date from the reign of Constantine,
which would place the Skylla among those bronzes brought to Constantinople by
agents despatched by the emperor to Greece, whose plunder included the ‘Delphic
Tripods’. If we retain a late fourth-century date for Palladas, we must still conclude
that the Skylla group was in the city before 400, and possibly decades earlier. Either it
was an original feature in the hippodrome, or it was located near the coast in the reign
of Constantine, and it was transferred to the hippodrome before c. 400. The latter
solution appears better to Þt the available evidence.
It is perfectly possible that the citizens of Byzantion had erected a statue of
Skylla by their harbour. This appears to have been a common practice among
17
Greek Anthology ed. and trans. W. Paton (Cambridge, MA and London, 1916–18) 9.755. See
also G. Becatti, La colonna coclide istoriata. Problemi storici, iconograÞci, stilistici, Rome 1960, 200–2;
Alan Cameron, The Greek Anthology from Meleager to Planudes, Oxford 1993, 94; Berger, Hippodrome,
204, n. 15. Clearly, this is distinct from the earlier Latin epigram and its Greek original attributed to
Palladas.
18
Epigrammata Bobiensia, ed. W. Speyer, Leipzig 1963, 62, no. 51: In Scyllam Constantinopolitanum
in circo: Frendentem Scyllam metus est prope litoris oram / sic sisti, Caesar: vincula necte prius. / nam
potis est virtus spirantis fallere aeni, / ut prius astringat [arripiat?], navita quam caveat. K. Wilkinson,
Palladas and the foundation of Constantinople, Journal of Roman Studies 100 (2010) 181, provides the
translation. See also Cameron, Greek Anthology, 93–5.
19
Wilkinson, Palladas and the foundation of Constantinople, 191–2.
70 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 65–74

sea-faring cities, and one might note further that Byzantion sat at the end of a narrow
channel, such as that over which the Skylla was held to preside at Messina. Moreover,
Skylla had long been a symbol for naval victory, since Pompey Þrst defeated the
pirates. For this reason, the reign of Constantine again suggests itself as an appropriate
time for the placement of the Skylla in Constantinople, for Constantine (in fact his son
Crispus) had enjoyed a great victory in the Hellespont in 324, weeks before his Þnal
victory at Chrysopolis. This would lead us to wonder whether the Skylla was placed
on the coast facing the Sea of Marmara. According to the Patria, Constantine was
responsible for the harbour later completed by Theodosios and which bears the latter’s
name.20 Scholars, following C. Mango, are now generally agreed that Constantine,
like the citizens of Byzantion, relied upon the two smaller ports on the Golden
Horn, the Neorion and Prosphorion.21 This may be elucidated when the full results
of excavations at Yenikapõ are published, but in any event the Skylla need not have
graced a large harbour, nor even some basic moorings, to be ‘prope littoram’. It is
conceivable that when Theodosios excavated the artiÞcial harbour that took his name,
Skylla was moved from that location to the hippodrome. In this regard, it is interesting
to note that a number of contorniates, bronze medallions produced for aristocrats to
distribute as new year gifts, were produced under Theodosios showing the Skylla, and
the form she takes echoes both surviving examples and the descriptions provided by
later sources.22
Throughout the Byzantine period, from as early as the fourth century until its
destruction in 1204, the Skylla stood in the hippodrome. Placed in one of the seven
water basins of the euripos, the Skylla stood in line with several features that served
for some time as fountains, including the Theodosian Obelisk, Masonry Obelisk
and the Serpent Column.23 It is possible that the Skylla also served as a fountain.
Since no trace of the Skylla group survives, we cannot prove this hypothesis, but it is
20
Patria, II. 63; III.91, ed. Preger, II, 184–5 and 248, states that Constantine set up a marble statue
of Eleutherios, and presumably also other pertinent monuments; it continues to note that Theodosios I
Þlled up the harbour. See also R. Janin, Constantinople byzantine. Développement urbain et répertoire
topographique, 2nd edition, Paris 1964, 225–7; W. Müller-Wiener, Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls,
Tübingen 1977, 60–1. But see Codex Theodosianus XV.1.23. Far too much is attributed to Constantine in
the patriographical works that was undertaken by others, and they are bound up by the ninth century with
legends of Constantine the Great. Most recently see Anderson, ClassiÞed knowledge.
21
C. Mango, Le développment urbain de Constantinople (IVe-VIIe siècles), Paris 1985, 38–40,
55 n. 25, contra Janin, Constantinople, 226, and others. Mango states that the Theodosian harbour was
abandoned, allowed to silt up and given over little by little to gardens between the seventh and Þfteenth
centuries. Recent excavations contradict the impression that the harbour fell out of use so early. See also
A. Berger, Der Langa Bostanõ in Istanbul, Istanbuler Mitteilungen 43 (1993) 467–77.
22
Alföldi A., Die Kontorniaten, 2 vols., Berlin and New York 1943, 112, and plate XXVII; Alföldi
and Alföldi, Die Kontorniat-medallions, revised edition, Budapest 1976, 1990, I, 201, nos. 83–86; II, 61,
156–7, plates 63–4. Contorniates are known to have been produced between 356 and 394, after which
Theodosios is alleged to have suppressed them, due to their pagan iconography. Others featured two
sculpture groups not otherwise known at Constantinople, but famous from Þnds at Rome: Laokoon, and
the Farnese Bull. See Andreae, Laokoon, 106–7, and Þgs. 31–4. It seems probable, therefore, that the
contorniate of Skylla reßects a sculpture then present in Rome, similar to that at Sperlonga, and it re-
mains possible that this Skylla, perhaps but not necessarily the Skylla group in the hippodrome, arrived in
Constantinople after c. 354 but before c. 400. This would Þt with the later tradition that Honorius sent a
Skylla sculpture to his brother Arkadios.
23
P. Stephenson, The Serpent Column fountain, edd. P. Stephenson, B. Shilling, Fountains of New
Rome, Cambridge 2015, forthcoming.
PAUL STEPHENSON: The Skylla Group in Constantinople’s hippodrome 71

worth pondering because it has recently been suggested that the Skylla was brought
to Constantinople from Corinth, where it had stood for at least two centuries within a
fountain basin.24
B. Robinson has argued that a statue of the Skylla was placed in the sunken
courtyard, the hypaithos krene, at Peirene during the second century AD, after which
it appeared on a series of coins struck by the Antonines and Severans.25 ‘An issue of
Septimius Severus poses a typical Þgure of Scylla with her basin beside a standard
representation of the nymph Peirene seated upon a rock’, indicating location. On
coins of Lucius Verus and Septimius Severus a more elaborate setting is indicated,
the Skylla ßanked by two Tritons is placed within a square with a scenic facade
represented along its top, surely representing a courtyard. Numismatists were the Þrst
to suggest that the Skylla was placed in the courtyard of the Peirene fountain, and
Robinson agrees, observing that a spout extended to the middle of the hypaithos krene,
risking loss of hydraulic head to service a large fountain and sculpture group placed
in a basin.26 One cannot determine whether the water ßowed through or behind the
sculpture, although since it could be viewed from all sides from above, a pipe placed
within the group would have been more pleasing. No traces of the Skylla have been
found at Corinth (in contrast to Sperlonga or Tivoli, for example). Robinson suggests
reasons for this, if any are needed: that it was in bronze, not marble (like those others
for which fragments might be left), and that it was taken to Constantinople in the
fourth century, shortly after it ceases to appear on Corinthian coins.
In 1927 and 1928, excavations along the axis of the hippodrome, for 48 metres
both parallel to and at right angles to the posited line of the euripos, revealed many
water conduits. According to Stanley Casson, the director of excavations for Oxford
University and the British Academy, seven water conduits were identiÞed in the
vicinity of the Serpent Column, which stood close to the Skylla.27 Perhaps the Skylla
was connected to a pipe that allowed water to ßow to it from a conduit. No source
records that the Skylla served as a fountain, but nor do extant sources reveal that
the obelisks were fountains, although one can still see traces of their plumbing, for
example at the base of the Masonry Obelisk (Þg. 3).28 According to Casson, a trench
large enough to admit a man ran beneath the obelisk, which would have allowed for
the drilling and plumbing of the base. It is drilled along its vertical axis, under which
24
Robinson, Histories of Peirene, 234–9.
25
Robinson, Histories of Peirene, 234–9. For coins showing the Corinthian Skylla fountain discov-
ered at Corinth, see Edwards K., Chase G., Fowler H., Robinson D., Coins, 1896–1929, Corinth 6 (1933)
9, 36, 38, and plate V (no.192 and 214).
26
Robinson, Histories of Peirene, 349, n. 1, lists pertinent works.
27
Casson S. et al., Preliminary report upon the excavations carried out in the hippodrome of
Constantinople in 1927 on behalf of the British Academy, London 1928, 25–6. These had nothing to do
with the seven water basins identiÞed in the hippodrome in the tenth century, on which see C. Mango,
L’Euripe de l’Hippodrome de Constantinople, Revue des Études Byzantines 7 (1949) 180–93.
28
We know less about the Theodosian Obelisk, as excavations at its base were not so extensive.
Casson, Preliminary report, 14–15, reported Þnding a 'water conduit of small dimensions ... [that] was
identical in type and size with that at the 'Column of Porphyrogenitus', and like it [ran] exactly along the
axis'. However, it is clear that the Theodosian Obelisk also served as a fountain, and this is explored by
G. Bruns, Der Obelisk und seine Basis auf dem Hippodrom zu Konstantinopel, Istanbuler Forschungen
7 (1935) 85–6.
72 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 65–74

the man-sized tunnel ran, and has four intersecting horizontal drillings that meet at the
vertical axis, and which were Þtted with lead pipes ‘of a type often used in Byzantine
buildings’, but with no discernible markings reported. ‘This at once made it clear that
the monolithic pedestal served as a four-spouted fountain. The excavation outside the
podium on the north-west produced, at the level of the podium itself, fragments of
loose mosaic, and it seems possible that there were basins of mosaic into which the
water fell.’29
The Serpent Column is described as a fountain only centuries after it ceased
to operate, but it is clear that it once expelled water from its base. This much is still
apparent from the base of the coils, where a large hole punctures the bronze, below
which the marble base has been carved to form a channel (Þg. 4). In Casson’s words,
the ‘basis of the Serpent Column is of peculiar importance in this connexion, since
it proves to be founded not on masonry at all, but upon a water-conduit which runs
at right-angles to the axis, and which is itself bedded in the yellow clay’, a layer that
deÞnes the Byzantine levels of the hippodrome, at that time beneath 4.5m of black
earth. The Serpent Column stood in a tank constructed simply from rubble lined with
mortar, from which a larger conduit allowed the water to run off. The column had
been raised on a marble base, which Casson determined to be ‘an old column capital
trimmed and reused’. A hole had been bored in this, through which is it possible to
look up from the conduit inside and through the column itself’. Casson conjectured
that a lead pipe would have been inserted in this hole.30 A single Þstula about a metre
long, which happens to be the only Byzantine stamped lead pipe ever discovered
during excavations in Constantinople, had earlier been found within the Serpent
Column.31 If the obelisks and Serpent Column were all plumbed to serve as fountains,
it is possible that the Skylla also served as a fountain, even if it the sculpture group
was not brought from Corinth.

ɅɂɋɌȺ ɊȿɎȿɊȿɇɐɂ – LIST OF REFERENCES


ɂɡɜɨɪɢ – Primary Sources
Constantinople in the early eighth century: the Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai, edd. A. M. Cameron and
J. Herrin, Leiden 1984.
Greek Anthology ed. and trans. W. Paton, Cambridge, MA and London, 1916–18.
Epigrammata Bobiensia, ed. W. Speyer, Leipzig 1963.
Nicetae Choniatae Historiae, ed. J.-A. Van Dieten, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, Berlin and New
York 1972.

29
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30
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31
O. Frick, Da plataeische Weihgeschenk zu Konstantinopel, Jahrbücher für classische Philologie,
Dritter Supplementband (1857–60) 550–1. See now Crow J., Bardill J., Bayliss R., The Water Supply of
Byzantine Constantinople, Journal of Roman Studies Monograph 11 (2008) 142.
PAUL STEPHENSON: The Skylla Group in Constantinople’s hippodrome 73

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Andreae B., Odysseus. Mythos und Errinerung, Mainz 1999.
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Hippodrom / Atmeydanõ. A stage for Istanbul’s history, 2 vols., Istanbul 2010, 149–184.
Bassett S., The Urban Image of Late Antique Constantinople, Cambridge 2004.
Becatti G., La colonna coclide istoriata. Problemi storici, iconograÞci, stilistici, Rome 1960.
Berger ǹ., Der Langa Bostanõ in Istanbul, Istanbuler Mitteilungen 43 (1993) 467–77.
Berger A., Hippodrome in Folklore and Legend, ed. B. Pitarakis, Hippodrom / Atmeydanõ. A stage for
Istanbul’s history, 2 vols., Istanbul 2010, 194–205.
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in 1927 on behalf of the British Academy, London 1928.
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Supplementband (1857–60) 485–556.
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Mango C., L’Euripe de l’Hippodrome de Constantinople, Revue des Études Byzantines 7 (1949) 180–93.
Müller-Wiener W., Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls, Tübingen 1977.
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74 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 65–74

ǠǿǼ ǢȃǹdzǶǾȂǿǾ
(Ɋɚɞɛɨɭɞ ɍɧɢɜɟɪɡɢɬɟɬ, ɇɚʁɦɟɝɟɧ)

ȽɊɍɉȺ ɋɄɂɅȺ ɇȺ ɐȺɊɂȽɊȺȾɋɄɈɆ ɏɂɉɈȾɊɈɆɍ

Ƚɪɭɩɚ ɋɤɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɚ ʁɟɞɧɚ ɨɞ ɧɚʁɱɭɜɟɧɢʁɢɯ ɛɪɨɧɡɚɧɢɯ ɫɤɭɥɩɬɭɪɚ ɧɚ


ɯɢɩɨɞɪɨɦɭ ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ. ɍ ɱɥɚɧɤɭ ɫɟ ɩɪɟɞɥɚɠɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɋɤɢɥɚ ɫɦɚɬɪɚ ɨɛɟɥɟɠʁɟɦ
ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɚ, ɨɞ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɝ ɨɫɧɢɜɚʃɚ, ɚɥɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɪɜɨɛɢɬɧɨ ɫɬɚʁɚɥɚ ɨɤɪɟɧɭɬɚ ɩɪɟɦɚ
Ȼɨɫɮɨɪɭ. Ɉɤɨ 400. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɦɟɲɬɟɧɚ ɧɚ ɯɢɩɨɞɪɨɦ, ɝɞɟ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɚ ɞɨ ɫɜɨɝ
ɭɧɢɲɬɟʃɚ 1204, ɢ ɝɞɟ ʁɟ ɦɨɠɞɚ ɧɟɤɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɫɥɭɠɢɥɚ ɤɚɨ ɮɨɧɬɚɧɚ.
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ L, 2013
Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’études byzantines L, 2013

ɍȾɄ: 338.1:94](495.02)"04"
DOI: 10.2298/ZRVI1350075D

ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ
(ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɢ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭ ɋȺɇɍ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ)

ɂɁ ɉɊɂȼɊȿȾɇȿ ɂɋɌɈɊɂȳȿ ȼɂɁȺɇɌɂȳɋɄɈȽ


ɋȺɊȾȺ ɍ V ȼȿɄɍ*
ɂɦɚʁɭʄɢ ɨɫɥɨɧɚɰ ɭ ɲɢɪɟɦ ɩɨɝɥɟɞɭ ɧɚ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ, ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɟ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɟ ɜɢɬɚɥ-
ɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɟ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɟ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɭ, ɞɟɥɢɦɢɱɧɨ ɢ ɭ
ɨɫɜɪɬɢɦɚ ɧɚ ɪɟɥɟɜɚɧɬɧɟ ɨɫɨɛɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɩɨɪɟɬɤɚ, ɪɚɞ ɧɚ-
ɝɨɜɟɲɬɚɜɚ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬ ʁɟɞɧɟ ɧɨɜɟ ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢʁɟ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɢɯ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢ
ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ 459. ɞɨɜɟɥɟ ɞɨ ɫɤɥɚɩɚʃɚ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ ɟɤɞɢɤɚ ɢ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢɯ
ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ.
Ʉʂɭɱɧɟ ɪɟɱɢ: ɋɚɪɞ, ɪɚɧɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɚ, ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ, ɩɟɬɢ ɜɟɤ, ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɚ
ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɚ.

Supported by broader sighting at economic, social and other vital historic structures
of Sardis in Early byzantine period, partly by digressions at relevant singularities of
the contemporary urban order itself, the paper tries to suggest a new interpretation of
economic and other circumstances which in 459. led to signing an agreement between
ekdikos and builders of Sardis.
Keywords: Sardis, Early Byzantium, sardian agreement, Þfth century, byzantine
economy.

Ɋɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɋɚɪɞ, ɭɛɪɨʁɟɧ ɦɟɻɭ ɧɚʁɛɨɝɚɬɢʁɟ ɢ ɧɚʁɦɧɨɝɨʂɭɞɧɢʁɟ


ɝɪɚɞɨɜɟ ɦɚɥɨɚɡɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ, ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜ ʁɟ ɡɚ ɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚɱɚ ɭ
ɦɧɨɝɢɦ ɫɜɨʁɢɦ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɢɦɚ ɱɢʁɟ ɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚʃɟ ɞɨɩɭɲɬɚ ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧɚ ɢɡɜɨɪɧɚ ɝɪɚɻɚ
– ɤɚɨ ɩɥɨɞɧɨ ɬɥɟ ɰɜɟɬɚʃɚ ɜɢɲɟ ɡɧɚɱɚʁɧɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɤɢɯ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɢɯ
ɚɤɬɢɜɧɨɫɬɢ, ɤɚɨ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɨɞ ɦɚɥɨɚɡɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɫɚ ɬɢɩɢɱɧɢɦ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɦ
ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɨ-ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɦ ɩɨɪɟɬɤɨɦ, ɤɚɨ ɫɟɞɢɲɬɟ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ, ɬɟ
* ɑɥɚɧɚɤ ɫɚɞɪɠɢ ɞɟɨ ɪɟɡɭɥɬɚɬɚ ɧɚɫɬɚɥɢɯ ɧɚ ɩɪɨʁɟɤɬɭ ɛɪ. 177032 Ɍɪɚɞɢɰɢʁɚ, ɢɧɨɜɚɰɢʁɚ ɢ
ɢɞɟɧɬɢɬɟɬ ɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɫɜɟɬɭ, ɤɨʁɢ ɩɨɞɪɠɚɜɚ Ɇɢɧɢɫɬɚɪɫɬɜɨ ɩɪɨɫɜɟɬɟ, ɧɚɭɤɟ ɢ ɬɟɯɧɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ
ɪɚɡɜɨʁɚ Ɋɟɩɭɛɥɢɤɟ ɋɪɛɢʁɟ.
Ɂɚɯɜɚʂɭʁɟɦ ɧɚʁɫɪɞɚɱɧɢʁɟ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɨɪɭ Ʉ. Ɏɨɫɭ ɧɚ ɞɪɚɝɨɰɟɧɢɦ ɫɚɜɟɬɢɦɚ ɤɨɪɢɫɧɢɦ ɡɚ ɩɢɫɚʃɟ
ɨɜɨɝ ɪɚɞɚ.
76 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɞɨɧɟɤɥɟ ɢ ɤɚɨ ɩɨɩɪɢɲɬɟ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɢɯ ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜɢɯ ɡɛɢɜɚʃɚ ɢɡ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɤɟ ɢ ɜɟɪɫɤɟ


ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ.1
ɇɟɪɚɡɞɜɨʁɢɜ ɢ ɢɫɬɚɤɧɭɬ ɮɪɚɝɦɟɧɬ ɭ ɫɤɥɨɩɭ ɨɜɟ ɩɪɨɛɥɟɦɚɬɢɤɟ ʁɟɫɬɟ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢ
ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ ɢɡ 459, ɫɤɥɨɩʂɟɧ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɜɢɫɨɤɨɝ ɰɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɨɩɭɧɨɦɨʄɟɧɢɤɚ ɢ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɰɟ
ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɫɤɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ, ɧɚɤɨɧ ɧɟɨɛɢɱɧɢɯ ɢ ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɫɚɦɨ ɞɟɥɢɦɢɱɧɨ
ɪɚɫɜɟɬʂɟɧɢɯ ɤɨɦɩɥɢɤɚɰɢʁɚ, ɧɚɫɬɚɥɢɯ ɭ ɩɨɫɥɨɜɧɢɦ ɨɞɧɨɫɢɦɚ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ
ɢ ʃɢɯɨɜɢɯ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰɚ. ɋɜɚɤɢ ɧɨɜɢ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁ ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢʁɟ ɨɜɨɝ ɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɬɚ, ɚ
ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɞɚɜɚʃɚ ɞɨɩɪɢɧɨɫɚ ɪɚɫɜɟɬʂɚɜɚʃɭ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɫɬɚʁɚɥɟ ɢɡɚ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɝ
ɧɚɫɬɚɧɤɚ, ɭɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɦɨɠɟ ɩɨɦɨʄɢ ɛɨʂɟɦ ɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚʃɭ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɋɚɪɞɚ
ɫɚɦɟ ɩɨ ɫɟɛɢ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɲɢɪɢɯ ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɨ-ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɚ ɤɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɢɫɬɢɱɧɢɯ
ɡɚ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɝɪɚɞ. ɉɪɚɤɬɢɱɧɨ ɝɨɜɨɪɟʄɢ, ɨɜɚɤɜɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɭ ɞɨɧɟɤɥɟ
ɢ ɧɚɱɢɧ ɧɚ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɚ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɚ ɞɟɥɨɜɚɥɚ ɭ ɫɜɚɤɨɞɧɟɜɧɢɦ
ɭɫɥɨɜɢɦɚ, ɧɚ ɤɚɤɜɟ ʁɟ ɬɟɯɧɢɱɤɟ ɢɥɢ ɩɪɚɜɧɟ ɩɪɨɛɥɟɦɟ ɧɚɢɥɚɡɢɥɚ, ɭ ɤɨʁɢɦ ɜɢɞɨɜɢɦɚ
ɫɭ ɫɟ ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɢ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɢ ɫɚ ʃɨɦ ɩɪɟɩɥɢɬɚɥɢ, ɚ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɢ ɦɟɪɟ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ɫɭ
ɥɨɤɚɥɧɚ ɢ ɰɟɧɬɪɚɥɧɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ ɢɧɬɟɪɜɟɧɢɫɚɥɟ ɭ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ ɭɱɟɫɬɚɥɢɯ ɤɨɦɩɥɢɤɚɰɢʁɚ.
ɉɪɢɪɨɞɧɨ, ɡɚ ɫɜɚɤɨ ɲɢɪɟ ɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚʃɟ ɢ ɬɭɦɚɱɟʃɟ ɩɪɨɛɥɟɦɚɬɢɤɟ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɨɝ
ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ, ɧɟɨɩɯɨɞɧɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɞɨɱɢɬɢ ɨɫɨɛɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɨɩɲɬɢʁɟɝ ɚɦɛɢʁɟɧɬɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ
ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɋɚɪɞɚ (ɞɟɥɢɦɢɱɧɨ ɢ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɤɚɨ ɬɚɤɜɨɝ), ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ
ɫɜɟɭɤɭɩɧɢɯ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɚ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɞɟɥɚɬɧɨɫɬɢ ɡɚ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɛɢɥɟ
ɡɚɫɬɭɩʂɟɧɟ ɭ ɨɜɨɦ ɝɪɚɞɭ. Ʉɚɨ ɫɟɞɢɲɬɟ ɜɟɥɢɤɨɝ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɨɝ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɤɨɝ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ ɡɚ
ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞʃɭ ɨɪɭɠʁɚ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɨɞ ɪɟɬɤɢɯ ɜɟɥɢɤɢɯ ɦɚɥɨɚɡɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ
ɨɞɪɠɚɨ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɜɢɫɨɤ ɧɢɜɨ ɧɚɫɟʂɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞʃɟ, ɋɚɪɞ ʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ
ɛɨɪɛɢ ɡɚ ɭɬɢɰɚʁ ɤɨɞ ɫɚɜɪɟɦɟɧɢɯ ɜɨʁɧɢɯ ɱɢɧɢɥɚɰɚ, ɜɨɞɟʄɢɯ ɜɟɪɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɭɩɚ ɢ
ɚɦɛɢɰɢɨɡɧɢɯ ɰɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤɚ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɢ ɩɨɪɟɞ ɬɨɝɚ, ɬɨɤɨɦ ɱɢɬɚɜɟ ɟɩɨɯɟ, ɨɫɬɚɨ
ɩɪɟɜɚɫɯɨɞɧɨ ɫɬɟɰɢɲɬɟ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɛɨɝɚɬɟ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɞɟɥɚɬɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜɢɯ
ɮɟɧɨɦɟɧɚ ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɨ-ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɟ ɩɪɢɪɨɞɟ.

ǢDZȁǵ Ȅ ǿȀȉȃǹǽ ȁDZǾǿdzǹǸDZǾȃǹȘȂǻǹǽ ǹȂȃǿȁǹȘȂǻǹǽ ȃǿǻǿdzǹǽDZ

Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɪɟɱ ɨ ɭɞɟɥɭ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ ɨɩɲɬɢɦ ɡɛɢɜɚʃɢɦɚ ɢɡ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɟ ɢ ɰɪɤɜɟɧɟ


ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɪɚɧɟ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɟ, ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɫɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɪɟʄɢ ɞɚ ɨɜɚʁ ɝɪɚɞ ɧɢɫɭ ɡɚɨɛɢɲɥɢ ɦɧɨɝɢ
ɦɨɦɟɧɬɢ ɤɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɢɫɬɢɱɧɢ ɡɚ ɟɩɨɯɭ – ɩɨɛɭɧɟ ɝɟɪɦɚɧɫɤɢɯ ɬɪɭɩɚ, ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɟ
1
Ɂɚ ɩɪɨɛɥɟɦɚɬɢɤɭ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɭ Ɇɚɥɨʁ Ⱥɡɢʁɢ, ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɧɚʁɜɟʄɢ ɡɧɚɱɚʁ
ɢɦɚʁɭ ɫɬɭɞɢʁɟ: C. Foss, Ephesus after Antiquity. A Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City, Cambridge
MA 1979, 3–102 (ɞɚʂɟ: Foss, Ephesus); Idem, Byzantine and Turkish Sardis, Cambridge MA. 1976
(ɞɚʂɟ: Foss, Sardis); Idem, Late Antique and Byzantine Ankara, DOP 31 (1977), 29–87; Idem, Sites
and Strongholds of Northern Lydia, Anatolian Studies 37 (1987), 81–101; Idem, The Lycian Coast in
the Byzantine Age, DOP 48 (1994), 1–52; C. Roueche, Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity, London 1989;
S. Mitchell – M. Waelkens, Pisidian Antioch. The Site and its Monuments, London 1998; S. Mitchell,
Cremna in Pisidia. An Ancient City in Peace and in War, London 1995. ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɡɧɚɱɚʁ ɢɦɚʁɭ ɢ ɜɟʄɟ
ɫɢɧɬɟɡɟ ɢ ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɟ ɨ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ Ɇɚɥɨʁ Ⱥɡɢʁɢ: C. Foss, History and Archaeology of Byzantine
Asia Minor, Aldershot 1990; Idem, Cities, Fortresses and Villages of Byzantine Asia Minor, Aldershot
1996. ɒɢɪɢ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɢ ɨɛɭɯɜɚʄɟɧɢ ɫɭ ɡɛɨɪɧɢɰɢɦɚ City, Town and Countyside in the Early Byzantine
Era, ed. R. Hohlfelder, New York 1982; The City in Late Antiquity, ed. J. Rich, London 1992 (ɞɚʂɟ: Rich,
City); ɤɚɨ ɢ ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɚɦɚ W. Liebeschuetz, The Decline and Fall of the Roman City, Oxford 2001; Ƚ.
Ʉɭɪɛɚɬɨɜ, Ɋɚɧɧɟɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɣ ɝɨɪɨɞ, Ʌɟɧɢɧɝɪɚɞ 1962 (ɞɚʂɟ: Ʉɭɛɪɚɬɨɜ, Ƚɨɪɨɞ); J. Durliat, De la
ville antique á la ville byzantine. Le probléme des subsistances, Rome 1990.
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 77

ɜɢɫɨɤɢɯ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤɚ ɥɨɤɚɥɧɟ ɭɩɪɚɜɟ, ɧɟɦɢɪɢ ɩɪɨɢɫɬɟɤɥɢ ɢɡ ɭɧɭɬɚɪɰɪɤɜɟɧɢɯ


ɪɚɡɦɢɦɨɢɥɚɠɟʃɚ, ɬɢɯɨ ɟɝɡɢɫɬɢɪɚʃɟ ɩɨɥɢɬɟɢɡɦɚ ɢ ɫɥ. Ɉ ɬɨɦɟ ɝɨɜɨɪɟ ɪɚɡɧɨɜɪɫɧɢ,
ɩɪɟɦɞɚ ɭɝɥɚɜɧɨɦ ɮɪɚɝɦɟɧɬɚɪɧɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɧɢ ɩɨɞɚɰɢ.
ɋɚɪɞ ɢ Ʌɢɞɢʁɚ IV ɜɟɤɚ ɩɨɦɢʃɭ ɫɟ ɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɭ ɨɤɜɢɪɭ ɤɪɭɩɧɢʁɢɯ ɡɛɢɜɚʃɚ
ɫɚɜɪɟɦɟɧɨɝ ɪɟɥɢɝɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɠɢɜɨɬɚ. ɍ ɫɤɥɨɩɭ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁɚ ɪɟɜɢɬɚɥɢɡɚɰɢʁɟ ɢ
ɤɨɧɫɨɥɢɞɚɰɢʁɟ ɩɨɥɢɬɟɢɫɬɢɱɤɢɯ ɪɟɥɢɝɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɚ ɢ ɪɢɬɭɚɥɧɟ ɩɪɚɤɫɟ
(362–3), ɰɚɪ ȳɭɥɢʁɚɧ ɡɚ ɜɢɫɨɤɨɝ ɫɜɟɲɬɟɧɢɤɚ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ ɩɨɫɬɚɜɢɨ ʁɟ ɏɪɢɫɚɧɬɢʁɚ,
ɫɜɨɝ ɭɱɢɬɟʂɚ ɪɟɬɨɪɢɤɟ ɢ ɪɨɻɟɧɨɝ ɋɚɪɻɚɧɢɧɚ. ɉɨɫɜɟʄɟɧ ɦɢɫɬɢɱɤɢɦ ɨɛɪɟɞɢɦɚ
ɢ ɩɪɟɞɚɜɚʃɢɦɚ, ɡɚɫɧɢɜɚɱ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɟ ɬɟɭɪɝɢɫɬɢɱɤɨ-ɪɟɬɨɪɫɤɟ ɲɤɨɥɟ, ɏɪɢɫɚɧɬɢʁɟ
ɫɟ ɨɝɪɚɧɢɱɢɨ ɧɚ ɢɧɬɟɥɟɤɬɭɚɥɧɭ ɢ ɪɢɬɭɚɥɧɭ ɨɛɧɨɜɭ ɩɨɥɢɬɟɢɡɦɚ ɭ Ʌɢɞɢʁɢ,
ɢɡɛɟɝɚɜɚʁɭʄɢ ɞɚ ɭɻɟ ɭ ɫɭɤɨɛ ɫɚ ɜɟʄɢɧɫɤɨɦ ɯɪɢɲʄɚɧɫɤɨɦ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɰɨɦ. ȿɜɧɚɩɢʁɟ,
ʃɟɝɨɜ ɧɚʁɭɝɥɟɞɧɢʁɢ ɭɱɟɧɢɤ, ɧɚ ɱɟɥɭ ɞɟɥɟɝɚɰɢʁɟ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ ɨɞɧɟɨ ʁɟ ɰɚɪɭ
ɡɥɚɬɧɭ ɞɢʁɚɞɟɦɭ ɢ ɢɫɩɨɫɥɨɜɚɨ ɨɞ ʃɟɝɚ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɟ ɭɫɬɭɩɤɟ ɡɚ ɫɜɨʁɭ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɭ.
Ɂɚɯɜɚʂɭʁɭʄɢ, ɞɟɥɢɦɢɱɧɨ, ɬɚɤɜɨɦ ɞɪɠɚʃɭ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɧɚʁɭɝɥɟɞɧɢʁɢɯ ɩɚɝɚɧɚ, ɋɚɪɞ
ɢ Ʌɢɞɢʁɚ ɫɭ ɢɡɛɟɝɥɢ ɞɢɪɟɤɬɧɟ ɯɪɢɲʄɚɧɫɤɨ-ɩɚɝɚɧɫɤɟ ɫɭɤɨɛɟ, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɩɨɬɪɟɫɥɢ
ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɦɚɥɨɚɡɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚ ɭ ɨɜɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ.2 Ɇɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ȳɭɥɢʁɚɧɨɜ
ɡɚɲɬɢɬɧɢɱɤɢ ɨɞɧɨɫ ɩɪɟɦɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɨɞ ɜɨɻɚ ɛɟɫɤɨɦɩɪɨɦɢɫɧɢɯ (ɚɧɨɦɢʁɫɤɢɯ)
ɚɪɢʁɚɧɚɰɚ, Ⱥʁɟɬɢʁɭ ɢɡ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɟ, ɢɦɚɨ ʁɟ ɡɚ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɢɰɭ ɞɚ ɨɜɚʁ ɞɪɭɝɢ, ɢɡɦɟɻɭ
ɨɫɬɚɥɨɝ, ɧɚ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɫɤɭ ɫɬɨɥɢɰɭ ɋɚɪɞɚ 363. ɞɨɜɟɞɟ ɫɜɨɝ ɫɥɟɞɛɟɧɢɤɚ Ʉɚɧɞɢɞɚ, ɤɨʁɢ
ʁɟ ɭʁɟɞɧɨ ɛɢɨ ȳɭɥɢʁɚɧɨɜ ɪɨɻɚɤ. Ɍɨ ʁɟ ɛɢɨ ʁɚɤ ɭɞɚɪɚɰ ɡɚ ɩɪɚɜɨɜɟɪɧɟ ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ
ɋɚɪɞ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɚɦɚ ɩɪɟ ɬɨɝɚ ɛɢɨ ɫɟɞɢɲɬɟ ɥɢɞɢʁɫɤɟ ɦɢɬɪɨɩɨɥɢʁɟ, ɤɨʁɭ ʁɟ ɫɚɱɢʃɚɜɚɥɨ
ɞɜɚɞɟɫɟɬɚɤ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɢʁɚ.3 ɇɢʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨ ɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɞɭɝɨ ɫɬɨɥɨɜɚɨ ɚɪɢʁɚɧɫɤɢ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩ
2
Philostratus and Eunapius. The Lives of the Sophists, ed. W. Wright, London 1922, 538–564. D.
Rohrbacher, The Historians of Late Antiquity, London 2002, 64–72; R. Smith, Julian's gods: religion and
philosophy in the thought and action of Julian the Apostate, London, 1995, 23–47, 51–77, 91–104, 117–
121, 179–194; A. Gardner, Julian Philosopher and Emperor and the Last Struggle of Paganism Against
Christianity, London 1895, 48–70, 193–215, 219–244; R. Browning, The Emperor Julian, London 1975,
160–185; A. Murdoch, The Last Pagan: Julian the Apostate and the Death of the Ancient World, Stroud 2005,
12–47. ɏɪɢɫɚɧɬɢʁɟ ʁɟ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ ɨɫɧɨɜɚɨ ɲɤɨɥɭ ɪɟɬɨɪɢɤɟ, ɧɟɨɩɥɚɬɨɧɫɤɟ ɬɟɭɪɝɢɤɟ, ɯɢɪɭɪɝɢʁɟ ɢ ɮɚɪɦɚɰɢʁɟ.
Ȼɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɨɝɪɚɧɚɤ ɝɥɚɜɧɟ ɲɤɨɥɟ ɨɜɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ, ɫɚ ɫɟɞɢɲɬɟɦ ɭ ɉɟɪɝɚɦɭ, ɧɚʁɱɭɜɟɧɢʁɟ ɧɟɨɩɥɚɬɨɧɢɫɬɢɱɤɟ ɢ
ɪɟɬɨɪɫɤɟ ɲɤɨɥɟ ɭ Ɇɚɥɨʁ Ⱥɡɢʁɢ. ɋɜɢ ʃɟɧɢ ɩɪɟɞɚɜɚɱɢ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɩɚɝɚɧɢ. ɇɟɨɩɥɚɬɨɧɫɤɢ ɬɟɭɪɝɢɫɬɢ ɫɭ ɧɚ
ɫɟɛɟ ɫɤɪɟɧɭɥɢ ɩɚɠʃɭ ɨɫɨɛɟɧɨɦ ɩɪɢɦɟɧɨɦ ɦɚɝɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɪɢɬɭɚɥɚ ɭ ɪɟɥɢɝɢʁɫɤɟ ɫɜɪɯɟ. ɉɪɢɩɢɫɢɜɚɧɟ ɫɭ ɢɦ
ɧɚɬɩɪɢɪɨɞɧɟ ɜɟɲɬɢɧɟ ɩɨɩɭɬ ɧɚɜɨɻɟʃɚ ɫɬɚɬɭɢ ɧɚ ɯɨɞɚʃɟ ɢ ɝɨɜɨɪ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɧɟ ɜɢɡɢʁɟ ɛɭɞɭʄɧɨɫɬɢ.
ɇɚʁɜɢɲɚ ɬɚɱɤɚ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚʃɚ ɢ ɢɧɢɰɢʁɚɰɢʁɟ ɬɟɭɪɝɢɫɬɚ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɨɛɪɟɞ ɨɛɟɫɦɪʄɟʃɚ ɞɭɲɟ. ɋɚɦ ɏɪɢɫɚɧɬɢʁɟ,
ɪɨɻɟɧ ɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨʁ ɩɨɪɨɞɢɰɢ ɫɟɧɚɬɨɪɫɤɨɝ ɪɚɧɝɚ, ɢɡɭɱɢɨ ʁɟ ɭ ɉɟɪɝɚɦɭ ɪɟɬɨɪɢɤɭ ɢ ɬɟɭɪɝɢɱɤɟ ɜɟɲɬɢɧɟ,
ɚ ɡɚɬɢɦ ɡɚɫɧɨɜɚɨ ʃɟɧ ɨɝɪɚɧɚɤ ɭ ɫɜɨɦ ɪɨɞɧɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɭ. ɉɨɫɜɟɬɢɨ ɫɟ ɢ ɞɚɜɚʃɭ ɞɭɯɨɜɧɢɯ ɫɚɜɟɬɚ ɢ ɚɫɤɟɡɢ,
ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɭʄɢ ɩɨɫɬ ɢ ɢɡɛɟɝɚɜɚʃɟ ɤɭɩɚʃɚ. Ɂɚɯɜɚʂɭʁɭʄɢ ɫɜɨɦ ɭɝɥɟɞɭ ɩɨɫɬɚɨ ʁɟ, ɡɚʁɟɞɧɨ ɫɚ Ɇɚɤɫɢɦɨɦ
ȿɮɟɫɤɢɦ, ȳɭɥɢʁɚɧɨɜ ɭɱɢɬɟʂ ɪɟɬɨɪɢɤɟ ɢ ɬɟɭɪɝɢɤɟ. ɍɦɪɨ ʁɟ ɨɤɨ 390. ȵɟɝɨɜ ɧɚʁɩɨɡɧɚɬɢʁɢ ɭɱɟɧɢɤ ȿɜɧɚɩɢʁɟ,
ɪɨɞɨɦ Ɏɪɢɝɢʁɚɰ, ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ʁɟ ɞɪɠɚɨ ɲɤɨɥɭ ɪɟɬɨɪɢɤɟ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ. ɋɤɨɪɨ ɫɜɟ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨ ɨ ɬɟɭɪɝɢɫɬɢɦɚ
IV ɜɟɤɚ ɢ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨʁ ɩɚɝɚɧɫɤɨʁ ɭɱɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɨɜɨɝ ɞɨɛɚ ɞɨɥɚɡɢ ɢɡ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɝ ɛɢɨɝɪɚɮɫɤɨɝ ɞɟɥɚ ɨ ɮɢɥɨɫɨɮɢɦɚ.
Ȼɢɬɧɨ ʁɟ ɢɫɬɚʄɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɧɟɲɬɨ ɤɚɫɧɢʁɟ, ɭ ɫɚɦɨɦ ɋɚɪɞɭ, ɜɢɤɚɪ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ ȳɭɫɬɭɫ ɢ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ ɏɢɥɚɪɢʁɟ
ɩɨɤɭɲɚɥɢ ɞɚ ɨɛɧɨɜɟ ɩɨɥɢɬɟɢɫɬɢɱɤɟ ɨɥɬɚɪɟ ɢ ɯɪɚɦɨɜɟ, ɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɧɚɢɲɥɢ ɧɚ ɪɚɜɧɨɞɭɲɧɨɫɬ. ɇɢʁɟ
ɦɨɝɭʄɟ ɭɬɜɪɞɢɬɢ ɬɚɱɧɢʁɢ ɯɪɨɧɨɥɨɲɤɢ ɨɤɜɢɪ ɨɜɢɯ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁɚ – ɡɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɫɟɞɚɦɞɟɫɟɬɢɯ ɢɥɢ
ɨɫɚɦɞɟɫɟɬɢɯ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ IV ɜɟɤɚ. ɉɨɡɧɚɬɨ ʁɟ ɢ ɬɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɭ ɤɚɫɧɨɦ IV ɜɟɤɭ, ɧɚ ɱɟɥɭ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ ɛɢɨ
ɩɚɝɚɧɢɧ ɏɢɥɚɪɢʁɟ – The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, Cambridge 1971, vol. I, ed. A. Jones
– J. Martindale – J. Morris, 435 (ɞɚʂɟ: PLRE I); Foss, Sardis, 23–26, 28.
3
Philostorgius Kirchengeschichte, mit dem Leben des Lucian von Antiochien und den Fragmenten
eines Arianischen Historiographen, ed. J. Bidez, Leipzig 1913, 105–106. Ɋɟɥɟɜɚɧɬɧɢ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɢ ɩɨɡɧɢʁɟɝ
ɚɪɢʁɚɧɫɬɜɚ: H. Gwatkim, Studies of Arianism, Cambridge 1882, 201–224. J. Newman, The Arians of the
Fourth Century, London 1871, 368–390. T. Kopeck, A History of Neo-arianism, Philadelphia 1979, vol.
II. Ɍɪɟɛɚ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ʁɨɲ 360. ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩ ɏɨɪɬɚɫɢʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɡɛɚɱɟɧ, ɫɚ ɨɛɪɚɡɥɨɠɟʃɟɦ ɞɚ ʁɟ
78 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɋɚɪɞɚ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɞɨɥɚɡɚɤ ȼɚɥɟɧɫɚ ɧɚ ɱɟɥɨ ɢɫɬɨɱɧɢɯ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚ


ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ (364) ɞɨɧɟɤɥɟ ɩɪɨɞɭɠɢɨ ɨɩɫɬɚɧɚɤ ɚɪɢʁɚɧɚɰɚ ɭ ɧɟɤɢɦ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ
Ɇɚɥɟ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ, ɩɪɟɦɞɚ ɫɟ ɫɬɚɩɚʃɟ ɩɨɥɭɚɪɢʁɚɧɚɰɚ ɫɚ ɩɪɚɜɨɜɟɪɧɢɦɚ ɧɚɫɬɚɜɢɥɨ
ɡɚ ʃɟɝɨɜɟ ɜɥɚɞɟ. ɍ ɬɪɟɧɭɰɢɦɚ ȼɚɥɟɧɫɨɜɨɝ ɭɫɩɨɪɟɧɨɝ ɢ ɥɚɛɚɜɨɝ ɩɪɟɭɡɢɦɚʃɚ
ɜɥɚɫɬɢ ɭ ɢɫɬɨɱɧɢɦ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚɦɚ, ɞɨɲɥɚ ʁɟ ɞɪɭɝɚ ɜɪɫɬɚ ɧɟɦɢɪɚ ɡɚ ɋɚɪɞ ɢ
Ʌɢɞɢʁɭ. ɉɪɨɤɨɩɢʁɟ, ɪɨɻɚɤ ɰɚɪɚ ȳɭɥɢʁɚɧɚ, ɩɪɨɝɥɚɫɢɨ ɫɟ 365. ɡɚ ɚɜɝɭɫɬɚ ɢ ɭɫɩɟɨ
ɞɚ ɩɪɢɞɨɛɢʁɟ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɱɤɟ ɬɪɭɩɟ. ȵɟɝɨɜɟ ɫɧɚɝɟ ɫɭ ɩɪɟɲɥɟ ɭ Ⱥɡɢʁɭ, ɧɚɩɪɟɞɨɜɚɥɟ
ɞɨ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ ɢ ɬɭ ɩɨɬɭɤɥɟ ɢ ɭɛɢɥɟ ȼɚɥɟɧɫɨɜɨɝ ɡɚɩɨɜɟɞɧɢɤɚ ɋɟɪɟɧɢʁɚɧɚ. ɉɪɨɤɨɩɢʁɟ
ʁɟ ɭɫɤɨɪɨ ɡɚɭɡɟɨ ɜɟɥɢɤɢ ɞɟɨ Ɇɚɥɟ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ, ɚ ɜɟʄɢɧɚ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɯ ɬɪɭɩɚ ɩɪɟɡɢɦɢɥɚ ʁɟ
ɭ Ʌɢɞɢʁɢ. ɇɨ, ɧɚɪɟɞɧɨɝ ɩɪɨɥɟʄɚ ȼɚɥɟɧɫ ʁɟ ɫɬɢɝɚɨ ɫɚ ɤɨɧɫɨɥɢɞɨɜɚɧɢɦ ɫɧɚɝɚɦɚ ɢ
ɩɨɬɭɤɚɨ ɭɡɭɪɩɚɬɨɪɚ ɤɨɞ Ɍɢɚɬɟɪɟ. ȼɚɥɟɧɫ ʁɟ ɧɟɤɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɛɨɪɚɜɢɨ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ, ɞɚ ɛɢ
ɩɨɬɨɦ ɩɪɟɲɚɨ ɭ Ɏɪɢɝɢʁɭ, ɝɞɟ ʁɟ ɩɨɬɭɤɚɨ ɢ ɭɛɢɨ ɭɡɭɪɩɚɬɨɪɚ.4 ɇɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ
ɧɚɤɨɧ ȼɚɥɟɧɫɚ, ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɦɨ Ɇɭɫɨɧɢʁɚ, ɜɢɤɚɪɚ ɚɡɢʁɫɤɟ ɞɢʁɟɰɟɡɟ. Ɉɧ ʁɟ 368.
ɢɡ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɤɪɟɧɭɨ ɭ ɩɨɯɨɞ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɂɫɚɜɪɢʁɚɧɚɰɚ, ɱɢʁɢ ɫɭ ɩʂɚɱɤɚɲɤɢ ɩɨɯɨɞɢ ɬɢɯ
ɝɨɞɢɧɚ ɫɟɡɚɥɢ ɞɚɥɟɤɨ. ɉɪɚʄɟɧ ɭɝɥɚɜɧɨɦ ɥɚɤɲɟ ɧɚɨɭɪɭɠɚɧɢɦ ɬɪɭɩɚɦɚ, Ɇɭɫɨɧɢʁɟ
ʁɟ ɭɩɚɨ ɭ ɡɚɫɟɞɭ ɢ ɩɨɝɢɧɭɨ.5 ɋɥɟɞɟʄɢ ɩɨɦɟɧ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɢ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ ɭ IV ɜɟɤɭ ɜɟɡɚɧ ʁɟ
ɡɚ ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɟ ɥɨɤɚɥɧɢɯ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɬɢɜɧɢɯ ɮɭɧɤɰɢɨɧɟɪɚ. ȿɜɚɥɢʁɟ Ʌɚɨɞɢʁɟɤɚɰ
ɭɩɪɚɜʂɚɨ ʁɟ Ʌɢɞɢʁɨɦ ɬɨɤɨɦ ɩɪɜɟ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɟ ɩɨɫɥɟɞʃɟ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɟ IV ɜɟɤɚ. ɉɭɬɟɦ
ɢɡɧɭɻɢɜɚʃɚ ɢ ɩɪɨɧɟɜɟɪɚ ɭɫɩɟɨ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɚɤɭɦɭɥɢɪɚ ɬɚɤɨ ɜɟɥɢɤɭ ɫɭɦɭ ɢ ɞɚ ɫɬɟɤɧɟ
ɬɚɤɨ ɡɚɨ ɝɥɚɫ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɤɚɡɧɭ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ʃɟɝɚ ɢ ɩɪɨɰɟɧɭ ɲɬɟɬɟ ɫɩɪɨɜɟɨ ɫɚɦ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ
ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬ Ɋɭɮɢɧ. Ɇɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɫɚ ɞɨɥɚɫɤɨɦ ɧɨɜɨɝ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɚ, ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚ
ʁɟ ɞɨɠɢɜɟɥɚ ʁɨɲ ɜɟʄɟ ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɟ – ȿɭɬɪɨɩɢʁɟ ʁɟ ɫɜɨʁɢɦ ɩɨɡɧɚɧɢɰɢɦɚ ɧɭɞɢɨ ɧɚ
ɩɪɨɞɚʁɭ ɫɚɦ ɩɨɥɨɠɚʁ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪɚ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ, ɦɟɻɭ ɦɧɨɝɢɦ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ ɩɨɥɨɠɚʁɢɦɚ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ
ʁɟ ɬɪɝɨɜɚɨ ɬɨɤɨɦ 399.6 ɍ ɨɜɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɞɨɲɥɨ ʁɟ ɢ ɞɨ ɩɨɛɭɧɟ ɝɨɬɫɤɢɯ ɬɪɭɩɚ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ
ɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɟɧ ɛɟɡ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɟ ɦɢɬɪɨɩɨɥɢɬɚ, ɚɥɢ ɧɢʁɟ ʁɚɫɧɨ ɞɚ ɥɢ ʁɟ ɨɜɚʁ ɱɢɧ ɛɢɨ ɦɨɬɢɜɢɫɚɧ ɩɪɚɜɨɜɟɪɧɨ-
-ɚɪɢʁɚɧɫɤɢɦ ɪɚɫɩɪɚɦɚ. (Foss, Sardis, 32) ɋɚɪɞ ʁɟ ɩɪɟ ɇɢɤɟʁɫɤɨɝ ɫɚɛɨɪɚ ɩɨɫɬɚɨ ɫɟɞɢɲɬɟ ɦɢɬɪɨɩɨɥɢʁɟ
Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɨɫɬɚɨ ɫɜɟ ɞɨ ɬɭɪɫɤɨɝ ɨɫɜɚʁɚʃɚ. ɍ ɦɚɧɢɪɭ ɩɪɟɨɜɥɚɻɭʁɭʄɟɝ ɩɪɢɧɰɢɩɚ ɰɪɤɜɟɧɨɝ ɩɨɞɪɚ-
ɠɚɜɚʃɚ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɫɤɟ ɭɩɪɚɜɟ, ɫɜɢ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɢ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɩɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɢ ɭɩɪɚɜɨ ʃɟɦɭ. ɉɪɟɰɢɡɚɧ ɛɪɨʁ
ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɢʁɚ ɭ ɫɚɫɬɚɜɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɟ ɦɢɬɪɨɩɨɥɢʁɟ ɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ ɞɨɛɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬ, ɨ ɱɟɦɭ ʁɟ ɧɚɲɢɪɨɤɨ
ɪɚɫɩɪɚɜʂɚɨ W. Ramsay, The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, London 1890, 120–134. ɋɚɦɚ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɚ
ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɢʁɚ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚɥɚ ʁɟ ʁɨɲ ɭ ɞɨɛɚ Ɇɚɪɤɚ Ⱥɭɪɟɥɢʁɚ, ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩ Ɇɟɥɢɬɨɧ ɩɢɫɚɨ ɫɜɨʁɟ
ɱɭɜɟɧɟ ɚɩɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ. A. Stewart-Sykes, The Lamb's High Feast: Melito, Peri Pascha, and the Quartodeciman
Paschal Liturgy at Sardis, Leiden 1998, 10–21 (ɞɚʂɟ: Stewart-Sykes, Melito). ɒɢɪɢ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɢ: S. Mitchell,
Anatolia. Land, men and gods in Asia Minor, vol. II – The Rise of the Church, Oxford 1993, 47–170.
4
Zosimi comitis et exadvocati Þsci historia nova, ed. L. Mendellsohn, Lepizig 1887, IV.4–8 (ɞɚʂɟ:
Zosimus). F. Paschoud, Cinq etudes sur Zosime, Paris 1975; R.Ridley, Zosimus the Historian, BZ 65
(1972), 277–302. Ɂɚ ɉɪɨɤɨɩɢʁɟɜɭ ɭɡɭɪɩɚɰɢʁɭ – PLRE I, 742–743; A. Solari, La rivolta Procopiana a
Constantinopoli, Byzantion 7 (1932), 143–148; A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284–602. A Social,
Economic and Administrative Survey, Oxford 1964, vols I–III, 123, 139 (ɞɚʂɟ: Jones, LRE).
5
Fragmenta historicorum graecorum, Paris 1851, ed. K. Müller, vol. IV, frag. 45 (Eunapius); Zosimus
IV.20; ɤɚɨ ɢ ɦɧɨɝɢ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɜɢɫɨɤɢ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɬɢɜɧɢ ɮɭɧɤɰɢɨɧɟɪɢ ɟɩɨɯɟ, Ɇɭɫɨɧɢʁɟ ʁɟ ɫɬɟɤɚɨ ɭɝɥɟɞ
ɢ ɞɨɛɚɪ ɞɟɨ ɤɜɚɥɢɮɢɤɚɰɢʁɚ ɡɚɯɜɚʂɭʁɭʄɢ ɫɜɨʁɨʁ ɪɟɬɨɪɫɤɨʁ ɜɟɲɬɢɧɢ, ɤɨʁɭ ʁɟ ɢɡɭɱɢɨ ɭ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɢʁɢ,
ɚ ɤɨʁɭ ʁɟ ɤɚɫɧɢʁɟ ɩɪɟɞɚɜɚɨ ɭ Ⱥɬɢɧɢ. ɇɚɤɨɧ ɫɭɤɨɛɚ ɫɚ ɯɪɢɲʄɚɧɫɤɢɦ ɮɢɥɨɫɨɮɨɦ ɉɪɨɯɟɪɫɢʁɟɦ, ɭɲɚɨ
ʁɟ ɭ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɬɢɜɧɭ ɫɥɭɠɛɭ ɢ ɬɭ ɧɚɩɪɟɞɨɜɚɨ ɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɞɨ ɦɟɫɬɚ ɜɢɤɚɪɚ Ɇɚɤɟɞɨɧɢʁɟ 362, ɚ ɡɚɬɢɦ ɞɨ
ɜɢɤɚɪɚ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ 367: PLRE I, 613.
6
Synesii Cyrenensis Epistolae, ed. A. Garzya, Rome 1979, ep. 127; Claudian, ed. M. Platnauer, London
1922, vol. I, In Entropium II, 203–205. Ɉɰɟɧɟ ɤɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɚ ɞɟɥɚɬɧɨɫɬɢ Ɋɭɮɢɧɚ ɢ ȿɭɬɪɨɩɢʁɚ: A. Cameron-J.
Long, Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius, Berkeley 1993, 180–182, 278–281 (Ɋɭɮɢɧ), 112–
119, 131–139, 227–230 (ȿɭɬɪɨɩɢʁɟ) (ɞɚʂɟ: Cameron-Long, Court); S. Williams – G. Friell, Theodosius.
The Empire at Bay, London 1994, 122–151 (Ɋɭɮɢɧ), 141–151 (ȿɭɬɪɨɩɢʁɟ); J. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 79

Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢʁɟ I ʁɨɲ 386. ɧɚɫɟɥɢɨ ɭ Ɏɪɢɝɢʁɢ. ɉɨɞ ɜɨɻɫɬɜɨɦ Ɍɪɢɛɢɝɢɥɞɚ, ɩɨɞɢɝɥɢ ɫɭ


399. ɭɫɬɚɧɚɤ ɢ ɩɨɱɟɥɢ ɬɟɦɟʂɧɨ ɞɚ ɩʂɚɱɤɚʁɭ ɛɨɝɚɬɟ ɢ ɝɭɫɬɨ ɧɚɫɟʂɟɧɟ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ
ɡɚɩɚɞɧɟ Ɇɚɥɟ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ. ɉɨɫɬɢɡɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɥɚɤɟ ɩɨɛɟɞɟ ɧɚɞ ɥɨɤɚɥɧɢɦ ɰɚɪɫɤɢɦ ɬɪɭɩɚɦɚ,
ɬɢɦ ɩɪɟ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɜɟʄɢɧɭ ʃɢɯ ɱɢɧɢɥɚ ɢɫɤɭɫɧɚ ɤɨʃɢɰɚ, ɚ ɪɟɞɨɜɟ ɫɭ ɢɦ ɨʁɚɱɚɥɢ
ɨɞɛɟɝɥɢ ɤɨɥɨɧɢ. Ɇɧɨɝɢ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɧɢɰɢ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ ɩɨɛɟɝɥɢ ɫɭ ɧɚ ɨɛɚɥɟ ɢ ɨɫɬɪɜɚ. ɐɚɪɫɤɚ
ɜɥɚɫɬ ʁɟ ɡɛɨɝ ɧɟɭɫɩɟɯɚ ɭ ɫɥɚɦɚʃɭ ɨɜɟ ɩɨɛɭɧɟ ɫɦɟɧɢɥɚ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚ-ɦɢɥɢɬɭɦ Ʌɚɜɚ
ɢ ɧɚ ʃɟɝɨɜɨ ɦɟɫɬɨ ɞɨɜɟɥɚ Ƚɨɬɚ Ƚɚʁɧɭ. ɉɨɫɥɚɬ ɫɚ ɜɨʁɫɤɨɦ ɧɚ ɩɨɛɭʃɟɧɢɤɟ, Ƚɚʁɧɚ
ɫɟ ɭ Ʌɢɞɢʁɢ ɫɭɫɪɟɨ ɫɚ Ɍɪɢɛɢɝɢɥɞɨɦ ɢ ɩɪɢɞɨɛɢɨ ɝɚ ɡɚ ɫɟɛɟ. Ⱦɨɝɨɜɨɪɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɫɟ
ɞɚ ɡɚɭɡɦɭ ɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɋɚɪɞ, ɭ ɤɨɦɟ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɩɪɟɦɚɥɨ ɬɪɭɩɚ, ɨɩɭɫɬɨɲɢɥɢ ɫɭ ʃɟɝɨɜɭ
ɨɤɨɥɢɧɭ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɢɡɧɟɧɚɞɧɚ ɤɢɲɚ ɩɨɞɢɝɥɚ ɧɢɜɨ ɪɟɤɟ ɏɟɪɦɨɫ, ɬɚɤɨ ɞɚ ɧɢɫɭ ɦɨɝɥɢ
ɞɨɫɟʄɢ ɝɪɚɞ.7 Ɇɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɦɨɪɚ ɫɟ ɩɪɢɡɧɚɬɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɨɜɨ ɩɨɫɥɟɞʃɢ ɜɨʁɧɢ ɧɟɦɢɪɢ ɡɚ
ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨ ɞɚ ɢɯ ʁɟ ɋɚɪɞ ɞɨɠɢɜɟɨ ɭ ɫɜɨʁɨʁ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɩɨɜɟɫɬɢ.
ɋɭɞɟʄɢ ɩɨ ɩɨɞɚɰɢɦɚ ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧɢɯ ɢɡɜɨɪɚ, ɋɚɪɞ V ɜɟɤɚ ɞɨɠɢɜɟɨ ʁɟ ɧɟɲɬɨ
ɦɢɪɧɢʁɟ ɞɚɧɟ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɤɪɭɩɧɢɯ ɬɪɡɚɜɢɰɚ ɢɩɚɤ ɛɢɥɨ. ɇɚɢɦɟ, ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɚ ɩɪɢɫɭɬɧɚ
ɫɩɟɰɢɮɢɱɧɚ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɚ ɯɪɢɲʄɚɧɫɤɚ ɝɪɭɩɚɰɢʁɚ ɤɜɚɬɪɨɞɟɰɢɦɚɧɢɫɬɚ, ɤɨʁɚ ʁɟ
ɩɚɠʃɭ ɨɫɬɚɥɢɯ ɯɪɢɲʄɚɧɚ ɫɤɪɟɬɚɥɚ ɫɜɨʁɨɦ ɩɪɚɤɫɨɦ ɞɚ ɍɫɤɪɫ ɫɥɚɜɢ ɧɟɢɡɨɫɬɚɜɧɨ ɧɚ
ɞɚɧ ʁɟɜɪɟʁɫɤɟ ɉɚɫɯɟ. Ʉɚɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɚɬɪɢʁɚɪɯ ȳɨɜɚɧ ɏɪɢɡɨɫɬɨɦ ɩɨɱɟɬɤɨɦ V ɜɟɤɚ ɨɞɥɭɱɢɨ
ɞɚ ɢɦ ɨɞɭɡɦɟ ɰɪɤɜɟ ɭ Ʌɢɞɢʁɢ, ɬɨ ʁɟ ɢɡɚɡɜɚɥɨ ɩɪɢɥɢɱɧɟ ɧɟɦɢɪɟ ɭ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɢ ɢ
ɫɬɜɚɪɚɥɨ ɫɭɦʃɭ ɞɚ ɢɯ ɰɪɤɜɟɧɢ ɜɪɯ ɩɨɱɢʃɟ ɝɥɟɞɚɬɢ ɤɚɨ ʁɟɪɟɬɢɤɟ. Ɉɤɨ ɬɪɢɞɟɫɟɬ
ɝɨɞɢɧɚ ɤɚɫɧɢʁɟ, ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɚɬɪɢʁɚɪɯ ɇɟɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɩɨɫɟɬɢɨ Ʌɢɞɢʁɭ, ʃɟɝɨɜɨ ɞɪɠɚʃɟ ʁɟ
ɢɡɚɡɜɚɥɨ ɨɬɜɨɪɟɧɭ ɩɨɛɭɧɭ ɤɜɚɬɪɨɞɟɰɢɦɚɧɢɫɬɚ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ. ɉɨɛɭɧɚ ʁɟ ɞɨɛɢɥɚ ɬɚɤɜɭ
ɠɟɫɬɢɧɭ ɢ ɪɚɡɦɟɪɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɛɪɨʁ ɭɛɢʁɟɧɢɯ ɛɢɨ ɜɟɥɢɤɢ. ɂɩɚɤ, ɤɜɚɬɪɨɞɟɰɢɦɚɧɢɫɬɢ ɫɭ
ɭɛɪɡɨ ɩɨɬɨɦ ɦɨɪɚɥɢ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɨɞɪɟɤɧɭ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɨɛɢɱɚʁɚ ɤɚɨ ʁɟɪɟɬɢɱɤɢɯ.8 ɍ ɝɨɞɢɧɚɦɚ
ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɫɥɟɞɢɥɟ, ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɢ ɦɢɬɪɨɩɨɥɢɬ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ Ɏɥɨɪɟɧɬɢʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɡɧɚɬɧɭ
ɭɥɨɝɭ ɭ ɛɨɪɛɢ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɞɚɥɟɤɨ ɤɪɭɩɧɢʁɟɝ ɢɡɚɡɨɜɚ ɩɪɚɜɨɜɟɪɧɨʁ ɞɨɝɦɢ, ɨɥɢɱɟɧɨɝ ɭ
ɦɨɧɨɮɢɡɢɬɢɡɦɭ. Ʉɚɨ ɩɨɭɡɞɚɧ ɚɧɬɢɦɨɧɨɮɢɡɢɬɚ, Ɏɥɨɪɟɧɬɢʁɟ ʁɟ ɧɚ ɏɚɥɤɟɞɨɧɫɤɨɦ
ɫɚɛɨɪɭ 451. ɱɟɫɬɨ ɝɨɜɨɪɢɨ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɦɨɧɨɮɢɡɢɬɫɤɢɯ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɢɲɬɚ, ɚ ɩɪɟɭɡɟɨ ʁɟ ɢ
ɭɥɨɝɭ ɩɪɟɜɨɞɢɨɰɚ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɝɪɱɤɢɯ ɢ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɚ. Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɦɨɧɨɮɢɡɢɬɫɤɢ
Bishops. Army, Church and State in the Age of Arcadius and Chrysostom, Oxford 1990, 89–92 (Ɋɭɮɢɧ),
92–108 (ȿɭɬɪɨɩɢʁɟ) (ɞɚʂɟ: Liebeschuetz, Barbarians); R. Malcolm Errington, Roman Imperial Policy from
Julian to Theodosius, Chapell Hill, 2006, 246–248 (Ɋɭɮɢɧ), 222–224 (ȿɭɬɪɨɩɢʁɟ). ȿɜɚɥɢʁɟ ʁɟ ɞɟɨ ɭɬɚʁɟɧɨɝ
ɛɨɝɚɬɫɬɜɚ ɢɫɤɨɪɢɫɬɢɨ ɤɚɨ ɫɪɟɞɫɬɜɨ ɞɚʂɟɝ ɧɚɩɪɟɞɨɜɚʃɚ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɦɧɨɝɢ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɤɚɪɢʁɟɪɢɫɬɢ ɨɜɨɝ ɞɨɛa.
7
Zosimus V.18; ɲɢɪɢ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬ: P. Heather, Goths and Romans (332–489), Oxford 1994,
189–208; Cameron-Long, Court, 161–175, 203–217, 319–328; Liebeschuetz, Barbarians, 100–125; ɇ.
Ɂɟɱɟɜɢʄ, ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɚ ɢ Ƚɨɬɢ ɧɚ Ȼɚɥɤɚɧɭ ɭ IV ɢ V ɜɟɤɭ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2002, 169–172. Ƚɚʁɧɚ ɢ Ɍɪɢɛɢɝɢɥɞ
ɨɬɢɲɥɢ ɫɭ ɤɚ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ, ɝɞɟ ʁɟ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɞɨɛɪɨ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨ, 400. ɢɡɛɢɥɚ ɩɨɛɭɧɚ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɧɢɲɬɜɚ ɭ
ɤɨʁɨʁ ʁɟ ɢɡɜɪɲɟɧ ɩɨɤɨʂ Ƚɚʁɧɢɧɢɯ ɬɪɭɩɚ. ɉɪɟ ɫɜɨɝ ɨɞɥɚɫɤɚ ɭ ɛɨɪɛɭ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɩɨɛɭʃɟɧɢɤɚ, Ƚɚʁɧɚ ʁɟ
ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ ɫɬɚɰɢɨɧɢɪɚɨ 7.000 ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɫɭɧɚɪɨɞɧɢɤɚ-ɜɨʁɧɢɤɚ, ɬɟ ɜɟɥɢɤɢ ɛɪɨʁ ɝɪɱɤɢɯ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤɚ
ɡɚɦɟɧɢɨ ɫɜɨʁɢɦ ɩɪɢɫɬɚɥɢɰɚɦɚ, ɩɨɝɭɛɢɜɲɢ ɩɪɢ ɬɨɦɟ ȿɭɬɪɨɩɢʁɚ. Ɂɛɨɝ ɬɨɝɚ ʁɟ ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ ɩɪɟɨɜɥɚɞɚɨ
ɭɬɢɫɚɤ ɞɚ Ƚɚʁɧɚ ɠɟɥɢ ɞɚ ɡɛɚɰɢ ɰɚɪɫɤɭ ɜɥɚɫɬ, ɢɚɤɨ ʁɟ ɦɨɝɭʄɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɠɟɥɟɨ ɞɚ ɤɨɪɢɫɬɢ ɦɟɬɨɞɟ ɫɥɢɱɧɟ
ɋɬɢɥɢɯɨɧɨɜɢɦ ɧɚ ɡɚɩɚɞɭ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ.
8
Socratis Scholastici ecclesiastica historia, ed. R. Hussey, Oxford 1853, vol. II, VI.19; Stewart-
-Sykes, Melito, 1–29; C. Leonhard, The Jewish Pesach and the Origins of the Christian Easter, Berlin
2006, 284–297; R. Beckwith, Calendar and Chronology, Jewish and Christian: Biblical, Intertestamental
and Patristic Studies, Leiden 2001, 60–74; ɋ. Ɇɢɱɟɥ, ɂɫɬɨɪɢʁɚ ɩɨɡɧɨɝ Ɋɢɦɫɤɨɝ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɚ 284–641.
ɉɪɟɨɛɪɚɠɚʁ ɚɧɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɫɜɟɬɚ, Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ 2010, 319–320 (ɞɚʂɟ: Ɇɢɱɟɥ, ɐɚɪɫɬɜɨ). ɉɪɚɤɫɚ ɤɜɚɬɪɨɞɟɰɢ-
ɦɚɧɢɫɬɚ ɩɪɟɨɜɥɚɞɚɜɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɭ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɢ Ⱥɡɢʁɢ ɝɨɬɨɜɨ ɞɨ IV ɜɟɤɚ, ɚ ʃɭ ʁɟ ɛɪɚɧɢɨ ɢ ɫɚɦ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩ
Ɇɟɥɢɬɨɧ. ɉɨɫɥɟ ɤɪɜɚɜɢɯ ɫɭɤɨɛɚ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ, ɤɜɚɬɪɨɞɟɰɢɦɚɧɢɫɬɢ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɧɚ ȿɮɟɫɤɨɦ ɫɚɛɨɪɭ 431. ɨɞɪɟɤɥɢ
ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɨɛɢɱɚʁɚ ɤɚɨ ʁɟɪɟɬɢɱɤɢɯ.
80 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɩɚɬɪɢʁɚɪɯ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɢʁɟ ɡɚɬɪɚɠɢɨ ɧɨɜɢ ɰɪɤɜɟɧɢ ɫɚɛɨɪ, ɰɚɪ Ʌɚɜ I ʁɟ ɡɚɬɪɚɠɢɨ


ɫɚɜɟɬ ɨɞ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɰɪɤɜɟɧɢɯ ɜɟɥɢɤɨɞɨɫɬɨʁɧɢɤɚ, ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɭʄɢ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɚ.
Ɍɚɤɨ ʁɟ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ 457. ɨɞɪɠɚɧ ɋɢɧɨɞ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɚ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɰɟɧɢɨ ɞɚ ɫɭ
ɞɨɤɬɪɢɧɟ ɏɚɥɤɟɞɨɧɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɛɨɪɚ ɤɨɧɚɱɧɟ ɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɦɨɧɨɮɢɡɢɬɢɡɚɦ ɧɟɞɨɩɭɫɬɢɜ. Ɉ
ɬɨɦɟ ɫɭ ɩɨɫɥɚɥɢ ɩɢɫɦɨ ɢ ɰɚɪɭ, ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɤɨʁɟɝ ʁɟ ɢ ɨɧ ɡɚɭɡɟɨ ɫɬɚɜ.9
Ɍɨɤɨɦ VI ɜɟɤɚ Ʌɢɞɢʁɭ ɧɢɫɭ ɡɚɨɛɢɲɥɟ ɞɜɟ ɭɨɛɢɱɚʁɟɧɟ ɩɨʁɚɜɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɭ
ɨɜɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɪɚɡɚɪɚɥɟ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢ ɞɪɭɲɬɜɟɧɟ ɨɫɧɨɜɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ
– ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚʃɟ ɦɚʃɢɯ ɫɟɨɫɤɢɯ ɡɟɦʂɨɩɨɫɟɞɚ ɢ ɢɡɧɭɻɢɜɚʃɚ ɱɢɧɨɜɧɢɤɚ. ɍ
ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɢ ɭɩɭʄɟɧɨʁ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪɭ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ Ɏɥɚɜɢʁɭ Ɉɪɬɚɥɢɧɭ, ɩɨɱɟɬɤɨɦ ɬɪɟʄɟ
ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɟ VI ɜɟɤɚ, ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬ Ɏɥɚɜɢʁɟ Ⱦɟɦɨɫɬɟɧ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɢɧɰɢɩɟ
ɩɨ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ʄɟ ɫɟ ɭ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɢ Ʌɢɞɢʁɢ ɡɟɦʂɚ, ɧɚɩɭɲɬɟɧɚ ɨɞ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɜɥɚɫɧɢɤɚ
ɭɫɥɟɞ ɬɟɪɟɬɚ ɞɚɠɛɢɧɚ ɢ ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɢɯ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚ, ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɨ ɞɨɞɟʂɢɜɚɬɢ ɫɨɥɜɟɧɬɧɢɦ
ɫɭɫɟɞɢɦɚ ɢ ɫɪɨɞɧɢɰɢɦɚ; ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪɭ ʁɟ ɡɚɩɪɟʄɟɧɨ ɞɚ ʄɟ ɨɧ ɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɢ ɱɢɧɨɜɧɢɰɢ
ɩɥɚɬɢɬɢ ɤɚɡɧɭ ɨɞ 10 ɮɭɧɬɢ ɡɥɚɬɚ ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɧɟ ɛɭɞɭ ɫɩɪɨɜɨɞɢɥɢ ɨɜɭ ɦɟɪɭ ɤɚɤɨ ʁɟ
ɡɚɩɨɜɟɻɟɧɨ.10 Ɋɚɡɪɚɻɢɜɚʃɟ ɩɨɫɬɭɩɤɚ ɡɚ ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɭ ɞɨɞɟɥɭ ɡɟɦʂɟ ɭ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɢ
Ʌɢɞɢʁɢ ɢ ɤɚɡɧɚ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɚ ʃɟɧɨɦ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪɭ ɡɚ ɧɟɞɨɫɥɟɞɧɨ ɫɩɪɨɜɨɻɟʃɟ ɨɜɨɝ
ɩɨɫɬɭɩɤɚ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɟ ɨ ɭɱɟɫɬɚɥɨɫɬɢ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɚ ɰɟɥɨɜɢɬɨɝ ɢɥɢ ɞɟɥɢɦɢɱɧɨɝ
ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚʃɚ ɦɚʃɢɯ ɡɟɦʂɨɩɨɫɟɞɚ. Ⱦɪɭɝɚ ɩɨʁɚɜɚ ɡɚɬɪɟɫɥɚ ʁɟ ɱɢɬɚɜɭ Ʌɢɞɢʁɭ ɭ
ɱɟɬɜɪɬɨʁ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɢ VI ɜɟɤɚ, ɡɚ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ ȳɨɜɚɧɚ Ʉɚɩɚɞɨɤɢʁɰɚ.
ȵɟɝɨɜ ɪɨɻɚɤ ȳɨɜɚɧ, ɬɚɞɚɲʃɢ ɜɢɤɚɪ ɚɡɢʁɫɤɟ ɞɢɨɰɟɡɟ, ɢɫɤɨɪɢɫɬɢɨ ʁɟ ɫɜɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ
ɢɡɝɨɜɨɪɚ ɫɜɨɝ ɫɪɨɞɧɢɤɚ ɜɟɡɚɧɟ ɡɚ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢɪɚʃɟ ɰɚɪɟɜɢɯ ɪɚɬɨɜɚ ɢ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɫɤɢɯ
ɩɪɨʁɟɤɚɬɚ, ɤɚɤɨ ɛɢ ɭ Ʌɢɞɢʁɢ ɫɩɪɨɜɟɨ ɦɚɤɫɢɦɚɥɧɚ ɢɡɧɭɻɢɜɚʃɚ. ɉɨ Ʌɢɞɢʁɢ ʁɟ
ɪɚɡɚɫɥɚɨ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɤɚɩɚɞɨɤɢʁɫɤɟ ɡɟɦʂɚɤɟ, ɨɡɥɨɝɥɚɲɟɧɟ ɩɪɢɦɢɬɢɜɧɟ ɩɨɪɟɡɧɢɤɟ,
ɝɪɚɦɡɢɜɟ ɢ ɚɝɪɟɫɢɜɧɟ. ɉɨɡɧɚɬɨ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ Ɏɢɥɚɞɟɥɮɢʁɚ ɨɞ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɯ ɩɨɫɬɭɩɚɤɚ ɧɢɤɚɞɚ
ɧɢʁɟ ɨɩɨɪɚɜɢɥɚ. ɍ ɱɢɬɚɜɨʁ Ʌɢɞɢʁɢ ɭɤɢɧɭɨ ʁɟ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢ ɩɪɟɜɨɡ ɫɟɨɫɤɢɯ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɚ,
ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɢɡɚɡɜɚɥɨ ɩɨɪɟɦɟʄɚʁ ɭ ɫɧɚɛɞɟɜɚʃɭ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ. ȼɢɤɚɪ ʁɟ ɩʂɚɱɤɚɨ Ʌɢɞɢʁɭ
ɱɢɬɚɜɭ ɝɨɞɢɧɭ, ɞɚ ɛɢ ɫɟ ɩɨɬɨɦ ɨɤɪɟɧɭɨ ɧɨɜɢɦ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚɦɚ. ɉɨɫɥɟɞɢɰɚ ɨɜɚɤɜɢɯ
ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɚ ɛɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɩɨʁɚɜɚ ɨɞɦɟɬɧɢɲɬɚɜɚ ɢ ɩɨɛɭɧɚ ɭ ɡɚɩɚɞɧɢɦ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚɦɚ
Ɇɚɥɟ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ, ɬɨɤɨɦ ɩɟɬɟ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɟ VI ɜɟɤɚ.11 ɉɨɱɟɬɤɨɦ ɲɟɫɬɟ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɟ, ɰɚɪɫɤɚ
9
Ɏɥɨɪɟɧɬɢʁɟɜɚ ɭɥɨɝɚ ɢ ɭɱɟɲʄɟ ɧɚ ɡɚɫɟɞɚʃɢɦɚ ɏɚɥɤɟɞɨɧɫɤɨɝ ɫɚɛɨɪɚ: Acta Conciliorum
Oecumenicorum, vols II–III, ed. E.Schwartz, Berlin 1932–38, I. 3, 82, 83, 117, 205, 218, 219, 223, 227,
952, 956, 958, 982, II. 1, 8, 66, III. 28, IV. 21, 33, V. 1, 28, VII. 2, VIII. 3, IX.3, X.177, XI.2, XII.2, XIV.2,
XV.2, XVI.1, 9, 21. Ɂɚ ɪɟɥɟɜɚɧɬɧɟ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɟ ɫɚɛɨɪɚ – J. Nefele, A History of the Councils of the Church:
from the Original Documents, Edinburgh 1883, vol. III, 285– 465; R. Sellers,The Council of Chalcedon:
A Historical and Doctrinal Survey, London 1953. Kɨɧɫɭɥɬɚɰɢʁɟ ɢɡ 457: The Ecclesiastical History of
Evagrius with the Scholia, ed. J. Bidez – L. Parmentier, London 1898, II.9, 18.
10
Corpus iuris civilis, vol. III (Novellae Constitutiones), ed. R. Schöll – G. Kroll, Berlin 1928, Nov. 166.
(ɞɚʂɟ: JN). Ɉ ɞɪɭɲɬɜɟɧɨɦ ɚɦɛɢʁɟɧɬɭ ɨɜɨɝ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɚ: J. Banaji, Agrarian Change in Late Antiquity. Gold,
Labour and Aristocratic Dominance, Oxford 2001, 14–20, 120–133, 152–170, 173–189, 195–210. Jones, LRE,
773–781, 783–788, 793–802, 812–823. Ɂɚ ɇɨɜɟɥɟ, ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ, P. Noailles, Les Collections de Novelles de`l
Empereur Justinien, Paris 1912, vol. II; F. Biener, Geschichte der Novellen Justinians, Berlin 1824.
11
Ioannes Lydi De Magistratibus Populi Romani, ed. R. Wünsch, Leipzig 1903, III. 58–61. Cf. C.
Tsirpanlis, John Lydos on the Imperial Administration, Byzantion 44 (1974), 479–501. ɒɢɪɢ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɢ:
P. Bell, Social Conßict in the Age of Justinian: Its Nature, Management, and Mediation, 51–118, Oxford
2013; C. Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire, Cambrdige MA 2004, 11–17, 21–32, 37–49, 53–62,
138–185, 194–211; Jones, LRE, 272–285, 587–602. Ɉɜɚʁ ɜɢɤɚɪ ʁɟ ɢ ɥɢɱɧɨ ɫɩɪɨɜɨɞɢɨ ɢɡɧɭɻɢɜɚʃɟ, ɭ
ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɭɤʂɭɱɢɨ ɮɢɡɢɱɤɭ ɬɨɪɬɭɪɭ, ɨɬɢɦɚʃɟ ɰɟɥɨɤɭɩɧɟ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɟ ɫɜɨʁɢɧɟ ɢ ɫɟɤɫɭɚɥɧɨ ɡɥɨɫɬɚɜʂɚʃɟ.
Ɉɛɚɜɟɲɬɟʃɚ ɨ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɦ ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɚɦɚ ɭ Ʌɢɞɢʁɢ ɨɞɧɨɫɟ ɫɟ ɦɚɯɨɦ ɧɚ Ɏɢɥɚɞɟɥɮɢʁɭ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɟ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɟ.
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 81

ɜɥɚɫɬ ʁɟ ɧɚ ɬɨ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɢɥɚ ɫɥɚʃɟɦ ɩɨɫɟɛɧɢɯ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɦɟɧɢɯ ɜɨʁɧɢɯ ɡɚɩɨɜɟɞɧɢɤɚ –


ɛɢɨɤɨɥɢɬɚ – ɭ Ʌɢɞɢʁɭ, Ɏɪɢɝɢʁɭ ɢ ɉɢɫɢɞɢʁɭ. Ɉɜɢ ɫɭ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɫɜɚ ɜɨʁɧɚ ɨɜɥɚɲʄɟʃɚ,
ɧɚ ɲɬɟɬɭ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɤɚ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ, ɤɚɤɨ ɛɢ ɫɚɜɥɚɞɚɥɢ ɩɨɛɭɧɟ. Ȼɢɨɤɨɥɢɬɢ ɫɭ ɭ ɬɨɦɟ
ɜɟʄɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɦ ɢ ɭɫɩɟɥɢ, ɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɦɚɫɨɜɧɨ ɯɚɩɫɢɥɢ ɢ ɧɟɞɭɠɧɟ ɨɫɨɛɟ ɢ ɭɡɭɪɩɢɪɚɥɢ
ɟɥɟɦɟɧɬɟ ɰɢɜɢɥɧɟ ɭɩɪɚɜɟ, ɬɚɤɨ ɞɚ ɢɯ ʁɟ ɰɚɪɫɤɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ ɦɨɪɚɥɚ ɨɩɨɡɜɚɬɢ.12

ǢDZȁǵ Ȅ ǿǻdzǹȁǹǽDZ ǹǾȂȃǹȃȄȇǹǿǾDZǼǾǿǴ


ǹ ȂǿȇǹȘDZǼǾǿǴ ȁDZǾǿdzǹǸDZǾȃǹȘȂǻǿǴ ȀǿȁǶȃǻDZ

Ɋɚɞɢ ɰɟɥɨɜɢɬɨɝ ɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚʃɚ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɨɝ ɢ ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɨɝ ɩɨɪɟɬɤɚ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ,


ɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɭ ɩɚɠʃɭ ɫɚɞɚ ɦɨɪɚɦɨ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɢɬɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɦ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɦ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɚɦɚ ɢ
ɦɟɫɬɭ ɭ ɰɚɪɫɤɨʁ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɢ, ɭ ɦɟɪɢ ɤɨʁɭ ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧɢ ɩɨɦɟɧɢ ɭ
ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ ɞɨɡɜɨʂɚɜɚʁɭ.
Ɋɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɚ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚ Ʌɢɞɢʁɚ, ɫɚ ɋɚɪɞɨɦ ɤɚɨ ɫɟɞɢɲɬɟɦ ɢ ɝɥɚɜɧɢɦ
ɝɪɚɞɨɦ (ɦɟɬɪɨɩɨɥɨɦ), ɛɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɫɚɫɬɚɜɧɢ ɞɟɨ ɚɡɢʁɫɤɟ ɞɢɨɰɟɡɟ. Ɍɟɪɢɬɨɪɢʁɚ ɚɡɢʁɫɤɟ
ɞɢɨɰɟɡɟ ɨɛɭɯɜɚɬɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɧɚʁɜɟʄɢ ɞɟɨ ɦɚɥɨɚɡɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɟɝɟʁɫɤɨɝ ɡɚɥɟɻɚ, ɡɚɩɚɞɧɟ ɞɟɥɨɜɟ
ɚɧɚɞɨɥɫɤɨɝ ɩɥɚɬɨɚ ɢ ɫɪɟɞɢɲʃɢ ɞɟɨ ɦɚɥɨɚɡɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɦɟɞɢɬɟɪɚɧɫɤɨɝ ɡɚɥɟɻɚ. ɇɚ ɬɚʁ
ɧɚɱɢɧ, ɚɡɢʁɫɤɚ ɞɢɨɰɟɡɚ ɫɚɱɢʃɚɜɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɯɨɦɨɝɟɧɭ ɢ ɬɪɚʁɧɭ ɰɟɥɢɧɭ ɜɟʄɢɧɟ ɧɚʁɝɭɲʄɟ
ɧɚɫɟʂɟɧɢɯ, ɜɢɫɨɤɨ ɭɪɛɚɧɢɡɨɜɚɧɢɯ ɢ ɩɪɢɪɨɞɧɨ ɧɚʁɛɨɝɚɬɢʁɢɯ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ Ɇɚɥɟ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ.
Ȼɪɨʁ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɰɚ ɭ ɚɡɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɞɢɨɰɟɡɢ ɬɨɤɨɦ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɚ
ɢɡɧɨɫɢɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɤɨ ɬɪɢ ɫɬɨɬɢɧɟ, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɞɚɥɟɤɨ ɦɚʃɟ ɭ ɨɞɧɨɫɭ ɧɚ ɩɟɬ ɫɬɨɬɢɧɚ ɢɡ
ɩɪɟɬɯɨɞɧɚ ɬɪɢ ɜɟɤɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɟ ɜɥɚɞɚɜɢɧɟ, ɚɥɢ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɭ ɜɢɞɭ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɜɨ ɫɦɚʃɟʃɟ
ɜɟɥɢɤɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɦ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɢɰɚ ɫɩɚʁɚʃɚ ɦɚʃɢɯ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɰɚ ɭ ɜɟʄɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɚ ɧɚɫɟʂɚ.
ɇɟɭɩɨɪɟɞɢɜɨ ɩɪɨɫɬɪɚɧɢʁɚ, ɩɨɧɬɫɤɚ ɞɢɨɰɟɡɚ ɨɛɭɯɜɚɬɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɭɝɥɚɜɧɨɦ ɨɫɬɚɬɚɤ Ɇɚɥɟ
Ⱥɡɢʁɟ ɢ ɫɚɱɢʃɚɜɚ ɰɟɥɢɧɭ ɩɪɟɨɜɥɚɻɭʁɭʄɟ ɫɟɨɫɤɢɯ ɢ ɪɟɻɟ ɧɚɫɟʂɟɧɢɯ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ, ɚ ɛɪɨʁ
ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɭ ʃɨʁ ɬɟɲɤɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɬɨɤɨɦ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɟɩɨɯɟ ɩɪɟɦɚɲɢɨ ɫɟɞɚɦɞɟɫɟɬɚɤ.13
ɉɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚ Ʌɢɞɢʁɚ ɨɛɭɯɜɚɬɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɞɜɚɞɟɫɟɬɚɤ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ, ɧɚɞ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ʁɟ ɋɚɪɞ
ɢɦɚɨ ʁɭɪɢɫɞɢɤɰɢʁɭ. Ɇɟɻɭ ɨɜɢɦɚ, ɩɨɫɟɛɧɨ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɢɫɬɢɰɚɥɢ Ɏɢɥɚɞɟɥɮɢʁɚ, Ɍɢɚɬɟɪɚ
ɢ Ⱥɬɚɥɢʁɚ. ɍɩɪɚɜɢɬɟʂ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ ɧɨɫɢɨ ʁɟ ɡɜɚʃɟ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪɚ.14 ɂɧɝɟɪɟɧɰɢʁɟ ɝɭɜɟɪɧɟɪɚ
ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ ɫɚ ɨɜɢɦ ɪɚɧɝɨɦ ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚɥɟ ɫɭ, ɧɚɱɟɥɧɨ, ɜɪɯɨɜɧɚ ɜɨʁɧɚ ɨɜɥɚɲʄɟʃɚ
ɭ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɢ, ɭɩɪɚɜɭ ɧɚɞ ɨɧɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɦ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɫɤɟ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢʁɟ ɤɨʁɢ ɞɪɠɚɜɚ
ɧɟɩɨɫɪɟɞɧɨ ɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɢ ɢɡɞɪɠɚɜɚ (ɨɤɭɩʂɟɧɨɝ ɭ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɦ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɭɦɭ), ɩɪɚɜɨ
ɩɪɟɫɭɻɢɜɚʃɚ ɭ ɤɪɭɩɧɢʁɢɦ ɫɭɞɫɤɢɦ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɢɦɚ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɧɚɞɥɟɠɧɨɫɬ ɡɚ ɫɩɪɨɜɨɻɟʃɟ
ɤɪɭɩɧɢʁɢɯ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɢɯ ɩɨɞɭɯɜɚɬɚ. ɍɩɪɚɜɧɢɤ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɞɟɥɢɦɢɱɧɨ
12
JN, 145; Jones, LRE, 294.
13
Jones, LRE 717–720; aɡɢʁɫɤɚ ɞɢɨɰɟɡɚ ɨɛɭɯɜɚɬɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ ɏɟɥɟɫɩɨɧɬ, Ⱥɡɢʁɚ, Ʌɢɞɢʁɚ,
Frigia Salutaris, Frigia Pacatiana, Ʉɚɪɢʁɚ, Ʌɢɤɢʁɚ, ɉɢɫɢɞɢʁɚ, ɉɚɦɮɢɥɢʁɚ ɢ Ʌɢɤɚɨɧɢʁɚ. Ɂɚ ɨɩɲɬɢʁɟ
ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɟ – ibid, 47–48, 107, 126, 373–375, 449–450; W. Ensslin, Zur Ostpolitik des Kaisers Diokletian,
München, 1942, 21–45, 51–74; Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, Ɉxford 1998, 28–39,
43–69, 75–94, 148–174; S. Williams, Diocletian and the Roman Recovery, London 1996, 104–112; T.
Mommsen, Provinces of the Roman Empire from Caesar to Diocletian, New York 1887, vol. I, 364–392.
14
JN, Nov. 166; ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɢ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɰɢ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚ ɦɨɝɥɢ ɫɭ ɧɨɫɢɬɢ ʁɟɞɧɨ ɨɞ ɬɪɢ ɡɜɚʃɚ
– ɩɪɨɤɭɧɡɭɥ (ɧɚʁɜɢɲɟ), ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪ, ɩɪɟɡɢɞ (ɧɚʁɧɢɠɟ). ȼɟʄɢɧɚ ʁɟ ɧɨɫɢɥɚ ɨɜɨ ɩɨɫɥɟɞʃɟ. Jones, LRE,
106–107, 143–144, 397–398, 594. Ɉɫɢɦ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪɚ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ ɢɫɬɚɤɧɭɬɢɯ ɭ ɪɚɧɢʁɟɦ ɞɟɥɭ ɬɟɤɫɬɚ, ɬɪɟɛɚ
ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɉɚɧɯɟɥɟɧɢʁɚ (ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɧɚ ɨɜɨɦ ɩɨɥɨɠɚʁɭ ɛɢɨ 382), ȼɚɫɢɥɢɫɤɚ (ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɩɨɞɢɝɚɨ ɮɨɧɬɚɧɭ
ɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɦ ɝɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧɭ ɭ IV ɢɥɢ V ɜɟɤɭ) ɢ ɋɟɜɟɪɚ ɋɢɦɩɥɢɰɢʁɚ (ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɢɡɜɪɲɢɨ ɨɛɧɨɜɟ ɞɟɥɨɜɚ
ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ ɝɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧɚ) – Foss, Sardis, 4.
82 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɩɨɬɱɢʃɟɧ ɜɢɤɚɪɭ ɞɢɨɰɟɡɟ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɩɨɫɟɞɨɜɚɨ ɜɢɲɚ ɨɜɥɚɲʄɟʃɚ ɭ ɜɟɡɢ ɫɚ ɤɨɧɬɪɨɥɨɦ


ɭɛɢɪɚʃɚ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɩɪɢɯɨɞɚ, ɫɩɪɨɜɨɻɟʃɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɩɨɞɭɯɜɚɬɚ ɢ ɜɨɻɟʃɚ
ɜɨʁɧɢɯ ɩɨɯɨɞɚ. ȼɢɤɚɪ ʁɟ ɢɦɚɨ ɢ ɜɢɲɚ ɫɭɞɫɤɚ ɨɜɥɚɲʄɟʃɚ (ʃɟɝɨɜ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɭɦ ɛɢɨ
ʁɟ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɚ ɤɨʁɨʁ ɫɟ ɦɨɝɥɨ ɠɚɥɢɬɢ ɧɚ ɨɞɥɭɤɟ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɤɚ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ). ɍ ɜɟʄɢɧɢ
ɨɫɬɚɥɢɯ ɨɜɥɚɲʄɟʃɚ, ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɤ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ ɦɨɝɚɨ ʁɟ ɡɚɨɛɢʄɢ ɜɢɤɚɪɚ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɞɢɨɰɟɡɟ
ɢ ɞɢɪɟɤɬɧɨ ɫɟ ɨɛɪɚɬɢɬɢ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɭ, ɤɨɦɟ ʁɟ ɡɚɩɪɚɜɨ ɮɚɤɬɢɱɤɢ ɢ ɛɢɨ
ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɚɧ ɡɚ ɜɟʄɢɧɭ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɩɨɫɬɭɩɚɤɚ ɢ ɦɟɪɚ.15
ɇɚʁɜɢɲɢ ɨɪɝɚɧ ɭɩɪɚɜɟ ɫɚɦɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɫɜɢɯ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɢɯ
ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ, ɛɢɥɚ ʁɟ ʃɟɝɨɜɚ ɫɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɚ (ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɚ), ɤɨʁɚ ɫɟ ɭ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ ɩɨɦɢʃɟ
ɬɟɪɦɢɧɨɦ ȕȠȣȜȒ, ɬɢɩɢɱɧɢɦ ɡɚ ɯɟɥɟɧɨɮɨɧɟ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɟ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ. ɋɚɪɞɫɤɚ ȕȠȣȜȒ ɢ
ɢɦɟɧɚ ɜɢɲɟ ʃɟɧɢɯ ɱɥɚɧɨɜɚ (ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ) ɩɨɦɢʃɭ ɫɟ ɭ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɯ
ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ, ɧɚɻɟɧɢɯ ɭ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ ɝɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧɚ ɢ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɟ ɋɢɧɚɝɨɝɟ.16 Ɉ
ɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɨʁ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɢ ɢ ɤɨɦɩɟɬɟɧɰɢʁɚɦɚ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɟ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɫɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɟ ɧɟ ɡɧɚ
ɫɟ ɦɧɨɝɨ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɦɨɪɚɥɚ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɨɧɟ ɨɩɲɬɟ ɰɪɬɟ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɰɚɪɫɤɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ ɧɚɦɟɬɚɥɚ
ɫɜɢɦ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ, ɤɚɤɨ ɢɫɬɨɱɧɢɦ, ɬɚɤɨ ɢ ɡɚɩɚɞɧɢɦ. ɋɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɭ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ
ɝɪɚɞɚ ɱɢɧɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɢ (ɤɭɪɢʁɚɥɢ), ɱɢʁɟ ʁɟ ɱɥɚɧɫɬɜɨ ɛɢɥɨ ɞɨɠɢɜɨɬɧɨ,
ɩɨɩɭʃɚɜɚɥɨ ɫɟ ɤɨɨɩɬɢɪɚʃɟɦ, ɚ ɝɭɛɢɥɨ ɫɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɭɫɥɟɞ ɤɪɚʁʃɟ ɥɨɲɟɝ ɢɡɜɪɲɟʃɚ
ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɫɤɢɯ ɡɚɞɭɠɟʃɚ ɢɥɢ ɛɪɡɟ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɟ ɢɦɨɜɢɧɫɤɨɝ ɫɬɚʃɚ. Ʉɜɚɥɢɮɢɤɚɰɢʁɟ
ɡɚ ɱɥɚɧɫɬɜɨ ɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɦ ɫɚɜɟɬɭ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɩɨɪɟɤɥɨ (origo) ɢɥɢ ɞɨɦɢɰɢɥɢɪɚɧɨɫɬ (do-
micilium) ɭ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɨɦ ɝɪɚɞɭ (ɫɚɦɢɦ ɬɢɦ ɢ ɫɬɚɬɭɫ ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɨɝ ɱɨɜɟɤɚ), ɩɨɫɟɞɨɜɚʃɟ
ɡɟɦʂɨɩɨɫɟɞɚ ɢ ɦɢɧɢɦɚɥɧɢ ɛɪɨʁ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ (ɩɪɢ ɬɨɦɟ, ɛɪɨʁ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɭ ɫɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɢ,
ɜɟɥɢɱɢɧɚ ɬɪɚɠɟɧɨɝ ɡɟɦʂɨɩɨɫɟɞɚ ɢ ɦɢɧɢɦɚɥɧɢ ɛɪɨʁ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ ʁɟɫɭ ɫɩɟɰɢɮɢɱɧɨɫɬɢ
ɤɨʁɟ ɜɚɪɢɪɚʁɭ ɨɞ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɞɨ ɝɪɚɞɚ).17 ɍ ɞɭɯɭ ɟɩɨɯɟ, ɰɚɪɫɤɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ ʁɟ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɜɚɥɚ
15
Ɉɞ ɜɢɤɚɪɚ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ, ɬɪɟɛɚ ʁɨɲ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ Ⱥɯɨɥɢʁɚ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɨɛɧɨɜɢɨ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢ Ⱥɤɪɨɩɨʂ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ
ʃɟɝɨɜɭ ɭɩɪɚɜɭ ɧɟɦɨɝɭʄɟ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɧɢʁɟ ɞɚɬɨɜɚɬɢ (Foss, Sardis, 5); Jones, LRE, 47–48, 129–130, 143, 253,
280–281, 292–294, 373–375, 450, 481–482, 493, 528, 565–566.
16
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 206 (1972), 20 (ɞɚʂɟ: BASOR); Foss,
Sardis, 30, 41. BȠȣȜȒ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɭ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɨɦ ɩɨɪɟɬɤɭ ɧɭɠɧɢ ɟɥɟɦɟɧɬ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟɞɧɨ ɧɚɫɟʂɟ ɭ
ɩɪɚɜɧɨɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ ɱɢɧɢ ɝɪɚɞɨɦ. ɍ ɨɜɨɦ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɭ, ɦɧɨɝɚ ɡɧɚɱɚʁɧɚ ɫɟɥɚ, ɩɪɟɞɝɪɚɻɚ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ, ɦɚɥɟ ɥɭɤɟ
ɢ ɩɨɲɬɚɧɫɤɟ ɫɬɚɧɢɰɟ ɢ ɬɟɪɢɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢɯ ɩɥɟɦɟɧɚ ɩɪɟɬɜɨɪɟɧɢ ɫɭ ɭ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɟ ɭɩɪɚɜɨ ɬɚɤɨ ɲɬɨ
ɢɦ ʁɟ ɰɚɪ ɞɚɨ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɭ ɫɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɭ. Ⱦɨɛɪɨɦ ɞɟɥɭ ʃɢɯ ɰɚɪɟɜɢ ɫɭ ɞɚɥɢ ɢ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɢɦɟ. Ƚɪɚɞɫɤɚ
ɫɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɚ ɨɛɢɱɧɨ ɧɢʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɚ ʁɟɞɢɧɫɬɜɟɧɨɝ ɜɪɯɨɜɧɨɝ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤɚ, ɦɚɞɚ ɢɦɚ ɢɡɭɡɟɬɚɤɚ ɤɚɨ ɭ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ
ɫɬɚɪɢʁɟ ɯɟɥɟɧɢɫɬɢɱɤɟ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬɭɪɟ ɩɪɟɞɫɟɞɧɢɤɚ (ʌȡȪIJĮȞȚȢ ɢɥɢ ʌȡȩİįȡȠȢ) ɫɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɟ, ɤɨʁɚ ɫɟ ʁɚɜʂɚ
ɭ ɟɝɢɩɚɬɫɤɢɦ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ IV ɜɟɤɚ. Jones, LRE, 713–715,718–720,725.
17
Ȼɪɨʁ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɜɚɪɢɪɚ ɭ ɡɚɜɢɫɧɨɫɬɢ ɨɞ ɛɪɨʁɚ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɧɢɤɚ ɝɪɚɞɚ, ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ
ɦɧɨɝɨʂɭɞɧɢʁɢ ɝɪɚɞ ɢɦɚ ɩɨɬɪɟɛɟ ɡɚ ɜɟʄɢɦ ɛɪɨʁɟɦ ɫɥɭɠɛɟɧɢɤɚ, ɨɞɧɨɫɧɨ ɜɟʄɢɦ ɛɪɨʁɟɦ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɤɨʁɢ
ɬɟ ɫɥɭɠɛɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɞɚ ɨɛɚɜʂɚʁɭ ɛɟɫɩɥɚɬɧɨ. ɇɚ Ɂɚɩɚɞɭ ɫɭ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɞɟɤɭɪɭʁɟ ɨɞ ɫɬɨɬɢɧɚɤ ʂɭɞɢ, ɦɚɞɚ ɭ
ɜɟɥɢɤɢɦ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ ɫɟɠɭ ɞɨ 600. ɇɚ ɢɫɬɨɤɭ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɭɨɛɢɱɚʁɟɧɟ ɫɭ ɜɟɥɢɤɟ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɫɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɟ ɨɞ ɨɤɨ
500–600 ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ; ɚɥɢ, ɦɚɥɢ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢ ɢɦɚʁɭ ɢ ɩɨ ɫɚɦɨ ɩɟɞɟɫɟɬɚɤ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ. ɍ ɫɤɥɚɞɭ ɫɚ ɫɜɨʁɨɦ
ɜɟɥɢɱɢɧɨɦ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɧɚɬɩɪɨɫɟɱɧɢɦ ɩɪɢɯɨɞɢɦɚ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɚɪɢɫɬɨɤɪɚɬɚ, Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɚ ʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɚ 1 200 ɞɟɤɭɪɢ-
ɨɧɚ. Ɍɪɟɛɚ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɭ ɜɢɞɭ ɞɚ ʁɟ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɚ ɨɜɚʁ ɛɪɨʁ ɨɛɟɡɛɟɞɢɥɚ ɢ ɫɜɨʁɨɦ ʁɟɞɢɧɫɬɜɟɧɨɦ ɩɪɢɜɢɥɟɝɢʁɨɦ
ɞɚ ɤɭɪɢʁɚɥɧɟ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɧɚɦɟɬɧɭɬɢ ɢ ɩɪɟɤɨ ɠɟɧɫɤɟ ɥɢɧɢʁɟ ɧɚɫɥɟɻɚ. Ȼɪɨʁɤɟ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɨ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚ-
ɧɟ ɨɞ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ɫɚɦɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɭ ɩɪɚɤɫɢ ɫɭ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɛɢɥɟ ɦɚʃɟ. Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɪɟɱ ɨ ɦɢɧɢɦɚɥɧɨʁ ɢɦɨɜɢɧɫɤɨʁ
ɤɜɚɥɢɮɢɤɚɰɢʁɢ ɡɚ ɱɥɚɧɫɬɜɨ ɭ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɢ, ɰɚɪɫɤɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ ʁɟ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɥɚ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɩɭɬɚ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɩɢɲɟ, ɚɥɢ
ɫɭ ɫɟ ɬɨɤɨɦ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɚ ɢ ɬɭ ɩɨɤɚɡɚɥɚ ɜɟɥɢɤɚ ɨɫɰɢɥɢɪɚʃɚ, ɨɞ 25 ɞɨ 150 ʁɭɝɟɪɚ. Ⱦɨʃɚ ɭɡɪɚɫɧɚ ɝɪɚɧɢɰɚ ʁɟ
ɨɛɢɱɧɨ ɛɢɥɚ 18 ɝɨɞɢɧɚ, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ 331. ɩɨɬɜɪɞɢɨ, ɢɚɤɨ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɡɚ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɟ
ɢɦɟɧɨɜɚɥɢ ɢ ɞɟɰɭ ɨɞ ɫɟɞɚɦ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ – Theodosiani Libri XVI cum Constitutionibus Sirmondianis, ed.
T. Mommsen, vol. I-2, Berlin 1905, 12.1.7 (ɞɚʂɟ: CT); Jones, LRE 721, 724, 738–739, 752; G. Downey,
A History of Antioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab Conquest, Princeton 1961, 421–427, 430–437.
(ɞɚʂɟ: Downey, Antioch); G. Dagron, Naissance d’une capital. Constantinople et ses institutions de 330
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 83

ɞɚ ɫɟ ɨɫɥɨɛɨɞɢ ɲɬɨ ɜɟʄɟɝ ɛɪɨʁɚ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɢ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɬɢɜɧɢɯ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚ


ɩɪɟɛɚɰɭʁɭʄɢ ɢɯ ɧɚ ɫɜɟ ɫɥɨʁɟɜɟ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɧɢɲɬɜɚ, ɚ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɧɚ ɧɚʁɛɨɝɚɬɢʁɢ –
ɥɚɬɢɮɭɧɞɢʁɫɤɭ ɚɪɢɫɬɨɤɪɚɬɢʁɭ. ɉɪɚɤɬɢɱɧɨ, ɰɟɧɬɪɚɥɧɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ ʁɟ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɜɚɥɚ ɞɚ
ɨɛɚɜʂɚʃɟ ɲɬɨ ɜɟʄɟɝ ɛɪɨʁɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬɫɤɢɯ ɫɥɭɠɛɢ ɩɪɟɛɚɰɢ ɧɚ ɥɨɤɚɥɧɭ
ɚɪɢɫɬɨɤɪɚɬɢʁɭ, ɢɥɢ ɛɚɪɟɦ ɧɚʁɛɨɝɚɬɢʁɟ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɧɢɤɟ ɝɪɚɞɚ, ɩɪɢɦɨɪɚɜɚʁɭʄɢ ɢɯ ɞɚ
ɭɻɭ ɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɫɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɟ ɢ ɞɚ ɭ ɫɜɨʁɫɬɜɭ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɛɟɫɩɥɚɬɧɨ ɨɛɚɜɚʂɚʁɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ
ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬɭɪɟ. ɇɚ ɬɚʁ ɧɚɱɢɧ, ɱɥɚɧɫɬɜɨ ʁɟ ɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɦ ɫɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɚɦɚ ɩɨɫɬɚɥɨ
ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɨ, ɚ ɡɚ ɛɨɝɚɬɟ ʁɟ ɡɛɨɝ ɢɦɨɜɢɧɫɤɟ ɤɜɚɥɢɮɢɤɚɰɢʁɟ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɱɧɨ ɩɨɫɬɚɥɨ ɢ
ɧɚɫɥɟɞɧɨ.18 Ɉɛɚɜɟɡɟ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɛɢɥɟ ɫɭ ɨɞɪɚɡ ɫɬɜɚɪɧɢɯ ɤɨɦɩɟɬɟɧɰɢʁɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ
ɫɤɭɩɲɬɢɧɟ. Ɋɚɡɥɢɤɨɜɚɥɟ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɨɞ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɞɨ ɝɪɚɞɚ, ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɡɚɜɢɫɧɨ ɨɞ ɛɪɨʁɚ
ɝɪɚɻɚɧɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɦɨɝɥɢ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɫɤɢ ɞɚ ɩɨɞɧɟɫɭ ɥɭɤɫɭɡ ʃɢɯɨɜɨɝ ɨɛɚɜʂɚʃɚ, ɚɥɢ ɫɟ
ɢ ɬɭ ɦɨɠɟ ɝɨɜɨɪɢɬɢ ɨ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚʃɭ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɡɚɥɧɢɯ. Ⱦɟɤɭɪɢʁɚ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɚ ɞɭɠɧɚ
ɞɚ ɦɟɻɭ ɫɜɨʁɢɦ ɱɥɚɧɨɜɢɦɚ ɫɜɚɤɟ ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ɢɡɚɛɟɪɟ ɩɨɫɟɛɧɟ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬɟ ɤɨʁɢ
ʄɟ ɡɚ ɩɨɬɪɟɛɭ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɢ ɞɪɠɚɜɟ ɛɟɫɩɥɚɬɧɨ ɢ ɥɢɱɧɨ ɨɛɚɜɢɬɢ ɩɨɜɟɪɟɧɚ ɡɚɞɭɠɟʃɚ, ɨɞ
ɤɨʁɢɯ ɫɭ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɚ ɛɢɥɚ: ɫɭɫɩɟɤɬɨɪɢ (ɡɚɞɭɠɟɧɢ ɞɚ ɫɤɭɩʂɚʁɭ ɬɚɤɫɟ ɢ ɞɚɠɛɢɧɟ ɤɨʁɟ
ɩɪɢɩɚɞɚʁɭ ɝɪɚɞɭ ɢ ɰɚɪɫɤɨʁ ɜɥɚɞɢ), ɩɪɟɩɨɡɢɬɢ ɠɢɬɧɢɰɚ (ɡɚɞɭɠɟɧɢ ɞɚ ɧɚɞɝɥɟɞɚʁɭ
ɞɪɠɚɜɧɟ ɠɢɬɧɢɰɟ ɢ ɞɢɫɬɪɢɛɭɰɢʁɭ ɢɡ ʃɢɯ), ɤɨɧɞɭɤɬɨɪɟ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢɯ ɫɬɚɧɢɰɚ ʁɚɜɧɟ
ɩɨɲɬɟ (ɧɚɞɝɥɟɞɚʁɭ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɨ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɨɜɚɧɢ ɩɪɟɜɨɡ), ɦɚɧɰɢɩɢ ɰɚɪɢɧɚ (ɜɪɲɟ ɧɚɞɡɨɪ
ɩɪɚɜɢɥɧɟ ɧɚɩɥɚɬɟ ɰɚɪɢɧɚ), ɤɨɧɞɭɤɬɨɪɢ ɰɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɡɟɦʂɨɩɨɫɟɞɚ (ɧɚɞɝɥɟɞɚʁɭ ɰɚɪɫɤɟ
ɡɟɦʂɨɩɨɫɟɞɟ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɟ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ, ɨɛɢɱɧɨ ɞɚɬɟ ɩɨɞ ɡɚɤɭɩ), ɩɪɨɤɭɪɚɬɨɪɢ ɪɭɞɧɢɤɚ
(ɭɩɪɚɜʂɚʁɭ ɪɭɞɧɢɰɢɦɚ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɟ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ), ɧɚɞɡɨɪɧɢɰɢ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ (ɤɚɤɜɢ
ɫɭ ɩɨɞɢɡɚʃɟ ɢ ɩɨɩɪɚɜɤɚ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ ɡɝɪɚɞɚ, ɩɭɬɟɜɚ, ɩɨɲɬɚɧɫɤɢɯ ɫɬɚɧɢɰɚ), ɤɭɪɚɬɨɪɢ
ɤɭɩɚɬɢɥɚ (ɧɚɞɡɢɪɭ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʃɚ ɤɭɩɚɬɢɥɚ), ɤɚɨ ɢ ɦɭɧɢɰɢɩɚɥɧɢ ɧɚʁɦɨɞɚɜɰɢ ɡɚ
ʁɚɜɧɟ ɪɚɞɨɜɟ (ɭɧɚʁɦʂɭʁɭ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɢ ɪɚɞɧɢɤɟ), ɦɭɧɢɰɢɩɚɥɧɢ ɤɭɩɰɢ ɠɢɬɚ ɢ ɭʂɚ
(ɧɚ ɜɟɥɢɤɨ ɤɭɩɭʁɭ ɨɜɟ ɧɚɦɢɪɧɢɰɟ ɡɚ ɫɜɨʁ ɝɪɚɞ), ɦɭɧɢɰɢɩɚɥɧɢ ɢɧɫɩɟɤɬɨɪɢ ɩɪɨɞɚʁɟ
ɯɥɟɛɚ (ɩɨ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɢɦ ɰɟɧɚɦɚ), ɦɭɧɢɰɢɩɚɥɧɢ ɫɭɩɟɪɜɢɡɨɪɢ ɞɢɫɬɪɢɛɭɰɢʁɟ ɚɧɨɧɟ,
ɦɭɧɢɰɢɩɚɥɧɢ ɪɟɝɪɭɬɟɪɢ ɜɨʁɧɢɤɚ, ɢɪɟɧɚɪɫɢ (ɡɚɩɨɜɟɞɧɢɰɢ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɞɧɟɜɧɟ ɢ ɧɨʄɧɟ
ɫɬɪɚɠɟ) ɢɬɞ. ɇɚʁɢɫɬɚɤɧɭɬɢʁɚ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɧɚʁɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɢʁɚ ɨɞ ɫɜɢɯ ɨɜɢɯ ɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɚ ɛɢɥɚ
ʁɟ ɨɧɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɟɝɡɚɤɬɨɪɚ, ɧɚʁɜɢɲɟɝ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤɚ ɭ ɞɨɦɟɧɭ ɨɩɨɪɟɡɢɜɚʃɚ.
ɋɜɢ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɡɚɤɨɧɫɤɢ ɞɭɠɧɢ ɞɚ ɢɦɚʁɭ ɢ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʁɭ ɜɟɥɢɤɭ
ɜɟʄɢɧɭ ɨɜɢɯ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬɭɪɚ; ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɢ ɢɯ ɧɢɫɭ ɫɦɟɥɢ ɨɞɛɢɬɢ, ɚ ɫɜɚɤɭ ɲɬɟɬɭ
ɤɨʁɭ ɭɱɢɧɟ ɩɪɢ ʃɟɧɨɦ ɨɛɚɜʂɚʃɭ ɦɨɪɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɧɚɞɨɤɧɚɞɢɬɢ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɚ ɭ ɰɟɥɢɧɢ,
ɩɪɨɩɨɪɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɨ ɢɦɨɜɢɧɢ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ. Ɉɜɚ ɝɪɭɩɚ ɡɚɞɭɠɟʃɚ, ɡɛɨɝ ɥɢɱɧɨɝ ɭɱɟɲʄɚ
ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɭ ʃɢɦɚ, ɧɚɡɢɜɚɥɚ ɫɟ munera personalia (ɧɚɫɭɩɪɨɬ munera patrimonalia,
à 451, Paris 1974, 154–174, 195–205; L. Hall, Roman Berytus. Beirut in Late Antiquity, London 2004,
65, 204. Ɂɚ Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢʁɟɜ ɤɨɞɟɤɫ, ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ (pass.): Theodosiani Libri XVI, vol. I–1 (Prolegomena), ed.
T. Mommsen – P. Krüger, Berlin 1905; J. Harries – I. Wood (ed.), The Theodosian Code: Studies in the
Imperial Law of Late Antiquity, London 1993; B. Sirks, The Theodosian Code. A Study, P.o.D. 2007; J.
Matthews, Laying down the Law: A Study of the Theodosian Code, New Haven 2000.
18
Jones, LRE, 720, 740, 745. Downey, Antioch, 159–172. ɍɡ ʃɢɯ, ɜɥɚɫɬ ʁɟ ɬɟɠɢɥɚ ɞɚ ɡɚ
ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɟ ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɨ ɢɦɟɧɭʁɟ ɫɢɧɨɜɟ ɜɟɬɟɪɚɧɚ (ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɨɞɛɢʁɭ ɞɚ ɫɥɭɠɟ ɭ ɜɨʁɫɰɢ ɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɡɚ ɬɨ
ɧɟɩɨɞɨɛɧɢ), ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɫɤɟ ɱɢɧɨɜɧɢɤɟ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɩɪɨɬɢɜɩɪɚɜɧɨ ɡɚɭɡɟɥɢ ɜɢɲɟ ɩɨɥɨɠɚʁɟ ɢ ɪɚɲɱɢʃɟɧɟ
ɫɜɟɲɬɟɧɢɤɟ. Ɇɟɻɭ ɨɧɢɦɚ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɞɪɠɚɜɚ ɡɚɤɨɧɫɤɢ ɨɫɥɨɛɨɞɢɥɚ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɟ ɞɚ ɭɻɭ ɭ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɟ, ɬɪɟɛɚ ɩɨ-
ɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɨɪɟ ɪɟɬɨɪɢɤɟ ɢ ɝɪɚɦɚɬɢɤɟ (ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɰɚɪɫɤɨʁ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ ɛɢɥɢ ɩɨɬɪɟɛɧɢ ɪɚɞɢ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚʃɚ
ɛɭɞɭʄɢɯ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɱɢɧɨɜɧɢɤɚ), ɥɟɤɚɪɟ ɢ ɫɜɟɲɬɟɧɢɤɟ (ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɨɝɪɚɧɢɱɟɧ ɛɪɨʁ ɫɜɟɲɬɟɧɢɤɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɦɨɝɭ
ɞɨɛɢɬɢ ɨɜɚʁ ɢɦɭɧɢɬɟɬ). ɍɡ ɬɨ, ɜɥɚɫɬ ʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɚ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɚ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɟ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɭɩɢɲɟ ɭ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɭ
ɞɪɭɝɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɚ, ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɭ ɨɜɨɦɟ ɧɟ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɢ ɞɨɜɨʂɚɧ ɛɪɨʁ ʂɭɞɢ ɢɦɨɜɢɧɫɤɢ ɫɩɨɫɨɛɧɢɯ ɞɚ ɛɟɫɩɥɚɬɧɨ
ɨɛɚɜʂɚʁɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬɭɪɟ.
84 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɤɨʁɚ ɫɭ ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚɥɚ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɫɤɭ ɫɥɭɠɛɭ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ, ɤɚɤɜɨ ʁɟ ɫɧɨɲɟʃɟ ɞɟɥɚ


ɬɪɨɲɤɨɜɚ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʃɚ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ ɡɞɚʃɚ).19 Ɍɟɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ, ɛɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɨɝɪɚɧɢɱɟɧɚ ɧɚ ɥɢɱɧɭ
ɫɥɭɠɛɭ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɭ ɩɪɚɤɫɢ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɩɪɢɦɨɪɚɜɚɥɚ ɜɪɲɢɨɰɚ ɞɚ ɢɡ ɥɢɱɧɢɯ
ɫɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɚ ɞɟɥɢɦɢɱɧɨ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢɪɚ ʃɟɧɨ ɢɡɜɪɲɟʃɟ, ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢ ɩɪɢɯɨɞɢ
ɡɚ ɬɨ ɛɢɥɢ ɧɟɞɨɜɨʂɧɢ (ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɭ ɧɩɪ. ɤɭɪɢʁɚɥɧɢ ɤɭɪɚɬɨɪɢ ɤɭɩɚɬɢɥɚ ɛɢɥɢ
ɩɪɢɦɨɪɚɧɢ ɞɚ ɧɚ ɫɟɛɟ ɩɪɟɭɡɢɦɚʁɭ ɜɟɥɢɤɢ ɞɟɨ ɬɪɨɲɤɨɜɚ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʃɚ ɤɭɩɚɬɢɥɚ,
ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɡɚ ɝɨɪɢɜɨ).20 Ɍɪɟɛɚ ɧɚɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɢ ɬɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɫɜɚɤɨ ɤɨ ʁɟ ɠɟɥɟɨ ɞɚ ɭɡɦɟ
ɭɱɟɲʄɚ ɭ ɰɟɧɬɪɚɥɧɨʁ ɰɚɪɫɤɨʁ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢʁɢ ɛɢɨ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚɧ ɞɚ ɩɪɨɻɟ ɧɟɤɚ ɨɞ
ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɫɤɢɯ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬɫɤɢɯ ɡɚɞɭɠɟʃɚ ɭ ɫɜɨɦ ɝɪɚɞɭ.21
ɇɚʁɢɫɬɚɤɧɭɬɢʁɢ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬ ɋɚɪɞɚ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɜɟʄɢɧɟ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɢɯ
ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ, ɛɢɨ ʁɟ defensor civitatis, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɩɨɦɢʃɟ ɩɨɞ ɝɪɱɤɢɦ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɨɦ ਩țįȚțȠȢ
ɤɚɨ ʁɟɞɧɢɦ ɨɞ ɤɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɢɫɬɢɱɧɢɯ ɡɚ ɯɟɥɟɧɨɮɨɧɟ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɟ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɚ (ɱɟɲʄɢ ɨɛɥɢɤ
ʁɟ ıȪȞįȚțȠȢ). ȿɤɞɢɤ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɩɨɦɢʃɟ ɫɟ ɭ ɱɭɜɟɧɨɦ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɭ ɢɡ 459, ɤɨʁɢ ʄɟ ɛɢɬɢ
19
Digesta Iustiniani Augusti, Corpus Iuris Civilis, vol. I-2, Berlin 1928, ed. T. Mommsen – P. Krüger,
50.4.1 (ɞɚʂɟ: DJ); Libanii Opera, ed. R. Förster, Leipzig 1904, vol. II (Orationes) 25.43, vol. III (Orationes)
27.13, 28.22 (ɞɚʂɟ: Libanii Opera); CT 12.1.8, 12.6.1; Jones, LRE, 727–729, 748–750; Downey, Antioch,
425–439. Ɇɟɻɭ ɪɟɬɤɢɦ ɩɪɢɜɢɥɟɝɢʁɚɦɚ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɢ ɢɦɭɧɢɬɟɬ ɨɞ ɫɦɪɬɧɟ ɤɚɡɧɟ. ɍɩɪɚɜɧɢɰɢɦɚ
ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ ɡɚɤɨɧɫɤɢ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɞɨɡɜɨʂɟɧɨ ɞɚ ɧɚɪɟɞɟ ɲɢɛɚʃɟ ɨɧɢɯ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɢɡɜɪɲɢɥɢ
ɩɪɨɧɟɜɟɪɭ, ɢɡɧɭɻɢɜɚʃɟ ɢɥɢ ɧɚɧɟɥɢ ɤɪɭɩɧɢʁɭ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɫɤɭ ɲɬɟɬɭ. Ɉ ɜɪɟɞɧɨɫɬɢ Ʌɢɜɚɧɢʁɟɜɢɯ ɩɨɞɚɬɚɤɚ
ɡɚ ɞɪɭɲɬɜɟɧɭ ɢ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɭ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɭ – G. Sievers, Das Leben des Libanius, Berlin 1868; R. Pack, Studies
in Libanius and Antiochene Society Under Theodosius, Menasha 1935; R. Criboire, The School of Libanius
in Late Antique Antioch, Princeton 2007. Ɂɚ Ⱦɢɝɟɫɬɚ, ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ: H. Roby, An Introduction to the Study
of Justinian's Digest: Containing an Account of its Composition and the Jurists used or referred to therein,
Cambridge 1884; T. Honoré, Justinian's Digest: Character and Compilation, Oxford 2010.
20
ɇɟ ɱɭɞɢ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɜɚɤɚɜ ɬɟɪɟɬ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚ ɧɚɜɟɨ ɦɧɨɝɟ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɟ ɞɚ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁɭ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɨɫɥɨ-
ɛɨɞɟ ɤɭɪɢʁɚɥɫɤɢɯ ɞɭɠɧɨɫɬɢ. Ȼɨɝɚɬɢʁɢ ɫɭ ɨɜɨ ɩɨɫɬɢɡɚɥɢ ɫɬɢɰɚʃɟɦ ɫɟɧɚɬɨɪɫɤɨɝ ɪɚɧɝɚ ɢɥɢ ɩɪɨɞɚʁɨɦ
ɡɟɦʂɟ. ɋɟɧɚɬɨɪɫɤɢ ɪɚɧɝ ɫɬɢɰɚɨ ɫɟ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɨ ɫɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɨɞ ɦɧɨɝɨɛɪɨʁɧɢɯ ɜɢɫɨɤɢɯ ɫɥɭɠɛɢ ɰɟɧɬɪɚɥɧɟ
ɞɪɠɚɜɧɟ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢʁɟ, ɚ ɩɨɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɧɚɫɥɟɞɚɧ, ʃɟɝɨɜɨ ɞɨɛɢʁɚʃɟ ʁɟ ɡɧɚɱɢɥɨ ɢ ɬɪɚʁɧɢ ɞɨɛɢɬɚɤ
ɢɦɭɧɢɬɟɬɚ ɨɞ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɫɤɟ ɫɥɭɠɛɟ ɡɚ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɭ ɩɨɪɨɞɢɰɭ. ɐɚɪɟɜɢ ɫɭ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɜɚɥɢ ɞɚ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɟ ɭɥɚɡɚɤ
ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɭ ɫɟɧɚɬ (ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ 361. ɢ 439.) ɢɥɢ ɞɚ ɛɚɪɟɦ ɨɝɪɚɧɢɱɟ ɛɪɨʁ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɭɥɚɡɟ ɭ ɫɟɧɚɬ,
ɨɜɨ ɩɨɫɥɟɞʃɟ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɡɚɯɬɟɜɨɦ ɞɚ ɧɚʁɦɚʃɟ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɫɢɧ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɧɚɫɥɟɞɢ ɨɱɟɜ ɤɭɪɢʁɚɥɫɤɢ ɫɬɚɬɭɫ ɢ
ɨɛɚɜɟɡɟ, ɢɥɢ ɞɚ ɰɟɥɚ ɩɨɪɨɞɢɰɚ ɫɧɨɫɢ ɬɪɨɲɤɨɜɟ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɫɤɟ ɫɥɭɠɛɟ ɩɪɟɤɨ ɞɟɩɭɬɚɬɚ. ɉɪɢ ɬɨɦɟ, ɰɚɪ-
ɫɤɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ ʁɟ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɥɚ ɢ ɞɚ ɫɩɪɟɱɢ ɤɨɪɢɲʄɟʃɟ ɩɨɱɚɫɧɨɝ ɫɟɧɚɬɨɪɫɤɨɝ ɪɚɧɝɚ ɤɚɨ ɨɫɧɨɜɟ ɡɚ ɞɨɛɢʁɚʃɟ
ɫɟɧɚɬɨɪɫɤɢɯ ɩɪɢɜɢɥɟɝɢʁɚ. (ɧɩɪ. CT 12.1.48, 12.1.57, 12.1.111, 12.1.118, 12.1.122, 12.1.187). ɍ ɩɪɚɤɫɢ,
ɨɜɟ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɟ ɫɭ ɛɢɥɟ ɦɚɫɨɜɧɨ ɢɡɢɝɪɚɜɚɧɟ ɢ ɡɚɨɛɢɥɚɠɟɧɟ. ɉɪɨɞɚʁɨɦ ɡɟɦʂɟ ɚɭɬɨɦɚɬɫɤɢ ɫɟ ɝɭɛɢɥɚ
ɢɦɨɜɢɧɫɤɚ ɤɜɚɥɢɮɢɤɚɰɢʁɚ, ɩɚ ʁɟ ɡɚɬɨ ɡɚ ɩɪɨɞɚʁɭ ɨɜɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ ɜɥɚɫɬ ɭɜɟɥɚ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɧɭ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɭ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢ-
ɤɚ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ (CT 12.3.1, 12.3.2), ɦɚɞɚ ɫɟ ɢ ɨɧɚ ɦɨɝɥɚ ɞɨɛɢɬɢ ɤɨɪɭɩɰɢʁɨɦ. ɉɨɪɟɞ ɬɨɝɚ, ɛɨɝɚɬɢʁɢ
ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɢ ɫɭ ʁɟɞɧɨɫɬɚɜɧɨ ɦɨɝɥɢ ɢɡɛɟɝɚɜɚɬɢ ɤɭɪɢʁɚɥɧɟ ɫɥɭɠɛɟ ɩɨɜɥɚɱɟʃɟɦ ɧɚ ɥɚɬɢɮɭɧɞɢʁɭ (ɲɬɨ
ʁɟ ɜɥɚɫɬ ɭɛɪɡɨ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɢɥɚ), ɢɥɢ ɩɨɞɦɢʄɢɜɚʃɟɦ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɤɚ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ ɪɚɞɢ ɫɦɚʃɟʃɚ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɫɤɢɯ
ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚ. ɍ ɫɜɚɤɨɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ, ɦɚɫɨɜɧɢ ɭɫɩɟɯ ɛɨɝɚɬɢʁɢɯ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɭ ɞɨɛɢʁɚʃɭ ɢɦɭɧɢɬɟɬɚ ɢ ɢɡɛɟɝɚɜɚʃɭ
ɤɭɪɢʁɚɥɧɢɯ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚ ɢɦɚɨ ʁɟ ɡɚ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɢɰɭ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɨɜɟ ɩɨɜɟʄɚʁɭ ɧɚ ɪɚɱɭɧ ɫɢɪɨɦɚɲɧɢʁɢɯ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ, ɬɟ
ɞɚ ɫɟ ɭ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɭ ɩɪɢɦɚʁɭ ɢ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɫɢɪɨɦɚɲɧɢ ʂɭɞɢ, ɱɚɤ ɢ ɩɪɨɫɬɢ ɫɟʂɚɰɢ ɢ ɫɢɬɧɢʁɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ.
ɋɢɪɨɦɚɲɧɢʁɢ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɢ ɭɫɩɟɜɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɨɫɥɨɛɨɞɟ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɫɤɢɯ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɨɦ ɫɜɨɝ ɫɬɚɬɭɫɚ,
ɩɭɬɟɦ ɠɟɧɢɞɛɟ ɪɨɛɢʃɨɦ ɢɥɢ ɤɨɥɨɧɤɢʃɨɦ; CT 12.1.33; Libanii Opera, vol. III, XLVIII.37–8, XLIX.8;
Jones, LRE 737–9, 741–2, 747, 750, 754.
21
ɇɚ ɡɚɩɚɞɭ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ, ɝɞɟ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɫɬɚɧɞɚɪɞɢɡɨɜɚɧɢʁɢ cursus completes ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ
ɭɩɪɚɜɟ, ɦɨɪɚɨ ɫɟ ɩɪɨʄɢ ɪɟɞɨɫɥɟɞ ɤɜɟɫɬɨɪ-ɟɞɢɥ-ɞɭɭɦɜɢɪ, ɞɚ ɛɢ ɫɟ ɞɨɛɢɥɚ ɜɢɲɚ ɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɚ ɤɚɤɜɚ
ʁɟ ɤɭɪɚɬɨɪ, ɚ ɧɚɤɨɧ ɬɨɝɚ ɩɨɥɨɠɚʁ ɭ ɰɟɧɬɪɚɥɧɨʁ ɰɚɪɫɤɨʁ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢʁɢ. Ⱦɭɨɜɢɪɢ ɫɭ ɧɚ Ɂɚɩɚɞɭ
ɩɪɟɞɫɟɞɚɜɚɥɢ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɨɦ, ʃɢɦɚ ɩɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɢ ɟɞɢɥɢ ɭɩɪɚɜʂɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɦ ɫɥɭɠɛɚɦɚ, ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʃɟɦ
ʁɚɜɧɢɯ ɡɝɪɚɞɚ, ɱɢɲʄɟʃɟɦ ɭɥɢɰɚ ɢ ɤɚɧɚɥɢɡɚɰɢʁɟ, ɜɨɞɨɜɨɞɨɦ ɢ ɬɪɠɧɢɰɚɦɚ, ɚ ɢɫɩɨɞ ɨɜɢɯ ɛɢɥɚ ɫɭ
ɞɜɚ ɤɜɟɫɬɨɪɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɧɚɞɝɥɟɞɚɥɢ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɟ. ɇɚ ɢɫɬɨɤɭ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ, ɨɜɚɤɨ ɪɢɝɢɞɧɚ ɢ ɰɟɧɬɪɚɥɢɡɨɜɚɧɚ
ɯɢʁɟɪɚɪɯɢʁɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬɭɪɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚɥɚ, ɚɥɢ ɫɟ ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ɬɪɚɠɢɥɨ ɞɚ ɚɫɩɢɪɚɧɬ ɡɚ ɜɢɲɢ
ɩɨɥɨɠɚʁ ɨɛɚɜɢ ɧɟɤɟ ɨɞ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬɭɪɚ. Jones, LRE, 725, 730, 741; Ʉɭɛɪɚɬɨɜ, Ƚɨɪɨɞ, 134–161.
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 85

ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ ɪɚɡɦɚɬɪɚʃɚ ɭ ɨɜɨɦ ɪɚɞɭ. Ɉɧ ʁɟ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɭ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ ɝɪɱɤɢɦ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ


ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ, ɢɦɚɨ ɭ ɝɪɚɞɭ ɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɭ ɜɪɯɨɜɧɨɝ ɢɡɜɪɲɧɨɝ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤɚ, ɫɭɞɢʁɟ ɭ ɦɚʃɢɦ
ɝɪɚɻɚɧɫɤɢɦ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɢɦɚ, ɬɟ ɡɚɲɬɢɬɧɢɤɚ ɩɥɟɛɫɚ ɢ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ.22 ȼɟɥɢɤɭ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɱɧɭ
ɤɨɪɢɫɬ ɱɢɧɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɬɢɦɟ ɲɬɨ ɫɭ ɫɭɞ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɤɚ
ɪɚɫɬɟɪɟʄɢɜɚɥɢ ɦɚʃɢɯ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ. ɍ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ ɜɟɥɢɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɚɧɫɤɢɯ ɢ ɤɪɢɜɢɱɧɢɯ
ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ ɩɪɢɦɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɠɚɥɛɟ ɢ ɞɨɤɚɡɟ, ɬɟ ɢɯ ɡɚɩɢɫɚɧɟ ɢ ɫɪɟɻɟɧɟ ɩɪɨɫɥɟɻɢɜɚɥɢ
ɫɭɞɭ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɤɚ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ. ɍɡ ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɚ, ɧɚʁɜɢɲɢ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤ ɭ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɢɦ
ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɤɭɪɚɬɨɪ ɝɪɚɞɚ (ȜȠȖȚıIJȒȢ), ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɡɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɤɭ ɨɞ ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɚ ɧɟ
ɩɨɦɢʃɟ ɟɤɫɩɥɢɰɢɬɧɨ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ʃɟɝɨɜɨ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚʃɟ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɨ, ɛɭɞɭʄɢ
ɞɚ ʁɟ ɛɚɪɟɦ ɨɞ Ⱦɢɨɤɥɟɰɢʁɚɧɨɜɨɝ ɞɨɛɚ ɫɜɚɤɢ ɝɪɚɞ ɛɢɨ ɡɚɤɨɧɫɤɢ ɞɭɠɚɧ ɞɚ ɢɦɚ
ɫɜɨɝ ɤɭɪɚɬɨɪɚ. ȵɟɝɚ ʁɟ ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚɥɚ ɰɚɪɫɤɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ, ɚ ɡɚɞɚɬɚɤ ɦɭ ʁɟ ɛɢɨ
ɪɟɝɭɥɢɫɚʃɟ ɢ ɤɨɧɬɪɨɥɢɫɚʃɟ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɚ ɝɪɚɞɚ. ɋɚɤɭɩʂɟɧɢ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢ ɩɪɢɯɨɞɢ ɛɢɥɢ
ɫɭ ɧɟɬɚɤɧɭɬɢ ɩɪɟɞɚɜɚɧɢ ɤɭɪɚɬɨɪɭ ɢ ɨɧ ʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɬɚʁ ɤɨʁɢ ɢɯ ɪɚɫɩɨɪɟɻɭʁɟ. Ɂɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɤɭ
ɨɞ ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɚ, ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɚ ɭɞɟɥɚ ɭ ɢɡɛɨɪɭ ɤɭɪɚɬɨɪɚ, ɢ ɨɧ ʁɟ ɤɪɨɡ ɰɟɥɭ
ɟɩɨɯɭ ɨɫɬɚɨ ɢɫɤʂɭɱɢɜɨ ɰɚɪɫɤɢ, ɚ ɧɟ ɦɭɧɢɰɢɩɥɚɧɢ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤ.23

ǠȁǹdzȁǶǵǾǶ ǵǶǼDZȃǾǿȂȃǹ ǸDZȂȃȄȀșǶǾǶ Ȅ ȁDZǾǿdzǹǸDZǾȃǹȘȂǻǿǽ ǢDZȁǵȄ

ɉɪɢɜɪɟɞɚ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɨɛɭɯɜɚɬɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɩɪɢɥɢɱɧɨ


ɪɚɡɧɨɜɪɫɧɢɯ ɢ ɪɚɡɜɢʁɟɧɢɯ ɝɪɚɧɚ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɬɜɚ ɢ ɬɪɝɨɜɢɧɟ. ɉɥɚɧɢɧɫɤɨ ɡɚɥɟɻɟ ɋɚɪɞɚ
ɨɫɬɚɥɨ ʁɟ ɛɨɝɚɬɨ ɪɭɞɚɦɚ ɝɜɨɠɻɚ ɢ ɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɟɩɨɯɢ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɢ ɪɚɜɧɢɰɚ
ɏɟɪɦɚ ɨɫɬɚɥɚ ɜɟɤɨɜɢɦɚ ɩɥɨɞɨɧɨɫɧɚ ɡɚ ɚɝɪɚɪɧɟ ɩɨɞɭɯɜɚɬɟ. ɂ ɭ ɨɜɨɦ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɭ,
ɛɨɝɚɬɨ ɦɚɥɨɚɡɢʁɫɤɨ ɡɚɥɟɻɟ ȿɝɟʁɫɤɨɝ ɛɚɫɟɧɚ ɛɢɥɨ ʁɟ ɝɥɚɜɧɢ ɫɧɚɛɞɟɜɚɱ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ
ɚɧɚɞɨɥɫɤɨɝ ɩɥɚɬɨɚ ɦɟɬɚɥɭɪɲɤɢɦ ɢ ɚɝɪɚɪɧɢɦ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɢɦɚ. Ⱦɚʂɟɦ ɰɜɟɬɚʃɭ
ɫɚɪɞɫɤɟ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɟ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɫɭ ɞɨɩɪɢɧɟɥɟ ɢ ɩɨɩɪɚɜɤɟ ɫɜɢɯ ɝɥɚɜɧɢɯ ɩɭɬɟɜɚ ɤɨʁɢ
ɫɭ ɝɚ ɩɨɜɟɡɢɜɚɥɢ ɫɚ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ ɭ ɨɤɪɭɠɟʃɭ (ɞɨ ɋɦɢɪɧɟ, ɉɟɪɝɚɦɚ, Ⱦɚɥɞɢɞɟ ɢ
Ȼɚɝɢɫɚ), ɨɛɚɜʂɟɧɟ ɢɧɬɟɧɡɢɜɧɨ ɬɨɤɨɦ IV ɜɟɤɚ.24
ȼɚɧ ɫɜɚɤɟ ɫɭɦʃɟ, ɜɟɥɢɤɭ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɭ ɜɚɠɧɨɫɬ ɋɚɪɞɭ ɞɚɜɚɥɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɢɫɭɫɬɜɨ
ɰɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ ɡɚ ɢɡɪɚɞɭ ɲɬɢɬɨɜɚ ɢ ɨɪɭɠʁɚ (fabrica scutaria et armorum).
ɋɚɪɞɫɤɢ ɨɪɭɠɚɪɫɤɢ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ʁɟɞɢɧɢ ɨɜɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ ɭ ɚɡɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɞɢɨɰɟɡɢ, ɲɬɨ ɝɚ
ʁɟ ɱɢɧɢɥɨ ʁɟɞɢɧɢɦ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɦ ɫɧɚɛɞɟɜɚɱɟɦ ɨɪɭɠʁɚ ɭ ʃɨʁ. ɉɨɦɢʃɟ ɝɚ Notitia dig-
nitatum, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɤ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɝ ɢɫɬɚɤɧɭɬɨɝ ɱɥɚɧɚ. Ɉɜɭ ɜɪɫɬɭ
ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ ɡɚ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞʃɭ ɨɪɭɠʁɚ (fabricae) ɡɚɫɧɨɜɚɨ ʁɟ Ⱦɢɨɤɥɟɰɢʁɚɧ,
22
CT 1.29.1, 1.29.2, 1.29.4, 1.29.5, 1.29.6, 1.29.7; Jones, LRE, 144–145, 286, 279–280, 403, 457, 478–
480, 496–500, 517, 521, 726–727, 758–759, 858, 857; D. Claude, Die byzantinische Stadt im 6. Jahrhundert,
Munich 1969, 114–116 (ɞɚʂɟ: Claude, Stadt). Ⱦɟɮɟɧɫɨɪ-ɟɤɞɢɤ ɩɨʁɚɜʂɭʁɟ ɫɟ ɭ ȿɝɢɩɬɭ ɩɨɱɟɬɤɨɦ IV ɜɟɤɚ.
ɉɨɞ ȼɚɥɟɧɬɢɧɢʁɚɧɨɦ I ɩɨʁɚɜʂɭʁɟ ɫɟ ɢ ɭ ɡɚɩɚɞɧɢɦ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚɦɚ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ. ȼɚɥɟɧɬɢɧɢʁɚɧ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɨ
ɞɚ ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɞɚ ɛɢɪɚ ɧɚɞɥɟɠɧɢ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬ ɥɢɱɧɨ, ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɢɡ ɪɟɞɚ ɛɢɜɲɢɯ
ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɝɭɜɟɪɧɟɪɚ, ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤɚ ɞɜɨɪɚ ɢɥɢ ɚɞɜɨɤɚɬɚ, ɚ ɧɢɤɚɤɨ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ. Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢʁɟ I ʁɟ ɨɜɨ
ɭɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɢɨ, ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɜɲɢ ɞɚ ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɚ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɞɚ ɩɪɟɩɨɪɭɱɢ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɚ, ɚ ɞɚ ɢɯ ɩɨɬɨɦ ɩɨɫɬɚɜɢ
ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɚ. Ɉɜɚ ɩɪɚɤɫɚ ɨɞɪɠɚɥɚ ɫɟ ɞɨ VI ɜɟɤɚ. ɍ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɢ ɢɡ 392. ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪ ɫɟ ɞɟɮɢɧɢɲɟ
ɢ ɤɚɨ ɡɚɲɬɢɬɧɢɤ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɚ ɢ ɩɥɟɛɫɚ ɨɞ ɫɜɢɯ ɜɪɫɬɚ ɩɨɜɪɟɞɚ.
23
CT 16.2.31; CT 12.1.20; Jones, LRE, 72, 286, 403, 521, 723, 726–731, 736, 755, 758–760, 910, 948.
24
M. Charlesworth, Trade Routes and Commerce of the Roman Empire, Cambridge 1924, 82–
89. Foss, Sardis, 1, 6, 8, 14. Ɉ ɩɨɩɪɚɜɤɚɦɚ ɞɪɭɦɨɜɚ ɡɧɚ ɫɟ ɢɡ ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧɢɯ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ, ɜɟɥɢɤɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɦ
ɧɟɨɛʁɚɜʂɟɧɢɯ. ɉɭɬɟɜɟ ɢ ɦɨɫɬɨɜɟ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɰɚɪɫɤɚ ɜɥɚɞɚ, ɭɝɥɚɜɧɨɦ ɨ ɬɪɨɲɤɭ ɡɟɦʂɨɩɨɫɟɞɧɢɤɚ
(Jones, LRE, 825).
86 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɫɚ ɡɚɞɚɬɤɨɦ ɞɚ ɡɚɞɨɜɨʂɟ ɝɥɚɜɧɢ ɞɟɨ ɜɨʁɧɢɯ ɩɨɬɪɟɛɚ. ɇɚ ɨɜɚʁ ɧɚɱɢɧ, ɞɪɠɚɜɚ ʁɟ


ɨɫɬɜɚɪɢɥɚ ɩɪɢɥɢɱɧɭ ɭɲɬɟɞɭ (ɢɡɛɟɝɚɜɲɢ ɤɭɩɨɜɢɧɭ ɨɞ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ ɫɧɚɛɞɟɜɚɱɚ),
ɞɨɩɪɢɧɟɥɚ ʁɟ ɫɬɚɧɞɚɪɞɢɡɚɰɢʁɢ ɜɨʁɧɟ ɨɩɪɟɦɟ, ɚɥɢ ɫɟ ɢ ɭ ɨɜɨɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ ɩɪɢɥɚɝɨɞɢɥɚ
ɪɚɫɬɭ ɧɚɬɭɪɚɥɧɢɯ ɬɟɧɞɟɧɰɢʁɚ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɟ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ.25 ɉɨɡɧɚɬɨ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɭ ɞɨɛɚ ɫɚɦɨɝ
Ⱦɢɨɤɥɟɰɢʁɚɧɚ ɛɢɥɢ ɨɫɧɨɜɚɧɢ ɨɪɭɠɚɪɫɤɢ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɢ ɭ ɇɢɤɨɦɟɞɢʁɢ, Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɢ,
ȿɞɟɫɢ ɢ Ⱦɚɦɚɫɤɭ.26 Ɉɫɬɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɨɫɧɨɜɚɧɢ ɭ ɜɪɟɦɟ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɚ ɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɯ
ɧɚɫɥɟɞɧɢɤɚ. Ɂɚ ɛɥɢɠɟ ɞɚɬɨɜɚʃɟ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɚ ɧɚɫɬɚɧɤɚ ɨɪɭɠɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ
ɧɟɦɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɚ ɭ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ – ɨɧ ɫɟ ɩɨɦɢʃɟ ɬɟɤ ɭ ɧɨɬɢɰɢʁɢ ɡɚ ɢɫɬɨɱɧɟ ɞɟɥɨɜɟ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ,
ɤɨʁɚ ʁɟ ɫɚɫɬɚɜʂɟɧɚ ɭ ɩɨɫɥɟɞʃɨʁ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɢ IV ɜɟɤɚ, ɭɡ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɞɨɛɪɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɦ
ɡɚɫɧɨɜɚɧɚ ɧɚ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ ɫɬɚɪɢʁɢɦ ɞɜɟ ɢɥɢ ɬɪɢ ɞɟɰɟɧɢʁɟ. Fabricae ɫɭ ɤɚɨ ɰɟɥɢɧɚ
ɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɛɢɥɟ ɧɟɩɨɫɪɟɞɧɨ ɩɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɟ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɢɦɚ, ɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɤɪɚʁɟɦ IV
ɜɟɤɚ ɩɪɟɲɥɟ ɩɨɞ ɧɚɞɥɟɠɧɨɫɬ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚ ɨɮɢɰɢʁɚ. Ɂɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɡɚɩɨɫɥɟɧɟ ɭ ɨɜɢɦ
ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɢɦɚ (fabricenses) ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ʂɭɞɢ ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɨɝ ɫɬɚɬɭɫɚ, ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɨ ɜɨɻɟɧɢ ɤɚɨ
ɜɨʁɧɢɰɢ, ɫɚ ɩɪɚɜɨɦ ɧɚɩɪɟɞɨɜɚʃɚ ɭ ɜɨʁɧɢɦ ɱɢɧɨɜɢɦɚ.27 ɍ ɫɤɥɚɞɭ ɫ ɬɢɦɟ, ɧɚ ɱɟɥɭ
ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɨ ɫɟ tribunus fabricae (ɩɪɜɢ ɩɨ ɜɨʁɧɨɦ ɪɚɧɝɭ) ɢɥɢ primicerius
fabricae (ɞɪɭɝɢ ɩɨ ɪɚɧɝɭ). ɍ ɬɨɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ, ɬɪɟɛɚ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ fabricensis-a,
ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɭɫɩɟɨ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɭɡɞɢɝɧɟ ɞɨ ɪɚɧɝɚ ducenarius-a (ɱɟɬɜɪɬɢ ɩɨ ɜɨʁɧɨɦ ɪɚɧɝɭ) ɢ
ɩɥɚɬɟ ɨɞ 200.000 ɫɟɫɬɪɟɰɢʁɚ.28 ɍ ɜɟɡɢ ɫɚ ɭɧɭɬɪɚɲʃɨɦ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɰɢʁɨɦ ɪɚɞɚ, ɜɢɲɟ
ɫɟ ɡɧɚ ɨ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɦ ɩɨɫɬɪɨʁɟʃɢɦɚ ɡɚ ɢɡɪɚɞɭ ɥɭɤɫɭɡɧɟ ɨɮɢɰɢɪɫɤɟ ɜɨʁɧɟ ɨɩɪɟɦɟ,
25
Notitia Dignitatum accedunt Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanae, ed. O. Seeck, Berlin 1876, 32–33;
R. MacMullen, Inscriptions on Armor and the Supply of Arms in the Roman Empire, American Journal of
Archaeology 64 (1960), 29–30; D. van Berchem, L`armée de Dioclétien et la réforme constantinienne, Paris
1952, 103–116; Jones, LRE, 66, 161, 352, 368, 448, 579, 671, 834–836; The Cambridge Companion to the
Age of Constantine, ed. N. Lenski, Cambridge 2011, 330–345. ɉɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɦ ɨɪɭɠɚɪɢɦɚ ɞɨɡɜɨʂɟɧɨ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɪɚɞɟ
ɞɨ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɚ ȳɭɫɬɢɧɢʁɚɧɚ, ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞʃɚ ɨɪɭɠʁɚ ɩɪɟɬɜɨɪɟɧɚ ɭ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢ ɦɨɧɨɩɨɥ. ɇɢʁɟ ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧ ɩɨ-
ɦɟɧ ɛɪɨʁɚ ɪɚɞɧɢɤɚ ɭ ɞɢɨɤɥɟɰɢʁɚɧɫɤɢɦ ɨɪɭɠɚɪɫɤɢɦ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɢɦɚ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɦɨɪɚɨ ɛɢɬɢ ɜɟɥɢɤɢ, ʁɟɪ ɫɟ fab-
ricenses ɭ ȳɟɞɪɟɧɭ ɩɨɦɢʃɭ ɤɚɨ ɧɚʁɛɪɨʁɧɢʁɢ ɟɥɟɦɟɧɬ ɭ ɩɨɛɭɧɢ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɚɪɢʁɚɧɫɤɨɝ ɫɚɛɨɪɚ 343, ɤɚɨ ɛɪɨʁɚɧ
ɞɟɨ ɨɞɪɟɞɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɞɟɤɭɪɢɨɧɢ ȳɟɞɪɟɧɚ 376. ɩɨɞɢɝɥɢ ɡɛɨɝ ɝɨɬɫɤɟ ɨɩɚɫɧɨɫɬɢ, ɢ ɤɚɨ ɢɫɬɚɤɧɭɬ ɟɥɟɦɟɧɬ ɭ
ɩɨɛɭɧɚɦɚ ɭ ɐɟɡɚɪɟʁɢ (Jones, LRE 836). ɇɢʁɟɞɧɚ ɡɝɪɚɞɚ ɨɪɭɠɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɩɪɨɧɚɻɟɧɚ.
26
ɇɚ ɢɫɬɨɤɭ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɛɢɥɨ ʁɟ ɭɤɭɩɧɨ 15 ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɨɪɭɠɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ. ɉɨɪɟɞ ɨɜɟ
ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ ɛɢɥɨ ɢɯ ʁɟ ɢ ɭ ɇɢɤɨɦɟɞɢʁɢ, ȳɟɞɪɟɧɭ, Ɇɚɪɤɢʁɚɧɨɩɨʂɭ ɬɪɚɱɤɨɦ, Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɢ, Ⱦɚɦɚɫɤɭ
ɢ ȿɞɟɫɢ. Ⱦɪɠɚɜɧɢ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫ ɡɚ ɢɡɪɚɞɭ ɤɨɩɚʂɚ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɭ ɂɪɟɧɨɩɨʂɭ ɤɢɥɢɤɢʁɫɤɨɦ, ɲɬɢɬɨɜɚ ɭ ɏɨ-
ɪɟɭɦ Ɇɚɪɝɢʁɭ, ɚ ɤɥɢɛɚɧɚɪɢʁɚ (ɧɚʁɬɟɠɢ ɤɨʃɚɧɢɱɤɢ ɨɤɥɨɩ) ɭ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɢ, ɇɢɤɨɦɟɞɢʁɢ ɢ ɐɟɡɚɪɟʁɢ
ɤɚɩɚɞɨɤɢʁɫɤɨʁ. ɍ ɋɨɥɭɧɭ ɢ ɇɚɢɫɭ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɥɟ ɫɭ ɫɟ fabricae ɡɚ ɤɨʁɟ Notitia Dignitatum ɧɟ ɧɚɜɨɞɢ
ɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɭ ɫɩɟɰɢʁɚɥɢɡɚɰɢʁɭ. ȼɚɧ ɫɭɦʃɟ, ɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɤɭ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɩɨɫɟɛɧɨ ɢɫɬɚɤɧɭɬɢ ɰɟɧɬɪɢ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɨɝ
ɨɪɭɠɚɧɨɝ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɬɜɚ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɇɢɤɨɦɟɞɢʁɚ ɢ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɚ, ɢɦɚʁɭʄɢ ɩɨ ɞɜɚ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɩɨɤɪɢɜɚɥɢ
ɩɟɲɚɞɢʁɫɤɨ ɢ ɤɨʃɚɧɢɱɤɨ ɧɚɨɪɭɠɚʃɟ. ɇɚ ɡɚɩɚɞɭ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ 20 ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ, ɫɩɟɰɢʁɚɥɢɡɨɜɚɧɢɯ
ɡɚ ɢɡɪɚɞɭ ɲɬɢɬɨɜɚ, ɦɚɱɟɜɚ, ɫɬɪɟɥɚ, ɥɭɤɨɜɚ, ɥɨɪɢɤɚ, ɛɚɥɢɫɬɚ ɢ ɤɥɢɛɚɧɚɪɢʁɚ. ɉɪɢɦɟɬɧɨ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ fab-
ricae ɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɤɭ ɢ ɡɚɩɚɞɭ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɛɢɥɟ ɞɨɛɪɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɦ ɫɩɟɰɢʁɚɥɢɡɨɜɚɧɟ ɭ ɡɚɜɢɫɧɨɫɬɢ ɨɞ ɧɚɨɪɭɠɚʃɚ
ɪɟɥɟɜɚɧɬɧɨɝ ɧɟɩɪɢʁɚɬɟʂɚ, ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɜɢɞɢ ɭ ɩɪɢɫɭɫɬɜɭ ɫɚɦɨ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɩɨɝɨɧɚ ɡɚ ɤɥɢɛɚɧɚɪɢʁɟ ɧɚ
Ɂɚɩɚɞɭ. Jones, LRE 834; P. Letki, The state factories (fabricae) during the time of tetrarchy, Studia nad
kultura antyczna V, Opole 2009, 49–64.
27
CT 10.22.3, 10.22.4, 10.22.5, 10.22.6, 12.1.37, 12.1.81. J. P. Waltzing, Etude historique
sur les corporations professionnelles chez les romains II, Louvain 1896, 237–245 (ɞɚʂɟ: Waltzing,
Corporations); Jones, LRE 744. Fabricenses ɫɭ ɡɚ ɫɜɨʁɭ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢʁɭ ɛɢɥɢ ɜɟɡɚɧɢ ɢ ɥɢɱɧɨ ɢ ɩɨɪɨɞɢɱɧɨ
– ɧɢɫɭ ɫɦɟɥɢ ɞɚ ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚʁɭ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢʁɭ, ɚ ʃɢɯɨɜɢ ɫɢɧɨɜɢ ɦɨɪɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɞɚ ɧɚɫɥɟɞɟ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢʁɭ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ
ɨɱɟɜɚ. Ʉɚɨ ɢ ɬɟɤ ɪɟɝɪɭɬɨɜɚɧɢ ɜɨʁɧɢɰɢ, ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɠɢɝɨɫɚɧɢ, ɡɚ ɥɚɤɲɭ ɢɞɟɧɬɢɮɢɤɚɰɢʁɭ ɭ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ
ɛɟɤɫɬɜɚ. ɍ ɪɚɞɭ ɫɭ ɢɦ, ɭ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɨʁ ɦɟɪɢ, ɩɨɦɚɝɚɥɚ ɥɢɰɚ ɫɚ ɪɨɩɫɤɢɦ ɫɬɚɬɭɫɨɦ. ɍ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɢ
ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɤɚ ɞɚ ɫɭ fabricenses ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɩɨɫɬɚʁɚɥɢ ɫɢɪɨɦɚɲɧɢʁɢ ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɢ ʂɭɞɢ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɛɢɨ
ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɫɚ ɜɨʁɫɤɨɦ ɭɨɩɲɬɟ.
28
Foss, Sardis, 106 ɩɪɟɧɨɫɢ ɞɟɨ ɬɟɤɫɬɚ ɨɜɨɝ ɧɟɨɛʁɚɜɟɧɨɝ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɚ.
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 87

ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɤɭ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɥɢ ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ ɢ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɢ.29 ɇɚɪɚɜɧɨ, ɢ


ɫɚɦ ɝɪɚɞ ɋɚɪɞ, ɧɟɡɚɜɢɫɧɨ ɨɞ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɨɝ ɨɪɭɠɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ, ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ʁɟ ɢɦɚɨ
ɢ ɫɨɩɫɬɜɟɧɭ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɤɭ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞʃɭ ɦɟɬɚɥɧɢɯ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬɚ, ɧɚ ɲɬɚ ɭɤɚɡɭʁɟ ɪɚɡɧɨɜɪɫɧɚ
ɤɨɥɢɱɢɧɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɲɤɢɯ ɧɚɥɚɡɚ.30
Ɉɞ ɨɫɬɚɥɢɯ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɢɯ ɚɤɬɢɜɧɨɫɬɢ ɡɚɫɬɭɩʂɟɧɢɯ ɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ
ɋɚɪɞɭ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɢ ɩɪɨɞɚʁɭ ɨɞɟʄɟ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɫɬɚɤɥɟɧɢɯ ɢ ɡɥɚɬɧɢɯ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬɚ.
Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɪɟɱ ɨ ɨɞɟʄɢ, ɦɨɪɚ ɫɟ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ɤɨʁɢ
ʁɟ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚɨ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɱɤɭ ɝɪɨɛɧɢɰɭ ɲɟɝɪɬɚ ɬɪɝɨɜɚɰɚ ɨɞɟɥɨɦ (ਫ਼ʌȘȡİı઀ĮȢ İੂȝĮIJȚȠ-
ʌȦȜ૵Ȟ), ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɢɡ IV ɜɟɤɚ. Ɉɫɢɦ ɲɬɨ ɨɬɤɪɢɜɚ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚʃɟ ɥɨɤɚɥɧɢɯ ɬɪɝɨɜɚɰɚ
ɨɞɟʄɨɦ ɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɋɚɪɞɭ, ɨɧ ɨɬɜɚɪɚ ɢ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚʃɚ ʃɢɯɨɜɨɝ
ɭɞɪɭɠɟʃɚ, ɩɪɟɦɞɚ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɧɟ ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɟ ɞɚ ɥɢ ɫɭ ɬɪɝɨɜɚɥɢ ɨɞɟʄɨɦ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɟɞɟɧɨɦ ɭ
ɋɚɪɞɭ ɢɥɢ ɧɟɤɢɦ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ ɦɟɫɬɢɦɚ.31 ɇɢʁɟ ɦɚʃɟ ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜ ɧɢ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ
ɜɪɚɤɚɪɢʁɚ (ȕȡĮțĮȡ઀૳) ȳɭɥɢʁɚɧɚ, ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɢɡ IV ɜɟɤɚ. Ɍɟɪɦɢɧ ɜɪɚɤɚɪɢʁɟ (bracari-
us) ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚɨ ʁɟ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɤɪɨʁɚɱɚ ɩɚɧɬɚɥɨɧɚ, ɦɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɨɧɟɤɚɞ ɦɨɝɚɨ ɨɡɧɚɱɢɬɢ
ɢ ɤɪɨʁɚɱɚ ɭ ɨɩɲɬɟɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ.32 Ɍɪɟɛɚ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɢ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɚɧ ɧɚɥɚɡ ɚɜɚɧɚ,
ɫɭɦɩɨɪɚ ɢ ɤɨɬɥɨɜɚ ɭ ʁɟɞɧɨʁ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɧɢɰɢ ɢ ʁɟɞɧɨʁ ɜɢɥɢ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ,
ɤɨʁɟ ɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚɱɢ ɬɭɦɚɱɟ ɤɚɨ ɨɩɪɟɦɭ ɡɚ ɛɟʂɟʃɟ ɩɥɚɬɧɚ.33 Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɪɟɱ ɨ ɫɬɚɤɥɭ,
ɩɪɨɧɚɻɟɧɨ ʁɟ ɜɢɲɟ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢɯ ɪɚɞʃɢ (ɢɡ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɚ V–VI ɜɟɤɚ) ɫɧɚɛɞɟɜɟɧɢɯ ɜɟɥɢɤɨɦ
29
CT 10.22.1, 10.22.2. ɍ ɨɜɢɦ ɩɨɝɨɧɢɦɚ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɨɮɢɰɢɪɫɤɢ ɛɪɨɧɡɚɧɢ ɨɤɥɨɩɢ,
ɭɤɪɚɲɟɧɢ ɫɪɟɛɪɨɦ ɢ ɡɥɚɬɨɦ. ɉɨɝɨɧɢ ɫɭ ɧɚ ɂɫɬɨɤɭ ɛɢɥɢ ɩɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɢ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɭ ɨɮɢɰɢʁɚ, ɚ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ
ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬ ɢɯ ʁɟ ɫɧɚɛɞɟɜɚɨ ɪɟɝɪɭɬɢɦɚ ɢ ɫɢɪɨɜɢɧɚɦɚ. ɋɜɚɤɢ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɩɨɝɨɧɚ (barbaricarius) ɭ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɢ
374. ɦɨɪɚɨ ʁɟ ɭ ɬɨɤɭ ɬɪɢɞɟɫɟɬ ɞɚɧɚ ɧɚɩɪɚɜɢɬɢ ɲɟɫɬ ɛɪɨɧɡɚɧɢɯ ɲɥɟɦɨɜɚ ɢ ɭɤɪɚɫɢɬɢ ɲɟɫɬ, ɚ ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ
– ɧɚɩɪɚɜɢɬɢ ɲɟɫɬ ɢ ɭɤɪɚɫɢɬɢ ɬɪɢ. ɇɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɬɨɝɚ, ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɢ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɤɚ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ
ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬ ɫɧɚɛɞɟɜɚɨ ɫɢɪɨɜɢɧɚɦɚ ɢ fabricae, ɬɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɢ ɭ ʃɢɦɚ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚɥɟ ɭɬɜɪɻɟɧɟ ɤɜɨɬɟ ɤɨɦɚɞɚ ɨɪɭɠʁɚ ɤɨʁɟ
ɫɜɚɤɢ ɨɪɭɠɚɪ ɦɨɪɚ ɞɚ ɢɡɪɚɞɢ ɭ ɬɨɤɭ ɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɨɝ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɫɤɨɝ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɚ; Jones, LRE, 835.
30
Ⱦɭɠ ʁɭɠɧɟ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ ɝɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧɚ, ɭɡ ɝɥɚɜɧɭ ɭɥɢɰɭ, ɨɬɤɨɩɚɧ ʁɟ ɞɭɝ ɧɢɡ ɩɪɨɞɚɜ-
ɧɢɰɚ ɡɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɭɫɬɚɥɢɨ ɧɚɡɢɜ „ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɪɚɞʃɟ”. ɍ ʃɢɦɚ ɫɭ ɩɪɨɧɚɻɟɧɢ ɦɧɨɝɨɛɪɨʁɧɢ
ɝɜɨɡɞɟɧɢ ɢ ɛɪɨɧɡɚɧɢ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɢ – ɤɚɬɚɧɰɢ, ɤɭʄɧɟ ɚɥɚɬɤɟ ɢ ɫɢɬɧɢʁɟ ɩɨɫɭɞɟ. ɍ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɩɪɟɨɜɥɚɻɭʁɟ
ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɤɚ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɨɜɨ ɛɢɥɟ ɪɚɞʃɟ ɥɨɤɚɥɧɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɭ ʃɢɦɚ ɭʁɟɞɧɨ ɢ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɚɥɟ ɫɜɨʁɟ
ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɟ. Ⱦɚɥɟɤɨ ʁɟ ɦɚʃɚ ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨʄɚ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɨɜɚɤɜɢ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɢ ɭɜɟɡɟɧɢ, ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɡɛɨɝ ɧɟɢɫɩɥɚ-
ɬɢɜɨɫɬɢ ɬɪɚɧɫɩɨɪɬɨɜɚʃɚ ɬɚɤɜɢɯ ʁɟɮɬɢɧɢɯ ɢ ɫɢɬɧɢʁɢɯ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɚ, ɡɚ ɱɢʁɭ ɫɭ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞʃɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɟ
ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɟ ɫɜɟ ɭɫɥɨɜɟ. Foss, Sardis, 15–16, 43; BASOR 170 (1963) 49–51, 191 (1968) 17–22;
cf. E. Giannichedda, Metal Production in Late Antiquity, 187–209, Technology in Transition 300–650,
ed. L. Lavan-E. Zanini, Leiden 2007 (ɞɚʂɟ: Tech. Tr.); N. Kellens, Metal Technology in Late Antiquity,
41–51 (op. cit.).
31
Sardis: Publications of the American Society for the Excavation of Sardis, vol. VII–1 (Greek
and Latin Inscriptions), ed. W. Buckler – D. Robinson, Leyden 1932, no. 168. (ɞɚʂɟ: SI); Foss, Sardis, 19.
Ɍɨɤɨɦ IV ɜɟɤɚ ɧɚʁɤɜɚɥɢɬɟɬɧɢʁɚ ɥɚɧɟɧɚ ɨɞɟʄɚ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɢɥɚ ɫɟ ɭ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ ɤɚɤɜɢ ɫɭ ɋɤɢɬɨɩɨʂ, Ɍɚɪɫ,
Ȼɢɛɥɨɫ, Ʌɚɨɞɢɤɟʁɚ ɢ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɢʁɚ. ɇɚʁɤɜɚɥɢɬɟɬɧɢʁɚ ɜɭɧɟɧɚ ɨɞɟʄɚ ɩɨɬɢɰɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɢɡ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ ɤɚɤɜɟ ɫɭ
ɞɚɪɞɚɧɫɤɚ, ɬɚɭɪɨɝɚɫɬɪɢʁɫɤɚ, ɥɚɨɞɢɤɟʁɫɤɚ, ɚɪɝɨɥɢɞɫɤɚ, ɚɯɚʁɫɤɚ ɢ ɮɪɢɝɢʁɫɤɚ. Edict on Prices, Rome and
Italy of the Empire, Economic Survey of Ancient Rome vol. V (ed. T. Frank), 305–421, c. 19, 26–28,
(ɞɚʂɟ: EP). Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium, Geographi Latini Minores, ed. A. Rise, Heilbronn 1878,
104–126, par. 31, 42; Jones, LRE, 848–849.
32
SI, no. 167; EP, c. 20; ɩɢɬɚʃɟ ɭɡɪɨɤɚ ɫɜɟ ɭɱɟɫɬɚɥɢʁɟ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɟ ɩɚɧɬɚɥɨɧɚ ɢ ɤɪɚɬɤɟ ɬɭɧɢɤɟ ɭ
ɰɢɜɢɥɧɨɦ ɨɞɟɜɚʃɭ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ ɫɜɟɬɚ ɞɨɧɟɥɨ ʁɟ ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɧɢɡ ɯɢɩɨɬɟɬɢɱɤɢɯ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɚ, ɨɞ ɤɨʁɢɯ ɫɭ
ɧɚʁɚɪɝɭɦɟɧɬɨɜɚɧɢʁɢ – ɭɬɢɰɚʁ ɝɟɪɦɚɧɫɤɨɝ ɧɚɱɢɧɚ ɨɞɟɜɚʃɚ, ɭɬɢɰɚʁ ɦɢɥɢɬɚɪɢɡɚɰɢʁɟ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɢ ɭɬɢɰɚʁ
ɤɥɢɦɚɬɫɤɢɯ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɚ (Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, ed. J. Edmondson – A. Keith,
Toronto 2008, 271–294, Foss, Sardis, 18–19). ɇɨɜɚ ɦɨɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɢɱɧɨ ɢɡɚɡɢɜɚɥɚ ɪɟɚɤɰɢʁɟ, ɨɞ ɤɨʁɢɯ
ɫɟ ɧɚʁɢɫɬɚɤɧɭɬɢʁɨɦ ɫɦɚɬɪɚ ɏɨɧɨɪɢʁɟɜɚ ɡɚɤɨɧɫɤɚ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɚ ɧɨɲɟʃɚ ɩɚɧɬɚɥɨɧɚ ɭ ɫɚɦɨɦ ɝɪɚɞɭ Ɋɢɦɭ
(CT 14.10.2, 14.10.3).
33
ɉɪɨɞɚɜɧɢɰɚ ɢ ɜɢɥɚ (ɬɡɜ. Ʉɭʄɚ ɛɪɨɧɡɟ) ɞɚɬɨɜɚɧɟ ɫɭ ɭ IV ɜɟɤ. ɋɭɬɟɪɟɧ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɟ ɜɢɥɟ ʁɟ
ɤɨɪɢɲʄɟɧ ɡɚ ɡɧɚɬɧɭ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɭ ɚɤɬɢɜɧɨɫɬ, ɞɨɤ ɫɭ ɝɨɪʃɢ ɫɩɪɚɬɨɜɢ ɫɥɭɠɢɥɢ ɡɚ ɪɟɡɢɞɢɪɚʃɟ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ
88 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɤɨɥɢɱɢɧɨɦ ɢɫɤʂɭɱɢɜɨ ɫɬɚɤɥɟɧɢɯ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬɚ, ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɱɟɝɚ ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɩɪɟɨɜɥɚɞɚɜɚ


ɦɢɲʂɟʃɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɬɨ ɛɢɥɟ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɧɢɰɟ ɫɬɚɤɥɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɚ.34 Ʉɨɧɚɱɧɨ, ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ
ɩɪɨɞɚɜɧɢɰɚ ɢɡ ɧɢɡɚ ɬɡɜ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɪɚɞʃɢ ɞɪɠɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɡɥɚɬɚɪɢ.35
Ɂɚ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɢ ɠɢɜɨɬ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɢ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɟ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ ɩɨɬɟɧɰɢʁɚɥɧɨ ɫɭ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɧɢ
ɩɨɦɟɧɢ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ ɤɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɬɨɪɚ ɜɨɞɟɧɢɰɚ ɢ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ „ɩɟɤɚɪɚ“.
ȳɟɞɚɧ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ (ɞɚɬɨɜɚɧ ɭ IV ɢɥɢ V ɜɟɤ) ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚɨ ʁɟ ɝɪɨɛ ȿɭɯɪɨɦɢʁɚ-
-Ʌɟɨɧɬɢʁɚ, ɤɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɬɨɪɚ ɜɨɞɟɧɢɰɚ (ਫ਼įȡĮȜ੼IJĮ). ȼɪɥɨ ʁɟ ɦɨɝɭʄɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɢ
ɩɨɞɢɡɚɨ ɜɨɞɟɧɢɰɟ ɭ ɩɥɨɞɧɨʁ ɨɤɨɥɢɧɢ ɋɚɪɞɚ, ɢɥɢ ɭ ɫɚɦɨɦ ɝɪɚɞɭ, ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ
ɨɜɟ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɢɦɚɥɟ ɞɨɞɚɬɤɟ ɤɨɪɢɫɧɟ ɡɚ ɤɨɜɚʃɟ ɢ ɫɟɱɟʃɟ ɬɜɪɞɢɯ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɚ. ɇɟ
ɬɪɟɛɚ ɝɭɛɢɬɢ ɢɡ ɜɢɞɚ ɧɢ ɬɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɏɟɪɦɨɫ ɞɪɭɝɚ ɩɨ ɜɟɥɢɱɢɧɢ ɪɟɤɚ Ɇɚɥɟ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ. ɍ
ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɢɦ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɢɦɚ ɜɨɞɟɧɢɰɟ ɫɭ ʁɨɲ ɭɜɟɤ ɛɢɥɟ ɫɤɭɩ ɩɨɝɨɧ, ɪɚɲɢɪɟɧ ɫɚɦɨ ɭ
ɨɤɨɥɢɧɢ ɧɚʁɛɨɝɚɬɢʁɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɢ ɧɚ ɩɨɫɟɞɢɦɚ ɧɚʁɦɨʄɧɢʁɢɯ ɥɚɬɢɮɭɧɞɢɫɬɚ. ȵɢɯɨɜɨ
ɲɢɪɟʃɟ ɭ ɨɜɨɦ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɭ ɛɢɥɨ ʁɟ, ɞɨɛɪɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɦ, ɩɨɫɥɟɞɢɰɚ ɫɢɦɩɬɨɦɚɬɢɱɧɨɝ
ɧɟɞɨɫɬɚɬɤɚ ɪɚɞɧɟ ɫɧɚɝɟ.36 Ⱦɪɭɝɢ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ (ɞɚɬɨɜɚɧ ɭ IV ɜɟɤ)
ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚɨ ʁɟ ɩɨɱɢɜɚɥɢɲɬɟ Ⱥɭɪɟɥɢʁɚ Ɂɨɬɢɤɚ, ɝɟɪɭɫɢʁɚɫɬɚ ɢ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɩɟɤɚɪɚ
(ਕȡIJȠʌઆȜȠȣ ʌȠȜİȚIJȚțȠ૨). Ʉ. Ɏɨɫ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɢɨ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɢɡɚ ɨɜɨɝ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɚ ɤɪɢʁɟ
ɢɫɬɚɤɧɭɬɢ ɝɪɚɻɚɧɢɧ ɤɨɦɟ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɩɨɜɟɪɟɧɨ ɧɚɞɝɥɟɞɚʃɟ ɧɟɤɟ ɨɞ ɞɭɠɧɨɫɬɢ ɜɟɡɚɧɢɯ
ɡɚ ɞɢɫɬɪɢɛɭɰɢʁɭ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɨ ɞɨɬɢɪɚɧɨɝ ɯɥɟɛɚ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ, ɢɥɢ ɩɚɤ ɛɨɝɚɬɢ ɜɥɚɫɧɢɤ
ɜɟɥɢɤɨɝ ɩɟɤɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɩɨɝɨɧɚ; ɱɢɧɢ ɦɢ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɧɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɢɡɨɫɬɚɜɢɬɢ ɬɪɟʄɭ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬ –
ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɨɞ ɨɜɢɦ ɡɜɚʃɟɦ ɦɨɝɚɨ ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚɬɢ ɩɪɢɩɚɞɧɢɤ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɟ ɩɟɤɚɪɟ, ɤɚɤɜɢɯ
ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ ɢ Ɋɢɦɭ.37
ʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɫɚ ɦɧɨɝɢɦ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɦ ɜɢɥɚɦɚ ɟɩɨɯɟ. BASOR 191 (1968) 18–19, BASOR 154 (1959)
27–28; Foss, Sardis, 15, 43.
34
Ɉɜɟ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɧɢɰɟ ɫɩɚɞɚɥɟ ɫɭ ɭ ɧɢɡ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢɯ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɪɚɞʃɢ, ɚ ɫɚɞɪɠɚɥɟ ɫɭ ɫɬɚɤɥɟɧɟ
ɩɨɫɭɞɟ ɢ ɧɟɫɟɱɟɧɨ ɩɪɨɡɨɪɫɤɨ ɫɬɚɤɥɨ. ɂɡ ɨɜɨɝɚ ɫɟ ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɡɚɤʂɭɱɢɬɢ ɞɚ ɥɢ ʁɟ ɫɬɚɤɥɨ ɛɢɥɨ ɩɪɨɢɡ-
ɜɟɞɟɧɨ ɭ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢɦ ɪɚɞʃɚɦɚ, ɢɥɢ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɫɚɦɨ ɭɜɨɠɟɧɨ ɪɚɞɢ ɩɪɨɞɚʁɟ, ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɢɡɜɚɧɝɪɚɞɫɤɢ
ɭɜɨɡ ɫɤɭɩɢɯ ɚɪɬɢɤɚɥɚ, ɤɚɤɜɢ ɫɭ ɫɬɚɤɥɟɧɢ, ɦɨɝɚɨ ɢɫɩɥɚɬɢɬɢ. G. Hanfmann, A Preliminary Note on the
Glass Found at Sardis in 1958, Journal of Glass Studies 1 (1959), 50–55; A. von Saldern, Ancient and
Byzantine Glass from Sardis, Cambridge MA, 1980, Archaeological Exploration of Sardis Monograph VI,
35–40; Foss, Sardis, 15–16, 30, 43; cf. V. Lauwers, Glass Technology in Late Antiquity (Tech. Tr.), 53–61;
L. Sagui, Glass in Late Antiquity, 211–231 (op. cit.).
35
Foss, Sardis, 30. Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɢ ɫɭ, ɡɚʁɟɞɧɨ ɫɚ ɫɪɟɛɪɧɚɪɢɦɚ ɢ ɞɪɚɝɭʂɚɪɢɦɚ, ɜɚɠɢɥɢ ɭ ɪɚɧɨʁ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɢ
ɡɚ ɚɪɢɫɬɨɤɪɚɬɢʁɭ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɬɜɚ. ɍɨɛɢɱɚʁɟɧɚ ɩɪɚɤɫɚ ɛɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɪɚɞɟ ɫɚ ɦɭɲɬɟɪɢʁɢɧɢɦ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɨɦ. ɇɚɤɨɧ
ɢɡɪɚɞɟ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬɚ, ɦɟɪɢɥɚ ɫɟ ɩɨɧɨɜɨ ʃɟɝɨɜɚ ɬɟɠɢɧɚ, ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɡɚɞɪɠɚɜɚɥɟ ɡɚ
ɫɟɛɟ ɞɟɨ ɩɥɟɦɟɧɢɬɨɝ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɚ, ɧɚɞɨɦɟɫɬɢɜɲɢ ɝɚ ɥɟɝɭɪɨɦ. ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɢ ɫɪɟɛɪɧɚɪɢ ɩɨɫɬɟɩɟɧɨ ɫɭ ɫɟ
ɩɪɟɬɜɨɪɢɥɢ ɭ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɟ ɡɚʁɦɨɞɚɜɰɟ, ɬɚɤɨ ɞɚ ɭ VI ɜɟɤɭ ɱɚɤ ɢ ɩɪɢɦɚʁɭ ɞɟɩɨɡɢɬɟ ɢ ɜɪɲɟ ɬɪɚɧɫɮɟɪ
ɧɨɜɰɚ ɢɡ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɚ ɭ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɢʁɭ, ɝɞɟ ɞɪɠɟ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɚɝɟɧɬɟ (Jones, LRE, 863).
36
SI, no. 169. ɩɨɡɧɚɬɚ ɛɚɪɟɦ ɨɞ ɤɪɚʁɚ I ɜɟɤɚ ɩ.ɧ.ɟ, ɜɨɞɟɧɢɰɚ ʁɟ ɨɫɜɨʁɢɥɚ ɜɟʄɚ ɩɨɞɪɭɱʁɚ ɬɟɤ ɭ
ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɨʁ ɟɩɨɯɢ. ɍ ɢɫɬɨɱɧɢɦ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢɦɚ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ʃɟɧɢ ɨɫɬɚɰɢ ɩɪɨɧɚɻɟɧɢ ɫɭ ɭ Ⱥɬɢɧɢ, ɚ ʁɟɞɧɚ
ʃɟɧɚ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɚ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɥɚ ɫɟ ɧɚ ɦɨɡɚɢɰɢɦɚ ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ȼɟɥɢɤɟ ɩɚɥɚɬɟ (ɨɛɨʁɟ ɫɟ ɞɚɬɭʁɟ ɭ V ɜɟɤ). ɇɚ
ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪɭ ɡɚɩɚɞɧɟ Ɇɚɥɟ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ, ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧɚ ʁɟ ɞɟɬɚʂɧɚ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɚ ɦɟɯɚɧɢɡɦɚ ɜɨɞɟɧɢɰɟ ɫ ɤɪɚʁɚ III ɜɟɤɚ
ɭ ɏɢʁɟɪɨɩɨɥɢɫɭ. D. Hill, A History of Engineering in Classical and Medieval Times, London 1996, 156–
162; Foss, Sardis, 16–17; O. Wikander, Handbook of Ancient Water Technology, Leiden 1999, 375–434;
T. Ritti – K. Grewe – P. Kessener, A Relief of a Water-powered Stone Saw Mill on a Sarcophagus at
Hierapolis and its Implications, Journal of Roman Archaeology 20 (2007) 138–163, 2007.
37
SI, no. 166; Foss, Sardis, 18; ɧɚɱɟɥɧɨ ɝɨɜɨɪɟʄɢ, ɧɚʁɜɟʄɟ ɦɟɬɪɨɩɨɥɟ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɢɦɚɥɟ ɫɭ ɩɪɚɜɨ
ɞɚ ɨɞ ɩɟɤɚɪɚ ɩɨɬɪɚɠɭʁɭ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɭ ɤɜɨɬɭ ɛɟɫɩɥɚɬɧɨɝ ɯɥɟɛɚ, ɞɨɤ ɫɭ ɨɫɬɚɥɢ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɚ
ɩɟɤɚɪɢɦɚ ɡɚ ɞɟɨ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɚ ɧɚɦɟɬɧɭ ɧɢɠɭ ɢɥɢ ɛɚɪɟɦ ɝɚɪɚɧɬɨɜɚɧɭ ɰɟɧɭ. ɋɜɢ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ,
ɬɟɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ, ɡɚɞɪɠɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɚ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɭʁɭ ɰɟɧɟ ɯɥɟɛɚ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɬɨ ɭ ɩɪɚɤɫɢ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɬɟɲɤɨ
ɫɩɪɨɜɟɫɬɢ. ɍɡ ɬɨ, ɩɟɤɚɪɢ ɫɭ ɩɪɟɦɚ ɜɨʁɫɰɢ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɭ ɞɚ ʃɟɧɢɦ ɩɪɨɥɚɡɟʄɢɦ ɨɞɪɟɞɢɦɚ ɦɟʂɭ
ɛɪɚɲɧɨ ɢ ɩɟɤɭ ɯɥɟɛ; Jones, LRE, 695–698, 701–704.
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 89

ǠǿǸǾDZȃDZ ǴȁDZǵǹȃǶșȂǻDZ ǵǶǼDZȃǾǿȂȃ

Ɇɟɻɭ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɢɦ ɞɟɥɚɬɧɨɫɬɢɦɚ ɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɋɚɪɞɭ, ɨɞ ɧɚʁɜɟʄɟɝ


ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚ ɡɚ ɨɜɚʁ ɪɚɞ ʁɟɫɬɟ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɫɤɚ ɚɤɬɢɜɧɨɫɬ. ɉɢɫɚɧɢ, ɚ ɭ ʁɨɲ ɜɟʄɨʁ ɦɟɪɢ
ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɧɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ,38 ɝɨɜɨɪɟ ɨ ɛɨɝɚɬɨʁ ɞɟɥɚɬɧɨɫɬɢ ɨɜɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ. ɇɚɱɟɥɧɨ, ɞɭɠɧɨɫɬ
ɩɨɞɢɡɚʃɚ ɢ ɨɛɧɨɜɟ ɜɚɠɧɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ɨɛʁɟɤɚɬɚ ɢɦɚɨ ʁɟ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɤ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ
(ɬɟɨɪɟɬɫɤɢ ɢ ɜɢɤɚɪ), ɞɨɤ ʁɟ ɜɟʄɢɧɚ ɬɪɨɲɤɨɜɚ ɭɝɥɚɜɧɨɦ ɩɚɞɚɥɚ ɧɚ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɭ. Ɍɚɤɨ
ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɢ ɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɋɚɪɞɭ, ɝɞɟ ɫɭ ɝɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧ ɨɛɧɨɜɢɥɢ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪɢ ɋɟɜɟɪ
ɋɢɦɩɥɢɰɢʁɟ ɢ ȼɚɫɢɥɢɫɤ, ɚ Ⱥɤɪɨɩɨʂ – ɜɢɤɚɪ Ⱥɯɨɥɢʁɟ. Ɂɛɨɝ ɧɟɞɨɫɬɚɬɤɚ ɫɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɚ,
ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɟ ɢ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɰɢ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚ ɲɢɪɨɦ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɧɢɫɭ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɞɨɜɨʂɧɨ
ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬɢ ɡɚ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʃɟ ɨɛʁɟɤɚɬɚ, ɩɚ ɫɭ ɦɧɨɝɚ ʁɚɜɧɚ ɡɞɚʃɚ ɧɚɩɭɲɬɟɧɚ ɚ ɛɟɞɟɦɢ
ɡɚɩɭɲɬɟɧɢ.39 ɍ ɛɨɝɚɬɨɦ ɋɚɪɞɭ ɬɨ ɧɢʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ. ɍ ɨɞɧɨɫɭ ɧɚ ɦɧɨɝɟ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɟ
ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ, ɋɚɪɞ ʁɟ ɭ ɩɨɝɥɟɞɭ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɢɦɚɨ ɞɨɞɚɬɧɭ ɩɪɟɞɧɨɫɬ – ɫɜɚ
ɬɪɢ ɧɚʁɜɟʄɚ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɚ ɤɚɦɟɧɨɥɨɦɚ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɥɚ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɭ ʃɟɝɨɜɨʁ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨʁ
ɛɥɢɡɢɧɢ (ɭ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɢʁɢ ɬɪɨɚɞɫɤɨʁ, Ⱦɨɦɢɰɢʁɭ ɮɪɢɝɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɢ ɧɚ ɉɪɨɤɨɧɟɫɭ
ɩɪɨɩɨɧɬɢɞɫɤɨɦ). Ɂɚ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ ɧɨɜɢɯ ɨɛʁɟɤɚɬɚ ɋɚɪɻɚɧɢ ɫɭ ɨɛɢɥɧɨ ɤɨɪɢɫɬɢɥɢ ɢ
ɧɚɩɭɲɬɟɧɢ Ⱥɪɬɟɦɢɞɢɧ ɯɪɚɦ, ɧɟɤɚɞɚɲʃɢ ɩɨɧɨɫ ɝɪɚɞɚ, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɩɪɟɬɜɨɪɢɥɢ ɭ
ɤɚɦɟɧɨɥɨɦ ɢ ɟɤɫɩɥɨɚɬɢɫɚɥɢ ɝɚ ɞɨ ɤɪɚʁɚ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɚ, ɢɡɜɚɞɢɜɲɢ
ɱɚɤ ɢ ɞɟɨ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɯ ɬɟɦɟʂɚ.40
Ɍɨɤɨɦ I ɢ II ɜɟɤɚ, ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ ʁɟ ɩɨɞɢɝɧɭɬɚ ɜɟʄɢɧɚ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ ɡɝɪɚɞɚ, ɱɢʁɟ ʁɟ
ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʃɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɩɨ ɫɟɛɢ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚɥɨ ɩɪɢɥɢɱɚɧ ɢɡɚɡɨɜ ɡɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ ɭ
ɧɚɪɟɞɧɢɦ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɢɦɚ.41 Ɍɨɤɨɦ III ɢɥɢ IV ɜɟɤɚ, ɋɚɪɞ ʁɟ ɞɨɛɢɨ ɢ ɛɟɞɟɦɟ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ
38
ɋɢɫɬɟɦɚɬɫɤɚ ɢɫɤɨɩɚɜɚʃɚ, ɲɬɨ ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɟ ɫɜɟ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɲɤɟ ɫɥɨʁɟɜɟ ɋɚɪɞɚ, ɨɞ Ȼɪɨɧɡɚɧɨɝ ɞɨɛɚ
ɞɨ ɨɫɦɚɧɫɤɨɝ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɚ, ɨɛɚɜʂɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɨɞ 1958. ɬɢɦɨɜɢ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɡɢɬɟɬɚ ɏɚɪɜɚɪɞ ɢ Ʉɨɪɧɟɥ. ɍ ɋɚɪɞɭ ʁɟ
ɢɫɬɪɚɠɟɧ ɫɚɦɨ ɦɚʃɢ ɞɟɨ ɥɨɤɚɥɢɬɟɬɚ, ɭɝɥɚɜɧɨɦ ɢɡ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɨɝ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɚ, ɲɬɨ ɡɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɝɢʁɭ ɧɢʁɟ
ɨɞ ɩɨɫɟɛɧɟ ɤɨɪɢɫɬɢ ʁɟɪ ɜɟʄɢ ɞɟɨ ɥɨɤɚɥɢɬɟɬɚ ɫɚɱɢʃɚɜɚʁɭ ɭɩɪɚɜɨ ɨɫɬɚɰɢ ɢɡ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɟɩɨ-
ɯɟ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɲɤɚ ɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚʃɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭɤɚɡɭʁɭ ɧɚ ɛɢɬɧɭ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬ ɤɨʁɭ ɫɚɜɪɟɦɟɧɢ ɩɢɫɚɧɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɧɟ
ɩɨɦɢʃɭ – ɞɚ ʁɟ ɝɪɚɞ ɧɚʁɜɟʄɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɦ ɭɧɢɲɬɟɧ ɩɨɱɟɬɤɨɦ VII ɜɟɤɚ, ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɩɪɢ ɩɟɪɫɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɧɚɩɚɞɭ
616; ɩɨɬɨʃɢ, ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɋɚɪɞ ɛɢʄɟ ɞɚɥɟɤɨ ɦɚʃɢ ɢ ɫɢɪɨɦɚɲɧɢʁɢ ɝɪɚɞ,
ɞɪɭɝɚɱɢʁɟ ɭɪɛɚɧɟ ɮɢɡɢɨɧɨɦɢʁɟ ɢ ɬɨɩɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɟ (ɪɚɡɛɢʁɟɧ ɧɚ ɤɚɫɬɪɨɧ ɢ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɦɚʃɢɯ ɨɞɜɨʁɟɧɢɯ
ɧɚɫɟɨɛɢɧɚ). Ɂɚɧɢɦʂɢɜɨ ʁɟ ɢ ɬɨ ɞɚ ɚɪɚɩɫɤɢ ɧɚɩɚɞ ɧɚ ɋɚɪɞ, ɜɟɤ ɤɚɫɧɢʁɟ, ɩɢɫɚɧɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɩɨɦɢʃɭ ɤɚɨ
ɩɨɝɭɛɚɧ, ɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɲɤɚ ɢɫɤɨɩɚɜɚʃɚ ɬɨ ɧɟ ɩɨɬɜɪɻɭʁɭ. Ɉ ɨɜɢɦ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢɦɚ – Foss, Sardis, v, ix-x.
39
CT 15.1.15, 15.1.17, 15.1.18, 15. 1. 34; Jones, 736–737, 758; Foss, Sardis 21–22; ɡɧɚʁɭʄɢ
ɞɚ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɟ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɧɟɦɚʁɭ ɞɨɜɨʂɧɨ ɧɨɜɰɚ ɡɚ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʃɟ ɛɟɞɟɦɚ ɢ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ ɡɞɚʃɚ, ɰɚɪɟɜɢ ɫɭ ɫɟ
ɩɨɧɟɤɚɞ, ɢɡɭɡɟɬɧɨ, ɨɞɪɢɰɚɥɢ ɞɟɥɚ ɞɚɠɛɢɧɚ ɤɨʁɟ ɝɪɚɞ ɞɭɝɭʁɟ ɞɪɠɚɜɢ, ɤɚɨ ɧɩɪ. ȼɚɥɟɧɬɢɧɢʁɚɧ ɢ ȼɚɥɟɧɫ
ɤɚɞɚ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ ɪɟɮɭɧɞɢɪɚɥɢ ɬɪɟʄɢɧɭ ʃɢɯɨɜɢɯ ɩɪɢɯɨɞɚ ɨɞ ɬɚɤɫɚ ɢ ɪɟɧɬɢ (CT 15.1.18, 15.1.32,
15.1.33). ɍɩɪɚɜɧɢɰɢ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɫɤɥɨɧɢʁɢ ɬɨɦɟ ɞɚ ɩɨɞɢɠɭ ɧɨɜɟ ɡɝɪɚɞɟ ɧɟɝɨ ɞɚ ɩɨɩɪɚɜʂɚʁɭ
ɫɬɚɪɟ, ɡɛɨɝ ɱɟɝɚ ɰɚɪɫɤɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ ɢɡɞɚʁɟ ɧɢɡ ɧɚɪɟɞɛɢ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ɢɯ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɭʁɟ ɞɚ ɩɪɢɨɪɢɬɟɬ ɞɚʁɭ ɩɨɩɪɚɜɰɢ
ɩɨɫɬɨʁɟʄɢɯ ɡɞɚʃɚ (CT 15.1.17, 15.1.21).
40
CT 11.28.9, 11.28.11; Jones, LRE, 837, 846; Foss, Sardis, 50. ɐɚɪɫɤɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ ʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɚ
ɦɨɧɨɩɨɥ ɧɚ ɜɚɻɟʃɟ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ, ɚɥɢ ɝɚ ɬɨɤɨɦ ɤɪɢɡɚ ɧɟɞɨɫɬɚɬɤɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɨɝ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɚ ɨɛɢɱɧɨ ɧɢʁɟ
ɧɚɦɟɬɚɥɚ. Ɉɞ 320. ɫɜɚɤɨɦɟ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɞɨɡɜɨʂɟɧɨ ɞɚ ɛɟɫɩɥɚɬɧɨ ɜɚɞɢ ɦɟɪɦɟɪ. Ɉɜɨ ɩɪɚɜɨ ʁɟ ɩɨɱɟɥɨ ɞɚ
ɫɟ ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛʂɚɜɚ, ɩɚ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɦɧɨɝɚ ɜɟɥɢɤɚ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɲɬɚ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ ɩɪɟɬɜɨɪɢɥɚ ɭ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɟ ɤɚɦɟɧɨɥɨɦɟ,
ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɩɨɱɟɥɢ ɞɚ ɭɝɪɨɠɚɜɚʁɭ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɟ. Ɂɛɨɝ ɬɨɝɚ ɫɭ 393. ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢ ɤɚɦɟɧɨɥɨɦɢ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ ɛɢɥɢ
ɡɚɛɪɚʃɟɧɢ, ɱɢɦɟ ʁɟ ɡɧɚɱɚʁ ɬɪɢ ɝɥɚɜɧɚ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɚ ɤɚɦɟɧɨɥɨɦɚ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɩɨɪɚɫɬɚɨ. ɂ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢ ɢ
ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢ ɤɚɦɟɧɨɥɨɦɢ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ ɪɚɡɜɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɩɪɚɤɫɭ ɛɪɨɞɫɤɨɝ ɬɪɚɧɫɩɨɪɬɨɜɚʃɚ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ ɤɭɩɰɭ.
41
ɋɚɪɞ ɞɨɠɢɜʂɚɜɚ ɜɪɯɭɧɚɰ ɭ II ɜɟɤɭ, ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɢɦɚɨ ɨɤɨ 100.000 ɫɬɚɧɨɜɧɢɤɚ. M. Rostovtzeff,
The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, Oxford 1957, 141, 585, 596, 621, 655, 657, 707;
Foss, Sardis, 2.
90 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɨɤɪɭɠɢɥɢ ɝɨɬɨɜɨ ɱɢɬɚɜ ɝɪɚɞ.42 Ɍɨɤɨɦ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɚ, ɤɚɤɨ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɲɤɚ


ɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚʃɚ ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɭ, ɨɛɧɨɜʂɟɧɚ ɫɭ ɝɨɬɨɜɨ ɫɜɚ ɛɢɬɧɚ ʁɚɜɧɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɚ ɡɞɚʃɚ,
ɚ ɩɨɞɢɝɧɭɬ ʁɟ ɢ ɡɧɚɱɚʁɚɧ ɛɨʁ ɧɨɜɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚ ɭ ɧɚɩɭɲɬɟɧɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɜɢɦɚ ɝɪɚɞɚ.
ɋɚɪɞɫɤɢ ɝɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧ, ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɧɚʁɜɟʄɟ ɡɞɚʃɟ ɭ ɝɪɚɞɭ, ɨɛɧɨɜʂɟɧ ʁɟ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɜɟʄ
ɢɫɬɚɤɧɭɬɨ, ɧɚ ɢɧɢɰɢʁɚɬɢɜɭ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪɚ ɋɟɜɟɪɚ ɋɢɦɩɥɢɰɢʁɚ. Ɍɪɟɛɚ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɭ ɜɢɞɭ ɞɚ
ʁɟ ɫɚɦɨ ʃɟɝɨɜɚ ɧɚʁɜɟʄɚ ɰɟɥɢɧɚ – ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫ ɤɭɩɚɬɢɥɚ ɢ ɫɚɥɚ ɡɚ ɩɪɟɞɚɜɚʃɟ – ɡɚɭɡɢɦɚɨ
ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪ ɨɞ 80 ɩɭɬɚ 120 ɦɟɬɚɪɚ.43 Ɏɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɫɤɚ ɫɩɨɫɨɛɧɨɫɬ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɞɚ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚ ɢ
ɨɛɧɚɜʂɚ ɨɜɚɤɚɜ ɨɛʁɟɤɚɬ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɫɟ ɜɢɞɢ ɩɨ ɱɢʃɟɧɢɰɢ ɞɚ ɜɟʄɢɧɚ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɢɯ
ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɚ ɫɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɚ ɞɚ ɧɚɫɬɚɜɢ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʃɟ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɝɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧɚ (ɱɟɦɭ
ʁɟ ɞɨɩɪɢɧɨɫɢɥɚ ɢ ɜɢɫɨɤɚ ɰɟɧɚ ɡɚɝɪɟɜɚʃɚ ʃɢɯɨɜɢɯ ɦɧɨɝɨɛɪɨʁɧɢɯ ɤɭɩɚɬɢɥɚ).
Ɋɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢ ɝɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧ ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɜɚɫɯɨɞɧɨ ɫɥɭɠɢɨ ɡɚ
ɩɪɟɞɚɜɚʃɚ ɢ ɫɚɫɬɚɧɤɟ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ɱɢɧɨɜɧɢɤɚ (ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢ ɤɨʁɢ ɩɨɦɢʃɭ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɭ ɧɚɻɟɧɢ
ɫɭ ɧɚ ɩɨɞɨɜɢɦɚ ʃɟɝɨɜɟ Ɇɟɪɦɟɪɧɟ ɞɜɨɪɚɧɟ), ɦɚɞɚ ʁɟ Ʉ. Ɏɨɫ ɫɭɝɟɪɢɫɚɨ ɢ ɬɨ ɞɚ ɫɟ
ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɨɞɪɠɚɥɚ ɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɚ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɯ ɤɭɩɚɬɢɥɚ.44 ȼɟɥɢɤɟ ɨɛɧɨɜɟ ɞɨɠɢɜɟɥɚ ʁɟ ɢ
ɫɚɪɞɫɤɚ ɋɢɧɚɝɨɝɚ, ɢ ɬɨ ɬɨɤɨɦ ɱɢɬɚɜɨɝ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɚ. Ɉɧɚ ʁɟ ɤɪɚʁɟɦ IV
ɜɟɤɚ ɞɨɛɢɥɚ ɩɨɞɧɢ ɦɨɡɚɢɤ, ɡɢɞɧɟ ɲɬɭɤɚɬɭɪɟ, ɮɨɧɬɚɧɭ ɢ ɩɪɟɞɜɨɪʁɟ ɫɚ ɤɨɥɨɧɚɞɚɦɚ.45
ɋɚɦ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢ Ⱥɤɪɨɩɨʂ ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ʁɟ ɞɨɠɢɜɟɨ ɨɛɧɨɜɭ ɬɨɤɨɦ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɟɩɨɯɟ,
ɢɧɢɰɢʁɚɬɢɜɨɦ ɜɢɤɚɪɚ Ⱥɯɨɥɢʁɚ, ɱɢʁɚ ʁɟ ɫɬɚɬɭɚ ɧɚɤɨɧ ɬɨɝɚ ɭɤɪɚɲɚɜɚɥɚ ɬɜɪɻɚɜɭ.46
ɉɨɫɟɛɧɨ ʁɟ ɭɩɟɱɚɬʂɢɜɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɬɨɤɨɦ IV ɢ V ɜɟɤɚ ɢɡɝɪɚɻɟɧɨ ɦɧɨɲɬɜɨ ɧɨɜɢɯ
ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɦ ɩɨɞɪɭɱʁɭ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɧɚɩɭɲɬɟɧɨ ʁɨɲ ɭ ɯɟɥɟɧɢɫɬɢɱɤɨ
ɞɨɛɚ, ɢ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɜɟʄɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɦ ɞɨ ɬɚɞɚ ɫɥɭɠɢɥɨ ɤɚɨ ɝɪɨɛʂɟ (ɩɨɞɪɭɱʁɟ ɭ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢʁɚ
ɋɚɪɞɚ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨ ɤɚɨ ɫɟɤɬɨɪ PN). Ɇɟɻɭ ʃɢɦɚ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɱɭɜɟɧɭ Ʉɭʄɭ ɛɪɨɧɡɟ,
ɥɭɤɫɭɡɧɭ ɜɢɥɭ (ɭ ɱɢʁɟ ɫɭ ɡɢɞɨɜɟ ɢɧɤɨɪɩɨɪɢɪɚɧɢ ɢ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɰɢ, ɚ ɤɨʁɚ
ʁɟ ɨɛɭɯɜɚɬɢɥɚ ʁɟɞɧɨ ɫɬɚɪɢʁɟ ɤɭɩɚɬɢɥɨ), ɰɪɤɜɭ (ɛɚɡɢɥɢɤɚ ɞɭɝɚ 63 ɦɟɬɪɚ, ɲɢɪɨɤɚ
21, ɫɚ ɥɭɤɫɭɡɧɢɦ ɮɥɨɪɚɥɧɢɦ ɢ ɝɟɨɦɟɬɪɢʁɫɤɢɦ ɩɨɞɧɢɦ ɦɨɡɚɢɰɢɦɚ ɢ ɡɢɞɨɜɢɦɚ
ɩɪɟɤɪɢɜɟɧɢɦ ɮɪɟɫɤɚɦɚ ɢ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɨɦ), ɬɟ ɦɧɨɲɬɜɨ ɜɨɞɨɜɨɞɧɢɯ ɰɟɜɢ, ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭɝɟɪɢɲɭ
ɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɨɞɢɝɧɭɬ ɛɚɪɟɦ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɧɨɜɢ ɪɟɡɟɪɜɨɚɪ ɢɥɢ ɰɢɫɬɟɪɧɚ.47
42
ȼɟʄɢɧɚ ɜɟɥɢɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ Ɇɚɥɟ Ⱥɡɢʁɟ ɞɨɛɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɪɢɦɫɤɟ ɛɟɞɟɦɟ ɬɨɤɨɦ III ɜɟɤɚ. Ȼɟɞɟɦ ɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ
ɋɚɪɞɚ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɞɭɝ 4 ɤɢɥɨɦɟɬɪɚ, ɚ ɨɤɪɭɠɢɜɚɨ ʁɟ ɝɪɚɞ ɫɚ ɬɪɢ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ. Ɉɩɚɫɢɜɚɨ ʁɟ ɫɤɨɪɨ ɰɟɨ ɝɪɚɞ, ɩɨɜɪɲɢ-
ɧɭ ɨɞ 1 800 ɫɚ 700 ɦɟɬɚɪɚ. Ȼɢɨ ʁɟ ɜɢɫɨɤ ɫɟɞɚɦ ɦɟɬɚɪɚ, ɚ ɝɥɚɜɧɚ ɤɚɩɢʁɚ ɫɟ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɥɚ ɤɨɞ ɉɚɤɬɨɥɚ, ɝɞɟ ʁɟ
ɞɪɭɦ ɭɥɚɡɢɨ ɭ ɝɪɚɞ. Foss, Sardis, 3–4. Sardis: Publications of the American Society for the Excavation of
Sardis, vol. I (Excavations 1910–1914, H. Butler), Leiden 1922, 31–34 (ɞɚʂɟ: Sardis Exc.).
43
F. Yegul, The Bath-Gymnasium Complex at Sardis, Cambridge MA 1986, 25–36 (ɩɚɥɟɫɬɪɚ),
37–44 (ɞɭɝɚ ɞɜɨɪɚɧɚ), 45–65 (ɦɟɪɦɟɪɧɚ ɞɜɨɪɚɧɚ), 104–111 (ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫ ɡɚ ɤɭɩɚʃɟ), ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɚ
ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ (117–132) (ɞɚʂɟ: Sardis Gymn.); Foss, Sardis, 21, 35–36, 41; ɝɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧ ɫɭ ɫɚɱɢʃɚɜɚɥɟ ɞɜɟ
ɜɟɥɢɤɟ ɰɟɥɢɧɟ – ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫ ɤɭɩɚɬɢɥɚ ɢ ɭɱɢɨɧɢɰɚ (ɭ ɮɨɪɦɢ ɫɩɨʁɟɧɢɯ ɩɨɤɪɢɜɟɧɢɯ ɡɝɪɚɞɚ) ɢ ɩɚɥɟɫɬɪɚ
(ɭ ɭɨɛɢɱɚʁɟɧɨʁ ɮɨɪɦɢ ɨɬɜɨɪɟɧɨɝ ɤɨɥɨɧɚɞɢɫɚɧɨɝ ɜɟɠɛɚɥɢɲɬɚ). ɂɡɦɟɻɭ ʃɢɯ ɫɟ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɥɚ ɡɝɪɚɞɚ, ɭ
ɧɚɭɰɢ ɧɚɡɜɚɧɚ Ɇɟɪɦɟɪɧɚ ɞɜɨɪɚɧɚ. ɍ ɫɚɫɬɚɜɭ ɉɚɥɟɫɬɪɟ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɥɟ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɞɜɟ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɧɟ ɞɭɝɭʂɚɫɬɟ
ɡɝɪɚɞɟ, ɨɞ ɤɨʁɢɯ ʁɟ ʁɟɞɧɚ ɩɪɟɬɜɨɪɟɧɚ ɭ ɋɢɧɚɝɨɝɭ, ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɭ ɞɪɭɝɨʁ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɢ III ɜɟɤɚ. Ƚɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧ ʁɟ
ɡɚɜɪɲɟɧ ɩɨɱɟɬɤɨɦ III ɜɟɤɚ, ɚ ɧɚɥɚɡɢ ɫɟ ɧɚ ɝɥɚɜɧɨʁ ɭɥɢɰɢ, ɭ ɡɚɩɚɞɧɨɦ ɭɝɥɭ ɝɪɚɞɚ. Ɇɟɪɦɟɪɧɚ ɞɜɨɪɚɧɚ
ɨɛɧɚɜʂɚɧɚ ʁɟ ɜɢɲɟ ɩɭɬɚ ɬɨɤɨɦ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɚ. ȼɟʄ ʁɟ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɨ ɩɨɞɢɡɚʃɟ ɮɨɧɬɚɧɟ ɫɚ
ɡɚɜɪɲɟɰɢɦɚ ɭ ɨɛɥɢɤɭ ɡɦɢjɫɤɢɯ ɝɥɚɜɚ.
44
Foss, Sardis 21, 41.
45
Sardis Gymn., 38–43; Foss, Sardis, 41; Ɇɢɱɟɥ, ɐɚɪɫɬɜɨ, 318. ȳɟɜɪɟʁɟ ʁɟ ɭ ɋɚɪɞ ɞɨɫɟɥɢɨ ʁɨɲ
Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯ III, ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ 2 000 ɩɨɪɨɞɢɰɚ ɩɪɟɫɟɥɢɨ ɭ Ʌɢɞɢʁɭ ɢ Ɏɪɢɝɢʁɭ, ɛɨʁɟʄɢ ɫɟ ʃɢɯɨɜɢɯ ɭɫɬɚɧɚɤɚ.
ɋɢɧɚɝɨɝɚ ʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɚ ɢ ɫɜɨʁɭ ɲɤɨɥɭ ɫɚ ɭɱɢɬɟʂɟɦ, ɤɚɤɨ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɟ ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧɢ ɝɪɱɤɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫɢ (Foss, Sardis 29).
46
Ɉ ɬɨɦɟ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɢ ɧɟɨɛʁɚɜʂɟɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ ɫɚ Ⱥɤɪɨɩɨʂɚ (Foss, Sardis, 22, 37).
47
Foss, Sardis, 42–47; BASOR 154 (1959) 22–27, 157 (1960) 22–28, 166 (1962) 15–19, 174 (1964)
19–24; Sardis Exc. 76–88, 158–174. Ʉɭʄɚ ɛɪɨɧɡɟ ɫɚɞɪɠɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɭ ɩɪɢɡɟɦʂɭ, ɨɫɢɦ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɟ ɨɩɪɟɦɟ ɡɚ
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 91

ɂɩɚɤ, ɨɞ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɲɤɢɯ ɨɫɬɚɬɚɤɚ, ɡɚ ɨɜɚʁ ɪɚɞ ɩɨɫɟɛɧɨ ɫɭ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɧɚ ɞɜɚ


ɟɦɜɨɥɚ, ɩɨɞɢɝɧɭɬɚ ɭ IV ɢ V ɜɟɤɭ. ȿɦɜɨɥɢ – ɤɨɥɨɧɚɞɢɫɚɧɟ ɭɥɢɰɟ ɫɚ ɪɟɞɨɜɢɦɚ
ɩɪɨɞɚɜɧɢɰɚ ɫɦɟɲɬɟɧɢɯ ɢɡɚ ɤɨɥɨɧɚɞɚ – ɭɩɪɚɜɨ ɫɭ ɭ ɩɨɡɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɤɢɦ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɢɦɚ
ɩɨɫɬɚɥɢ ɫɪɟɞɢɲɬɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɬɜɚ ɢ ɫɢɬɧɢʁɟ ɬɪɝɨɜɢɧɟ.48 ɍ ɋɚɪɞɭ, ɤɪɚʁɟɦ IV
ɜɟɤɚ, ɞɟɨ ɝɥɚɜɧɟ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɭɥɢɰɟ (ɫɚ ʁɭɠɧɟ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ Ƚɢɦɧɚɡɢɨɧɚ) ɩɪɟɬɜɨɪɟɧ ʁɟ ɭ ɟɦɜɨɥ
ɬɚɤɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɩɨɤɪɢɜɟɧ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɨɦ ɢ ɧɚɱɢɱɤɚɧ ɤɨɥɨɧɚɞɚɦɚ ɫɚ ɦɨɡɚɢɰɢɦɚ, ɚ ɢɡɚ ʃɢɯ
ʁɟ ɩɨɞɢɝɧɭɬɨ 29 ɩɪɨɞɚɜɧɢɰɚ, ɩɨɡɧɚɬɢɯ ɭ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢʁɢ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɤɚɨ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ
ɪɚɞʃɟ. Ɉɧɟ ɫɭ ɢɦɚɥɟ ɩɪɢɡɟɦɧɢ ɞɟɨ, ɭ ɤɨɦɟ ɫɟ ɨɞɜɢʁɚɥɚ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɤɨ-ɬɪɝɨɜɚɱɤɚ
ɞɟɥɚɬɧɨɫɬ, ɢ ɫɩɪɚɬ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɫɥɭɠɢɨ ɡɚ ɫɤɥɚɞɢɲɬɟʃɟ ɢɥɢ ɛɨɪɚɜɚɤ. ɍ
ɨɜɢɦ ɪɚɞʃɚɦɚ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɧɚɻɟɧ ɨɝɪɨɦɚɧ ɛɪɨʁ ɛɚɤɚɪɧɢɯ ɧɨɜɱɢʄɚ, ɬɢɩɢɱɧɢɯ ɡɚ ɫɢɬɧɭ
ɬɪɝɨɜɢɧɭ, ɤɨʁɢ ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɭ ɤɨɧɬɢɧɭɢɪɚɧɭ ɚɤɬɢɜɧɨɫɬ ɭ ɪɚɞʃɚɦɚ ɞɨ ɩɨɱɟɬɤɚ VII ɜɟɤɚ.
Ʉ. Ɏɨɫ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɜɚʁ ɟɦɜɨɥ ɛɢɨ ɤɨɦɟɪɰɢʁɚɥɧɢ ɰɟɧɬɚɪ ɡɚɩɚɞɧɨɝ ɞɟɥɚ
ɋɚɪɞɚ.49 Ⱦɪɭɝɢ ɟɦɜɨɥ, ɛɥɢɡɭ Ⱥɤɪɨɩɨʂɚ, ɩɨɞɢɝɧɭɬ ʁɟ ɬɨɤɨɦ V ɜɟɤɚ, ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ɧɚ ɞɟɥɭ
ɝɥɚɜɧɟ ɭɥɢɰɟ. Ɉɧ ʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɦɚʃɢ ɨɞ ɩɪɟɬɯɨɞɧɨɝ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɚɧɬɧɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɨɞɢɝɧɭɬ
ɩɥɚɧɫɤɢ, ɭ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɞɚɯɭ, ɩɨɫɥɟ ɧɚɦɟɧɫɤɨɝ ɪɚɲɱɢɲʄɚɜɚʃɚ ɬɨɝ ɞɟɥɚ ɭɥɢɰɟ (ɲɬɨ ʁɟ
ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚɥɨ ɢ ɜɚɻɟʃɟ ɰɟɥɟ ʁɟɞɧɟ ɤɚɩɢʁɟ).50

ǡDZǾǿdzǹǸDZǾȃǹȘȂǻǹ ǻǿǼǶǴǹȘǹ ǴȁDZǵǹȃǶșDZ – ȀǿǸǾDZȃǶ ǿȂǿDzǶǾǿȂȃǹ

Ʉɨɧɚɱɧɨ, ɡɚ ɧɚɲɟ ɪɚɡɦɚɬɪɚʃɟ ɛɢɬɧɨ ʁɟ ɩɨɞɫɟɬɢɬɢ ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɧɟ ɨɫɨɛɟɧɨɫɬɢ


ɩɨɥɨɠɚʁɚ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɢɯ ɞɟɥɚɬɧɢɤɚ ɭ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɢɦ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ. ɒɢɪɨɦ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ,
ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɢ ɬɪɝɨɜɰɢ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɨɜɚɧɢ ɭ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɟ, ɡɚɜɢɫɧɨ ɨɞ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɭɠɟ
ɫɬɪɭɱɧɨɫɬɢ (ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ), ɨɞɧɨɫɧɨ ɚɪɬɢɤɥɚ ɡɚ ɱɢʁɭ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɩɪɨɞɚʁɭ ɫɩɟɰɢʁɚɥɢɡɨɜɚɥɢ
(ɬɪɝɨɜɰɢ).51 ɋɚ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɚ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɯ ɱɥɚɧɨɜɚ, ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁ(ɭɦ) ʁɟ ɩɪɟɜɚɫɯɨɞɧɨ ɢɦɚɨ ɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɭ
ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɤɨʁɚ ɢɯ ɲɬɢɬɢ ɨɞ ɬɪɠɢɲɧɟ ɤɨɧɤɭɪɟɧɰɢʁɟ ɦɨʄɧɢɯ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɚɰɚ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ
ɛɟʂɟʃɟ, ɦɧɨɲɬɜɨ ɛɪɨɧɡɚɧɢɯ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬɚ, ɧɩɪ. ɛɨɤɚɥɟ ɡɚ ɜɢɧɨ ɢ ɤɚɞɢɨɧɢɰɟ, ɩɨ ɱɟɦɭ ʁɟ ɢ ɞɨɛɢɥɚ ɢɦɟ.
ȵɟɧɚ ɭɧɭɬɪɚɲʃɨɫɬ ɛɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɢɡɞɚɲɧɨ ɨɛɥɨɠɟɧɚ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɨɦ. Ȼɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɭ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɢ ɞɨ ɩɨɱɟɤɚ VII ɜɟɤɚ.
48
Ɉ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɭ ɩɪɟɦɟɲɬɚʃɚ ɰɟɧɬɚɪɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɬɜɚ ɢ ɬɪɝɨɜɢɧɟ ɭ ɟɦɜɨɥɟ – M. Mundell Mango,
Building and Architecture, CAH, vol. 14, Cambridge 2007, 924–933. (ɞɚʂɟ: Mundell, Building); R. Janin,
Constantinople Byzantine. Développement urbain et répertorie topographique, Paris 1950, 90–95; R. Alston,
The City in Roman and Byzantine Egypt, London 2002, 31–39, 133–49, 161–171 (ɞɚʂɟ: Alston, City); C.
Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity. Topography and Social Conßict, London 1997, 22–34; Foss, Ephesus,
47–85; cf. F. Martens, Late Antique Urban Streets at Salagassos, Tech. Tr, 321–365. ȼɟʄɢɧɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ
ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɢɦɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɫɜɨʁɭ ɪɚɞʃɭ ɭ ɟɦɜɨɥɭ, ɞɨɤ ɫɭ ɫɢɪɨɦɚɲɧɢʁɢ ɪɚɞɢɥɢ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɤɨɥɨɧɚɞɚ. ȼɟʄɢɧɚ
ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɟ ɞɢɪɟɤɬɧɨ ɦɭɲɬɟɪɢʁɚɦɚ (Jones, LRE, 860, 864).
49
Foss, Sardis, 21, 42–43; BASOR 166 (1962) 39–45, 186 (1967) 28–31; 191 (1968) 16–22;
ɪɚɞʃɟ ɫɭ ɧɚɩɪɚɜʂɟɧɟ ɨɞ ɪɟɰɢɤɥɢɪɚɧɢɯ ɤɨɦɚɞɚ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ ɢ ɰɢɝɥɟ. ɉɨ ɫɜɨʁ ɩɪɢɥɢɰɢ, ɤɨɥɨɧɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɜɞɟ
ɧɨɫɢɥɚ ɞɪɜɟɧɢ ɤɪɨɜ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɲɬɢɬɢɨ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɰɟ ɨɞ ɧɟɩɨɝɨɞɚ. Ɉɜɚʁ ɟɦɜɨɥ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɲɢɪɨɤ 12 ɦɟɬɚɪɚ, ɫɚ
ɬɪɨɬɨɚɪɨɦ ɲɢɪɨɤɢɦ 2.
50
Foss, Sardis, 42, 44; BASOR 177 (1965) 14–19; ɩɥɚɧɫɤɨ ɩɨɞɢɡɚʃɟ ɨɜɨɝ ɟɦɜɨɥɚ ɩɨɦɢʃɟ
ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧɢ ɧɟɨɛʁɚɜʂɟɧɢ ɧɚɬɩɢɫ (Foss, op. cit., 42); oɜɚʁ ɟɦɜɨɥ ɞɭɝɚɱɚɤ ʁɟ ɨɤɨ 200 ɦɟɬɚɪɚ, ɚ ɲɢɪɨɤ 7.
51
ɉɪɢɧɰɢɩɢʁɟɥɧɨ ɫɟ ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɚ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɫɤɚ/ɬɪɝɨɜɚɱɤɚ ɭɠɟɫɩɟɰɢʁɚɥɢɡɨɜɚɧɚ
ɝɪɭɩɚ ɦɨɝɥɚ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɫɜɨʁ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁ ɭ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɨɦ ɝɪɚɞɭ ɫɚɦɨ ɚɤɨ ʁɟ ɢɦɚɥɚ ɞɨɜɨʂɧɨ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɧɢ-
ɤɚ, ɨɞɧɨɫɧɨ ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞʃɚ/ɩɪɨɞɚʁɚ ʃɟɧɨɝ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɚ/ɭɫɥɭɝɟ ɢɦɚɥɚ ɞɨɜɨʂɧɨ ɜɢɬɚɥɧɭ ɭɥɨ-
ɝɭ ɭ ɠɢɜɨɬɭ ɬɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɚ. ɍɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɬɚ ɝɪɭɩɚ ɢɦɚɥɚ ɩɪɟɜɟɥɢɤ ɛɪɨʁ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɧɢɤɚ, ɨɧɞɚ ɫɭ ɫɟ
ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɨɫɧɢɜɚɥɢ ɧɨɜɢ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ, ɧɚɦɟʃɟɧɢ ɩɪɢɩɚɞɧɢɰɢɦɚ ʃɟɧɢɯ ʁɨɲ ɭɠɢɯ ɞɟɥɚɬɧɨɫɬɢ. Ʉɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ
ɫɭ, ɤɚɨ ɨɛɥɢɤ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɰɢʁɟ, ɧɚɫɥɟɻɟɧɢ ɢɡ ɪɚɧɢʁɢɯ ɟɩɨɯɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ, ɢ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɩɪɨɮɟ-
ɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ ɭɞɪɭɠɟʃɚ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɧɢɤɚ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɢ ɜɟʄɢɯ ɫɟɥɚ ɭ ɲɢɪɟɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ, ɬɚɤɨ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɢ ɭ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɨʁ
ɟɩɨɯɢ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚɥɢ ɧɩɪ. ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ ɫɜɟɲɬɟɧɢɤɚ ɢ ɩɨɝɪɟɛɧɢɤɚ; Waltzing, Corporations, vol. I 35–47, 164–
173, 337–354, vol. II 437–452.
92 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɚ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɨɞ ɨɩɪɟɫɢʁɟ ɫɨɩɫɬɜɟɧɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ.52 ɋɚ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɚ ɞɪɠɚɜɟ ɢ


ɪɟɥɟɜɚɧɬɧɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɚ, ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ ɫɭ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɬɪɢ ɨɫɧɨɜɧɟ ɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɟ: 1) ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ
ɩɪɟɤɨ ʃɢɯ ɫɩɪɨɜɨɞɟ ɩɪɢɦɟɧɭ ɭɬɜɪɻɟɧɢɯ ɨɫɧɨɜɧɢɯ ɰɟɧɚ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɚ ɢ ɭɫɥɭɝɚ
(ɝɪɚɞɫɤɚ ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɚ ʁɟ ɬɨɤɨɦ ɱɢɬɚɜɟ ɟɩɨɯɟ ɡɚɞɪɠɚɥɚ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɚ ɧɚ ɬɟɪɢɬɨɪɢʁɢ ɝɪɚɞɚ
ɩɪɨɩɢɫɭʁɟ ɰɟɧɟ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɚ ɢ ɭɫɥɭɝɚ, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɤɨɜɚɥɚ ɭ ɰɟɥɢɧɢ ɡɚ ɞɟɮɢɰɢɬɚɪɧɟ
ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɟ, ɚ ɩɚɪɰɢʁɚɥɧɨ ɡɚ ɧɟɤɟ ɨɞ ɧɟɞɟɮɢɰɢɬɚɪɧɢɯ ɜɚɠɧɢʁɢɯ ɚɪɬɢɤɚɥɚ); 2) ɩɪɟɤɨ
ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɚ ɜɥɚɫɬ ɧɚɩɥɚʄɭʁɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚɦɚ ɢ ɬɪɝɨɜɰɢɦɚ ɞɚɠɛɢɧɟ (ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɯɪɢɫɚɪɝɢɪɨɧ
– collation lustralis) ɢ ɧɚɦɟʄɟ ɢɦ ɪɟɥɟɜɚɧɬɧɟ ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɟ ɪɚɞɧɟ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɟ (munera); 3)
ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɦ ɜɥɚɫɬɢɦɚ ɛɢɥɢ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɢ ɢ ɡɚ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɭ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɢɯ ɦɟɪɚ
ɢ ɤɨɪɟɤɬɚɧ ɨɞɧɨɫ ɩɪɟɦɚ ɤɭɩɰɢɦɚ.53 ɉɪɢ ɫɜɟɦɭ ɨɜɨɦɟ, ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ ɫɭ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɧɚɱɟɥɧɨ
ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɚ ɩɨɜɪɟɦɟɧɨ ɫɭɝɟɪɢɲɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɦ ɜɥɚɫɬɢɦɚ ɤɨɪɟɤɰɢʁɭ ɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɢɯ ɰɟɧɚ.54 ɍ
ɩɪɚɤɫɢ, ɰɟɧɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɢɜɚɥɟ ɛɢɥɟ ɫɭ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɧɢɠɟ
ɨɞ ɨɧɢɯ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɢ ɬɪɝɨɜɰɢ ɫɦɚɬɪɚɥɢ ɢɫɩɥɚɬɢɜɢɦ, ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɬɚɤɜɟ
ɰɟɧɟ ɛɢɥɟ ɩɪɢɥɚɝɨɻɟɧɟ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬɢɦɚ ɫɢɪɨɦɚɲɧɢʁɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɚɧɚ. Ɉɜɨ ʁɟ, ɫɚ
ɫɜɨʁɟ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ, ɱɟɫɬɨ ɞɨɜɨɞɢɥɨ ɞɨ ɬɨɝɚ ɞɚ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ ɢɝɧɨɪɢɲɭ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɟ
ɰɟɧɟ ɢɥɢ ɱɚɤ ɞɚ ɩɪɨɜɨɰɢɪɚʁɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ ɤɨɥɟɤɬɢɜɧɢɦ ɞɢɡɚʃɟɦ ɰɟɧɚ.55 ɂɩɚɤ,
ɦɨɪɚ ɫɟ ɩɪɢɡɧɚɬɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ ɬɪɝɨɜɚɰɚ ɢ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɤɭ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɨɫɬɚɥɢ
ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɚ ɭɞɪɭɠɟʃɚ – ɭɱɥɚʃɟʃɟ ɭ ʃɢɯ ɨɜɞɟ ɧɢʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɨ, ɚ ɞɟɰɚ
ɬɪɝɨɜɚɰɚ ɢ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɧɚɱɟɥɧɨ ɧɢɫɭ ɛɢɥɚ ɞɭɠɧɚ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɛɚɜɟ ɨɱɟɜɢɦ ɡɚɧɢɦɚʃɟɦ –
ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɭ ɫɜɟ ɜɟʄɨʁ ɦɟɪɢ ɩɨɫɬɚʁɚɨ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɭ ɡɚɩɚɞɧɢɦ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɚɦɚ.56 ɂɩɚɤ, ɜɟʄɢɧɭ
52
Waltzing, Corporations, vol. II 24–41, 71–94, 109–122, 224–242, 357–379; A. Graeber,
Untersuchungen zum spätrömischen Korporationswesen, Frankfurt 1983, 12–45, 70–82, 89–114, 131–144;
G. Mickwitz, Die Kartellfunktionen der Zünfte und ihre Bedeutung bei der Entstehung des Zunftwesens.
Eine Studie in spätantiker und mittelalterlicher Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Leipzig 1936, 187–221.
53
Jones, LRE, 724, 734–735, 838, 859; ɬɚɤɨ ɧɩɪ. ɨɤɫɢɪɢɧɲɤɢ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ ɤɭʁɭɧʇɢʁɚ, ɭɡɝɚʁɢɜɚɱɚ
ɩɱɟɥɚ, ɩɪɨɞɚɜɚɰɚ ɩɱɟɥɚ ɢ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɚɰɚ ɭʂɚ ɝɚɪɚɧɬɭʁɭ ɩɢɫɦɟɧɨ 338. ɥɨɝɢɫɬɭ Ɏɥɚɜɢʁɭ ȿɜɫɟɜɢʁɭ ɞɚ ʄɟ ɫɜɨʁɟ
ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɟ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɩɨ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɨʁ ɰɟɧɢ – The Oxyrhinchus Papyri, vol. I, ed. B. Grenfell – A. Hunt,
London 1898, no. 85; Papiri Greci e Latini, Pubblicazioni della Societa italianapre la ricerca dei papiri greci
e latini in Egitto, Firenze 1914, vol. III, no. 202. ɉɪɢɧɰɢɩ ɫɬɚɥɧɨɝ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɚʃɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɞɟɥɚ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɚ
ɩɨ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɢɦ ɰɟɧɚɦɚ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚɨ ʁɟ ɢ ɧɩɪ. ɤɨɞ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɯ ɪɭɞɚɪɚ (metalarii). Ɉɜɢ ɫɭ ɩɥɚʄɚɥɢ
ɞɪɠɚɜɢ ɨɞɝɨɜɚɪɚʁɭʄɟ ɩɨɪɟɡɟ, ɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɛɢɥɢ ɞɭɠɧɢ ɢ ɞɚ ʁɨʁ ɞɟɨ ɢɫɤɨɩɚ ɩɪɨɞɚʁɭ ɩɨ ɭɬɜɪɻɟɧɢɦ ɰɟɧɚɦɚ. ɉɨɞ
ɩɪɢɬɢɫɤɨɦ ɨɜɢɯ ɦɟɪɚ, ɪɭɞɚɪɢ ɫɭ ɱɟɫɬɨ ɨɞɥɭɱɢɜɚɥɢ ɞɚ ɩɨɫɬɚɧɭ ɤɨɥɨɧɢ (Jones, LRE, 838).
54
Ɍɚɤɨ ɧɩɪ., ɬɨɤɨɦ IV ɜɟɤɚ, ɡɚɧɚɬɫɤɢ ɢ ɬɪɝɨɜɚɱɤɢ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ ɭ ɟɝɢɩɚɬɫɤɢɦ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ ɫɥɚɥɢ
ɫɭ ɫɜɨɦ ɤɭɪɚɬɨɪɭ ɫɭɝɟɫɬɢʁɟ ɡɚ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɟ ɰɟɧɟ, ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɭɫɥɟɞ ɢɧɮɥɚɰɢʁɟ (Jones, LRE, 859). ɋɚ ɫɜɨʁɟ
ɫɬɪɚɧɟ, ɢ ɫɚɦɢ ɝɪɚɻɚɧɢ ɫɭ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɚ ɧɚ ɦɚɫɨɜɧɢɦ ɫɤɭɩɨɜɢɦɚ ɭ ɬɟɚɬɪɭ ɢɥɢ ɰɢɪɤɭɫɭ ɬɪɝɭ ɢɡɪɚɡɟ
ɧɟɡɚɞɨɜɨʂɫɬɜɨ ɡɛɨɝ ɰɟɧɟ ɜɚɠɧɨɝ ɚɪɬɢɤɥɚ, ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɯɥɟɛɚ. Ɉɜɟ ɚɤɥɚɦɚɰɢʁɟ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɤ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ ɢ
ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɞɭɠɧɢ ɞɚ ɩɪɟɧɟɫɭ ɢ ɫɚɦɨɦ ɰɚɪɭ (Ibid, 323, 722).
55
Ʉɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ ɫɭ ɨɛɢɱɧɨ ɤɨɪɢɫɬɢɥɢ ɦɟɬɨɞ ɢɝɧɨɪɢɫɚʃɚ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɢɯ ɰɟɧɚ, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɞɨɜɨɞɢɥɨ ɞɨ ɤɨɧ-
ɮɥɢɤɬɚ ɫɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɦ ɜɥɚɫɬɢɦɚ. ɉɨɲɬɨ ɫɭ ɧɟɫɬɚɲɢɰɟ ɯɥɟɛɚ ɛɢɥɟ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ, ɬɨ ʁɟ ɯɥɟɛ ɛɢɨ ɚɪɬɢɤɥ ɱɢʁɭ
ɫɭ ɰɟɧɭ, ɧɚɪɚɜɧɨ ɞɚɥɟɤɨ ɧɢɠɭ ɨɞ ɨɧɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɩɟɤɚɪɢ ɫɦɚɬɪɚɥɢ ɢɫɩɥɚɬɢɜɨɦ, ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɢɜɚɥɟ
ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ. ɋɬɨɝɚ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɨɧɟ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɫɭɤɨɛʂɚɜɚɥɟ ɫɚ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɟɦ ɩɟɤɚɪɚ. Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɡɚɜɥɚɞɚɥɚ ʁɟɞɧɚ ɨɞ
ɧɟɫɬɚɲɢɰɚ ɯɥɟɛɚ ɭ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɢ, ɚ ʃɟɝɨɜɚ ɰɟɧɚ ɫɤɨɱɢɥɚ, ɞɟɤɭɪɢʁɚ ʁɟ ɮɢɤɫɢɪɚɥɚ ɢ ɫɩɭɫɬɢɥɚ ɰɟɧɭ. ɉɟɤɚɪɢ
ɫɭ ɨɞɛɢɥɢ ɞɚ ɩɪɨɞɚʁɭ ɯɥɟɛ ɩɨ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɨʁ ɰɟɧɢ, ɧɚ ɲɬɚ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ ɧɚɪɟɞɢɥɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɧɟɤɢ ɨɞ ʃɢɯ
ʁɚɜɧɨ ɛɢɱɭʁɭ. Ɂɛɨɝ ɬɨɝɚ ɫɭ ɚɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɫɤɢ ɩɟɤɚɪɢ ɦɚɫɨɜɧɨ ɩɨɛɟɝɥɢ ɭ ɩɥɚɧɢɧɟ ɢ ɜɪɚɬɢɥɢ ɫɟ ɬɟɤ ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ
ɜɥɚɫɬ ɭɛɥɚɠɢɥɚ ɨɜɭ ɦɟɪɭ (Libanii Opera, vol. III, 29; cf. Downey, Antioch, 419–422). Mɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɞɟɲɚɜɚɥɨ
ɫɟ ɢ ɞɚ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢ ɬɪɝɨɜɚɰɚ ɫɤɥɨɩɟ ɬɚʁɧɟ ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɟ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ɫɭ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɜɚɥɢ ɞɚ ɩɨɪɟɦɟɬɟ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɟ ɰɟɧɟ –
Codex Iustinianus, ed. P. Kürger, Berlin 1929, 4.59.1, 4.59.2 (ɞɚʂɟ: CJ); Jones, LRE, 735, 826, 859.
56
Ɍɟɪɟɬɢ ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɢɯ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚ ɢ ɨɩɲɬɚ ɧɟɫɢɝɭɪɧɨɫɬ ɧɚɜɨɞɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɧɚ ɡɚɩɚɞɭ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɞɚ
ɩɨɫɬɚʁɭ ɤɨɥɨɧɢ, ɜɨʁɧɢɰɢ ɢɥɢ ɫɜɟɲɬɟɧɢɰɢ, ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɨɞ ɤɪɚʁɚ IV ɜɟɤɚ. Ɂɛɨɝ ɬɨɝɚ, ɚ ɢ ɡɛɨɝ ɞɭɝɨ ɩɪɢɫɭɬɧɨɝ
ɧɟɞɨɫɬɚɬɤɚ ɤɜɚɥɢɮɢɤɨɜɚɧɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ, ɰɚɪɟɜɢ ɧɚ Ɂɚɩɚɞɭ ɫɭ ɩɨɫɬɟɩɟɧɨ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɜɚɥɢ ɞɚ ɩɪɢɩɚɞɧɨɫɬ ɭ
ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɫɤɢɦ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɢɦɚ ɭɱɢɧɟ ɧɚɫɥɟɞɧɨɦ, ɢ ɞɚ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɞɟɨ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɩɨɩɭɥɚɰɢʁɟ ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɨ ɭɩɢɲɭ ɭ ɨɜɟ
ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɟ. Jones, LRE, 859, 861; Waltzing, Corporations, vol. II, 259–267, 271–284, 358–392.
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 93

ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɧɚ ɂɫɬɨɤɭ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɫɜɟ ɞɪɭɝɟ ɫɥɨʁɟɜɟ, ɩɪɢɬɢɫɤɚɨ ʁɟ ɧɢɡ ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɢɯ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚ.
ɇɟɚɪɢɫɬɨɤɪɚɬɫɤɨ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɧɢɲɬɨ ɛɢɥɨ ʁɟ ɞɭɠɧɨ ɞɚ, ɩɨ ɩɪɢɧɰɢɩɭ ɪɨɬɚɰɢʁɟ,
ɭɡɦɟ ɭɱɟɲʄɚ ɭ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʃɭ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɢ ɪɟɞɚ ɭ ʃɟɦɭ – ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚʃɭ ɡɝɪɚɞɚ ɢ ɚɤɜɟɞɭɤɬɚ,
ɱɢɲʄɟʃɭ ɭɥɢɰɚ ɢ ɤɚɧɚɥɢɡɚɰɢʁɟ, ɱɭɜɚʃɭ ɫɬɪɚɠɟ, ɭɱɟɲʄɭ ɭ ɜɚɬɪɨɝɚɫɧɨɦ ɨɞɪɟɞɭ
ɢɬɞ. ȼɟʄɢɧɚ ɨɜɢɯ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚ ɩɚɥɚ ʁɟ ɢ ɧɚ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɢ ɫɢɬɧɟ ɬɪɝɨɜɰɟ.57 ɍ ɬɨɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ,
ɩɨɫɬɚʁɟ ʁɚɫɧɚ ɜɟɥɢɱɢɧɚ ɢɦɭɧɢɬɟɬɚ ɨɞ ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɢɯ ɫɥɭɠɛɢ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ 337.
ɞɨɞɟɥɢɨ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢɦɚ (ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɭʄɢ ɚɪɯɢɬɟɤɬɟ, ɡɢɞɚɪɟ, ɪɟɡɚɱɟ ɤɚɦɟɧɚ ɢ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ,
ɝɢɩɫɚɪɟ, ɞɪɜɨɞɟʂɟ, ɬɜɨɪɰɟ ɦɨɡɚɢɤɚ, ɮɚɫɚɞɚ ɢ ɭɤɪɚɲɟɧɢɯ ɩɥɚɮɨɧɚ), ɤɨɜɚɱɢɦɚ
(ɝɜɨɠɻɚ ɢ ɛɪɨɧɡɟ), ɫɬɚɤɥɚɪɢɦɚ, ɥɢɦɚɪɢɦɚ, ɝɪɚɜɟɪɢɦɚ, ɡɥɚɬɚɪɢɦɚ, ɫɪɟɛɪɧɚɪɢɦɚ,
ɩɨɡɥɚʄɢɜɚɱɢɦɚ ɨɪɭɠʁɚ, ɜɚʁɚɪɢɦɚ, ɝɪɧɱɚɪɢɦɚ, ɫɥɢɤɚɪɢɦɚ, ɫɤɭɥɩɬɨɪɢɦɚ, ɞɟʂɚɱɢɦɚ
ɫɥɨɧɨɜɚɱɟ, ɤɪɡɧɚɪɢɦɚ, ɩɭɪɩɭɪ-ɛɨʁɚʇɢʁɚɦɚ, ɫɩɪɚɜʂɚɱɢɦɚ ɨɝɥɟɞɚɥɚ ɢ ɧɨɫɢʂɤɢ,
ɜɨɞɨɜɨɞɧɢɦ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚɦɚ ɢ ɥɟɤɚɪɢɦɚ. Ɉɜɚ ɩɪɢɜɢɥɟɝɢʁɚ ɞɨɞɟʂɟɧɚ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɛɢ ɡɚɲɬɢɬɢɥɚ
ɨɧɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɭ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ʁɟ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɨ ɨɫɤɭɞɟɜɚɥɨ, ɦɟɻɭ
ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɫɤɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɱɢɧɢɥɟ ɧɚʁɛɪɨʁɧɢʁɭ ɝɪɭɩɭ.58 Ɍɨ ʁɟ ɥɨɤɚɥɧɟ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ
ɩɪɢɦɨɪɚɜɚɥɨ ɞɚ ɩɥɚʄɚʁɭ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɦ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢɦɚ ɫɜɟ ɭɫɥɭɝɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɢɦ ɩɪɭɠɚʁɭ,
ɡɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɤɭ ɨɞ ɦɧɨɝɢɯ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ɫɭ ɦɨɝɥɟ ɧɚɦɟɬɧɭɬɢ ɛɟɫɩɥɚɬɚɧ
ɪɚɞ. Ɉ ɫɚɦɢɦ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɦ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɭɦɢɦɚ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɧɟ ɡɧɚɦɨ ɦɧɨɝɨ. ɂɡ
ɢɡɜɟɲɬɚʁɚ ɨ ɫɩɨɪɭ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɤɚɥɮɟ ɬɤɚɱɚ ɥɚɧɚ ɢ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɚ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɢɡ Ɉɤɫɢɪɢɧɯɚ,
ɞɢɪɟɤɬɧɨ ɫɟ ɜɢɞɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɜɚʁ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁ ɢɦɚɨ ʁɚɤ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɤɢ ɢ ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɢ ɭɬɢɰɚʁ ɭ ɫɜɨɦ
ɝɪɚɞɭ, ɚɥɢ ɫɟ ɢ ɟɤɫɩɥɢɰɢɬɧɨ ɫɩɨɦɢʃɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ʃɟɝɨɜɢ ɱɥɚɧɨɜɢ ɫɚ ɜɢɫɢɧɟ ɝɥɟɞɚɥɢ
ɧɚ ɦɧɨɝɟ ɞɪɭɝɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɟ, ɧɚɡɢɜɚʁɭʄɢ ɢɯ ɛɟɫɤɨɪɢɫɧɢɦɚ (ɦɟɻɭ ʃɢɦɚ ɢ ɬɤɚʃɟ ɥɚɧɚ).
ɂɡɜɟɲɬɚʁ ɝɨɜɨɪɢ ɨ ɬɨɦɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɨɤɫɢɪɢɧɲɤɢ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɥɢ ɞɚ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɨɝ
ɤɚɥɮɭ–ɬɤɚɱɚ ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɨ ɩɪɟɤɜɚɥɢɮɢɤɭʁɭ ɭ ɡɢɞɚɪɚ, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɩɪɨɬɭɦɚɱɟɧɨ ɤɚɨ
ɩɨɬɟɡ ɢɡɚɡɜɚɧ ɧɟɞɨɫɬɚɬɤɨɦ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ. Ʉɚɥɮɚ ɫɟ ɫɭɞɫɤɢ ɠɚɥɢɨ,
ɧɚɤɨɧ ɱɟɝɚ ʁɟ juridicas Aegypti ɡɚɤʂɭɱɢɨ ɞɚ ɧɟɤɨ ɤɨ ʁɟ ɢɡɭɱɢɨ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɡɚɧɚɬ ɧɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ
ɞɚ ɛɭɞɟ ɩɪɟɛɚɱɟɧ ɭ ɞɪɭɝɢ. ɇɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɨɜɨɝɚ, ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɢ ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢʁɚ ɞɚ ʁɟ
ɭ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɨ ɞɨɛɚ, ɥɢɰɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɧɢʁɟ ɩɪɨɲɥɨ ɰɟɥɨɤɭɩɧɨ ɭɱɟʃɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɚ ɦɨɝɥɨ ɛɢɬɢ
ɩɪɢɧɭɞɧɨ ɭɜɭɱɟɧɨ ɭ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁ ɞɪɭɝɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɫɤɟ ɫɬɪɭɤɟ. Ʉɨɥɢɤɨ ɝɨɞ ɨɜɟ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɤɟ
ɛɢɥɟ ɫɬɚɛɢɥɧɟ ɢɥɢ ɧɟ, ɧɢʁɟ ɱɭɞɧɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɭ Ɉɤɫɢɪɢɧɯɭ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚɨ ɩɨɫɟɛɚɧ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁ
ɡɢɞɚɪɚ – ɨɜɚʁ ɝɪɚɞ ʁɟ ɦɨɪɚɨ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɪɚɫɩɨɥɚɝɚʃɭ ɡɧɚɬɚɧ ɛɪɨʁ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɯ
ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ, ɦɚɤɚɪ ɢ ɫɚɦɨ ɞɚ ɛɢ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚɨ ɜɟɥɢɤɢ ɛɪɨʁ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ ɡɞɚʃɚ ɤɚɨ
ɲɬɨ ɫɭ ɝɢɦɧɚɫɢɨɧ, ɯɢɩɨɞɪɨɦ, ɱɟɬɢɪɢ ʁɚɜɧɚ ɤɭɩɚɬɢɥɚ ɢ ɬɟɚɬɚɪ ɫɚ ɤɚɩɚɰɢɬɟɬɨɦ ɡɚ
ɨɤɨ 10.000 ɝɥɟɞɚɥɚɰɚ.59 Ɍɪɟɛɚ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɭ ɜɢɞɭ ɢ ɬɨ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɟ
ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ, ɩɨɪɟɞ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɨɝ ɨɤɭɩʂɚʃɚ ɭ ɨɤɜɢɪɭ ɫɜɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɚ, ɦɨɝɥɟ ɩɨ
ɩɨɬɪɟɛɢ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɧɟɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɨ ɢ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɦɟɧɨ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɭʁɭ ɭ ɩɨɫɟɛɧɟ ɞɪɭɠɢɧɟ, ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ
57
Jones, LRE, 736, 859–860; Downey, Antioch, 373–379, 404–409; ɭ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɢ ɫɭ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ
ɢ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɰɢ ɦɨɪɚɥɢ ɥɢɱɧɨ ɢɥɢ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɫɤɢ ɭɱɟɫɬɜɨɜɚɬɢ ɭ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɦ ɨɛɧɨɜɚɦɚ, ɱɢɲʄɟʃɭ
ɤɚɧɚɥɚ ɢ ɪɚɞɭ ɝɨɫɬɢɨɧɢɰɚ; ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɞɭɠɧɢ ɱɚɤ ɢ ɞɚ ɨɛɟɡɛɟɞɟ ɞɟɨ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɨɫɜɟɬʂɟʃɚ ɬɢɦɟ ɲɬɨ ʄɟ
ɨ ɫɨɩɫɬɜɟɧɨɦ ɬɪɨɲɤɭ ɨɞɪɠɚɜɚɬɢ ɥɚɦɩɟ ɭɩɚʂɟʃɟ ɰɟɥɭ ɧɨʄ ɩɪɟɞ ɫɜɨʁɢɦ ɪɚɞʃɚɦɚ (Lib. Opera, vol.
III, 26.20–21, 33.35–37, 46.19–23). Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɪɟɱ ɨ ɟɝɡɨɬɢɱɧɢɦ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚɦɚ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɢ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɚɰɚ, ɬɪɟɛɚ
ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ȼɚɥɟɧɬɢɧɢʁɚɧɨɜɭ ɨɞɥɭɤɭ ɢɡ 369. ɞɚ ɜɨɻɟʃɟ ɠɢɜɨɬɢʃɚ (prosecutio animalium) ɩɪɟɛɚɰɢ ɫɚ
ɫɟʂɚɤɚ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɟ (CT 11.10.1).
58
CT 13.4.2; cf. Waltizng, Corporations, vol. II, 114–116, 133–134, 172–173.
59
Catalogue of the Greek and Latin Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Volume IV: Documents
of the Ptolemaic, Roman and Byzantine Periods, ed. E. Turner, Manchester 1938, no. 654 (ɞɚʂɟ: JRP).
Ⱦɨɤɭɦɟɧɬ ʁɟ ɞɚɬɨɜɚɧ ɭ ɩɨɱɟɬɚɤ IV ɜɟɤɚ. (Jones, LRE, 861); cf. R. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity, New
Jersey 1993, 42–43. Alston, City, 60–67,207–214, 193–195, 262–268.
94 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɬɪɟɛɚɥɨ ɨɛɚɜɢɬɢ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɡɚ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɢɫɬɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ, ɢɥɢ ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɬɪɟɛɚɥɨ
ɡɚʁɟɞɧɨ ɨɛɚɜɢɬɢ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɭ ɞɪɭɝɨɦ ɝɪɚɞɭ; ɨɜɨ ɫɟ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɜɢɞɢ ɢɡ ɞɜɚ ɚɧɝɚɠɦɚɧɚ
ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɫɚ ɡɢɞɚɪɢɦɚ ɭɝɨɜɚɪɚɨ Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɢʁɟ ɇɢɫɤɢ ɩɨɜɨɞɨɦ ɡɢɞɚʃɚ ɰɪɤɜɟ, ɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɫɚ
ɬɪɢɞɟɫɟɬ ɡɢɞɚɪɚ ɢɡ ɫɜɨɝ ɦɟɫɬɚ, ɚ ɡɚɬɢɦ ɫɚ ɞɪɭɠɢɧɨɦ ɡɢɞɚɪɚ ɢɡ ɂɤɨɧɢɨɧɚ.60 ɋɥɢɱɧɨ
ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɫɚ ɢɫɚɜɪɢʁɫɤɢɦ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢɦɚ, ɱɭɜɟɧɢɦ ɭ VI ɜɟɤɭ, ɱɢʁɟ ɫɭ ɞɪɭɠɢɧɟ
ɢɲɥɟ ɩɨɫɥɨɦ ɭ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɭ, ɞɪɭɝɚ ɦɟɫɬɚ ɫɟɜɟɪɧɟ ɋɢɪɢʁɟ, ɩɚ ɢ ɭ ɫɚɦ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞ.61
ɉɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɟ ɧɢɫɭ ɭɥɚɡɢɥɟ ɫɚɦɨɭɤɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɢ ɩɪɨɫɬɚ
ɪɚɞɧɚ ɫɧɚɝɚ, ɤɚɤɜɢɯ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɭ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɜɟɥɢɤɨɦ ɛɪɨʁɭ, ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɭɫɥɟɞ ɱɟɫɬɨɝ
ɧɟɞɨɫɬɚɬɤɚ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ.62

ǢDZȁǵȂǻǹ ȄǴǿdzǿȁ ǹǸ 459.

ɉɨɫɟɛɧɭ ɜɚɠɧɨɫɬ ɡɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɫɤɢɯ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɚ,


ʃɢɯɨɜɨɝ ɦɟɫɬɚ ɭ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɨɦ ɢ ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɨɦ ɠɢɜɨɬɭ ɟɩɨɯɟ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ
ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɟ ɭɨɩɲɬɟ, ɡɚɭɡɢɦɚ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ 459. ɛɢɨ ɫɤɥɨɩʂɟɧ
ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɟɤɞɢɤɚ (ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɚ) ɝɪɚɞɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɢ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɰɟ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ
ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ.63 ɋɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ ʁɟ ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧ ɡɚɯɜɚʂɭʁɭʄɢ ɫɜɨʁɨʁ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɨʁ ɮɨɪɦɢ, ɢ
ɦɟɻɭ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɦ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɢɰɢɦɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ ʁɟɞɢɧɢ ʁɟ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɚ ɫɨɛɨɦ ɧɨɫɢ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɧɨ
ɞɚɬɨɜɚʃɟ. Ɍɚɤɨɻɟ, ɜɚɠɢ ɡɚ ʁɟɞɢɧɢ ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧɢ ɭɝɨɜɨɪ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɫɚ
ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɢɯ ɯɟɥɟɧɨɮɨɧɢɯ ɩɨɞɪɭɱʁɚ. Ʉɚɨ ɬɚɤɚɜ, ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ʁɟ ɩɨɛɭɞɢɨ ɩɢɬɚʃɟ,
ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ, ɤɚɤɜɟ ɫɭ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢ ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɟ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢ ɫɬɚʁɚɥɟ ɢɡɚ ʃɟɝɚ. ɉɨʁɟɞɢɧɢ
ʃɟɝɨɜɢ ɫɟɝɦɟɧɬɢ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɭ ɬɨɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ ɤɨɦɟɧɬɚɪɢɫɚɧɢ ɨɞ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ȼ. Ȼɚɤɥɟɪɚ,
Ʉ. Ɏɨɫɚ ɢ ɉ. Ƚɚɪɧɫɢʁɚ. ɇɚʁɩɪɚɤɬɢɱɧɢʁɟ ɛɢ ɛɢɥɨ ɞɚ ɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɢɡɧɟɫɟɦɨ ɫɭɲɬɢɧɫɤɟ
ɟɥɟɦɟɧɬɟ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ, ɭɡ ɤɨɦɟɧɬɚɪ ɨɧɢɯ ɞɟɥɨɜɚ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɚ ɱɢʁɟ ɬɭɦɚɱɟʃɟ ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ
ɞɚɧɚɫ ɧɢʁɟ ɫɩɨɪɧɨ. ɋɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ ɫɟ ɫɚɫɬɨʁɢ ɢɡ ɭɜɨɞɧɨɝ ɞɟɥɚ, ɡɚɤɥɟɬɜɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ
ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɫɚ ɩɪɚɬɟʄɢɦ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚɦɚ ɢ ɡɚɤʂɭɱɧɨɝ ɞɟɥɚ.
60
Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɢʁɟ ʁɟ ɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɨ ɬɪɢɞɟɫɟɬ ɥɨɤɚɥɧɢɯ ɡɢɞɚɪɚ ɞɚ ɢɡɝɪɚɞɟ ɰɪɤɜɭ ɩɨ ʃɟɝɨɜɨʁ ɡɚ-
ɦɢɫɥɢ, ɚɥɢ ɫɟ ɩɨɤɚɡɚɥɨ ɞɚ ɧɢɫɭ ɞɨɜɨʂɧɨ ɜɟɲɬɢ ɭ ɝɪɚɻɟʃɭ ɫɜɨɞɨɜɚ. Ɂɚɬɨ ʁɟ ɫɜɨɝ ɪɨɻɚɤɚ Ⱥɦɮɢɥɨɯɢʁɚ,
ɧɨɜɨɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɟɧɨɝ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɚ ɂɤɨɧɢʁɚ, ɡɚɦɨɥɢɨ ɞɚ ɦɭ ɩɨɲɚʂɟ ɢɤɨɧɢʁɫɤɟ ɡɢɞɚɪɟ, ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɱɭɨ
ɡɚ ʃɢɯɨɜɭ ɜɟɲɬɢɧɭ. Gregorii Nysseni Opera, vol. 8–2 (Opera ascetica et Epistulae), ed. G. Pasquali,
Leyden 2002, ep. 25 (ɞɚʂɟ: Greg. Ep.).
61
Sancti Symeonis Junioris Vita, PG, vol. 86–2, c. 11; E. Zanini, Technology and Ideas: Architects
and Master-builders in the Early Byzantine World, Tech. Tr, 394, 397.
62
ɏɨɧɨɪɚɪɧɨ ɭɱɟɲʄɟ ɭ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɦ ɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ ɛɢɥɨ ʁɟ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɨɞ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɢɯ ɧɚɱɢɧɚ ɧɚ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ
ɧɚʁɫɢɪɨɦɚɲɧɢʁɟ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɧɢɲɬɜɨ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɡɚɪɚɻɢɜɚɥɨ ɡɚ ɠɢɜɨɬ. ɇɟɞɨɫɬɚɬɚɤ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɟ ɪɚɞɧɟ ɫɧɚɝɟ
ɢɦɚɨ ʁɟ ɡɚ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɢɰɭ ɞɚ ɩɥɚɬɚ ɩɪɨɫɬɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɟ ɪɚɞɧɟ ɫɧɚɝɟ ɛɭɞɟ ɩɪɢɦɚɦʂɢɜɚ (ɩɨɧɟɤɚɞ ɭ ɜɢɫɢɧɢ
ɩɪɢɦɚʃɚ ɨɛɢɱɧɨɝ ɜɨʁɧɢɤɚ), ɩɚ ɧɟ ɱɭɞɢ ɲɬɨ ɫɭ ɭ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɦ ɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ ɭɱɟɫɬɜɨɜɚɥɢ ɩɪɢɩɚɞɧɢɰɢ
ɪɚɡɧɢɯ ɞɪɭɲɬɟɧɢɯ ɫɥɨʁɟɜɚ ɢ ɝɪɭɩɚ. Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɰɚɪ Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟ ɠɭɪɢɨ ɞɚ ɞɨɜɪɲɢ ɭɬɜɪɻɟʃɚ ɭ Ⱦɚɪɢ, ɨɧ
ʁɟ ɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɨ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɱɧɨ ɫɜɚɤɨɝ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɧɢɤɚ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɯɬɟɨ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɪɢɯɜɚɬɢ ɨɜɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɚ – The Syriac
Chronicle Known as that of Zachariah of Mitylene, ed. F. Hamilton – E. Brooks, London 1899, 7.6 (ɞɚʂɟ:
Zach. Chron); ɬɭ ʁɟ ɢ ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɦɨɧɚɯɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɡɚɩɨɫɥɢɨ ɤɚɨ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪ ɧɚ ɰɢɫɬɟɪɧɢ ɤɨʁɭ
ʁɟ ɝɪɚɞɢɨ ʁɟɪɭɫɚɥɢɦɫɤɢ ɩɚɬɪɢʁɚɪɯ, ɚ ɭ ɠɟʂɢ ɞɚ ɤɭɩɢ ɥɭɤɫɭɡɧɨ ɭɤɨɪɢɱɟɧ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɚɤ ɇɨɜɨɝ Ɂɚɜɟɬɚ –
Ioanni Moschi Pratum Spirituale, PG 87–3, c.37; Jones, LRE 846, 859, 863.
63
ɍɝɨɜɨɪ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɧɚɻɟɧ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɨɦ XVIII ɜɟɤɚ. ɍ ɨɜɨɦ ɪɚɞɭ ɤɨɪɢɫɬɢʄɭ ɫɬɚɧɞɚɪɞɧɨ ɢɡɞɚʃɟ ɭɝɨ-
ɜɨɪɚ (SI, no. 18); ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ʁɟ ɨɞɛɚɱɟɧɨ ɫɬɚɪɨ, Ƚɪɟɝɨɚɪɨɜɨ ɢɡɞɚʃɟ (Recueil des inscriptions grecques-
-chrétiennes d`Asie Mineure, vol. I, ed. H. Grégoire, Amsterdam 1968, no. 322).
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 95

ɍ ɭɜɨɞɧɨɦ ɞɟɥɭ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ ɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɫɟ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɢɪɚ ɞa ɫɟ ɪɚɞɢ ɨ ɢɡʁɚɜɢ (ਥȟȠ-


ȝȠı઀Į)64 ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ (ȠੁțȠįંȝȦȞ)65 ɢ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ (IJİȤȞȓIJȦȞ)66 ɦɟɬɪɨɩɨɥɟ (ȝȘIJȡȠʌંȜİ-
ȦȢ)67 ɋɚɪɻɚɧɚ.68 Ɂɚɬɢɦ ɫɥɟɞɢ ɞɚɬɨɜɚʃɟ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɚ.69 ɉɨɬɨɦ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɢɡʁɚɜʂɭʁɭ ɞɚ
ɫɟ ɫɥɚɠɭ ɫɚ Ⱥɭɪɟɥɢʁɚɧɨɦ, ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɨɦ (ਥțį઀țȦ)70 ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɟ ɦɟɬɪɨɩɨɥɟ. ɋɥɟɞɢ
64
SI, no. 18, ln.1; ਥȟȠȝȠı઀Į ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚ ɢɡʁɚɜɭ ɩɨɞ ɡɚɤɥɟɬɜɨɦ. ɋɭɲɬɢɧɫɤɢ ɢ ɮɭɧɤɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɨ, ɨɜɚʁ
ɬɟɪɦɢɧ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɧɚʁɛɥɢɠɢ ɪɢɦɫɤɨʁ cautio iuratoria, ɤɨʁɚ ʁɟ ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚɥɚ ɨʁɚɱɚɜɚʃɟ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɟ ɡɚɤɥɟɬɜɨɦ.
A. Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, vol. 43, Philadelphia 1991, 384.
65
SI, no. 18, ln.1; ɬɟɪɦɢɧ ȠੁțȩįȠȝȠȢ ɨɛɭɯɜɚɬɚ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɟ ɭ ɧɚʁɲɢɪɟɦ
ɫɦɢɫɥɭ: ɚɪɯɢɬɟɤɬɟ, ɡɢɞɚɪɟ, ɰɢɝɥɚɪɟ, ɤɚɦɟɧɨɪɟɫɰɟ, ɨɛɪɚɻɢɜɚɱɟ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ, ɞɪɜɨɞɟʂɟ, ɮɚɫɚɞɟɪɟ,
ɝɢɩɫɚɪɟ, ɬɜɨɪɰɟ ɦɨɡɚɢɤɚ ɢ ɲɬɭɤɚɬɭɪɚ, ɢɬɞ. – Waltzing, Corporations, vol. I, 183–184, vol. II 114–115,
133–135, 172. ȼɟʄ ʁɟ ȼ. Ȼɚɤɥɟɪ ɧɚɫɥɭɬɢɨ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɩɨɞ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɨɦ ȠੁțȩįȠȝȠȢ, ɩɨ ɫɜɨʁ ɩɪɢɥɢɰɢ, ɧɟ
ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚʁɭ ɞɨɫɥɨɜɧɨ ɫɚɦɨ ɡɢɞɚɪɢ ɧɟɝɨ ɢ ɩɪɢɩɚɞɧɢɰɢ ɫɪɨɞɧɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɫɬɪɭɤɚ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɭ
ɰɢɝɥɚɪɢ ɢ ɞɪɜɨɞɟʂɟ. W. Buckler, Labour Disputes in the Province of Asia, Anatolian Studies Presented
to Sir William Mitchell Ramsay, ed. W. Buckler – W. Calder, Manchester 1923, 36–45 (ɞɚʂɟ: Buckler,
Disputes). Ɍɪɟɛɚ ɧɚɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ȠੁțȩįȠȝȠȢ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚɨ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɫɜɟ ɞɨ ɤɪɚʁɚ
ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɛɪɨʁɧɢɯ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɚ ɢɡ ɧɚɪɚɬɢɜɧɢɯ ɢɡɜɨɪɚ ɢ ɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɚɬɚ
ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɟɩɨɯɟ ɩɨɤɚɡɚɨ Ɋ. Ⱥɭɫɬɟɪɯɚɭɬ (R. Ousterhout, Master Builders
of Byzantium, Princeton 2008, 42, 44, 51, 54–57; ɞɚʂɟ: Ousterhout, Builders).
66
SI, no. 18, ln.1; ɬɟɪɦɢɧ IJİȤȞȓIJȘȢ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɨɝ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɭ – Waltzing, Corporations,
vol. I, 53–55, 340; Libannii Opera, vol. XI (Epistola), 1049, 1242, 1408; Historia Arcana, Procopii Opera
Omnia, vol. III, ed. J. Haury, Leipzig 1963, 28.1; Ousterhout, Builders, 56. Ʉɜɚɥɢɮɢɤɨɜɚɧɢ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ
ɨɜɢɦ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɨɦ ɧɚɡɢɜɚʄɟ ɫɟ ɢ ɭ ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ ɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ ɞɨɛɚ – Das Eparchenbuch
Leons des Weisen, ed. J. Koder, Wien 1991, 22.1, 22.2, 22,3 (ɞɚʂɟ: Epar.); Ousterhout, op. cit., 44, 52, 54.
ɇɟɤɜɚɥɢɮɢɤɨɜɚɧɢ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɤɪɨɡ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɭ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɭ ɨɛɢɱɧɨ ɫɟ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚɨ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɨɦ ਥȡȖȐIJȘȢ – Ibid,
44, 55. ȼ. Ȼɚɤɥɟɪ ɩɪɨɬɭɦɚɱɢɨ ʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɩɨɞ IJİȤȞȓIJȦȞ ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚʁɭ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɫɚɞɟʁɫɬɜɨɜɚɥɟ ɭ
ɩɨɫɥɨɜɢɦɚ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ, ɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɫɚɦɢ ɩɨ ɫɟɛɢ ɛɢɥɢ ɩɪɢɩɚɞɧɢɰɢ ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢʁɚ. Ɇɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɭ ɱɢɬɚɜɨɦ
ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɭ ɞɟɥɚɬɧɨɫɬ ɤɨʁɭ ɨɛɚɜʂɚʁɭ IJİȤȞȓIJİȢ ɜɟɡɭʁɟ ɫɟ ɢɫɤʂɭɱɢɜɨ ɢ ɫɚɦɨ ɡɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɟ ɪɚɞɨɜɟ (਩ȡȖĮ
ȠੁțȠįȠȝȚț੹, ɨɞɧɨɫɧɨ țIJȚȗȩȝİȞȠȞ ਩ȡȖȠȞ), ɲɬɨ ʁɚɫɧɨ ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɟ – ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɢɦɟɬɢɨ ɉ. Ƚɚɪɧɫɢ – ɞɚ ɫɟ
ɩɨɞ IJİȤȞȓIJİȢ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɨɜɞɟ ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚʁɭ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ. P. Garnsey, An Association of Builders in Late
Antique Sardis, Cities, Peasants and Food in Classical Antiquity – Essays in Social and Economic History,
Cambridge 1998., 79 (ɞɚʂɟ : Garnsey, Association). Ⱦɪɭɝɢɦ ɪɟɱɢɦɚ, ɬɢɦ ɢɡɪɚɡɨɦ ɫɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɦɨɝɚɨ ɫɚɦɨ
ɧɚɝɥɚɫɢɬɢ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɢ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɫɤɢ ɫɬɚɬɭɫ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ. ɇɟɡɚɜɢɫɧɨ ɨɞ Ƚɚɪɧɫɢʁɚ,
ɞɨ ɨɜɨɝ ɡɚɤʂɭɱɤɚ ʁɟ ɞɨɲɚɨ ɢ Ʉ. Ɏɨɫ, ɚɥɢ ɝɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɩɨɫɟɛɧɨ ɨɛɪɚɡɥɚɝɚɨ (Foss, Sardis, 6, 19). ɍ ɫɜɚɤɨɦ
ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ, ɨɜɢɦ ɧɟɫɬɚʁɟ ɨɫɧɨɜ ɡɚ Ȼɚɤɥɟɪɨɜɭ ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢʁɭ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɨɞ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢɦɚ ɢ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚɦɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ
ɨɜɞɟ ɪɚɞɢ ɨ ɞɜɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɚ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɤɚ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɚ, ɭɞɪɭɠɟɧɚ ɭ ʁɟɞɚɧ, ɯɟɬɟɪɨɝɟɧɨ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɤɨ ɞɪɭɲɬɜɨ.
67
ɋɚɪɞ ʁɟ ɧɚɡɜɚɧ ɦɟɬɪɨɩɨɥɨɦ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɭ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ ɝɥɚɜɧɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ Ʌɢɞɢʁɟ.
68
ɍ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɞɚɧɚɫ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɢ ɩɨɬɩɭɧɚ ɫɚɝɥɚɫɧɨɫɬ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ, ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɫɤɥɨɩɢɥɟ
ɨɜɚʁ ɭɝɨɜɨɪ ɫɚ ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɨɦ, ɫɚɱɢʃɚɜɚɥɟ ɡɚɫɟɛɚɧ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɭɦ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɤɚɨ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɭɦ ɡɜɚ-
ɧɢɱɧɨ ɢ ɫɤɥɨɩɢɥɟ ɨɜɚʁ ɭɝɨɜɨɪ, ɢɚɤɨ ɫɟ ɨɧ ɢɦɟɧɨɦ ɧɟ ɩɨɦɢʃɟ. Ɉɜɨ ɫɟ ɜɢɞɢ ɢɡ ɬɨɧɚ ɢ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɟ
ɱɢɬɚɜɨɝ ɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɬɚ, ɚ ɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɟ ɩɪɚɤɫɟ ɞɚ ɫɜɚɤɢ ɜɟʄɢ ɝɪɚɞ, ɢɡ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɱɧɢɯ ɩɨɬɪɟɛɚ, ɢɦɚ ɫɜɨʁ
ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ. Foss, Sardis, 19–20; Jones, LRE, 735, 859; Garnsey, Association, 79–84. Ⱦɨɞɚɨ
ɛɢɯ, ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɪɟɭɡɢɦɚʃɟ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɨɫɬɢ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɡɚ ɧɟɚɠɭɪɧɨɫɬ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ,
ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɭʄɢ ɝɚɪɚɧɰɢʁɭ ɡɚɦɟɧɟ ɫɜɚɤɨɝ ɨɞ ʃɢɯ ɢ ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɫɤɟ ɤɨɦɩɟɧɡɚɰɢʁɟ, ɬɟɲɤɨ ɦɨɠɟ ɨɛʁɚɫɢɧɢɬɢ
ɞɪɭɝɚɱɢʁɟ ɧɟɝɨ ɭɨɛɢɱɚʁɟɧɨɦ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɨɲʄɭ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɨɝ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɚ ɡɚ ɩɨɧɚɲɚʃɟ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ
ɱɥɚɧɨɜɚ. Ɍɚɤɨɻɟ, ɬɪɟɛɚ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɭ ɜɢɞɭ ɢ ɫɬɚɪɭ ɪɢɦɫɤɭ ɩɪɚɤɫɭ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɥɭɪɚɥɧɢ ɧɚɡɢɜ ɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɟ
ɛɪɚɧɲɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɜɟɡɭʁɟ ɭɡ ɢɦɟ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɫɚɦɨ ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɫɟ ɪɚɞɢ ɨ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɨɦ ɤɨɥɟɝɢʁɭ ɩɪɢɩɚɞɧɢɤɚ
ɞɨɬɢɱɧɟ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢʁɟ ɬɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɚ (Waltzing, Corporations, vol I. 165–187, 243–274, 289–317, vol. II
156–171, 358–364).
69
SI, no. 18, ln. 3–7; ɭɝɨɜɨɪ ʁɟ ɞɚɬɨɜɚɧ ɩɪɟɦɚ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɫɬɜɭ (ਫ਼ʌષIJȓĮ) Ɏɥɚɜɢʁɚ ɉɚɬɪɢɤɢʁɚ, ɩɪɟɦɚ
ɞɚɧɭ ɢɫɩɪɟɞ ɦɚʁɫɤɢɯ (ȝȘȞȩȢ) ɤɚɥɟɧɞɢ ɢ ɩɪɟɦɚ ɛɪɨʁɭ ɢɧɞɢɤɰɢʁɢ. ɍ ɧɚɭɰɢ ʁɟ ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɬɨɝɚ, ɤɚɨ ɞɚɬɭɦ
ɫɤɥɚɩɚʃɚ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɚ ɭɬɜɪɻɟɧ 27. aɩɪɢɥ 459. (SI, 42). Ɉɜɞɟ ɫɟ ɤɚɠɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɝɪɚɞ ɞɜɚɩɭɬ ɩɨɱɚɫɬɜɨɜɚɧɨɦ
ɰɚɪɫɤɢɦ ɯɪɚɦɨɦ, ɨɞ ɤɨʁɢɯ ɫɟ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɨɞɧɨɫɢ ɧɚ ɛɚɡɢɥɢɤɭ ɭ ɫɟɤɬɨɪɭ PN, ɪɚɧɢʁɟ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɭ.
70
SI, no. 18, ln. 8; ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪ (ɟɤɞɢɤ) ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɧɚʁɤɨɦɩɟɬɟɧɬɧɢʁɢ ɡɚ ɩɪɢɦɚʃɟ ɬɭɠɛɢ
ɢ ɞɨɧɨɲɟʃɟ ɩɪɟɫɭɞɟ ɭ ɨɜɚɤɜɢɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɟɜɢɦɚ, ɤɚɨ ɫɭɞɢʁɚ ɡɚɞɭɠɟɧ ɡɚ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɟ ɝɪɚɻɚɧɚ ɭ ɨɤɜɢɪɭ
ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɬɟɪɢɬɨɪɢʁɟ, ɚ ɢ ɤɚɨ ɜɪɯɨɜɧɢ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬ (ɨ ɱɟɦɭ ʁɟ ɜɟʄ ɛɢɥɨ ɪɟɱɢ). Ɉɜɨ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɡɚɬɨ ʁɟɪ ɫɟ
ɢɡ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɚ ɜɢɞɢ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɪɚɞɢɥɨ ɨ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɦ ɬɭɠɛɚɦɚ ɝɪɚɻɚɧɚ–ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɚɰɚ. ɍ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ ɧɟɡɚɞɨɜɨʂɫɬɜɚ
96 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɨɛɪɚɡɥɨɠɟʃɟ ɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɢɯ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢɯ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɞɨɜɟɥɟ ɞɨ ɫɤɥɚɩɚʃɚ


ɭɝɨɜɨɪɚ – ɤɚɠɟ ɫɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɟɤɞɢɤ ɩɪɢɦɢɨ ɪɚɡɧɟ ɨɩɬɭɠɛɟ (țĮIJȘȖȠȡ઀ĮȢ) ɩɪɨɬɢɜ
ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɢɯ ɥɢɰɚ ɤɨʁɚ ɫɟ ɛɚɜɟ ʃɢɯɨɜɢɦ ɡɚɧɚɬɨɦ (IJ੼ȤȞȘ). ɉɪɟɰɢɡɢɪɚ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɨɜɚ
ɥɢɰɚ ɡɚɩɨɱɟɥɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɟ ɪɚɞɨɜɟ (਩ȡȖĮ ȠੁțȠįȠȝȚț੹), ɚ ɩɨɬɨɦ ɢɯ ɨɫɬɚɜɢɥɚ (țĮ-
IJĮȜȚȝʌĮȞȩȞIJȦȞ) ɧɟɞɨɜɪɲɟɧɟ (ਕIJİȜો) ɢ ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚɥɚ (ਥȝʌȠįȚȗંȞIJȦȞ) ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɟ
(ਥȡȖȠįંIJİȢ)71 ɞɚ ɢɯ ɡɚɜɪɲɟ. ɍ ɧɚɦɟɪɢ ɞɚ ɢɫɩɪɚɜɢ ɨɜɭ ɜɟɥɢɤɭ ɧɟɩɪɚɜɞɭ (ਕįȚțȓĮȞ)
ɧɚɧɟɬɭ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɢɦɚ, ɟɤɞɢɤ ʁɟ ɡɚɬɪɚɠɢɨ ɨɞ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɨɜɚʁ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ
(੒ȝȠȜȠȖȓĮȞ)72 ɢ ɢɡʁɚɜɭ (ਥȟȠȝȠı઀ĮȞ), ɩɨɞ ɭɫɥɨɜɢɦɚ ɤɚɤɨ ɫɥɟɞɟ. Ɉɜɢɦ ɫɟ ɡɚɜɪɲɚɜɚ
ɭɜɨɞɧɢ ɞɟɨ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ.
ɐɟɧɬɪɚɥɧɢ ɞɟɨ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ ʁɟɫɬɟ ɡɚɤɥɟɬɜɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɫɚ
ɩɪɚɬɟʄɢɦ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚɦɚ. ɋɚɦɚ ɡɚɤɥɟɬɜɚ, ɭ ɭɠɟɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ, ɫɚɫɬɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɢɡ ɮɨɪɦɭɥɚɰɢʁɟ
ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɫɥɚɠɭ (੒ȝȠȜȠȖȠ૨ȝİȞ) ɢ ɡɚɤɥɢʃɭ (ਥȟȠȝȞ઄ȝİșĮ)73 ɞɚ ʄɟ ɭ ɰɟɥɢɧɢ
ɡɚɜɪɲɢɬɢ ɩɨɫɥɨɜɟ ɞɚɬɟ ɨɞ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ, ɩɨɞ ɭɫɥɨɜɨɦ ɞɚ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰ
ɢɫɩɥɚɬɢ ɭɡɚʁɚɦɧɨ ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɟɧɟ (ıȣȞĮȡȑıĮȞIJĮȢ) ɧɚɞɧɢɰɟ (ȝȚıșȠ઄Ȣ).74 ɉɨɬɨɦ ɫɥɟɞɢ
ɲɟɫɬ ɩɪɚɬɟʄɢɯ ɨɞɪɟɞɚɛɚ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɚ:
ʃɟɝɨɜɨɦ ɨɞɥɭɤɨɦ, ɝɪɚɻɚɧɢɧ ɫɟ ɦɨɝɚɨ ɠɚɥɢɬɢ ɫɭɞɭ ɤɨɧɡɭɥɚɪɚ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ, ɚ ɭ ɤɪɚʁʃɨʁ ɥɢɧɢʁɢ ɢ ɫɭɞɭ
ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ. ɋɥɭɱɚʁ ɠɚɥɛɟ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɢ ɜɢɲɨʁ ɨɞ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɚ ɜɢɞɢɦɨ ɭ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ
ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɨɝ ɤɚɥɮɟ ɬɤɚɱɚ ɥɚɧɚ – ʃɟɝɨɜɚ ɬɭɠɛɚ ɫɬɢɝɥɚ ʁɟ ɞɨ ɫɭɞɢʁɟ ȿɝɢɩɬɚ (juridicas Aegypti), ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ
ɤɨɧɚɱɧɨ ɢ ɪɚɡɪɟɲɢɨ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ. (JRP, no. 654) Kɚɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɨ, ıȪȞįȚțȠȢ ɢ ਩țįȚțȠȢ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɢ
ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ɫɟ ɭ ɯɟɥɟɧɨɮɨɧɢɦ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢɦɚ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɩɪɟɜɨɞɢɥɚ ɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɚ defensor civitatis. ɋɚɦɚ ɪɟɱ ਩țįȚ-
țȠȢ („ɨɫɜɟɬɧɢɤ“) ɭ ɲɢɪɟɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ ʁɟ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚɥɚ ɧɟɤɭ ɜɪɫɬɭ ɤɨɥɟɤɬɢɜɧɨɝ ɚɞɜɨɤɚɬɚ ɢɥɢ ɤɨɥɟɤɬɢɜɧɨɝ
ɬɭɠɢɨɰɚ. Ⱥɭɪɟɥɢʁɚɧ ʁɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɧɚɡɜɚɧ ɧɚʁɨɞɥɢɱɧɢʁɢɦ ɢ ɩɨɫɜɟʄɟɧɢɦ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɢʁɚɧɨɦ (ȝĮȖȚıIJȡȚĮȞ૵).
Magistiranus jɟ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚɨ ɲɢɪɨɤ ɤɪɭɝ ɰɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤɚ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ʁɟ ɭɤɚɡɨɦ ɫɚɦɨɝ ɚɜɝɭɫɬɚ ɩɨɜɟɪɟɧɨ
ɜɪɲɟʃɟ ɧɟɤɟ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɦɟɧɟ ɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɟ ɨɞ ɨɫɨɛɢɬɟ ɜɚɠɧɨɫɬɢ. Ɉɜɞɟ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛʂɟɧɢ ɫɭɩɟɪɥɚɬɢɜ ɩɪɢɞɟɜɚ
șĮȣȝȐıȚȠȢ ɩɨʁɚɜʂɭʁɟ ɫɟ ɧɩɪ. ɢ ɭɡ ɢɦɟ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɢʁɚɧɚ ɋɟɜɟɪɚ ɭɩɥɟɬɟɧɨɝ ɭ ɡɛɢɜɚʃɚ ɏɚɥɤɟɞɨɧɫɤɨɝ
ɫɚɛɨɪɚ 451, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ ɤɨɪɢɲʄɟɧ ɢ ɭɡ ɲɢɪɢ ɤɪɭɝ ɰɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɧɚɦɟɲɬɟɧɢɤɚ (F. Millar, A Greek Roman Empire:
Power and Belief Under Theodosius II 408–450, London 2006–2007, 192). ɂɡɪɚɡ țĮșȩıȚȠȢ ɤɨɪɢɲʄɟɧ ʁɟ
ɭɡ ɢɦɟɧɚ ʁɨɲ ɲɢɪɟɝ ɤɪɭɝɚ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢɤɚ ɰɟɧɬɪɚɥɧɟ ɢ ɥɨɤɚɥɧɟ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢʁɟ, ɩɚ ʁɟ ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ʃɟɝɚ
ɬɟɲɤɨ ɩɪɨɧɢɤɧɭɬɢ ɞɚ ɥɢ ʁɟ Ⱥɭɪɟɥɢʁɚɧ ɧɨɫɢɨ ʁɨɲ ɧɟɤɨ ɡɜɚʃɟ ɫɟɦ ɨɧɢɯ ɤɨʁɚ ɫɟ ɧɨɜɨɞɟ ɭ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɭ.
71
SI, no. 18, ln. 13; ɬɟɪɦɢɧ ਥȡȖȠįંIJȘȢ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚʄɟ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ ɢ ɭ ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ ɞɨɛɚ
(Epar. 22.1, 22.2, 22.4).
72
SI, no. 18, ln. 16; ੒ȝȠȜȠȖȓĮ ɢɦɚ ɨɩɲɬɟ ɡɧɚɱɟʃɟ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ, ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɚ, ɩɪɢɫɬɚɧɤɚ, ɚɥɢ ʁɟ
ɡɚɧɢɦʂɢɜɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɭ ɤɚɫɧɢʁɢɦ ɟɩɨɯɚɦɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɭɝɨɜɨɪ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɫɚ ɤɥɢʁɟɧɬɨɦ
ɭɜɟɤ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚɧ ɨɜɢɦ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɨɦ, ɩɪɟɦɚ ɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚʃɢɦɚ Ɋ. Ⱥɭɬɟɪɫɯɚɭɬɚ (Outershout, Builders, 49–51).
73
SI, no. 18, ln. 17–20; ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɡɚɤɥɟɥɟ ɫɜɟɬɢɦ ɢ ɠɢɜɨɬɨɬɜɨɪɧɢɦ (ȗȦȠʌȠȚȩȞ)
Ɍɪɨʁɫɬɜɨɦ ɢ ɫɩɚɫɟʃɟɦ ɢ ɩɨɛɟɞɨɦ ɝɨɫɩɨɞɚɪɚ (įİıʌȩIJȠȣ) ɟɤɭɦɟɧɟ Ɏɥɚɜɢʁɚ Ʌɟɨɧɚ, ɭɜɟɤ ɬɪɚʁɭʄɟɝ (ĮੁȦ-
ȞȓȠȣ) Ⱥɜɝɭɫɬɚ ɢ Ⱥɜɬɨɤɪɚɬɨɪɚ. Ɉɜɞɟ ʁɟ ɫɚɞɪɠɚɧ ɧɚʁɜɟʄɢ ɞɟɨ ʃɟɝɨɜɟ ɬɢɬɭɥɚɬɭɪɟ, ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɭʄɢ ɝɪɱɤɭ
ɮɨɪɦɭ ɡɜɚʃɚ dominus, ɢɦɟ Ɏɥɚɜɢʁɟ ɭ ɫɜɨʁɨʁ ɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɢ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɨɝ ɚɜɝɭɫɬɚɥɧɨɝ ɩɪɟɧɨɦɟɧɚ (ɭ
ɤɨɧɬɢɧɭɢɪɚɧɨʁ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɢ ɨɞ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɚ ɞɨ ɂɪɚɤɥɢʁɚ), ɡɜɚʃɟ Ⱥɜɝɭɫɬɚ (ʁɨɲ ɭɜɟɤ ɫɭɲɬɢɧɫɤɢ ɟɥɟɦɟɧɬ
ɬɢɬɭɥɚɬɭɪɟ), ɤɚɨ ɢ ɡɜɚɧɢɱɧɢ ɝɪɱɤɢ ɟɤɜɢɜɚɥɟɧɬ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɚ imperator. ɋɚɦ ɝɥɚɝɨɥ ਥȟȩȝȞૣȝȚ ɩɪɢɦɚɪɧɨ
ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚ ɡɚɤɥɟɬɜɭ ɭ ɢɡɜɢʃɟʃɭ, ɡɚɤɥɟɬɜɭ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɭɛɭɞɭʄɟ ɧɟɲɬɨ ɜɢɲɟ ɧɟʄɟ ɱɢɧɢɬɢ ɢɥɢ ɡɚɤɥɟɬɜɭ ɞɚ ɫɟ
ɧɟʄɟ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɬɢ ɧɟɲɬɨ ɲɬɟɬɧɨ ɢɥɢ ɧɟɦɨɪɚɥɧɨ. ɍ ɫɪɩɫɤɨɦ ʁɟɡɢɤɭ, ɱɢɧɢ ɫɟ, ɧɟ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɢ ɨɞɝɨɜɚɪɚʁɭʄɢ
ɝɥɚɝɨɥ ɡɚ ɨɜɚɤɜɨ ɡɚɤɥɢʃɚʃɟ.
74
SI, no. 18, ln. 23; ɩɪɢ Ⱦɢɨɤɥɟɰɢʁɚɧɨɜɨɦ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁɭ ɞɚ ɩɪɨɩɢɲɟ ɦɚɤɫɢɦɚɥɧɟ ɰɟɧɟ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢɯ
ɭɫɥɭɝɚ, ɧɚʁɜɟʄɚ ɰɟɧɚ ɪɚɞɚ ɡɢɞɚɪɚ ɩɨ ɞɚɧɭ ɢɡɧɨɫɢɥɚ ʁɟ 50 ɞɟɧɚɪɢʁɚ, ɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɢ ɡɚ ɰɟɦɟɧɬɚɪɚ ɢ ɪɚɞɧɢɤɚ
ɧɚ ɭɧɭɬɪɚɲʃɢɦ ɤɭʄɧɢɦ ɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ, ɞɨɤ ʁɟ ɡɚ ɞɟʂɚɱɚ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ ɢ ɦɨɡɚɢɰɢɫɬɭ ɢɡɧɨɫɢɥɚ 60, ɚ ɰɢɝɥɚɪɭ
ɫɟ ɩɥɚʄɚɥɨ ɩɨ ɤɨɥɢɱɢɧɢ (ɪɚɞɢ ɩɨɪɟɻɟʃɚ, ɬɪɟɛɚ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɭ ɜɢɞɭ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɦɚɤɫɢɦɚɥɧɚ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɚ ɰɟɧɚ
ɪɚɞɚ ɡɟɦʂɨɪɚɞɧɢɤɚ ɛɢɥɚ 25, ɚ ɩɟɤɚɪɚ 50 ɞɟɧɚɪɢʁɚ) – EP, c. 19. Ɇɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɧɚɤɨɧ ɛɪɡɨɝ ɫɥɨɦɚ
Ⱦɢɨɤɥɟɰɢʁɚɧɨɜɨɝ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁɚ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɢɜɚʃɚ ɦɚɤɫɢɦɚɥɧɢɯ ɰɟɧɚ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɚ, ɫɢɪɨɜɢɧɚ ɢ ɭɫɥɭɝɚ, ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ
ɞɚ ɫɟ ɧɢɫɭ ɩɨɲɬɨɜɚɥɢ ɧɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɢ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɢ ɨ ɰɟɧɚɦɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɭɫɥɭɝɚ, ɬɚɤɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɰɟɧɚ ɪɚɞɚ
ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɫɜɟ ɞɨ ɤɪɚʁɚ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɟɩɨɯɟ ɨɫɬɚɥɚ ɫɬɜɚɪ ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɚ. Ɉɜɨɦɟ ʁɟ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɞɨɩɪɢɧɟɥɚ ɢ
ɩɪɢɪɨɞɚ ɫɚɦɟ ɭɫɥɭɝɟ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɜɢɫɨɤɚ ɩɨɬɪɚɠʃɚ ɡɚ ʃɨɦ, ɩɪɟɦɞɚ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ ɬɟɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ
ɢɦɚɥɟ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɚ ɩɪɨɩɢɲɭ ʃɢɯɨɜ ɢɡɧɨɫ. ɉɪɟ ɫɜɚɤɨɝ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɚ, ɫɤɥɚɩɚɨ ɫɟ ɭɝɨɜɨɪ ɩɪɢ ɤɨɦɟ
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 97

– ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ ɨ ɨɞɛɢʁɚʃɭ – aɤɨ ɧɟɤɨ ɨɞ ɢɡɜɪɲɢɥɚɰɚ ɩɨɫɥɚ (ਥȡȖȠȜĮȕ੾ıĮȞIJȚ)75


ɛɭɞɟ ɨɞɛɢɨ ɞɚ ɡɚɜɪɲɢ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɩɨɞ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɚɤɚɜɢɦ ɢɡɝɨɜɨɪɨɦ (ʌĮȡĮȓIJȘıȚȢ), ɧɟɤɨ ɞɪɭɝɢ
ɨɞ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ʃɢɯ (= ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ) ɡɚɦɟɧɢʄɟ ɝɚ ɢ ɩɨɬɩɭɧɨ ɡɚɜɪɲɢɬɢ
ɞɟɥɨ ɩɨɞ ɝɪɚɞʃɨɦ (țIJȚȗȩȝİȞȠȞ ਩ȡȖȠȞ), ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ʁɚɫɧɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɧɚʁ ɤɨʁɢ ɨɞɛɢʁɚ ʁɟɞɚɧ
ɨɞ ʃɢɯ (= ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ), ɛɢɨ ɨɧ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɡɚɩɨɱɟɨ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɢɥɢ ɱɨɜɟɤ
ɤɨʁɢ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɞɚ ɝɚ ɡɚɦɟɧɢ;
– ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ ɨ ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚʃɭ – aɤɨ ɢɡɜɪɲɢɥɚɰ ɩɨɫɥɚ (ਥȡȖȠȜĮȕ੾ıĮȢ) ɛɭɞɟ ɢʁɟɞɧɨɦ
ɨɬɟɪɚɨ (IJȡȩʌȦ) ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ ɧɚ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɨʁɢ ɧɚɱɢɧ ɞɨɤ ʁɟ ɞɟɥɨ ɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɢ, ɛɢɨ ɬɨ ɨɧɚʁ
ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɡɚɩɨɱɟɨ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ ɢɥɢ ɨɧɚʁ ɤɨʁɢ ɝɚ ʁɟ ɡɚɦɟɧɢɨ, ɨɧɢ ʄɟ (= ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɋɚɪɞɚ)
ɡɚ ɬɚɤɜɨ ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚʃɟ (țȦȜȪıİȦȢ) ɧɚɞɨɤɧɚɞɢɬɢ (įȚįȩȞĮȚ) ɧɚɞɧɢɰɟ (ȝȚıșȠઃȢ) ɩɪɟɦɚ
ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɭ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɫɚɦɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ ɢ ɫɚɦɨɝ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ (Į੝IJȠ૨ IJȠ૨ IJİȤȞȓIJȠȣ);
– ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ ɨ ɞɨɩɭɲɬɟʃɭ – ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰ ɡɚ ɬɨ ɩɨɤɚɠɟ ɫɬɪɩʂɟʃɟ,
ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɢ–ɢɡɜɪɲɢɨɰɭ ɛɢʄɟ ɨɫɬɚɜʂɟɧ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɚɤɨ ʁɟ ɞɨ ɫɟɞɚɦ ɞɚɧɚ ɛɢɨ ɫɩɪɟɱɟɧ
(țȦȜȪșȘ) ɞɚ ɨɛɚɜʂɚ;
– ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ ɨ ɛɨɥɟɫɬɢ – ɚɤɨ ɫɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɪɚɡɛɨɥɢ, ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰ ʄɟ ɩɨɤɚɡɚɬɢ
ɫɬɪɩʂɟʃɟ (ਕȞİȟ૕țષțȓĮȞ) ɞɨ ɞɜɚɞɟɫɟɬ ɞɚɧɚ; ɚɤɨ ɧɚɤɨɧ ɬɨɝɚ ɨɜɚʁ ɨɡɞɪɚɜɢ, ɚ ɧɟ
ɩɨɤɚɠɟ ɜɨʂɭ ɞɚ ɪɚɞɢ, ɡɚɦɟɧɢʄɟ ɝɚ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɩɨɞ ɭɫɥɨɜɢɦɚ ɤɚɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɞɛɢɨ;
– ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ ɨ ɧɚɩɥɚɬɢ ɤɚɡɧɟ – ɚɤɨ ɢɡɜɪɲɢɥɚɰ ɨɞɛɢʁɟ ɞɚ ɪɚɞɢ, ɚ ɢɫɩɨɫɬɚɜɢ
ɫɟ ɞɚ ɧɢ ɨɫɬɚɥɢ ɧɟ ɪɚɞɟ ɧɢɲɬɚ, ɧɢɬɢ ɢɡɜɨɞɟ ɪɚɞ ɭ ɫɤɥɚɞɭ ɫɚ ɨɜɞɟ ɡɚɛɟɥɟɠɟɧɢɦ
ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚɦɚ, ɨɧɢ (ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɋɚɪɞɚ) ɨɛɟʄɚɜɚʁɭ ɫɟ ɢ ɫɥɚɠɭ ɞɚ ʄɟ ɢɡɜɪɲɢɬɢ ɭɩɥɚɬɭ
ɤɚɡɧɟ (ʌȡȠıIJȓȝȠȣ) ɤɨʁɚ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɞɚ ɛɭɞɟ ɢɫɤɨɪɢɲʄɟɧɚ ɡɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɟ ɪɚɞɨɜɟ (਩ȡȖĮ IJોȢ
ʌȩȜİȦȢ), ɚ ɞɚ ʄɟ ɟɤɞɢɤ ɭ ɫɤɥɚɞɭ ɫ ɬɢɦ ɧɚɩɥɚɬɢɬɢ (İੁıʌȡĮȟȩȝİȞȠȢ) ɨɫɚɦ ɡɥɚɬɧɢɯ
ʁɟ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɢɪɚɧ ɢɡɧɨɫ ɩɥɚɬɟ (ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɩɨ ɞɚɧɭ), ɩɪɢɪɨɞɚ ɫɦɟɲɬɚʁɚ ɢɥɢ ɯɪɚɧɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰ ɬɪɟɛɚ
ɞɚ ɩɪɭɠɢ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɩɪɢɪɨɞɚ ɫɚɦɟ ɭɫɥɭɝɟ. Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɢʁɟ ɇɢɫɤɢ ɫɤɥɨɩɢɨ ʁɟ ɫɚ ɡɢɞɚɪɢɦɚ ɭɝɨɜɨɪ ɭ ɤɨɦɟ ʁɟ
ɛɢɥɚ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɢɪɚɧɚ ɩɥɚɬɚ ɨɞ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɫɨɥɢɞɚ ɩɨ ɞɚɧɭ (ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɡɚ ɰɟɥɭ ɞɪɭɠɢɧɭ), ɢ ɬɨ ɞɚ ɰɟɥɨɤɭɩɚɧ
ɫɦɟɲɬɚʁ ɩɪɭɠɚ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰ. Ɇɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɡɢɞɚɪɢ ɫɭ ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɢɥɢ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬ ɞɚ ɭ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɭ ɧɢʁɟ ɛɢɥɚ
ɞɟɮɢɧɢɫɚɧɚ ɤɨɥɨɱɢɧɚ ɪɚɞɚ ɩɨ ɞɚɧɭ, ɩɚ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢɦ ɞɚɧɢɦɚ ɧɢɫɭ ɪɚɞɢɥɢ ɧɢɲɬɚ, ɚ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩ ʁɟ ɢ ɬɟ ɞɚɧɟ
ɦɨɪɚɨ ɞɚ ɢɦ ɩɥɚʄɚ. (Greg. Ep., ep. 25). ɉɨɦɟɧɭɬɢ ɦɨɧɚɯ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɪɚɞɢɨ ɧɚ ɰɢɫɬɟɪɧɢ ɭ ȳɟɪɭɫɚɥɢɦɭ,
ɞɨɛɢʁɚɨ ʁɟ 5 ɮɨɥɢɫɚ ɞɧɟɜɧɨ. Ɉɧ ʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɧɚʁɥɨɲɢʁɟ ɩɥɚʄɟɧ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢ ɪɚɞɧɢɤ ɡɚ ɤɨɝɚ ɡɧɚɦɨ, ɚ ɨɩɟɬ,
ɩɨ ɩɪɨɪɚɱɭɧɢɦɚ Ⱥ. ȹɨɧɫɚ, ɫɚ ɨɜɨɦ ɩɥɚɬɨɦ ɫɟ ɝɨɞɢɲʃɟ ɦɨɝɥɨ ɡɚɪɚɞɢɬɢ 7 ɫɨɥɢɞɚ, ɞɚɤɥɟ ɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɢ
ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢ ɜɨʁɧɢɤ (Jones, LRE, 859). Ɋɚɞɧɢɰɢ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟ ɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɨ ɡɚ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ ɭ Ⱦɚɪɢ ɛɢɥɢ
ɫɭ ɢɡɭɡɟɬɧɨ ɜɢɫɨɤɨ ɩɥɚʄɟɧɢ, ɭ ɫɤɥɚɞɭ ɫɚ ɜɚɧɪɟɞɧɨɦ ɫɢɬɭɚɰɢʁɨɦ ɢ ɜɚɧɪɟɞɧɨɦ ɩɨɬɪɚɠʃɨɦ – 4 ɤɚɪɚɬɚ
ɩɨ ɱɨɜɟɤɭ ɞɧɟɜɧɨ, ɚ 8 ɤɚɪɚɬɚ ɡɚ ɱɨɜɟɤɚ ɫɚ ɦɚɝɚɪɰɟɦ (Zach. Chron, 7.6). Ȼɢɬɧɨ ʁɟ ɢɫɬɚʄɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɫɟ
ɢ ɡɚ ɨɫɬɚɥɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɫɤɢɯ ɭɫɥɭɝɚ ɫɤɥɚɩɚɥɢ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɚɱɧɢ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɢ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɡɚ ɧɚʁɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɢʁɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ
ɞɪɭɝɢɯ ɭɫɥɭɝɚ ɭ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɢɯ ɞɟɥɚɬɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɫɜɚɤɨɞɧɟɜɧɨɝ ɠɢɜɨɬɚ. ɇɟɤɢ ɨɞ ʃɢɯ ɫɤɥɚɩɚɧɢ
ɫɭ ɢ ɧɚ ɝɨɞɢɧɭ ɢ ɜɢɲɟ ɞɚɧɚ, ɢ ɭ ʃɢɦɚ ɫɟ ɩɨɪɟɞ ɩɥɚɬɚ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɢɪɚɥɚ ɢ ɤɨɥɢɱɢɧɚ ɯɪɚɧɟ ɢ ɨɞɟʄɟ ɤɨʁɟ
ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɞɚ ɞɚʁɟ (JRP, vol. IV, no. 539–582, 604–652). ɉɨʁɟɞɢɧɚɱɧɢ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɢ ɫɚ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢɦɚ
ɩɨɦɢʃɭ ɫɟ ɞɨ ɤɪɚʁɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ. ɍ ɧɚʁɩɨɡɧɢʁɢɦɚ, ɩɪɟɰɢɡɢɪɚʁɭ ɫɟ ɩɥɚɬɟ, ɛɪɨʁ ɪɚɞɧɢɤɚ,
ɜɪɟɦɟ ɡɚ ɢɡɜɪɲɟʃɟ, ɬɟɦɩɨ ɩɥɚʄɚʃɚ (ɩɨ ɞɚɧɭ ɢɥɢ ɫɜɟ ɫɤɭɩɚ), ɤɨɥɢɱɢɧɚ ɩɨɬɪɟɛɧɨɝ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɚ ɢ ɤɚɡɧɟ
ɡɚ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɤɚɲʃɟʃɚ (Ousterhout, Builders, 49, 54).
75
SI, no. 18, ln. 24, 31, 38; ɢɡɜɟɞɟɧɢɰɟ ɝɥɚɝɨɥɚ ਥȡȖȠȜĮȕȑȦ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɫɚɦɚ ɢɦɟɧɢɰɚ ਥȡȖȩȜĮȕȠȢ,
ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚʁɭ ɢɡɜɪɲɢɨɰɚ ɩɨɫɥɚ, ɩɪɢ ɱɟɦɭ ɫɟ ɦɨɝɭ ɨɞɧɨɫɢɬɢ ɢɥɢ ɧɚ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɭ ɤɨʁɢ ɨɛɚɜʂɚ ɩɨɫɚɨ, ɢɥɢ
ɧɚ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɧɢɤɚ ɜɢɲɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɨɛɚɜʂɚʁɭ ɢɫɬɢ ɩɨɫɚɨ. ɋɭɞɟʄɢ ɩɨ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɭ ɨɜɟ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɟ, ɤɚɨ
ɢ ɧɚɪɟɞɧɢɯ, ɨɜɞɟ ɫɟ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɦɢɫɥɢ ɧɚ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɚɱɧɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ. Ɋɚɡɥɢɤɨɜɚʃɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ (artifex) ɨɞ
ɢɡɜɪɲɢɨɰɚ/ɭɝɨɜɚɪɚɱɚ (ergolabus) ɧɚɥɚɡɢɦɨ ɢ ɭ Ɂɟɧɨɧɨɜɢɦ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɚɦɚ ɢɡ 483. (CJ 8.10.12). ɍ
ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ ɞɨɛɚ, ਥȡȖȩȜĮȕȠȢ ʁɟ ɩɨɫɪɟɞɧɢɤ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɤɥɢʁɟɧɬɚ ɢ ɪɚɞɧɢɤɚ, ɤɨʁɢ ɭɝɨɜɚɪɚ ɩɨɫɚɨ,
ɩɪɢɦɚ ɢ ɪɚɫɩɨɪɟɻɭʁɟ ɩɥɚɬɟ (Epar, 22.2, 22.4; Ousterhout, Builders 46, 52).
98 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɧɨɦɢɡɦɢ (Ȥȡȣı઼ ȞȠȝȓıȝĮIJĮ)76 ɢ ɞɚ ʄɟ ɭ ɫɤɥɚɞɭ ɫɚ ɛɨɠɚɧɫɤɢɦ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɚɦɚ (įȚ-


ĮIJȐȟİȚȢ)77 ɝɨɧɢɬɢ ɩɨɞ ɬɭɠɛɨɦ (ਥȖțȜȒȝĮIJȚ) ɡɚ ɧɚɧɨɲɟʃɟ ɧɟɩɪɚɜɞɟ.78
– ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ ɨ ʁɟɦɫɬɜɭ – ɤɚɨ ɡɚɥɨɝɭ ɡɚ ɩɭɧɭ ɢɫɩɥɚɬɭ (਩țIJȚıȚȞ) ɤɚɡɧɟ, ɨɧɢ
(ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɋɚɪɞɚ) ɞɚʁɭ, ɢ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɱɤɢ ɢ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɚɱɧɨ, ɫɜɭ ɫɜɨʁɭ ɢɦɨɜɢɧɭ –
ɫɚɞɚɲʃɭ ɢ ɛɭɞɭʄɭ.
ɍ ɡɚɤʂɭɱɧɨɦ ɞɟɥɭ ɫɟ ɫɚɨɩɲɬɚɜɚ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪ ɛɢɨ ɬɚʁ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɫɚɫɬɚɜɢɨ ɢ
ɩɨɧɭɞɢɨ ɭɫɥɨɜɟ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ (ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɟ ɋɚɪɞɚ) ɢ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɨɧɢ ɞɚɥɢ ɧɚ ɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɬɚɧɚɤ
ɭ ɞɚɧ ɧɚ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɰɟɨ ɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɬ ɞɚɬɨɜɚɧ.79
ɑɢɧɢ ɦɢ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɫɚɞɪɠɚʁɚ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ ɦɨɠɟ ɯɢɩɨɬɟɬɢɱɤɢ
ɪɟɤɨɧɫɬɪɭɢɫɚɬɢ ɬɨɤ ɡɛɢɜɚʃɚ, ɩɨ ɪɟɞɨɫɥɟɞɭ:
1) ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢ ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɟ (ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɚ ɥɢɰɚ) ɭ
ɬɨɤɭ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ, ɚ ɧɟɤɢ ɫɭ ɱɚɤ ɩɨɱɟɥɢ ɢ ɞɚ ɢɯ ɨɦɟɬɚʁɭ ɭ ɢɡɜɨɻɟʃɭ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ;
2) ɨɲɬɟʄɟɧɚ (ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɚ) ɥɢɰɚ ɡɚɬɨ ɫɭ ɩɨɱɟɥɚ ɞɚ ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɭ ɩɨɞɧɨɫɟ ɨɩɬɭɠɛɟ
(ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɭɫɦɟɧɟ) ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ (ɤɚɨ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɚɰɚ);
3) ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɪɢɦɢɨ ɜɟʄɢ ɛɪɨʁ ɨɜɚɤɚɜɢɯ ɨɩɬɭɠɛɢ, ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪ ɢɯ ʁɟ ɪɚɡɦɨɬɪɢɨ
ɤɚɨ ɫɪɨɞɚɧ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥ; ɨɧ ʁɟ ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ʃɢɯ, ɩɨɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɩɨʁɚɜɚ ɛɢɥɚ ɦɚɫɨɜɧɢʁɚ,
ɨɫɦɢɫɥɢɨ ɩɪɢɧɰɢɩɢʁɟɥɧɨ ɪɟɲɟʃɟ ɭ ɜɢɞɭ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ; ɩɪɢ ɬɨɦɟ je, ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ
ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɬɢɩɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ ɩɪɟɤɪɲɚʁɚ, ɨɫɦɢɫɥɢɨ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɟ ɨ ʃɢɯɨɜɨɦ ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚʃɭ ɢ
ɨɞɝɨɜɚɪɚʁɭʄɨʁ ɤɨɦɩɟɧɡɚɰɢʁɢ;
4) ɩɨɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɚ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɰɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ ɢɧɚɱɟ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɚ ɡɚ ɩɨɫɥɨɜɧɨ
ɩɨɧɚɲɚʃɟ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɱɥɚɧɨɜɚ, ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪ ɫɟ ɨɞɥɭɱɢɨ ɞɚ ʃɭ ɩɨɡɨɜɟ ɧɚ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɨɫɬ
ɢ ɞɚ ʃɨʁ ɭɩɭɬɢ ɩɪɟɞɥɨɝ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ; ɨɜɨ ʁɟ ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɱɧɨ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɟɧɨ
ɤɨɥɟɤɬɢɜɧɨɦ ɦɚɫɨɜɧɢʁɟɦ ɤɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɭ ɩɨʁɚɜɟ;
5) ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪ ʁɟ ɩɨɧɭɞɢɨ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨʁ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɰɢ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ, ɫɚ
ɡɚɯɬɟɜɨɦ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɧɚ ʃɟɝɚ ɢ ɡɚɤɭɧɭ ɢ ɞɚʁɭ ɝɚɪɚɧɰɢʁɟ;
6) ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɰɚ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɩɪɢɯɜɚɬɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ, ɡɚɤɥɟɥɚ ɫɟ ɢ ɞɚɥɚ ɝɚɪɚɧɰɢʁɟ;
7) ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ ʁɟ ɭɤɥɟɫɚɧ ɭ ɬɜɪɞɢ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥ.

ǠǹȃDZȚǶ ȀȁǹdzȁǶǵǾǹȆ, ȂǿȇǹȘDZǼǾǹȆ ǹ ǵȁȄǴǹȆ ǹȂȃǿȁǹȘȂǻǹȆ ȀȁǿȇǶȂDZ


ǻǿȘǹ ȂȄ ȂȃDZȘDZǼǹ ǹǸDZ ȂǻǼDZȀDZȚDZ ȂDZȁǵȂǻǿǴ ȄǴǿdzǿȁDZ

ɉɨɫɬɨʁɢ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɬeɲɤɨ ɨɛʁɚɲʃɢɜɢɯ ɢ, ɫɚɦɢɦ ɬɢɦ, ɧɚʁɢɧɬɪɢɝɚɧɬɧɢʁɢɯ


ɞɟɥɨɜɚ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ. Ɍɭ ɩɨɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɫɩɚɞɚ ɟɤɫɩɥɢɰɢɬɧɨ ɩɪɢɡɧɚʃɟ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɟ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɢɰɟ
76
SI, no. 18, ln. 47; ɨɜɨ ʁɟ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɭ ɫɤɥɚɞɭ ɫɚ ɞɟɮɟɧɫɨɪɨɜɢɦ ɩɨɥɨɠɚʁɟɦ ɝɥɚɜɧɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ
ɫɭɞɢʁɟ, ɤɨɧɰɟɧɬɪɢɫɚɧɨɝ ɧɚ ɞɨɧɨɲɟʃɟ ɩɪɟɫɭɞɚ ɢ ɧɚɩɥɚɬɟ ɭ ɫɜɨɦ ɝɪɚɞɭ. ɉɨɞ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɦ ɪɚɞɨɜɢɦɚ, ɩɨ
ɫɜɨʁ ɩɪɢɥɢɰɢ, ɨɜɞɟ ɫɟ ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚʁɭ ʁɚɜɧɢ ɪɚɞɨɜɢ ɭ ɋɚɪɞɭ.
77
SI, no. 18, ln. 49; ɪɟɱ ʁɟ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɨ ɦɧɨɝɨɛɪɨʁɧɢɦ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɚɦɚ ɨ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɦ ɢ ʁɚɜɧɢɦ
ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɦɚ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɢɡɞɚɜɚɥɢ ɪɢɦɫɤɢ ɰɚɪɟɜɢ ɛɚɪɟɦ ɨɞ ȼɟɫɩɚɡɢʁɚɧɚ, ɨɞ ɤɨʁɢɯ ɫɭ ɦɧɨɝɟ, ɢɡɞɚɬɟ ɨɞ II
ɞɨ VI ɜɟɤɚ, ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧɟ ɭ Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢʁɟɜɨɦ ɢ ȳɭɫɬɢɧɢʁɚɧɨɜɨɦ ɤɨɞɟɤɫɭ. Ɉ ɬɨɦɟ, ɜ. ɧɚɪɟɞɧɟ ɧɚɩɨɦɟɧɟ.
78
SI, no. 18, ln. 54; ɨɜɚ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ ɡɚɜɪɲɚɜɚ ɫɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɚɬɚɰɢʁɨɦ ɞɚ ɨɜɚʁ ɭɝɨɜɨɪ ɨɫɬɚʁɟ ɧɟɭɡɧɟɦɢɪɚɜɚɧ
ɢ ɧɟɫɥɨɦʂɟɧ ɡɚ ɜɟɱɧɨɫɬ, ɢ ɞɚ ɛɭɞɟ ɧɟɨɩɨɡɢɜɨ ɫɩɪɨɜɟɞɟɧ; ɩɨɞ ɩɪɜɨɦ ɰɟɥɢɧɨɦ ɨɜɟ ɬɜɪɞʃɟ ɦɨɠɞɚ ɫɟ,
ɩɨɪɟɞ ɩɪɢɦɟɧɟ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ ɧɚ ɛɭɞɭʄɟ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɟɜɟ, ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚɥɨ ɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɨ ɞɨɫɥɨɜɧɨ ɭɤɥɟɫɢɜɚʃɟ ɭ
ɤɚɦɟɧ, ɞɚɤɥɟ ɭ ɮɨɪɦɢ ɭ ɤɨʁɨʁ ʁɟ ɢ ɫɚɱɭɜɚɧ.
79
SI, no. 18, ln. 58; ɨɜɞɟ ɫɟ ɡɚ ɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɬ ɩɨɧɨɜɨ ɢɫɬɢɱɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ੒ȝȠȜȠȖȓĮ ɢ ਥȟȠȝȠı઀Į.
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 99

ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ, ɭ ɭɜɨɞɧɨɦ ɞɟɥɭ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ, ɞɚ ɫɭ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɨɫɬɚɜʂɚɥɢ


ɩɨɜɟɪɟɧɟ ɢɦ ɩɨɫɥɨɜɟ ɢ ɨɦɟɬɚɥɢ ɫɨɩɫɬɜɟɧɟ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɟ. Ɂɚɬɢɦ, ɬɭ ɫɭ ɢ ɨɧɢ ɞɟɥɨɜɢ
ɨɞɪɟɞɚɛɚ ɢɡ ɤɨʁɢɯ ɫɟ ɫɬɢɱɟ ɭɬɢɫɚɤ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢ ɢɡɜɪɲɢɨɰɢ/ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɞɢɪɟɤɬɧɨ
ɨɞɛɢʁɚɥɢ ɞɚ ɡɚɜɪɲɟ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɟɧɢ ɩɨɫɚɨ, ɧɟɤɢ ɱɚɤ ɧɚʁɭɪɢɥɢ ɫɨɩɫɬɜɟɧɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ,
ɚ ɧɟɤɢ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɦɢɪɧɢɦ ɩɭɬɟɦ ɨɫɬɚɜʂɚɥɢ ɪɚɞ ɧɚ ɩɨɜɟɪɟɧɨɦ ɩɨɫɥɭ, ɫɥɭɠɟʄɢ ɫɟ
ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɢɦ ɢɡɝɨɜɨɪɢɦɚ, ɦɟɻɭ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɩɚɞɚ ɢ ɛɨɥɟɫɬ.80 ɉɨɧɚʁɜɢɲɟ, ɢɩɚɤ, ɢɧɬɪɢɝɢɪɚ
ɩɪɟɞɜɢɻɚʃɟ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬɢ ɞɚ ɫɜɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ „ɧɚʁɭɪɢ“ ɢ ɧɨɜɢ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪ ɤɨɝɚ
ɨɜɚʁ ɛɭɞɟ ɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɨ ɞɚ ɡɚɦɟɧɢ ɤɨɥɟɝɭ ɤɨʁɢ ɧɢʁɟ ɯɬɟɨ ɞɚ ɡɚɜɪɲɢ ɩɨɫɚɨ (ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ
ɨ ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚʃɭ). Ⱦɚɤɥɟ, ɤɚɨ ɫɭɲɬɢɧɫɤɨ, ɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɫɟ ɩɢɬɚʃɟ ɫɬɜɚɪɧɨɝ ɤɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɚ
ɨɜɚɤɜɨɝ ɩɨɫɬɭɩɚʃɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ, ɦɨɬɢɜɚ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɦɨɝɥɢ ɡɚ ɬɨ ɢɦɚɬɢ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɫɬɜɚɪɧɟ
ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢ ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɟ ɩɨɡɚɞɢɧɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɨɝ.
ɍ ɬɨɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ, ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɟ ɞɜɟ ɯɢɩɨɬɟɡɟ. ɉɪɜɭ ʁɟ ɭɨɛɥɢɱɢɨ Ʉ. Ɏɨɫ,
ɩɪɟɭɡɟɜɲɢ ɢ ɞɨɩɭɧɢɜɲɢ ɪɚɡɦɚɬɪɚʃɚ ȼ. Ȼɚɤɥɟɪɚ. ɉɨɲɚɜɲɢ ɨɞ ɫɚɦɨɝ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɚ,
ɛɟɡ ʃɟɝɨɜɟ ɤɨɦɩɚɪɚɰɢʁɟ ɫɚ ɫɪɨɞɧɢɦ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ ɢ ɩɪɨɛɥɟɦɢɦɚ ɟɩɨɯɟ, Ɏɨɫ ʁɟ ɩɨɦɟɧ
ɭɫɥɨɜɚ ɢɫɩɥɚɬɚ ɧɚɞɧɢɰɚ ɩɪɨɬɭɦɚɱɢɨ ɤɚɨ ɢɧɞɢɤɚɰɢʁɭ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɜɪɲɢɥɢ
„ɨɩɫɬɪɭɤɰɢʁɭ“ ɩɪɟɭɡɟɬɢɯ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɪɚɞɢ ɩɨɜɟʄɚʃɚ ɜɢɫɢɧɟ ɧɚɞɧɢɰɚ. Ɍɚɤɨɻɟ, ɩɨɦɟɧ
ɞɚɜɚʃɚ ɨɞɫɭɫɬɜɚ ɨɞ 7 ɢ 20 ɞɚɧɚ ɩɪɨɬɭɦɚɱɢɨ ʁɟ ɤɚɨ ɡɧɚɤ ɭɫɬɭɩɤɚ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚɦɚ
(ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ɬɨ ɧɚ ɩɪɜɢ ɩɨɝɥɟɞ ɡɚɢɫɬɚ ɦɨɠɟ ɞɟɥɨɜɚɬɢ). ɍɡɢɦɚʁɭʄɢ ɭ ɨɛɡɢɪ ɨɜɟ
ɞɜɟ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɤɟ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɧɟɨɫɩɨɪɧɢ ɤɨɥɟɤɬɢɜɧɢʁɢ ɤɚɪɚɤɬɟɪ ɨɜɨɝ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɚ
„ɨɩɫɬɪɭɢɪɚʃɚ“ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰɚ, Ɏɨɫ ʁɟ ɞɨɲɚɨ ɞɨ ɡɚɤʂɭɱɤɚ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɪɚɞɢɥɨ ɨ
„ɲɬɪɚʁɤɭ“ ɭɞɪɭɠɟʃɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɪɚɞɢ ɩɨɛɨʂɲɚʃɚ „ɰɟɧɟ ɢ
ɭɫɥɨɜɚ ɪɚɞɚ“, ɢ ɬɨ ɭɫɩɟɥɨɦ. ɒɬɚɜɢɲɟ, Ɏɨɫ ɫɦɚɬɪɚ ɞɚ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɬɚɤɜɢ
„ɲɬɪɚʁɤɨɜɢ“ ɛɢɥɢ ɱɟɫɬɢ. ɑɚɤ ɤɨɧɫɬɚɬɭʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɧɚ ɨɜɚʁ ɧɚɱɢɧ „ɪɚɞɧɢɰɢ ɡɚɞɪɠɚɥɢ
ɞɨɛɚɪ ɞɟɨ ɫɥɨɛɨɞɟ ɚɤɰɢʁɟ“.81 ɂɩɚɤ, ɢɞɟʁɚ ɨ ɤɨɥɟɤɬɢɜɧɨʁ ɨɩɫɬɪɭɤɰɢʁɢ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰɚ
ɪɚɞɢ ɩɨɞɢɡɚʃɚ ɰɟɧɟ ɭɫɥɭɝɟ ɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚʃɟ ɤɚɤɜɟ-ɬɚɤɜɟ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɟ
ɰɟɧɟ ɪɚɞɚ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɨɝ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ, ɡɚ ɲɬɚ ɧɟ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɢ ɧɢʁɟɞɧɚ ɩɨɬɜɪɞɚ ɬɨɤɨɦ
ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɟɩɨɯɟ, ɧɚɤɨɧ ɤɪɚɯɚ Ⱦɢɨɤɥɟɰɢʁɚɧɨɜɨɝ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁɚ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɢɜɚʃɚ
ɦɚɤɫɢɦɚɥɧɢɯ ɰɟɧɚ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɚ ɢ ɭɫɥɭɝɚ. ɇɚɩɪɨɬɢɜ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɦɨ ɜɢɞɟɥɢ, ɩɨɫɬɨʁɟ
ɫɚɦɨ ɩɨɦɟɧɢ ɩɨɝɨɞɛɟɧɨ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɟɧɢɯ ɰɟɧɚ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɫɤɢɯ ɭɫɥɭɝɚ, ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɜɚɪɢɪɚɥɟ
ɡɚɜɢɫɧɨ ɨɞ ɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɨɝ ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɚ, ɚ ʁɟɞɢɧɨ ɬɚɤɚɜ ɩɪɢɧɰɢɩ ɨɞɪɟɻɢɜɚʃɚ ɪɚɞɚ
(„ɭɡɚʁɚɦɧɨ ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɟɧɟ ɧɚɞɧɢɰɟ“) ɩɨɦɢʃɟ ɫɟ ɢ ɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɦ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɭ. ɍɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɫɟ
ɩɚɤ ɦɢɫɥɢ ɧɚ ɩɨɜɟʄɚʃɟ „ɬɪɠɢɲɧɟ“ ɰɟɧe ɪɚɞɚ, ɱɢʁɟ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚʃɟ ɭ ɪɚɧɨʁ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɢ
ɢɧɚɱɟ ɧɢʁɟ ɥɚɤɨ ɞɨɤɚɡɢɜɨ, ɚ ɭ ɦɨɞɟɪɧɨɦ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɧɟɞɨɤɚɡɢɜɨ, ɨɧɞɚ ɫɟ
ɩɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ ɩɢɬɚʃɟ ɡɚɲɬɨ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢ ɭ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɭ ɩɨɦɢʃɭ ɫɚɦɨ ɧɚɞɧɢɰɟ ɤɨʁɟ
ɫɭ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɟɧɟ ɧɚ ɩɨɱɟɬɤɭ ɩɨɫɥɨɜɚ, ɚ ɧɟ ʃɢɯɨɜɨ ɩɨɜɟʄɚʃɟ, ɲɬɨ ɛɢ ɫɟ ɭ ɧɚʁɦɚʃɭ
ɪɭɤɭ ɦɨɪɚɥɨ ɧɚɡɧɚɱɢɬɢ. ɑɢɧɢ ɦɢ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɛɢ Ɏɨɫɨɜɚ ɯɢɩɨɬɟɡɚ ɨ ɩɨɤɭɲɚʁɭ ɩɨɞɢɡɚʃɚ
ɰɟɧɟ ɪɚɞɚ ɦɨɝɥɚ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɫɦɢɫɥɚ ɫɚɦɨ ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɛɢ ɫɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɪɚɞɢɥɨ ɨ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢɦɚ
80
Ⱥ. ȹɨɧɫ ɢ ɉ. Ƚɚɪɧɫɢ, ɧɟɡɚɜɢɫɧɨ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɨɞ ɞɪɭɝɨɝ, ɩɪɨɬɭɦɚɱɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɩɨɫɬɨʁɚʃɟ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɟ ɨ
ɞɨɡɜɨʂɟɧɨɦ ɛɨɥɨɜɚʃɭ ɞɨ 20 ɞɚɧɚ ɤɚɨ ɡɧɚɤ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢ ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛʂɚɜɚɥɢ ɛɨɥɟɫɬ
ɤɚɨ ɜɚɥɢɞɚɧ ɢɡɝɨɜɨɪ ɡɚ ɨɞɥɚɝɚʃɟ ɢɫɩɭʃɟʃɚ ɢɥɢ ɧɟɢɫɩɭʃɟʃɟ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɚ, ɞɚɤɥɟ ɫɭɩɪɨɬɧɨ Ɏɨɫɨɜɨɦ
ɬɭɦɚɱɟʃɭ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɞɨɡɜɨʂɟɧɨ ɛɨɥɨɜɚʃɟ ɩɪɟ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɪɚʄɟ (Jones, LRE, 860; Garnsey,
Association, 86).
81
Foss, Sardis, 6, 19–20. Ɏɨɫ ɤɚɨ ɞɨɞɚɬɧɭ ɚɪɝɭɦɟɧɬɚɰɢʁɭ ɧɚɜɨɞɢ ɢ ɧɟɨɫɧɨɜɚɧɭ ɬɜɪɞʃɭ ɞɚ ɫɭ
ɫɟ ɧɚ ɭɝɨɜɨɪ ɡɚɤɥɟɥɟ ɨɛɟ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ (ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɢ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɢ), ɢɚɤɨ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ ɤɚɨ ʁɟɞɢɧɭ ɫɬɪɚɧɭ ɤɨʁɚ ɫɟ
ɡɚɤɥɢʃɟ ɧɚɜɨɞɢ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɟ. ɒɬɚɜɢɲɟ, ɝɨɬɨɜɨ ɰɟɥɨɤɭɩɚɧ ɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɬ ɢɦɚ ɮɨɪɦɭ ɡɚɤɥɟɬɜɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ.
100 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɧɢɦ ɨɞ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ, ɚ ɭ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɭ ʁɟ ʁɚɫɧɨ ɧɚɡɧɚɱɟɧɨ


ɞɚ ɫɟ ɪɚɞɢɥɨ ɨ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚɦɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɪɚɞɢɥɢ ɭɩɪɚɜɨ ɡɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɟ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɟ.
Ⱦɪɭɝɭ ɯɢɩɨɬɟɡɭ ɩɨɧɭɞɢɨ ʁɟ ɉ. Ƚɚɪɧɫɢ. Ɉɧ ʁɟ ɭɩɨɡɨɪɢɨ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɢɫɬɢ ɦɨɦɟɧɬɢ
„ɨɩɫɬɪɭɤɰɢʁɟ“ ɢɡɜɨɻɚɱɚ/ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ ɩɪɟɦɚ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɢɦɚ ɢɡ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ
ɩɨʁɚɜʂɭʁɭ ɢ ɭ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɫɤɢ ɧɟ ɩɪɟɬɟɪɚɧɨ ɞɚɥɟɤɨʁ I ɨɞɪɟɞɛɢ Ʉɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɰɚɪɚ
Ɂɟɧɨɧɚ ɨ ɦɨɧɨɩɨɥɢɦɚ (ɢɡ 483), ɤɚɨ ɢ ɭ IX ɨɞɪɟɞɛɢ Ʉɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɨ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɦ
ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɦɚ (ɢɡɞɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɟ ɝɨɞɢɧɟ, ɨɞ ɢɫɬɨɝ ɰɚɪɚ). ɉɨɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɭ ɨɜɟ ɞɜɟ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɟ
ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢ, ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɨɫɬɚɥɨɝ, ɩɨɡɢɜɚʁɭ ɞɚ ɧɟ ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚʁɭ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɡɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɜɟʄ
ɩɪɢɦɢɥɢ ɧɨɜɚɰ, Ƚɚɪɧɫɢ ʁɟ ɞɨɲɚɨ ɞɨ ɡɚɤʂɭɱɤɚ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɨɜɞɟ, ɚ ɫɚɦɢɦ ɬɢɦ ɢ ɭ
ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ, ɪɚɞɢɥɨ ɧɚɩɪɨɫɬɨ ɨ ɫɪɟɛɪɨʂɭɛɢɜɨʁ ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɢ
ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɞɚ ɭɧɚɩɪɟɞ ɭɡɦɭ ɧɨɜɚɰ ɨɞ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ, ɚ ɞɚ ɩɨɬɨɦ ɧɚɩɭɫɬɟ ɧɟɞɨɜɪɲɟɧ
ɩɨɫɚɨ, ɬɚɤɨɪɟʄɢ ɩɨɛɟɝɧɭ, ɭ ɩɨɬɪɚɡɢ ɡɚ ɧɨɜɢɦ „ɠɪɬɜɚɦɚ“. ɂɫɬɪɚʁɚɜɚʃɟ ɨɜɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ
ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɟ Ƚɚɪɧɫɢ ɨɛʁɚɲʃɚɜɚ ɩɪɟɜɟɥɢɤɨɦ ɩɨɬɪɚɠʃɨɦ ɡɚ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɦ
ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢɦɚ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɲʄɭ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɡɛɨɝ ɩɪɢɪɨɞɟ ɫɜɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɚ ɢɦɚɥɢ
ɜɟʄɭ ɫɥɨɛɨɞɭ ɤɪɟɬɚʃɚ.82 ɑɢɧɢ ɦɢ ɫɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɬɟɲɤɨ ɧɟ ɫɥɨɠɢɬɢ ɫɟ ɫɚ Ƚɚɪɧɫɢʁɟɜɨɦ
ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢʁɨɦ, ɩɨ ɤɨʁɨʁ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ ɢɡ 459. ɢ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɢɡ 483. ɡɚɩɪɚɜɨ
ɨɩɢɫɭʁɭ ɢɫɬɨɜɟɬɧɟ ɢɥɢ ɜɪɥɨ ɫɥɢɱɧɟ ɩɨɫɬɭɩɤɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ, ɢɡɚ ɤɨʁɢɯ ɫɬɨʁɟ ɜɪɥɨ
ɫɪɨɞɧɢ ɦɨɬɢɜɢ. Ɇɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɬɟɲɤɨ ʁɟ ɫɥɨɠɢɬɢ ɫɟ ɫɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɧɨɦ ɯɢɩɨɬɟɡɨɦ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɭ
ɨɛɚ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɚ ɪɚɞɢ ɨ ɩɪɨɫɬɨʁ ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɢ ɭ ɮɨɪɦɢ ɛɟɤɫɬɜɚ ɩɨ ɞɨɛɢʁɚʃɭ ɧɨɜɰɚ, ʁɟɪ
ɬɪɟɛɚ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɭ ɜɢɞɭ ɞɚ ɤɚɤɨ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦ ɢɡ 459. ɬɚɤɨ ɢ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɢɡ 483. ʁɚɫɧɨ
ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɭ ɞɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢ ɧɢɫɭ ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚɥɢ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ ɬɚɤɨ ɲɬɨ ɛɢ ɩɨɛɟɝɥɢ ɨɞ ʃɟɝɚ
ɱɢɦ ɩɪɢɦɟ ɧɨɜɚɰ, ɧɟɝɨ ɧɚɩɪɨɬɢɜ, ɞɚ ɫɭ ɩɪɟɫɬɚʁɚɥɢ ɫɚ ɝɪɚɞʃɨɦ, ɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɨɫɬɚʁɚɥɢ
ɧɚ ɦɟɫɬɢɦɚ ɝɪɚɞɢɥɢɲɧɢɯ ɩɨɞɭɯɜɚɬɚ ɫɜɨʁɢɯ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰɚ ɢ ɭɩɪɚɜɨ ɬɭ ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚɥɢ
ɞɚʂɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ. Ɍɚɤɨɻɟ, ɬɪɟɛɚ ɫɟ ɡɚɩɢɬɚɬɢ ɞɚ ɥɢ ɛɢ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢ ɩɪɢɫɬɭɩɢɥɢ ʁɟɞɧɨʁ
ɬɚɤɨ ɧɚɢɜɧɨ ɤɨɧɰɢɩɢɪɚɧɨʁ ɩɪɟɜɚɪɢ ɤɚɤɜɚ ʁɟ ɛɟɤɫɬɜɨ ɨɞ ɧɚɩɥɚʄɟɧɨɝ ɚ ɧɟɨɛɚɜʂɟɧɨɝ
ɩɨɫɥɚ, ɬɢɦ ɩɪɟ ɲɬɨ ɫɟ ɨɞ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɨɫɬɢ ɡɚ ɭɱɟɫɬɚɥɢʁɭ ɢ ɦɚɫɨɜɧɢʁɭ ɩɪɢɦɟɧɭ ʁɟɞɧɟ
ɬɚɤɜɟ ɡɥɨɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɟ ɬɟɲɤɨ ɦɨɝɥɨ ɩɨɛɟʄɢ ɭ ʁɟɞɧɨɦ ɭɪɟɻɟɧɨɦ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɦ ɩɨɪɟɬɤɭ,
ɤɚɤɚɜ ʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɨɪɢɦɫɤɢ ɛɢɨ.
Ɉɜɨ ɬɢɦ ɩɪɟ ɲɬɨ ɩɪɢ ɪɚɡɦɚɬɪɚʃɭ ɨɜɨɝ ɩɪɨɛɥɟɦɚ ɭ ɧɚɭɰɢ ɞɨ ɫɚɞɚ – ɢɡ
ɧɟɩɨɡɧɚɬɢɯ ɪɚɡɥɨɝɚ – ɧɢʁɟ ɭɡɟɬɨ ɭ ɨɛɡɢɪ ɞɟɬɚʂɧɨ ɨɛʁɚɲʃɟʃɟ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢ ɤɨʁɟ
ɫɭ ɞɨɜɟɥɟ ɞɨ ɨɩɫɬɪɭɤɰɢʁɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɩɨɫɥɨɜɚ ɨɞ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ
ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ, ɚ ɤɨʁɟ ɧɭɞɢ ɩɪɜɢɯ ɨɫɚɦ ɨɞɪɟɞɚɛɚ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɟ Ɂɟɧɨɧɨɜɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ
ɨ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɦ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɦɚ (de aediÞciis privatis).83 ɂ ɫɚɦ ɉ. Ƚɚɪɧɫɢ ɢɡɨɥɨɜɚɧɨ ʁɟ
82
Garnsey, Association, 84–86. Ɉɧ ɢɫɬɢɱɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɰɢʁɚ ɡɢɞɚɪɚ ɛɢɥɚ ɞɨɜɨʂɧɨ ɮɥɭɢɞɧɚ
ɞɚ ɭ ʃɨʁ ɭɜɟɤ ɛɭɞɟ ɦɟɫɬɚ ɡɚ ɢɡɜɟɫɬɚɧ ɛɪɨʁ „ɤɚɭɛɨʁɚ“. Ɉɜɚ Ƚɚɪɧɫɢʁɟɜɚ ɨɩɚɫɤɚ ɨ ɩɨɤɪɟɬʂɢɜɨɫɬɢ
ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ ɢɦɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɚ ɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢɦ ɢɡɜɨɪɢɦɚ, ɤɚɨ ɧɩɪ. ɭ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɨɦ
ɩɢɫɦɭ Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɢʁɚ ɇɢɫɤɨɝ, ɝɞɟ ɫɟ ɩɨɦɢʃɟ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬ ɞɚ ɜɟʄɚ ɝɪɭɩɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ ɢɡ ɂɤɨɧɢʁɚ ɞɨɻɟ ɭ ɇɢɫɭ.
83
CJ 8.10.12. ɋɚɱɭɜɚɧɟ ɰɚɪɫɤɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ, ɫɬɚɪɢʁɟ ɨɞ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɟ, ɫɚɦɨ ɫɟ ɞɟɥɢɦɢɱɧɨ ɛɚɜɟ
ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɦ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɦɚ. Ʉɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɚ Ⱥɧɬɨɧɢɧɚ ɉɢʁɚ ɛɚɜɢ ɫɟ ɩɢɬɚʃɟɦ ɧɚɞɝɪɚɞʃɟ ɬɟɪɦɢ (CJ 8.10.1),
Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɚ ɋɟɜɟɪɚ (224) ɩɢɬɚʃɟɦ ɨɛɧɨɜɟ ɪɭɲɟɜɧɟ ɤɭʄɟ ɢɥɢ ʃɟɧɨɝ ɩɪɟɬɜɚɪɚʃɚ ɭ ɜɪɬ (CJ 8.10.3),
Ɏɢɥɢɩɚ Ⱥɪɚɩɢɧɚ (245) ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɨɲʄɭ ɩɚɪɬɧɟɪɚ ɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɢ (CJ 8.10.4), Ⱦɢɤɨɥɟɰɢʁɚɧɚ
(290) ɨɛɧɨɜɨɦ ɬɟɪɦɢ ɧɚ ɬɭɻɨʁ ɡɟɦʂɢ (CJ 8.10.5), Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɚ I (321) ɩɢɬɚʃɟɦ ɨɞɧɨɲɟʃɚ ɦɟɪɦɟɪɚ
ɢ ɫɬɭɛɨɜɚ ɫɚ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ɡɞɚʃɚ ɭ ɫɟɥɚ ɢ ɞɪɭɝɟ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɟ (CJ 8.10.6.), ɢɫɬɨɝ (326) ɨɛɚɜɟɡɧɢɦ ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɢɦ
ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪɨɦ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɠɢɬɧɢɰɚ ɢ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ ɡɞɚʃɚ (CT 15.1.4), ȳɭɥɢʁɚɧɚ (362) ɭɡɭɪɩɚɰɢʁɨɦ
ʁɚɜɧɨɝ ɡɞɚʃɚ ɨɞ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɨɝ ɥɢɰɚ (CT 15.1.10), ȼɚɥɟɧɫɚ (365) ɨɬɢɦɚʃɟɦ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɟɥɟɦɟɧɚɬɚ ɢɡ
ɦɚʃɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɡɚ ɩɨɬɪɟɛɟ ɦɟɬɪɨɩɨɥɚ (CT 15.10.14), ɢɫɬɨɝ (365) ɩɪɢɨɪɢɬɟɬɨɦ ɨɛɧɨɜɟ ɫɬɚɪɢɯ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ
ɡɞɚʃɚ ɧɚɞ ɝɪɚɞʃɨɦ ɧɨɜɢɯ (CT 15.1.16), Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢʁɚ I (389) ɨɬɢɦɚʃɟɦ ɟɥɟɦɟɧɚɬɚ ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 101

ɰɢɬɢɪɚɨ ɢ ɩɨɫɦɚɬɪɚɨ ɫɚɦɨ ɞɟɜɟɬɭ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɭ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ, ɧɟ ɝɨɜɨɪɟʄɢ ɧɢɲɬɚ ɨ


ɫɚɞɪɠɚʁɭ ɩɪɟɬɯɨɞɧɢɯ ɨɫɚɦ. ɋɬɨɝɚ ɛɢɯ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɢɨ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɭ ɩɚɠʃɭ ɨɜɢɦ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚɦɚ,
ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɡɛɨɝ ʃɢɯɨɜɨɝ ɩɨɬɟɧɰɢʁɚɥɚ ɞɚ ɩɪɭɠɟ ʁɟɞɧɨ ɞɪɭɝɚɱɢʁɟ ɯɢɩɨɬɟɬɢɱɤɨ
ɨɛʁɚɲʃɟʃɟ ɩɨɧɚɲɚʃɚ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ. Ɂɟɧɨɧ ʁɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɭ ɭɩɭɬɢɨ 483.
ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɚ Ⱥɞɚɦɚɧɬɢʁɭ, ɲɬɨ ʁɚɫɧɨ ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ʃɟɧɟ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɟ ɛɢɥɟ
ɧɚɦɟʃɟɧɟ ɩɪɢɦɟɧɢ ɭ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɢ. ɐɚɪ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɭ ɡɚɩɨɱɢʃɟ ɨɛʁɚɲʃɟʃɟɦ ɞɚ
ʁɟ ɢɡɞɚʁɟ ɭ ɠɟʂɢ ɞɚ ʃɟɝɨɜɢ ɩɨɞɚɧɢɰɢ ɛɭɞɭ ɪɚɫɬɟɪɟʄɟɧɢ ɭɱɟɫɬɚɥɨɝ ɩɚɪɧɢɱɟʃɚ,
ɤɚɨ ɢ ɨɛɪɚɡɥɨɠɟʃɟɦ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɧɚ ɫɚɫɬɚɜʂɟɧɚ ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɢɡɜɟɲɬɚʁɚ ɢ ɩɪɟɞɥɨɝɚ
ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ. ɉɨɬɨɦ (ɭ I ɨɞɪɟɞɛɢ) Ɂɟɧɨɧ ɫɚɨɩɲɬɚɜɚ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɢɡ ɢɡɜɟɲɬɚʁɚ
ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ ɫɚɡɧɚɨ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɟ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɝ
ɬɚɫɬɚ Ʌɚɜɚ I ɡɛɨɝ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɞɜɨɫɦɢɫɥɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɩɨɫɬɚɥɟ ɨɫɧɨɜ ɡɚ ɩɨɤɪɟɬɚʃɟ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ
ɨɞ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢɯ ʂɭɞɢ ɫɤɥɨɧɢɯ ɧɟɬɚɱɧɨɦ ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɢɪɚʃɭ ɨɞɪɟɞɚɛɚ. Ʉɚɨ
ɨɫɧɨɜɧɭ ɞɜɨɫɦɢɫɥɟɧɨɫɬ Ʌɚɜɨɜɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ Ɂɟɧɨɧ ɧɚɜɨɞɢ ʃɟɧɭ ɨɫɧɨɜɧɭ
ɨɞɪɟɞɛɭ, ɩɨ ɤɨʁɨʁ ɫɟ ɩɪɢ ɨɛɧɨɜɢ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɟ ɧɟ ɫɦɟ ɧɢ ɭ ɤɨɦ ɜɢɞɭ
ɩɨɜɟʄɚɬɢ ʃɟɧɚ ɜɟɥɢɱɢɧɚ, ɲɬɨ ɩɨɤɪɟɬɚɱɢ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ ɬɭɦɚɱɟ ɭ ɫɦɢɫɥɭ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɧɢ ɫɚ
ɩɨɫɟɛɧɨɦ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɨɦ ɰɚɪɫɤɢɯ ɜɥɚɫɬɢ ɢɥɢ ɪɟɥɟɜɚɧɬɧɢɦ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɦ ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɨɦ
ɧɟ ɦɨɝɭ ɜɪɲɢɬɢ ɢɡɦɟɧɟ ɢɥɢ ɧɚɞɨɝɪɚɞʃɟ (I ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ).84 Ɉɞ ɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɢɯ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚ
Ʌɚɜɨɜɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ, ɫɜɨʁɨɦ ɞɜɨɫɦɢɫɥɟɧɨɲʄɭ – ɩɪɟɦɚ Ɂɟɧɨɧɭ – ɧɚʁɜɢɲɟ
ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ ɭɡɪɨɤɭʁɟ ɨɧɚʁ ɤɨʁɢ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɭʁɟ ɞɚ
ɨɫɬɚɜɟ „ɦɚʃɟ-ɜɢɲɟ” 12 ɫɬɨɩɚ85 ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɨɝ ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪɚ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɤɭʄɟ ɢ ɤɭʄɟ
ɫɭɫɟɞɚ (II ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ), ɚ ɡɚɬɢɦ ɢ ɩɪɨɩɢɫ ɩɨ ɤɨɦɟ ɤɭʄɟ ɨɲɬɟʄɟɧɟ ɩɨɠɚɪɨɦ ɦɨɝɭ ɛɢɬɢ
ɨɛɧɨɜʂɟɧɟ ɞɨ ɜɢɫɢɧɟ ɨɞ 100 ɫɬɨɩɚ (IV ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ).86 Ʉɚɤɨ Ɂɟɧɨɧ ɢɫɬɢɱɟ, ɩɨɤɪɟɬɚɱɢ
ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɫɟ ɠɚɥɟ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɢɦ ɧɨɜɟ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ ɭ ɜɟɥɢɤɨʁ ɦɟɪɢ ɨɞɫɟɤɥɟ ɫɜɟɬɥɨɫɬ
ɢ ɩɨɝɥɟɞ ɧɚ ɭɥɢɰɭ. ɉɨɬɨɦ, Ɂɟɧɨɧ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɢɪɚ ɞɚ ɨɜɚɤɜɢ ʂɭɞɢ, ɧɚɜɟɞɟɧɢ ɡɚɜɢɲʄɭ, ɚ
ɧɟ ɩɪɟɬɪɩɟɜɲɢ ɢɤɚɤɜɭ ɲɬɟɬɭ, ɩɨɞɢɠɭ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɭ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɨɧɢɯ ɤɨʁɢ ɠɟɥɟ ɞɚ ɝɪɚɞɟ ɢ
ɬɢɦɟ ɢɦ ɨɞɥɚɠɭ ɪɚɞ (sic), ɬɚɤɨ ɞɚ ɱɨɜɟɤɭ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɩɨɱɟɨ ɞɚ ɝɪɚɞɢ ɛɢɜɚ ɡɚɛɪɚʃɟɧɨ
ɡɞɚʃɚ ɡɚ ɩɨɬɪɟɛɟ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ ɡɞɚʃɚ (CT 15.1.25), Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢʁɚ ɢ Ⱥɪɤɚɞɢʁɚ (393) ɦɚɤɫɢɦɚɥɧɨɦ ɜɪɟɞɧɨɲʄɭ
ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ ɤɭʄɚ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɟ ɦɨɝɭ ɪɭɲɢɬɢ ɪɚɞɢ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ ɡɞɚʃɚ (CT 15.1.30), ɢɫɬɢɯ (394) ɡɚɛɪɚɧɨɦ
ɫɚɦɨɢɧɢɰɢʁɚɬɢɜɧɨɝ ɩɨɞɢɡɚʃɚ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ ɡɝɪɚɞɚ, Ⱥɪɤɚɞɢʁɚ (398) ɪɭɲɟʃɟɦ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ ɡɞɚʃɚ ɤɨʁɚ ɫɭ
ɩɪɟɛɥɢɡɭ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɠɢɬɧɢɰɚ, ɢɫɬɨɝ (398) ɪɭɲɟʃɟɦ ɡɞɚʃɚ ɤɨʁɚ ɭɝɪɨɠɚɜɚʁɭ ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɢ ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪ (CT
15.1.39), ɢɫɬɨɝ (406) ɩɨɩɪɚɜɤɚɦɚ ɩɨɪɬɢɤɚ (CT 15.1.44), ɢɫɬɨɝ (406) ɧɟɨɩɯɨɞɧɢɦ ɩɪɟɩɪɚɜɤɚɦɚ ɩɨɪɬɢɤɚ
(CT 15.1.45), ɢɫɬɨɝ (406) ɜɟɥɢɱɢɧɨɦ ɦɢɧɢɦɚɥɧɨɝ ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɨɝ ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪɚ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ʁɚɜɧɢɯ ɢ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ
ɡɞɚʃɚ (CT 15.1.46), Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢʁɚ II (409) ɪɭɲɟʃɟɦ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ ɡɞɚʃɚ ɩɨɞɢɝɧɭɬɢɯ ɧɚ ɪɚɱɭɧ ɰɚɪɫɤɨɝ
ɤɨɦɩɥɟɤɫɚ (CT 15.1.47), ɢɫɬɨɝ (412) ɩɪɨɲɢɪɟʃɟɦ (ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ) ɩɨɪɬɢɤɚ ɢɫɩɪɟɞ ɏɨɧɨɪɢʁɟɜɢɯ ɬɟɪɦɢ
ɢ ɩɪɚɜɨɦ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ ɥɢɰɚ ɞɚ ɝɪɚɞɟ ɧɚɞ ʃɢɦɚ (CT 15.1.50), ɢɫɬɨɝ (423) ɞɨɡɜɨʂɟɧɨɦ ɪɚɡɞɚʂɢɧɨɦ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ
ɛɚɥɤɨɧɚ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ ɤɭʄɚ ɢ ɞɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɠɢɬɧɢɰɚ (CJ 8.10.11).
84
CJ 8.10.12.1; Ʉɚɨ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪ ɧɚ ɨɜɭ ɩɨʁɚɜɭ, Ɂɟɧɨɧ ʁɟ ɫɜɨʁɨɦ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɨɦ ɢɡɪɢɱɢɬɨ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɢɨ
ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱ ɧɟ ɦɨɪɚ ɩɪɢɞɪɠɚɜɚɬɢ Ʌɚɜɨɜɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɡɚ ɬɨ ɢɦɚ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɭ ɰɚɪɫɤɢɯ
ɜɥɚɫɬɢ ɢɥɢ ɫɟ ɨ ɬɨɦɟ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɟɨ ɫɚ ɫɭɫɟɞɨɦ, ɦɚɤɚɪ ɬɢɦɟ ɨɲɬɟʄɢɜɚɨ ɫɭɫɟɞɚ. ɂɡɪɢɱɢɬɨ ɫɟ ɤɚɠɟ ɢ ɞɚ
ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɚɱɧɟ ɰɚɪɫɤɟ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɟ ɢ ɨɛɨɫɬɪɚɧɨ ɫɚɝɥɚɫɧɢ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɢ ɧɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɞɚ ɛɭɞɭ ɚɧɭɥɢɪɚɧɢ
ɨɩɲɬɢɦ ɡɚɤɨɧɢɦɚ (I, III ɢ IV ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ).
85
CJ 8.10.12.2; Ɉɜɭ ɧɟɩɪɟɰɢɡɧɨɫɬ Ɂɟɧɨɧ ʁɟ ɨɬɤɥɨɧɢɨ ɬɚɤɨ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɢɡɛɚɰɢɨ ɮɨɪɦɭɥɚɰɢʁɭ
„ɦɚʃɟ-ɜɢɲɟ”, ɨɞɪɟɻɭʁɭʄɢ ɬɚɱɧɨ 12 ɫɬɨɩɚ. ɂ ɨɧɢ ɤɨʁɢ ɢɦɚʁɭ ɰɚɪɫɤɭ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɭ ɞɚ ɭ ɧɟɱɟɦɭ ɨɞɫɬɭɩɟ ɧɟ
ɫɦɟʁɭ ɫɭɫɟɞɭ ɡɚɝɪɚɞɢɬɢ ɫɚɦ ɩɪɢɥɚɡ (II ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ).
86
CJ 8.10.12.4; ɇɚɤɨɧ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ ɨ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɨʁ ɜɢɫɢɧɢ, Ɂɟɧɨɧ ʁɟ ɫɜɢɦɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɩɨɞɢɠɭ ɢɥɢ ɨɛɧɚɜʂɚʁɭ
ɨɛʁɟɤɚɬ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɢɨ ɞɚ ɝɪɚɞɟ ɞɨ ɜɢɫɢɧɟ ɨɞ 100 ɫɬɨɩɚ, ɩɨɞ ɭɫɥɨɜɨɦ ɞɚ ɬɨ ɫɭɫɟɞɭ ɧɟ ɭɝɪɨɠɚɜɚ ɩɨɝɥɟɞ
ɧɚ ɦɨɪɟ. ɍɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɪɚɡɦɚɤ ɦɟɻɭ ɡɝɪɚɞɚɦɚ ɦɚʃɢ ɨɞ 12 ɫɬɨɩɚ, ɜɢɫɢɧɚ ʁɨʁ ɫɟ ɧɟ ɫɦɟ ɩɨɜɟʄɚɜɚɬɢ, ɩɪɨ-
ɡɨɪɢ ɫɟ ɦɨɝɭ ɧɚɱɢɧɢɬɢ ɫɚɦɨ ɧɚ ɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɨʁ ɜɢɫɢɧɢ (ɩɪɨɡɨɪɢ ɧɚ ɜɢɫɢɧɢ 10 ɫɬɨɩɚ ɨɞ ɡɟɦʂɟ, ɚ ɨɬɜɨɪɢ
ɡɚ ɫɜɟɬɥɨɫɬ – ɧɚ 6 ɫɬɨɩɚ). Ɂɚɛɪɚʃɟɧɨ ʁɟ ɢ ɩɪɚɜʂɟʃɟ ɥɚɠɧɨɝ ɫɩɪɚɬɚ, ʁɟɪ ɛɢ ɬɚɞɚ ɨɬɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɫɜɟɬɥɨɫɬ
ɩɨɫɥɭɠɢɥɢ ɤɚɨ ɩɪɨɡɨɪɢ ɢ ɭɝɪɨɡɢɥɢ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɨɫɬ ɫɭɫɟɞɚ (II, III ɢ IV ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ).
102 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

ɞɚ ɬɨ ɱɢɧɢ, ɬɟ ʁɟ ɩɪɢɦɨɪɚɧ ɞɚ ɧɚɩɭɫɬɢ ɫɜɨʁ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɤɚɨ ɧɟɞɨɜɪɲɟɧ (sic). ɒɬɚɜɢɲɟ,


ɤɚɤɨ ɫɚ ɠɚʂɟʃɟɦ ɰɚɪ ɢɫɬɢɱɟ, ɧɨɜɚɰ ɫɚ ɤɨʁɢɦ ɫɟ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱ ɧɚɞɚɨ ɞɚ ʄɟ ɩɨɞɢʄɢ
ɡɝɪɚɞɭ, ɛɢɜɚ ɩɨʁɟɞɟɧ ɩɪɢ ɩɚɪɧɢɱɟʃɭ, ɚ ɢ ɤɚɞɚ ɫɟ ɞɨɧɟɫɟ ɨɞɥɭɤɚ ɭ ʃɟɝɨɜɭ
ɤɨɪɢɫɬ, ɨɧ ɛɢɜɚ ɢ ɞɚʂɟ ɭɩɥɟɬɟɧ ɭ ɧɟɪɚɫɩɥɟɬɢɜɟ ɥɚɧɰɟ, ʁɟɪ ɱɨɜɟɤ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɫɩɪɟɱɢɨ
ɢɡɝɪɚɞʃɭ ɱɢɧɢ ɚɩɟɥɚɰɢʁɭ ɢ ɭɡɢɦɚ ʁɨɲ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɚ, ɡɚɞɨɜɨʂɚɧ ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɫɩɪɟɱɢɨ ɪɚɞ,
ɧɚ ɜɟɥɢɤɭ ɲɬɟɬɭ ɫɜɨɝ ɫɭɫɟɞɚ (sic).87 ɐɚɪ ɭɩɪɚɜɨ ɧɚɝɥɚɲɚɜɚ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɦɧɨɝɢ ɩɨɲɬɟɧɢ
ʂɭɞɢ ɨɲɬɟʄɟɧɢ ɩɪɟɜɚɪɨɦ ɡɥɨɧɚɦɟɪɧɢɯ ɩɚɪɧɢɱɚɪɚ ɢ ɞɚ ʃɢɯ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɠɟɥɢ ɞɚ
ɡɚɲɬɢɬɢ ɨɜɨɦ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɨɦ. ɉɨɜɨɞɨɦ ɬɨɝɚ, Ɂɟɧɨɧ ɞɨɧɨɫɢ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɭ ɞɚ ʄɟ ɫɜɚɤɨ
ɤɨ ɛɭɞɟ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɨ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɨɝɚ ɞɚ ɫɩɪɟɱɢ ɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɢ, ɚ ɩɨɬɨɦ ɛɭɞɟ ɢɡɝɭɛɢɨ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɭ,
ɦɨɪɚɬɢ ɞɚ ɧɚɞɨɤɧɚɞɢ ɫɜɭ ɲɬɟɬɭ ɤɨʁɭ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɭɡɪɨɤɨɜɚɨ, ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɭʄɢ ɜɪɟɞɧɨɫɬ
ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɚ ɭɩɪɨɩɚɲʄɟɧɨɝ ɢɥɢ ɩɨɤɜɚɪɟɧɨɝ ɡɚ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɟ. ɇɚɪɚɜɧɨ, ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ
ɫɟ ɢɫɩɨɫɬɚɜɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɟɜɚ ɝɪɚɞʃɚ ɛɢɥɚ ɧɟɡɚɤɨɧɢɬɚ, ɨɧ ɦɨɪɚ ɧɚɞɨɤɧɚɞɢɬɢ
ɲɬɟɬɭ ɱɨɜɟɤɭ ɤɨʁɢ ɦɭ ʁɟ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɢɨ ɞɚ ɝɪɚɞɢ, ɚ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɛɢɨ ɢ ɩɪɢɦɨɪɚɧ ɞɚ ɡɚɩɨɱɧɟ
ɩɚɪɧɢɰɭ ɩɨɜɨɞɨɦ ɬɨɝɚ (VII ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ). ɇɚɤɨɧ ɬɨɝɚ, Ɂɟɧɨɧ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɭʁɟ ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ
ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɨɛɪɢɧɟ ɞɚ ɧɢʁɟɞɚɧ ɭɝɨɜɚɪɚɱ (ergolabus) ɢɥɢ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂ (arti-
fex) ɧɟ ɧɚɩɭɫɬɢ ɧɟɞɨɜɪɲɟɧɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ (sic), ɧɟɝɨ ɞɚ ɱɨɜɟɤɚ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɡɚɩɨɱɟɨ ɩɨɫɚɨ
ɧɚɬɟɪɚ, ɩɨɲɬɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɢɦɢɨ ɩɥɚɬɭ, ɞɚ ɝɚ ɞɨɜɪɲɢ ɢɥɢ ɞɚ ɩɥɚɬɢ ɤɚɡɧɭ ɢ ɫɚɜ ɝɭɛɢɬɚɤ
ɩɪɨɮɢɬɚ ɢɡɚɡɜɚɧ ɧɟɡɚɜɪɲɚɜɚʃɟɦ ɩɨɫɥɚ, ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɜɥɚɫɧɢɤ ɩɪɟɬɪɩɟɨ; ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ
ɧɟɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɢ ɭɝɨɜɚɪɚɱ ɫɢɪɨɦɚɯ, ɰɚɪ ɡɚ ʃɟɝɚ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɭʁɟ ɛɢɱɟɜɚʃɟ ɢ ɩɪɨɬɟɪɢɜɚʃɟ
ɢɡ ɝɪɚɞɚ. ɇɚ ɤɪɚʁɭ, Ɂɟɧɨɧ ɢɡɪɢɱɢɬɨ ɤɚɠɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɫɚɡɧɚɨ ɬɨ ɞɚ ɨɧɢ ɢɫɬɢ ɭɝɨɜɚɪɚɱɢ
ɢ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɤɨʁɢ ɧɢɫɭ ɡɚɜɪɲɢɥɢ ɩɨɫɥɨɜɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɩɪɢɦɢɥɢ ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚʁɭ ɭ ɪɚɞɭ
ɧɨɜɟ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɢ ɭ ɦɟɻɭɜɪɟɦɟɧɭ ɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɥɢ, ɧɟ ɞɚʁɭʄɢ ɢɦ
ɞɚ ɡɚɜɪɲɟ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ ɢ ɠɟɥɟʄɢ ɞɚ ɧɚɧɟɫɭ ɧɟɞɨɩɭɫɬɢɜɭ ɲɬɟɬɭ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɢɦɚ. ɐɚɪ
ɡɚɬɨ ɡɚɛɪɚʃɭʁɟ ɞɚ ɧɨɜɢ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂ ɧɟ ɫɦɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɫɩɪɟɱɟɧ ɞɚ ɡɚɜɪɲɢ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ
ɡɚɩɨɱɟɨ ɧɟɤɨ ɞɪɭɝɢ. ɒɬɚɜɢɲɟ, ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɢ ɨɜɚʁ ɧɨɜɨɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɧɢ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂ ɛɭɞɟ
ɨɞɛɢɨ ɞɚ ɡɚɜɪɲɢ ɡɝɪɚɞɭ, ɫɚɦɨ ɫɚ ɨɛɪɚɡɥɨɠɟʃɟɦ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɧɢʁɟ ɨɧ ɡɚɩɨɱɟɨ (ɢ ɫɚɦɢɦ
ɬɢɦ ɧɟ ɫɧɨɫɢ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɨɫɬ ɡɚ ʃɭ), ʃɟɝɚ ʄɟ ɫɧɚʄɢ ɢɫɬɚ ɤɚɡɧɚ ɤɚɨ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ
ɧɚɩɭɫɬɢɨ ɪɚɞ – ɩɪɟɰɢɡɢɪɚ Ɂɟɧɨɧ (IX ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ).88 ɇɚ ɨɜɨ ɫɟ ɧɚɞɨɜɟɡɭʁɟ I ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ
87
Ⱦɚ ɫɟ ɨɜɨ ɧɟ ɛɢ ɞɟɲɚɜɚɥɨ, Ɂɟɧɨɧ ɧɚɪɟɻɭʁɟ ɞɚ ɭɛɭɞɭʄɟ ɨɜɚɤɜɢ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɟɜɢ, ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɫɟ ɩɨɞ-
ɧɟɫɟ ɚɩɟɥɚɰɢʁɚ ɧɚ ɨɞɥɭɤɭ ɫɭɞɢʁɟ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɜɨɞɢɨ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɭ (ɛɢɥɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɪɟɱ ɨ ɚɩɟɥɚɰɢʁɢ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɚ ɢɥɢ
ɨɛɭɫɬɚɜʂɚɱɚ), ɬɪɟɛɚ ɨɞɦɚɯ ɞɚ ɛɭɞɭ ɩɪɨɫɥɟɻɟɧɢ ɫɭɞɭ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ, ɛɟɡ ɱɟɤɚʃɚ ɪɟɝɭɥɚɪɧɨɝ
ɪɨɤɚ; ɬɚɤɨɻɟ, ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɫɟ ɩɨɞɧɨɫɢ ɚɩɟɥɚɰɢʁɚ ɧɚ ɨɞɥɭɤɭ ɩɪɟɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ, ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ʄɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɩɪɟ-
ɧɟɬ ɨɞɦɚɯ ɧɚ ɰɚɪɫɤɢ ɫɭɞ. ɇɚ ɬɚʁ ɧɚɱɢɧ, ɤɚɠɟ Ɂɟɧɨɧɨɜɚ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɚ, ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɱɨɜɟɤ, ɤɨɦɟ
ʁɟ ɧɟɩɪɚɜɟɞɧɨ ɡɚɛɪɚʃɟɧɨ ɞɚ ɝɪɚɞɢ, ɬɪɩɢ ɧɟɩɨɞɧɨɲʂɢɜɭ ɩɨɜɪɟɞɭ ɞɨɤ ɱɟɤɚ ɞɭɝɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɟ ɞɚʁɟ
ɡɚ ɚɩɟɥɚɰɢʁɭ (CJ 8.10.12.7). Ɍɚɤɨɻɟ, Ɂɟɧɨɧ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɭʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɫɜɚɤɚ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɚ ɨɜɟ ɜɪɫɬɟ ɪɚɫɩɨɪɟɻɭʁɟ ɭ
ɩɪɚɜɧɨɦ ɬɪɢɛɭɧɚɥɭ ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ, ɩɪɢ ɱɟɦɭ ɧɢʁɟɞɚɧ ɦɚɝɢɫɬɪɚɬ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɭɤʂɭɱɟɧ ɭ ɨɜɚɤɜɭ
ɩɚɪɧɢɰɭ ɧɟʄɟ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɚ ɱɢɧɢ ɢɤɚɤɚɜ ɩɪɢɝɨɜɨɪ ʁɭɪɢɫɞɢɤɰɢʁɢ ɫɭɞɚ ɤɚɤɨ ɛɢ ɫɟ ɢɡɛɟɝɥɚ ɩɪɟɫɭɞɚ
ɞɨɧɟɬɚ ɨɞɥɭɤɨɦ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ ɝɪɚɞɚ. ɇɚ ɤɪɚʁɭ ɫɟ ɨɞɪɟɻɭʁɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɫɨɛʂɟ ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɝ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɚ ɞɭɠɧɨ ɞɚ
ɢɡɜɪɲɢ ɧɚɩɥɚɬɭ (CJ 8.10.12.8).
88
ɋɜɨʁɭ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɭ ɨ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɦ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɦɚ Ɂɟɧɨɧ ʁɟ ɢɫɤɨɪɢɫɬɢɨ ɞɚ ɪɟɝɭɥɢɲɟ ɢ ɧɟɤɟ
ɚɫɩɟɤɬɟ ɨɞɧɨɫɚ ɨɜɢɯ ɩɪɟɦɚ ʁɚɜɧɨɦ ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪɭ. Ɂɚɛɪɚʃɭʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɧɢ ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɢ ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪ ɨɞ 12
ɫɬɨɩɚ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɤɭʄɚ ɨɲɬɟʄɭʁɟ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɧɚ ɪɚɱɭɧ ɫɭɫɟɞɚ ɧɟɝɨ ɢ ɧɚ ɪɚɱɭɧ ʁɚɜɧɨɝ ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪɚ, ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɭɥɢ-
ɰɚ. (CJ 8.10.12.3) ɉɪɨɩɢɫɭʁɟ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢ ɛɚɥɤɨɧ ɛɟɡ ɤɪɨɜɚ (solarium) ɦɨɪɚ ɛɢɬɢ ɧɚ ɪɚɡɞɚʂɢɧɢ ɨɞ
ɛɚɪɟɦ 10 ɫɬɨɩɚ ɭ ɨɞɧɨɫɭ ɧɚ ɫɨɥɚɪɢʁ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɧɚɥɚɡɢ ɩɪɟɤɨ ɩɭɬɚ ʃɟɝɚ (ɤɚɤɨ ɧɟ ɛɢ ɡɚɤɪɱɢɨ ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪ ɦɟɻɭ
ɡɝɪɚɞɚɦɚ); ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɬɚɤɜɟ ɪɚɡɞɚʂɢɧɟ ɧɟɦɚ, ɨɧɞɚ ɢɯ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɢ ɩɨ ɞɢʁɚɝɨɧɚɥɢ. ɍɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɭɥɢɰɚ
ɭɠɚ ɨɞ 10 ɫɬɨɩɚ, ɨɧɞɚ ɫɟ ɧɟ ɫɦɟʁɭ ɩɨɞɢɡɚɬɢ ɧɢɤɚɤɜɢ ɛɚɥɤɨɧɢ. ɉɪɨɩɢɫɭʁɟ ɫɟ ɢ ɞɚ ɛɚɥɤɨɧɢ ɦɨɪɚʁɭ
ɛɢɬɢ ɧɚ ɜɢɫɢɧɢ ɨɞ ɛɚɪɟɦ 15 ɫɬɨɩɚ, ɞɚ ɧɟ ɫɦɟʁɭ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɩɨɬɩɨɪɧɟ ɫɬɭɛɨɜɟ ɢɥɢ ɡɢɞɨɜɟ (ɤɨʁɢ ɞɨɞɚɬɧɨ
ɡɚɤɪɱɭʁɭ ɭɥɢɱɧɢ ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪ), ɧɢɬɢ ɫɬɟɩɟɧɢɰɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɢɯ ɩɨɜɟɡɭʁɭ ɫɚ ɭɥɢɰɨɦ (ɤɨʁɟ ɩɨɜɟʄɚɜɚʁɭ ɨɩɚɫɧɨɫɬ
ɨɞ ɩɨɠɚɪɚ). Ɂɚ ɧɟɩɨɲɬɨɜɚʃɟ ɨɜɢɯ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚ ɨ ɫɨɥɚɪɢʁɢɦɚ ɰɚɪ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɭʁɟ ɤɚɡɧɭ ɨɞ 10 ɮɭɧɬɢ ɡɥɚɬɚ ɡɚ
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 103

Ɂɟɧɨɧɨɜɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɧɟɡɚɤɨɧɢɬɢɯ ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɚ (convent illicito), ɭɩɭʄɟɧɚ


ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɦ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɭ ɤɪɚʁɟɦ ɢɫɬɟ ɝɨɞɢɧɟ, ɝɞɟ ɫɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɦ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɚɦɚ
ɢ ɭɝɨɜɚɪɚɱɢɦɚ, ɤɚɨ ɢ ɨɫɨɛɚɦɚ ɫɪɨɞɧɢɯ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɢʁɚ, ɡɚɛɪɚʃɭʁɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɦɟɻɭ ɫɨɛɨɦ
ɞɨɝɨɜɚɪɚʁɭ ɞɚ ɧɟ ɩɪɢɯɜɚɬɚʁɭ ɞɚ ɡɚɜɪɲɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɨʁɢ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɧɟɤɨ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɡɚɩɨɱɟɨ
(ɢ ɨɫɬɚɜɢɨ ɧɟɞɨɜɪɲɟɧ), ɢ ɞɚ ɨɦɟɬɚʁɭ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɚɤɜɨ ɩɨɞɭɡɟʄɟ ɩɨɜɟɪɟɧɨ ɞɪɭɝɨɦ;
ɢɫɬɢɱɟ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɫɜɚɤɨ ɢɦɚ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɭ ɞɚ, ɛɟɡ ɩɨɜɪɟɞʂɢɜɢɯ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɢɰɚ ɩɨ ʃɟɝɚ, ɡɚɜɪɲɢ
ɛɢɥɨ ɤɨʁɢ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɡɚɩɨɱɟɬ ɚɥɢ ɨɫɬɚɜʂɟɧ ɧɟɡɚɜɪɲɟɧ ɨɞ ɞɪɭɝɨɝ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɞɚ ɞɟɧɭɧɰɢɪɚ
ɫɜɚɤɭ ɬɚɤɜɭ ɭɜɪɟɞɭ ɛɟɡ ɫɬɪɚɯɚ ɢ ɛɟɡ ɢɤɚɤɜɨɝ ɫɭɞɫɤɨɝ ɬɪɨɲɤɚ.89
ɋɚɝɥɟɞɚɜɲɢ ɜɟɫɬɢ ɨ ɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɢɦ ɡɛɢɜɚʃɢɦɚ ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ
ɧɟɫɭɝɥɚɫɢɰɚ ɭ ɨɧɨɦ ɤɨɧɬɢɧɭɢɬɟɬɭ ɢ ɪɟɞɨɫɥɟɞɭ ɤɨʁɢ ɧɭɞɟ ɫɚɦɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ
(ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɢɡ 483), ʁɚɫɧɨ ɦɨɠɟɦɨ ɧɚɡɪɟɬɢ ɰɟɥɨɤɭɩɚɧ ɬɨɤ ɨɜɢɯ ɡɛɢɜɚʃɚ, ɱɢʁɟ
ɫɭ ɨɫɧɨɜɧɟ ɮɚɡɟ ɪɟɞɨɦ:
1) ɡɚɩɨɱɢʃɚʃɟ ɧɨɜɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɫɤɢɯ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɨɞ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢɯ
ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɻɚɧɚ;
2) ɩɨʁɟɞɢɧɢ ɧɨɜɢ ɪɚɞɨɜɢ ɢɡɚɡɢɜɚʁɭ ɤɨɞ ɫɭɫɟɞɚ ɫɭɦʃɭ ɨ ɨɲɬɟʄɟʃɭ ɩɪɚɜɚ ɢ
ɢɦɨɜɢɧɟ, ɢ ɡɥɭ ɜɨʂɭ;
3) ɫɭɦʃɢɱɚɜɢ ɫɭɫɟɞɢ ɢɡɪɢɱɭ ɭɫɦɟɧɟ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɟ ɧɨɜɢɯ ɝɪɚɞʃɢ (operis novi
nuntitatio) ɢɥɢ ɱɚɤ ɩɨɤɪɟʄɭ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɟ, ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɬɭɦɚɱɟʃɚ ɞɚ ɧɨɜɚ
ɝɪɚɞʃɚ ɤɪɲɢ ɩɪɨɩɢɫɟ ɨ ɧɟɩɨɜɟʄɚɜɚʃɭ ɜɟɥɢɱɢɧɟ ɩɪɟɬɯɨɞɧɟ ɡɝɪɚɞɟ, ɭ ɲɢɪɢɧɭ
ɢɥɢ ɜɢɫɢɧɭ, ɢ ɞɚ ɭɝɪɨɠɚɜɚ ɫɭɫɟɞɨɜ ɞɨɬɨɤ ɫɜɟɬɥɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɩɨɝɥɟɞ;
4) ɢɡɪɢɰɚʃɟ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɟ ɩɪɢɦɨɪɚɜɚ ɧɟɤɟ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɟ ɞɚ ɧɚɩɭɫɬɟ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ ɢ ɞɚ
ɫɟ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɟ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɚɦɚ;
5) ɭɝɨɜɨɪɚɱɢ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ ɢ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ-ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɢ ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚʁɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ;
6) ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɢ ɚɧɝɚɠɭʁɭ ɧɨɜɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ ɞɚ ɡɚɜɪɲɟ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ;
7) ɩɨɞ ɭɬɢɰɚʁɟɦ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɟ ɢ ɫɭɫɟɞɚ, ɩɪɜɨɛɢɬɧɨ ɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɧɢ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢ
ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚʁɭ ɧɨɜɨɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɧɟ ɞɚ ɡɚɜɪɲɟ ɩɨɫɚɨ ɢ ɫɤɥɚɩɚʁɭ ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɟ ɨ ɬɨɦɟ;
8) ɩɨʁɚɜʂɭʁɭ ɫɟ ɢ ɧɟɡɚɤɨɧɢɬɢ ɨɛɥɢɰɢ ɩɪɢɬɢɫɤɚ ɧɚ ɧɨɜɨɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɧɟ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟ-
ʂɟ, ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɭ ɨɛɥɢɤɭ ɩɪɟɬʃɢ (ɩɨ ɫɜɨʁ ɩɪɢɥɢɰɢ ɨɞ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ɫɭɫɟɞɚ-ɨɛɭɫɬɚɜʂɢɜɚɱɚ);
9) ɩɨɞ ɭɬɢɰɚʁɟɦ ɫɜɢɯ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢɯ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢ, ɧɨɜɨɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɧɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ
ɨɞɛɢʁɚʁɭ ɞɚ ɩɪɢɯɜɚɬɟ ɩɨɫɥɨɜɟ ɤɨʁɟ ɫɭ ʃɢɯɨɜɟ ɤɨɥɟɝɟ ɡɚɩɨɱɟɥɟ ɢ ɨɫɬɚɜɢɥɟ, ɢ
ɫɤɥɚɩɚʁɭ ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɟ ɨ ɩɪɢɧɰɢɩɢʁɟɥɧɨɦ ɨɞɛɢʁɚʃɭ ɬɚɤɜɢɯ ɩɨɫɥɨɜɚ;
10) ɭ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ ɞɚ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱ ɞɨɛɢʁɟ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɭ, ɫɭɫɟɞ ɱɢɧɢ ɚɩɟɥɚɰɢʁɭ ɢ ɬɚɤɨ
ɩɪɨɞɭɠɚɜɚ ɨɛɭɫɬɚɜɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ.
ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɚ ɢ ɭɝɨɜɚɪɚɱɚ/ɝɥɚɜɧɨɝ ɡɢɞɚɪɚ, ɩɪɢ ɱɟɦɭ ɫɟ ɧɟɫɩɨɫɨɛɧɨɫɬ ɩɥɚʄɚʃɚ ɤɚɡɧɟ ɧɚɞɨɦɟɲʄɭʁɟ
ɛɢɱɟɜɚʃɟɦ ɢ ɩɪɨɬɟɪɢɜɚʃɟɦ ɢɡ ɝɪɚɞɚ. (CJ 8.10.12.5) Ʉɨɧɚɱɧɨ, Ɂɟɧɨɧ ʁɟ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɢɨ ɞɚ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɨ ɫɜɨʁɢɦ
ɬɟɡɝɚɦɚ ɡɚɬɜɚɪɚ ɩɪɨɫɬɨɪ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɫɬɭɛɨɜɚ ɧɚ ʁɚɜɧɢɦ ɩɨɪɬɢɰɢɦɚ; ɩɪɢ ɬɨɦɟ, ɩɪɨɩɢɫɭʁɟ ɞɚ
ɬɟɡɝɟ ɛɭɞɭ ɲɢɪɨɤɟ ɞɨ 6 ɫɬɨɩɚ, ɜɢɫɨɤɟ ɞɨ 7 ɫɬɨɩɚ, ɚ ɞɚ ɫɚ ɫɩɨʂɧɟ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ɦɨɪɚʁɭ ɛɢɬɢ ɞɟɤɨɪɢɫɚɧɟ
ɦɟɪɦɟɪɨɦ, ɞɚ ɛɢ ɛɢɥɟ ɩɪɢʁɚɬɧɢʁɟ ɡɚ ɨɤɨ ɩɪɨɥɚɡɧɢɰɢɦɚ. Ⱦɢɦɟɧɡɢʁɟ ɨɫɬɚɥɢɯ ɩɪɨɞɚɜɧɢɰɚ ɰɚɪ ɨɫɬɚɜʂɚ
ɧɚ ɨɞɥɭɤɭ ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɨɦ ɩɪɟɮɟɤɬɭ (CJ 8.10.12.6).
89
CJ 4.59.2 – ɨɜɚ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɚ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɧɟɡɚɤɨɧɢɬɢɯ ɞɨɝɨɜɨɪɚ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɡɚɛɪɚʃɭʁɟ ɫɜɚɤɢ
ɩɨɫɬɨʁɟʄɢ ɢ ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢ ɦɨɧɨɩɨɥ (monopolis) ɨɞɟʄɟ, ɯɪɚɧɟ ɢɥɢ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɨɝ ɞɪɭɝɨɝ ɚɪɬɢɤɥɚ, ɤɚɨ ɢ
ɫɚɫɬɚɧɚɤ ɧɚ ɤɨɦɟ ɫɟ ɬɪɝɨɜɰɢ ɬɚʁɧɨ ɞɨɝɨɜɚɪɚʁɭ ɞɚ ɮɢɤɫɢɪɚʁɭ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɰɟɧɟ. Ɂɟɧɨɧɨɜɚ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɚ ɦɨɧɨɩɨɥɚ
ɛɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɨɛɧɨɜɚ ɦɟɪɟ ʃɟɝɨɜɨɝ ɬɚɫɬɚ Ʌɚɜɚ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ 470. ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ɢɡɞɚɨ ɨɩɲɬɭ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɭ ɦɨɧɨɩɨɥɚ (CJ
4.59.1).
104 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

Ɇɟɻɭ ɡɚɜɪɲɧɢɦ ɟɬɚɩɚɦɚ ɨɜɢɯ ɡɛɢɜɚʃɚ, ɨ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ɝɨɜɨɪɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɢɡ


483, ɩɨɧɚɲɚʃɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ ɨɩɢɫɚɧɨ ʁɟ ɭɩɚɞʂɢɜɨ ɫɥɢɱɧɨ ɩɨɫɬɭɩɚʃɭ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ
ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɦ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɭ 459. Ɍɭ, ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ, ɦɢɫɥɢɦ ɧɚ ɬɪɢ ɤʂɭɱɧɚ ɟɥɟɦɟɧɬɚ
ʃɢɯɨɜɨɝ ɩɨɫɬɭɩɚʃɚ – ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚʃɟ ɩɨɫɥɚ ɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɢ, ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚʃɟ ɢɡɜɨɻɟʃɚ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ
ɨɞ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ɩɪɜɨɛɢɬɧɢɯ ɢɡɜɨɻɚɱɚ, ɚ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɩɪɟɞɜɢɻɚʃɟ ɨɩɚɫɧɨɫɬɢ ɞɚ ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚʃɟ
ɢɡɜɪɲɟ ɢ ɧɨɜɨɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɧɢ ɢɡɜɨɻɚɱɢ. Ɇɟɻɭɬɢɦ, ɡɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɤɭ ɨɞ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ,
ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɞɚʁɭ ɞɚɥɟɤɨ ɤɨɦɩɥɟɬɧɢʁɭ ɫɥɢɤɭ ʁɟɞɧɟ ɨɜɚɤɜɟ ɫɢɬɭɚɰɢʁɟ ɢ, ɲɬɨ ʁɟ ʁɨɲ
ɜɚɠɧɢʁɟ, ɩɪɢɤɚɡɭʁɭ ɬɪɟʄɭ ɫɬɪɚɧɭ, ɧɚʁɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɢʁɭ ɡɚ ɡɛɢɜɚʃɚ, ɤɨʁɚ ɫɟ ɭ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɦ
ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɭ ɧɟ ɩɨɦɢʃɟ, ɚ ɬɨ ɫɭ ɫɭɫɟɞɢ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɚ. Ɉɜɟ ɩɨɫɥɟɞʃɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ
ɢɡɪɢɱɢɬɨ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚʁɭ ɤɚɨ ɝɥɚɜɧɟ ɢɧɢɰɢʁɚɬɨɪɟ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɤɚɨ ʂɭɞɟ ɤɨʁɢ
ɢɡɜɪɲɢɨɰɟ/ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɟ ɧɚɜɨɞɟ ɞɚ ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚʁɭ ɢɥɢ ɨɩɫɬɪɭɢɪɚʁɭ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ.
ɉɪɢ ɬɨɦɟ, ɬɪɟɛɚ ɧɚɝɥɚɫɢɬɢ ɞɚ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɢ ɨɩɢɫɚɧɢ ɭ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɚɦɚ ɢɡ 483. ɭ
ɰɟɥɢɧɢ ɩɨɤɚɡɭʁɭ ɫɜɟ ɨɞɥɢɤɟ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ ɩɪɨɢɫɬɟɤɥɢɯ ɢɡ ɩɪɚɜɧɟ ɤɚɬɟɝɨɪɢʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɟ
ɤɚɨ Operis novi nuntiatio. Opus novum ɩɨɞɪɚɡɭɦɟɜɚɨ ʁɟ ɫɜɚɤɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ, ɦɟʃɚʃɟ
ɢɥɢ ɪɭɲɟʃɟ ɨɛʁɟɤɬɚ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚʃɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɚɤɜɨɝ ɩɨɫɥɚ ɧɚ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɨʁ
ɡɟɦʂɢ, ɫɨɩɫɬɜɟɧɨʁ ɢɥɢ ɫɭɫɟɞɨɜɨʁ (ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɭʄɢ ɱɚɤ ɢ ɤɨɩɚʃɟ ɤɚɧɚɥɚ ɢ ɫɟɱɟʃɟ
ɞɪɜɟʄɚ). Ȼɢɥɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɩɨɪɭɱʂɢɜɨ ɧɟ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɬɢ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɚɤɜɭ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ ɛɟɡ
ɩɪɟɬɯɨɞɧɟ ɫɚɝɥɚɫɧɨɫɬɢ ɫɭɫɟɞɚ. ɍɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɫɭɫɟɞ ɫɦɚɬɪɚɨ ɞɚ ɧɨɜɚ ɝɪɚɞʃɚ ɧɚɧɨɫɢ
ɲɬɟɬɭ ʃɟɝɨɜɨʁ ɢɦɨɜɢɧɢ ɢ ɩɪɚɜɢɦɚ (ɩɨ ɡɚɤɨɧɭ, ɭɝɨɜɨɪɭ ɢɥɢ ɨɛɢɱɚʁɭ) ɢɥɢ ɩɪɟɬɢ
ɞɚ ʁɟ ɧɚɧɟɫɟ, ɚɥɢ ɢ ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɛɢɥɨ ɤɨʁɢ ɝɪɚɻɚɧɢɧ ɫɦɚɬɪɚɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɧɨɜɚ ɝɪɚɞʃɚ
ɧɟɡɚɤɨɧɢɬɚ, ɢɦɚɨ ʁɟ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɚ ɞɨɻɟ ɧɚ ɦɟɫɬɨ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ ɢ ɞɚ ɩɪɟɞ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɟɦ (ɢɥɢ
ʃɟɝɨɜɢɦ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɧɢɤɨɦ) ɢɡɝɨɜɨɪɢ ɩɪɨɬɟɫɬ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɧɨɜɟ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ (Operis novi
nuntiatio), ɤɨʁɢɦ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɭ ɡɚɛɪɚʃɢɜɚɨ ɧɚɫɬɚɜɚɤ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ. ɇɭɧɰɢʁɚɰɢʁɚ ɧɢʁɟ
ɡɚɯɬɟɜɚɥɚ ɩɢɫɚɧɭ ɮɨɪɦɭ, ɧɢɬɢ ɫɟ ɦɨɪɚɥɚ ɩɨɞɧɨɫɢɬɢ ɜɥɚɫɬɢɦɚ, ɚɥɢ ɫɟ ɦɨɪɚɥɚ
ɨɛʁɚɜɢɬɢ ɩɪɟ ɡɚɜɪɲɟɬɤɚ ɞɨɬɢɱɧɟ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ. ɑɢɦ ɛɢ ɛɢɥɚ ɢɡɝɨɜɨɪɟɧɚ, ɞɚʂɚ ɝɪɚɞʃɚ
ɞɨɬɢɱɧɨɝ ɨɛʁɟɤɬɚ ɫɦɚɬɪɚɥɚ ɫɟ ɧɟɡɚɤɨɧɢɬɨɦ. ɍɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɛɢ ɫɟ ɝɪɚɞʃɚ ɧɚɫɬɚɜɢɥɚ ɢ
ɩɨɫɥɟ ɧɭɧɰɢʁɚɰɢʁɟ, ɨɛɭɫɬɚɜʂɚɱ ɛɢ ɢɦɚɨ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɚ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ ɜɪɚɬɢ ɭ ɫɬɚʃɟ ɨɞ ɩɪɟ
ʃɟɧɨɝ ɩɪɨɝɥɚɲɟʃɚ. Ⱥɤɨ ʁɟ ɧɨɜɚ ɝɪɚɞʃɚ ɛɢɥɚ ɧɚ ɬɭɻɟɦ ɬɟɪɟɧɭ ɢɥɢ ʁɟ ɨɱɢɝɥɟɞɧɨ
ɧɚɧɨɫɢɥɚ ɲɬɟɬɭ ɫɭɫɟɞɨɜɨɦ ɩɨɫɟɞɭ, ɨɛɭɫɬɚɜʂɚɱ ɛɢ ɢɦɚɨ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɢ ɞɚ ɮɢɡɢɱɤɢ
ɫɩɪɟɱɢ ʃɟɧɭ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ. ɉɪɨɬɢɜ ɟɮɟɤɚɬɚ ɧɭɧɰɢʁɚɰɢʁɟ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱ ɫɟ ɧɚʁɱɟɲʄɟ
ɛɨɪɢɨ ɩɨɤɪɟɬɚʃɟɦ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɟ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɫɭɫɟɞɚ-ɨɛɭɫɬɚɜʂɢɜɚɱɚ, ɭ ɤɨʁɨʁ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɜɚ ɞɚ
ɞɨɤɚɠɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɜɚ ɛɢɥɚ ɩɨɤɪɟɧɭɬɚ ɛɟɡ ɨɫɧɨɜɚ.90 Ɋɚɡɭɦɟ ɫɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ, ɜɟʄ ɡɚɯɜɚʂɭʁɭʄɢɦ
ɫɜɨʁɢɦ ɨɩɲɬɢɦ ɨɞɥɢɤɚɦɚ, ɧɭɧɰɢʁɚɰɢʁɚ ɩɪɭɠɚɥɚ ɫɪɟɞɫɬɜɨ ɜɪɥɨ ɲɢɪɨɤɨɦ ɤɪɭɝɭ
ʂɭɞɢ ɡɚ ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚʃɟ ɝɪɚɞʃɢ ɫɜɨɝ ɫɭɫɟɞɚ. Ⱦɭɝɨ ɩɪɢɫɭɫɬɜɨ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ ɢ ɤɨɦɩɥɢɤɚɰɢʁɚ
ɩɪɨɢɫɬɟɤɥɢɯ ɢɡ Operis novi nuntiatio ɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɢ ɜɢɞɢ ɫɟ ɩɨ
ʃɢɯɨɜɨʁ ɚɤɬɭɟɥɧɨɫɬɢ ɭ ȳɭɫɬɢɧɢʁɚɧɨɜɨ ɞɨɛɚ, ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɩɨ ʃɟɝɨɜɨʁ ɨɞɥɭɰɢ ɢɡ
531. ɞɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɧɭ Ɂɟɧɨɧɨɜɟ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ ɨ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɦ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɦɚ ɩɪɨɲɢɪɢ ɫɚ
ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɟ ɧɚ ɫɜɟ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɟ ɐɚɪɫɬɜɚ.91 ɍ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɢ ɢɡɞɚɬɨʁ ɧɚɪɟɞɧɟ ɝɨɞɢɧɟ,
90
Operis novi nuntiatio ɭ ɰɟɥɢɧɢ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɧɢɯ ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢʁɚ ɪɢɦɫɤɟ ɩɪɚɜɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ
(pass.): H. Burckhard, Die Operis novi nuntiatio, Erlangen 1871; A. Beling, Die Gemeinrechtliche Geltung
Der Operis Novi Nunciatio, Göttingen 1890; A. Stölzel, Die Lehre von der operis novi nunciatio und dem
interdictum quod vi aut clam, Cassel 1865; C. Polis, Dissertatio juridica inauguralis de operis novi nun-
tiatione, Utrecht 1853. ɇɚ ɤɪɚʁɭ, ɫɜɟɭɤɭɩɚɧ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥ ɨ ɨperis novi nuntiatio ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɧɚ ɪɚɫɩɨɥɚɝɚʃɭ
ɢɦɚɥɢ ȳɭɫɬɢɧɢʁɚɧɨɜɢ ɩɪɚɜɧɢɰɢ ɛɢɨ ʁɟ ɫɪɟɻɟɧ ɢ ɭɫɚɝɥɚɲɟɧ ɢ ɭɧɟɬ ɭ Ⱦɢɝɟɫɬɚ (DJ 31.1, 39.1).
91
CJ 8.10.13; ɨ ɩɪɨɛɥɟɦɚɬɢɰɢ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚ ɭ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɢ ȳɭɫɬɢɧɢʁɚɧɨɜɨɝ ɞɨɛɚ ɢ
ʃɟɧɢɦ ɲɢɪɢɦ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɢɦɚ – W. Holmes, The Age of Justinian and Theodora. A History of the Sixth
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 105

ȳɭɫɬɢɧɢʁɚɧ ʁɟ ɫɚɨɩɲɬɢɨ ɞɚ ɩɪɨɬɟɫɬɢ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɧɨɜɟ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ ɞɨɜɨɞɟ ɞɨ ɡɚɭɫɬɚɜʂɚʃɚ


ɝɪɚɞʃɢ ɞɨ ɝɨɞɢɧɭ ɞɚɧɚ, ɬɟ ɡɚɬɨ ʁɟɞɧɨɫɬɚɜɧɢʁɟ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɟɜɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɪɟɲɢɬɢ ɭ ɪɨɤɭ
ɨɞ ɬɪɢ ɦɟɫɟɰɚ, ɚ ɤɨɞ ɫɥɨɠɟɧɢʁɢɯ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɭ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɢɬɢ ɞɚ ɧɚɫɬɚɜɢ ɫɚ
ɝɪɚɞʃɨɦ ɭ ɬɨɤɭ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɟ, ɭɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɞ۲ ɝɚɪɚɧɰɢʁɭ ɞɚ ʄɟ ʁɟ ɫɚɦ ɫɪɭɲɢɬɢ ɚɤɨ ɫɟ
ɢɫɩɨɫɬɚɜɢ ɞɚ opus novum ɧɢʁɟ ɭ ɫɤɥɚɞɭ ɫɚ ɡɚɤɨɧɨɦ.92
ɍ ɫɤɥɚɞɭ ɫɚ ɫɜɢɦ ɢɡɧɟɬɢɦ, ɱɢɧɢ ɦɢ ɫɟ ɞɚ ɢɦɚ ɦɟɫɬɚ ɢ ɨɫɧɨɜɚ ɡɚ
ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢʁɭ ɩɨ ɤɨʁɨʁ ɛɢ ɢ ɩɨɧɚɲɚʃɟ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɢɯ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɚ ɢɡ 459, ɩɨɩɭɬ ɞɪɠɚʃɚ
ɰɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɫɤɢɯ ɢɡ 483, ɦɨɝɥɨ ɛɢɬɢ ɩɪɨɬɭɦɚɱɟɧɨ ɤɚɨ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɢɰɚ ɫɩɨɪɨɜɚ ɜɟɡɚɧɢɯ
ɡɚ ɩɪɨɬɟɫɬ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɧɨɜɢɯ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚ. Ɉɜɨ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɡɛɨɝ ɫɭɜɢɲɟ ɫɩɟɰɢɮɢɱɧɢɯ
ɩɨɞɭɞɚɪɚʃɚ ɭ ɨɩɢɫɚɧɨɦ ɩɨɧɚɲɚʃɭ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɚ (ɧɚɩɭɲɬɚʃɚ ɢ ɨɩɫɬɪɭɢɪɚʃɚ
ɜɥɚɫɧɢɤɚ-ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɚ), ɚɥɢ ɢ ɡɛɨɝ ɱɢʃɟɧɢɰɟ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɨʁɚɜɚ ɩɪɨɬɟɫɬɚ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɧɨɜɟ
ɝɪɚɞʃɟ ɛɢɥɚ ɱɟɫɬɚ, ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɦɨ ɜɢɞɟɥɢ, ɭ ɞɪɭɝɨʁ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɢ V ɢ ɩɪɜɨʁ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɢ
VI ɜɟɤɚ. ɇɚʁɲɢɪɢ ɫɩɟɤɬɚɪ ɫɚɞɪɠɢɧɟ ɨɞɪɟɞɚɛɚ ɫɚɪɞɫɤɨɝ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ, ɱɢɧɢ ɦɢ
ɫɟ, ɦɨɠɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɨɛʁɚɲʃɟɧ ɭɩɪɚɜɨ ɤɨɦɩɥɢɤɚɰɢʁɚɦɚ ɩɪɨɢɫɬɟɤɥɢɦ ɢɡ ɩɪɨɬɟɫɬɚ
ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɧɨɜɢɯ ɝɪɚɞʃɢ. ɋɭɫɟɞɨɜɚ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɚ ɞɚʂɢɯ ɝɪɚɞʃɢ ɡɚɤɨɧɫɤɢ ʁɟ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɢɜɚɥɚ
ɩɨɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɫɚɦɟ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɟ ɞɚ ɩɪɟɫɬɚɧɭ ɫɚ ɪɚɞɨɦ, ɬɚɤɨ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɨɧɢ ɜɟʄ ɡɛɨɝ ɫɚɦɨɝ
ɫɬɪɚɯɚ ɨɞ ɡɚɤɨɧɫɤɢɯ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɢɰɚ ɧɚɪɭɲɚɜɚʃɚ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɟ ɢɦɚɥɢ ɞɨɜɨʂɧɨ ɪɚɡɥɨɝɚ ɞɚ
ɨɞɛɢʁɚʁɭ ɞɚ ɧɚɫɬɚɜɟ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ (ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ ɨ ɨɞɛɢʁɚʃɭ), ɱɚɤ ɢ ɞɚ ɨɬɟɪɚʁɭ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɰɚ
ɫɚ ɝɪɚɞɢɥɢɲɬɚ (ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚ ɨ ɫɩɪɟɱɚɜɚʃɭ), ɚɤɨ ʁɟ ɨɜɚʁ ɭɩɨɪɧɢʁɟ ɩɨɤɭɲɚɜɚɨ ɞɚ ɢɯ
ɧɚɝɨɜɨɪɢ ɧɚ ɧɚɫɬɚɜɚɤ ɝɪɚɞʃɟ. ɇɨɜɨɚɧɝɚɠɨɜɚɧɟ ɡɚɧɚɬɥɢʁɟ, ɱɢʁɚ ɫɟ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬ
ɫɥɢɱɧɨɝ ɩɨɧɚɲɚʃɚ ɩɪɟɞɜɢɻɚ ɭ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɟ ɞɜɟ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɟ, ɭ ɨɜɨɦ ɫɥɭɱɚʁɭ ɦɨɝɥɟ ɫɭ
ɬɚɤɨɻɟ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɢɡɜɟɫɬɚɧ ɫɬɪɚɯ ɨɞ ɡɚɤɨɧɫɤɢɯ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɢɰɚ, ɚ ɧɢ ɩɪɟɬʃɟ ɨɛɭɫɬɚɜʂɢɜɚɱɚ
ɧɢɫɭ ɢɫɤʂɭɱɟɧɟ. ɍ ɨɜɚɤɜɨʁ ɫɢɬɭɚɰɢʁɢ, ɭ ɩɨɥɨɠɚʁɭ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ „ɱɟɤɢʄɚ ɢ ɧɚɤɨɜʃɚ“,
ɡɚ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɟ ʁɟ ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɛɢɥɨ ɧɚʁɛɟɡɛɟɞɧɢʁɟ ɞɚ ɩɨɞ ɢɡɝɨɜɨɪɨɦ ɛɨɥɟɫɬɢ ɢɥɢ
ɧɟɱɟɝ ɞɪɭɝɨɝ ɱɟɤɚʁɭ ɪɚɡɪɟɲɟʃɟ ɫɢɬɭɚɰɢʁɟ (ɨɞɪɟɞɛɟ ɨ ɛɨɥɟɫɬɢ ɢ ɞɨɩɭɲɬɟʃɭ).
Ʉɚɞɚ ɛɢ ɩɨɫɥɨɞɚɜɚɰ ɭɫɩɟɨ ɞɚ ɚɧɭɥɢɪɚ ɟɮɟɤɬɟ ɧɭɧɰɢʁɚɰɢʁɟ (ɞɨɛɢʁɚʃɟɦ ɩɚɪɧɢɰɟ
ɢɥɢ ɞɚɜɚʃɟɦ ɝɚɪɚɧɰɢʁɟ ɨ ɪɭɲɟʃɭ), ɨɛɭɫɬɚɜʂɢɜɚɱ ʁɟ – ɤɚɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɦɨ ɜɢɞɟɥɢ – ɢ
ɞɚʂɟ ɢɦɚɨ ɛɪɨʁɧɟ ɡɚɤɨɧɫɤɟ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬɢ ɞɚ ɢɡɚɡɨɜɟ ɧɨɜɟ ɤɨɦɩɥɢɤɚɰɢʁɟ (ɩɪɟ
ɫɜɟɝɚ, ɩɪɚɜɨ ɧɚ ɠɚɥɛɭ ɜɢɲɨʁ ɫɭɞɫɤɨʁ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɢ). Ʉɨɥɢɤɨ ʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨ, ɬɟɤ ʁɟ Ɂɟɧɨɧ
ɫɜɨʁɨɦ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɨɦ ɢɡ 483. ɩɪɨɩɢɫɚɨ ɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɟ ɦɟɪɟ ɡɚ ɨɝɪɚɧɢɱɟʃɟ ɟɮɟɤɚɬɚ
ɨɜɚɤɜɢɯ ɦɨɝɭʄɧɨɫɬɢ, ɢ ɬɨ ɫɚɦɨ ɡɚ ɝɪɚɞ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞ. Ⱦɨ 483, ɤɚɤɨ ɫɟ ʁɚɫɧɨ ɜɢɞɢ
ɢɡ ɤɨɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢʁɟ, ɧɚʁɬɟɠɟ ɤɨɦɩɥɢɤɚɰɢʁɟ ɩɨʁɚɜʂɢɜɚɥɟ ɫɭ ɫɟ ɨɧɞɚ ɤɚɞɚ ɛɢ ɫɭɫɟɞ –
ɨɛɭɫɬɚɜʂɢɜɚɱ ɩɨɞɧɨɫɢɨ ɠɚɥɛɟ ɜɢɲɢɦ ɫɭɞɫɤɢɦ ɢɧɫɬɚɧɰɚɦɚ, ʁɟɞɧɨʁ ɡɚ ɞɪɭɝɨɦ. ɍ
ɬɚɤɜɢɦ ɫɢɬɭɚɰɢʁɚɦɚ, ɭ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ʁɟ ɫɭɞɫɤɢ ɨɞɨɛɪɟɧɨ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɞʃɭ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɢɦɚɱɭ
ɛɢɥɨ ɩɨɧɨɜɨ ɨɫɩɨɪɚɜɚɧɨ, ɚ ɭ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ɫɭ ɝɪɚɻɟɜɢɧɚɪɢ ʁɨɲ ɦɚʃɟ ɦɨɝɥɢ ɡɧɚɬɢ ɲɬɚ
ɢɦ ʁɟ ɱɢɧɢɬɢ, ɟɤɞɢɤ ʁɟ ɦɨɝɚɨ ɢɦɚɬɢ ɨɞɪɟɲɟɧɟ ɪɭɤɟ ɞɚ ɛɚɪɟɦ ɫɚɦɟ ɝɪɚɞɢɬɟʂɟ
ɩɨɡɨɜɟ ɞɚ ɢɫɩɭɧɟ ɫɜɨʁ ɞɟɨ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɭɝɨɜɨɪɧɢɯ ɨɛɚɜɟɡɚ.

Century, London 1912, vol. I, 42–50; E. Zanini, Technology and Ideas: Architects and Master-builders in
the Early Byzantine World, Tech. Tr., 381–405; J. Crow, The Infrastructure of a Great City. Earth, Walls
and Water in Late Antique Constantinople, op. cit., 251– 285; C. Diehl, Justinien et la civilization byzan-
tine au Vie siècle, Paris 1901, 537–543; D. Claude, 49–84, 97–137, 161–195; cf. R. Santangeli Valenzani,
Public and Private Building Activity in Late Antique Rome, 436–449.
92
CJ 8.10.4.
106 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

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110 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 75–111

Marko Draškoviï
(Institute for Byzantine Studies of the SASA, Belgrade)

SOME REMARKS ON ECONOMIC HISTORY OF BYZANTINE SARDIS


IN THE 5TH CENTURY

The paper tries to give another interpretation of the economic, social and other
relative circumstances that led to signing of a famous treaty between defensor and
builders of Sardis in 459. The paper begins with survey of local history of Sardis
during early byzantine epoch. Then comes overiew of the city`s known contemporary
institutions. After this, the work gives functional survey of the economic branches
in contemporary Sardis, known from the written and material sources – metal
craftsmanship (both state fabrica of arms an private establishments), cloth and food
dealers, main trading streets, but most extensively the rich building activity, especially
public building. After this, the paper recalls many relevant singularities from the
history of early byzantine artisan builders and their collegia, including ways of their
engagement, pay, privileges and relations with other craftsman groups. The paper
then gives an extensive comment on treaty of 459, concentrating on technical term
meaning and all the particulars that could be observed without ambiguity.
After this remarks and functional digressions, the work comes to the most
intriguing question of the treaty – what actually happened, which economic and
social events made defensor of Sardis to make this treaty. The document explicitly
says that building artisans of Sardis left their works unÞnished, obstructed their
employers and even drove some of them away. Very intriguing is the passage
which anticipates the possibility that employer hires new builders, and that these
artisans also obstruct and drive away the employer. C. Foss explained all of this as
a kind of builders` strike, aimed at getting higher work prices. The obstacle for this
hypothesis is the fact that treaty doesn`t hint any price increase, on contrary, and
that it`s almost impossible to prove existence of any sort of proscribed builders`
service prices in early byzantine period. P. Garnsey highlighted that 9th passage
of Zeno`s constitution (483) mentions symptoms of builders` obstruction very
similar to those in the Sardis treaty – leaving the buildings unÞnished and direct
obstructing of the employers and later-employed colleagues. Garnsey supposes that
sardian and constantinopolitan builders had very similar motifes for this behavior,
which I certainly have to agree with. But, Garnsay supposes that this motif was a
smiple fraud – to take the money from employer and then go away permanently
from him (to espace from him, to say). The obstacle for this interpretation lies in
the fact that both treaty of 459 and constitution of 483 clearly show that builders
didn`t go away from their employers after receiving pay, on contrary, they show that
builders stayed on their employer`s building sites and obstructed employers from
there. For unknown reasons, Þrst eight passages of Zeno`s constitution on private
buildings had not been considered for explaining of the builder`s behavour, despite
the fact that they directly and precisely describe and explain the circusmtances that
led to builder`s obstructions. Namely, Þrst eight passages (especially 1st, 2nd, 4th,
7th and 8th) elaborate that many people, suspective and jealous of their neighbours`
ɆȺɊɄɈ ȾɊȺɒɄɈȼɂȶ: ɂɡ ɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɚɪɞɚ ɭ V ɜɟɤɭ 111

new building projects, like to forbid their neighbours to continue with building,
declaring that neighbour has damaged his private or public space, by violating the
laws regarding free space between two private buildings or regarding maximal
height of building. As passages of constitution clearly say, this situation leads to
long ligitations and induces builders to stop their work; moreover, this situation
induces Þrst-employed builders to obstruct their colleagues who try to continue
and complete their job. Emperor clearly asserts that continuation of works can be
accomplished by shortening ligitation of this cases, and by legal forcing of new-
hired builders to Þnish the buildings. Is it quite clear that the whole constitution
describes conseqences of operis novi nuntiatio – right of every citizen (especially
the neighbour) to stop any building project by simple verbal declaring that it, in
some concrete way, violates his own or public space. As it is widely known, usage
of this right led to many ligiations and builder`s abandon of work through roman
history, especially during reign of Justinian. As treaty of Sardis and Zeno`s building
constitution mention the same symptoms of builder`s obstruction, I think there
is enough possibility that operis novis nuntiatio was the main cause of builder`s
behaviour in Sardis too. Operis novi nuntiatio obligated the builders, before all
others, to stop their work; the fear of legal consequences of violating nuntiatio and
the neighbour`s inßuence could induce Þrst-hired builders to stop later-hired ones
in their continuing the work, or even to drive persistent employers away. In such
situation, when this complications lasted too long, defensor of Sardis could call to
work those builders whose empleyers have obtained some ofÞcial permissions to
continue with work.
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ L, 2013
Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’études byzantines L, 2013

UDC: 94(497.2:495.02)"06/09"
DOI: 10.2298/ZRVI1350113N

GEORGI N. NIKOLOV
(Historische Fakultät, St.-Kliment-Ochridski-Universität SoÞa)

VORWÄRTS NACH KONSTANTINOPEL! DIE ENTSTEHUNG


DER IDEE ÜBER DIE EROBERUNG DER BYZANTINISCHEN
HAUPTSTADT DURCH DIE BULGAREN
Die Bulgaren lernen die byzantinische Hauptstadt schon im 6.–7. Jh. kennen.
Mehrere bulgarische Herrscher besuchen persönlich Konstantinopel und treffen sich mit
dem byzantinischen Kaiser. Während der Regierung des Khans Krum (796–814) ent-
steht die Idee über die Eroberung der Stadt durch die Bulgaren.
Schlüsselwörter: Konstantinopel, Bulgaren, 6.–9. Jh., Khan Krum.

The Bulgarians acquainted themselves with the Byzantine capital as early as the
6th–8th centuries. Several Bulgarian rulers visited Constantinople in person and met with
the Byzantine emperor. During the rule of Khan Ʉrum (796–814) there arose the idea of
a Bulgarian conquest of the city.
Keywords: Constantinople, Bulgarians, 6th–9th c., Khan Krum.

Es ist wohl bekannt, dass seit der Festlegung der Reichshauptstadt (ofÞziell wird
der 11. Mai 330 als Datum dieses Ereignisses angenommen) in Byzantion, welches
der Mittelpunkt dreier Reiche im Laufe von 1593 Jahren war: des Oströmischen/
Byzantinischen (330–1204; 1261–1453, insgesamt 1066 Jahre lang!), des Lateinischen
(1204–1261, oder 57 Jahre lang) und des Osmanischen Reichs (1453–1923, oder
470 Jahre lang), die Stadt-Festung lange Zeit, bis hin zu den Balkankriegen im 20.
Jahrhundert, zum erträumten Ziel mehrerer Stämme, Völker und Staaten wurde.
Lediglich dreimal wurde die Stadt während dieser 16 Jahrhunderte erobert: am 12.
April 1204, am 25. Juli 1261 und am 29. Mai 1453.
Bereits im 4. Jahrhundert gab die einheimische Bevölkerung an der Bosporus-
Meerenge der Stadt einen neuen, politischen Namen: ÍÝá þìç
૮ (Neues Rom). Nach
dem Tod des spätrömischen Kaisers Konstantinos I. des Großen (324–337) wurde
schon die Hauptstadt nach ihm umbenannt – Êùíóôáíôéíïýðïëéò – ein Name, den
die Griechen heute noch verwenden. Die mittelalterlichen Bulgaren hingegen gaben
114 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 113–122

der Stadt die slavische Benennung Zarigrad, d.h. Zarenstadt (Ãðàä öýñàðñê¶è).1 Die
unermesslichen Reichtümer der byzantinischen Hauptstadt, ihr Ruhm als Reichs-
und Christenzentrum nährten die Appetite auf die Eroberung. Die Illusion, dass
dies nach Kräften eines jeden Eroberers war, stärkte noch mehr die Hoffnung auf
eine Erfüllung dieses Traums. Es ist ein Paradox, dass Konstantinopel den meisten
Angriffen und Belagerungen eben im Frühmittelalter, als das Byzantinische Reich
auf dem Höhepunkt seiner politischen und militärischen Macht in Südosteuropa und
Kleinasien auch war, ausgesetzt wurde. Den Blick auf die Stadt richteten Goten,
Hunnen, Perser, Awaren, Araber, Russen usw. Das Misslingen derer Aktionen ließ die
neuen Prätendenten auf die Eroberung vom „Auge der Welt“ nicht verzweifeln. Das
Endziel war klar: Verwüstung und Ausplünderung der Großen Stadt.
Relativ früh erhielten die Bulgaren eine Vorstellung über die byzantinische
Hauptstadt Konstantinopel.2 Zum einen waren es die persönlichen Eindrücke einiger
bulgarischer Anführer, die die Reichshauptstadt mit den eigenen Augen gesehen hat-
ten. Zum anderen waren es die Auskünfte von Augenzeugen, die ihren Zuhörern über
das Gesehene dort berichteten.
Wahrscheinlich waren die Bulgaren, die innerhalb der Grenzen des Hunnenreichs
lebten, unter den ersten, die sich Kenntnis vom Zentrum des Rhomäischen Reichs ver-
schafften, und einige von ihnen sahen die neue Hauptstadt des Reichs vielleicht schon
in der ersten Hälfte des 5. Jahrhunderts.
Die Beeinßussung durch das Byzantinische Reich macht sich unter den bulga-
rischen Stämmen, die in den Gebieten im Norden vom Schwarzen und Asowschen
Meer lebten, bereits im 6. Jahrhundert bemerkbar. Eines der frühesten Zeugnisse da-
von ist die Bekehrung des bulgarischen Führers Grod im Jahre 527. Der byzantinische
Chronist Johannes Malalas (ca. 490 – ca. 570) schreibt, dass der „Zar der Hunnen“
(d.h. der Bulgaren) namens Grod ( Ãñ˜ä
), der unweit vom Bosporus lebte (heute
Meerenge von Kerþen) auf die Seite des Kaisers Iustinianos I. des Großen (527–565)
übertrat. Er kam nach Konstantinopel ( dëôåí Tí Êùíóôáíôéíïðüëåé
) und ließ sich
taufen. Der Kaiser selbst wurde sein Taufpate und nachdem er ihn reichlich beschenkt
hatte, schickte er ihn in sein Land zurück, um die rhomäischen Herrschaftsgebiete und
den Bosporus zu schützen.3 Wahrscheinlich ist dies der erste mit seinem Namen be-
kannte bulgarische Führer, der nicht nur Konstantinopel besuchte, sondern auch den
Kaiser persönlich traf, wobei dieser zu seinem Täufer im christlichen Glauben wurde.
1
V. Gjuzelev, Carigrad i Bǎlgarite prez Srednovekovieto (Vȱȱ–ɏV vek), Istoriþesko bǎdešte 2/1
(1998) 3–4 (Gjuzelev, Carigrad i Bǎlgarite).
2
Zum Verhältnis der Bulgaren zu Konstantinopel hat Vassil Gjuzelev in den letzen Jahren mehrere
Aufsätze verfasst: Gjuzelev, Carigrad i Bǎlgarite 3–11; Idem, „Obšta stolica na cjalata vselena i vseobšt
pazar “. Carigrad – meþta za zavladjavane i stopansko središte za srednovekovnite bǎlgari, V tǎrsene na
istinata. Profesor Nikolaj Genþev. Jubilejno izdanie po sluþaj 70 godini ot roždenieto na profesor Nikolaj
Genþev, SoÞja 2002, 61–70; Idem, Carigrad, Kirilo-Metodievska enciklopedija 4 Ɍ–Ja. Dopǎlnenie, SoÞja
2003, 460–469.
3
Ioannes Malalas, Chronographia, ed. I. Thurn, CFHB 35, Series Berolinensis, Berolini et Novi
Eboraci 2000, 360.51–361.55. Theophanes der Bekenner berichtet das gleiche, ohne die Ankunft in
Konstantinopel ausdrücklich zu erwähnen – Theophanes, Chronographia ȱ, ed. C. de Boor, Lipsiae 1883,
175.24–28 (= Theophanes, Chronographia).
GEORGI N. NIKOLOV: Vorwärts nach Konstantineopel! … 115

In der Mitte des 6. Jahrhunderts provozierte das Byzantinische Reich einen


Konßikt zwischen den bulgarischen Stämmen Kutriguren und Utiguren. Während
ihrer Kriegshandlungen setzte sich ein Teil von ihnen mit der Zentralmacht in
Konstantinopel in Verbindung. Es ist bekannt, dass der Utigurenführer Sandil
Gesandte zum byzantinischen Kaiser Iustinianos I. schickte, die vor diesem den
Standpunkt ihres Herrschers zum Ausdruck bringen sollten. Dieses Treffen erfolgte
in Konstantinopel. 4
Durchaus gefährlich war die Belagerung von Konstantinopel im Sommer des
Jahres 626. Dem persischen Heer, mit dem Heerführer Shahrbaraz an der Spitze,
schloss sich damals auch der Awarenkhagan an, der eine bewaffnete Vielzahl von
Awaren, Slaven, Bulgaren (Kutriguren) und Gepiden mit sich führte. Zu dieser Zeit war
der byzantinische Kaiser Herakkleios (610–641) in Lazika, fern von der Hauptstadt.
Schließlich hatte die Attacke der byzantinischen Flotte gegen die slavischen Einbäume
die entscheidende Rolle für den Abstoß der Belagerer.5 Dies war zudem der erste Fall,
in dem Bulgaren und Slaven gemeinsam Konstantinopel belagerten.
Durchaus unklar sind die frühen Jahre vom Leben des bulgarischen Khans
Kubrat (605–665).6 Dennoch kann angenommen werden, dass er Konstantinopel
mindestens einmal (womöglich auch zweimal)7 besuchte. Bei der Verleihung des
Patriziertitels / Patrikios (ca. 635) – wurde er repräsentativ getauft und in den christ-
lichen Glauben eingeführt. Es ist selbstverständlich anzunehmen, dass dies in der by-
zantinischen Hauptstadt und nicht in den Territorien des bulgarischen Herrschers er-
folgte. Die reichlichen Geschenke, die Kubrat vom rhomäischen Basileos Herakkleios
erhielt, sind unter den Gegenständen aus dem Schatzfund von Malaja Perešþepina
partiell belegt.8
Auch die Nachkommen des Khans Kubrat erhielten in einem oder anderem
Maße eine Vorstellung von der byzantinischen Hauptstadt. Im Jahre 680 unter-
nahm der Khan Kubrat, an der Spitze der Bulgaren-Unnogonduren stehend, einen
Feldzug nach Thrakien, wobei er bis an die Randgebiete von Konstantinopel gelang-
te. Mit Bezug auf einen späteren Zeitpunkt, zu dem der bulgarisch-byzantinische
4
Procopius Caesariensis, De bello Gothico, Opera Ƞmnia ȱ, ed. J. Haury, Lipsiae 1905, 584–589.
5
Unter den neuesten Untersuchungen zu dieser Frage: W. Pohl, Die Awaren. Ein Steppenvolk in
Mitteleuropa 567–822 n. Chr., München 1988, 248–255; M. Hurbaniþ, Posledná vojna antiky. Avarský
útok na Konštantínopol roku 626 v historických súvislostiach, Prešov 2009; Idem, História a mýtus.
Avarský útok na Konštantínopol roku 626 v legendách, Prešov 2010.
6
V. Beševliev, Kubrat, Izvestija na Narodnija muzej – Varna 28/43 (1992) 5–12.
7
Nach V. Gjuzelev (Iv. Božilov, V. Gjuzelev, Istorija na srednovekovna Vȱȱ–ɏȱV vek, SoÞja 1999,
76 (= Božilov–Gjuzelev, Istorija) hat der Khan Kubrat zweimal Konstantinopel besucht: das erste Mal
gegen 619, als er getauft wurde und für eine gewisse Zeit im Hof des byzantinischen Kaisers lebte. Sein
zweiter Besuch wird auf das Jahr 635 bzw. etwas später bezogen. Eine kritische Analyse der Auskünfte
über den Khan Kubrat, die in der Chronik des Johannes von Nikiu enthalten sind, ist vorgenommen wor-
den von: V. M. Lur’e, Ioann Nikiusskij ɋɏɏ 46–49. Opyt novogo proþtenija, Études balkaniques 30/4
(1994) 95–109.
8
J. Verner, Pogrebalnata nahodka ot Malaja Perešþepina i Kubrat – han na bǎlgarite. Prevod ot nem-
ski M. Matliev, SoÞja 1988; V. N. Zaleskaja, I. P. Zaseckaja, K. V. Kasparova, Z. A. Lvova, B. I. Maršak, I. V.
Sokolova, M. B. Šþukin, Sǎkrovište na han Kubrat. Kultura na bǎlgari, hazari, slavjani, SoÞja 1989.
116 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 113–122

Friedensvertrag von 681 geschlossen wurde, kann angenommen werden, dass sich
Gesandte des Khans ebenfalls in der Hauptstadt aufhielten.9
Die Bulgaren vom Awarenkhaganat, die sich im 7. Jahrhundert in Makedonien
niedergelassen hatten, erreichten ebenso die Mauern der Reichshauptstadt. Nach dem
misslungenen Versuch der vom Khagan Kuber angeführten Bulgaren, Tessaloniki
zu erobern, kam einer seiner nächsten Mitkämpfer, Mauros, zusammen mit einer
Gruppe von Gleichgesinnten, nach Konstantinopel und traf sich mit dem Basileos
Konstantinos ȱV. (668–685). Mauros bekam eine Einstellung und hielt sich im Reich
auf, wahrscheinlich in dessen Hauptstadt. Nach der Anklage in Verschwörung, welche
auch aufgedeckt worden ist, wurde Mauros seines Amtes enthoben und in die Vororte
der Hauptstadt ( Tí ðñïáóôåߥ ) verbannt.10
Einer Beschreibung der Konstantinopeler Sehenswürdigkeiten zufolge ( ÐÜôñéá
Êùíóôáíôéíïõðüëåùò ) verwüstete der „Khagan“, ein nicht namentlich erwähnter
×áãÜíïí ô{í Dñ÷ïíôá Âïõëãáñßáò
Bulgarenherrscher ( ), das ganze Thrakien wäh-
rend der Regierung des byzantinischen Kaisers Tiberios III. Apsimar (698–705) und
gelangte bis zu den Stadttoren der byzantinischen Hauptstadt. Dies veranlasste den
Kaiser dazu, das Kastell “Kastellin” an der Nordküste des Goldenen Horns zu errich-
ten.11 Es lässt sich vermuten, dass dieser Angriff vom Khan Tervel (701–722) organi-
siert wurde. Die Ursachen hierfür sind ungewiss.
Gerade während der Regierung von Tervel knüpften die Bulgaren intensivere
Kontakte mit den Regierenden im Reich an, und der bulgarische Herrscher weilte
längere Zeit in Konstantinopel sowie in dessen Vororten. Zunächst kam Tervel zur
byzantinischen Hauptstadt im Jahre 705, als er mit seinem Heer dem Prätendenten auf
den Kaiserthron, dem vorher gestürzten Basileos Iustinianos II. Rhinotmetheis (685–
695; 705–711) zur Hilfe eilte. Nachdem Iustinianos II. den Thron wieder erhalten
hatte, blieb das bulgarische Heer vor den Mauern Konstantinopels für einige Monate
(vom Sommer bis zum Spätherbst des Jahres 705). Als Zeichen der Danksagung ging
der byzantinische Kaiser ins Lager der Bulgaren, warf dem Khan Tervel eine kaiser-
liche Chlamis um und würdigte ihn mit dem Titel „Kaisar”. Danach fand ein üppiges
Fest statt, an dem sich beide Herrscher beteiligten. Somit erhielt der Khan Tervel
persönlich im Jahre 705 eine Vorstellung von der Hauptstadt des mächtigen Reichs.
Der bulgarische Khan wurde getauft und danach in die Hofbasilika mit der goldenen
Dachdecke eingeführt, wo er dann häuÞg neben dem Chasaren Ibuzeros Gliabanos
(Bruder der Frau von Iustinianos) saß. Darin hielt der bulgarische Khan nun eine Rede
und wurde von den Rhomäern reichlich beschenkt.12
9
Zu den Ereignissen von 680–681 vgl. die Auskünfte des Theophanes, Chronographia, 358–
359; Nicephorus patriarchus Constantinopolitanus, Breviarium historicum, ɟd. C. Mango, CFHB 13,
Washingtonae D. C., 1990, 88, 90 (= Nicephorus).
10
Zu den Handlungen von Kuber und Mauros vgl. das fünfte Wunder von den Wundern des heili-
gen Demetrius: P. Lemerle, Les plus anciens recueils de miracles de saint Démétrius et la pénétration des
Slaves dans les Balkans I. Le Texte, Paris 1979, 227–234.
11
Scriptores originum Constantinopolitanorum ȱȱ, ed. Th. Preger, Lipsiae 1907, 265. 13–17. Eine
Analyse dieser Auskunft, A. Berger, Untersuchungen zu den Patria Konstantinupoleos (= ȆȅǿȀǿȁǹ
ǺȊǽǹȃȉǿȃǹ 8), Bonn 1988, 689–691.
12
Theophanes, Chronographia, 374. 16–375. 1; Nicephorus, 102. 58–104. 64; Suidas, Lexicon ȱ,
ed. A. Adler, Lipsiae 1928, 483. 21–29; Scriptores originum Constantinopolitanorum ȱ, ed. Th. Preger,
GEORGI N. NIKOLOV: Vorwärts nach Konstantineopel! … 117

Im Jahre 712 verwüstete das Heer des bulgarischen Khans Ostthrakien, begab
sich nach Konstantinopel und gelangte bis an das Goldene Tor selbst ( ô\ò ×ñõó\ò
ðüñôçò ) – den Paradeeingang der Festungsmauer. Somit hatten die Bulgaren nun
ein nächstes Mal die Gelegenheit, die Reichshauptstadt zu erreichen und sie ken-
nen zu lernen.13 Die Beziehungen zwischen dem Bulgarischen Khanat und dem
Byzantinischen Reich waren überaus intensiv auch in den nächsten Jahren. Der bul-
garisch-byzantinische Vertrag aus dem Jahr 716 ist ein undirekter Beleg hierfür, und
die bulgarische Präsenz in Konstantinopel war eine natürliche Folge davon. Nach den
Vertragsklauseln sollten die Bulgaren eine gewisse Menge an teuren Gewändern und
an Rotleder von Byzanz erhalten. Dies wurde über bulgarische Gesandte realisiert,
die dem Brauch nach in die byzantinische Hauptstadt kamen. Die Handelsklausel im
Vertrag vermittelt Auskünfte über bulgarische und byzantinische Händler in beiden
Ländern: Ein Hauptziel der bulgarischen Händler war die rhomäische Hauptstadt, wo
sich eben der größte Markt im Reich befand.14
Bevor aber die Bulgaren ihren Anspruch auf die Eroberung von Konstantinopel
erhoben, wurden sie zu seinen Verteidigern. Während der arabischen Belagerung der
byzantinischen Hauptstadt im Jahre 717–718 war es gerade das bulgarische Heer,
das, wahrscheinlich von Tervels Heerführer Kormesios (Kormisoš) angeführt, die
Hauptstadt verteidigte und die entscheidende Rolle für das Zurückwerfen der musli-
mischen Gefahr hatte.15 Dies war eine nächste Gelegenheit, bei der die Bulgaren die
Reichshauptstadt kennen lernen konnten.
In den darauf folgenden Jahrzehnten des 8. Jahrhunderts nahm der Einzug
von Bulgaren sowohl in Konstantinopel als auch in andere Siedlungen des Reichs
zu. Während der brudermörderischen Kämpfe um die oberste Macht zwischen den
Geschlechtern Dulo, Vokil (Ukil) und Ugain fanden mehrere Bulgaren, die zu den
„Geheimfreunden“ des byzantinischen Kaisers zählten, Zußucht im Reich. Die bulga-
rische Diaspora in Konstantinopel war auf verschiedensten Ebenen der Kaisermacht
vertreten. In der zweiten Hälfte des 8. und im ersten Viertel des 9. Jahrhunderts war
ihr Einzug in die Schichten des byzantinischen Mönchtums und insbesondere un-
ter die Mönche des berühmten Konstantinopeler Studionklosters überaus beeindruk-
kend.16 Indes kamen mehrmals bulgarische Gesandte aus verschiedenem Anlass in
die byzantinische Hauptstadt, um mit dem Kaiser Verhandlungen zu führen. Bekannt
sind die Fälle, in denen Gesandte des Khans Sivin (763), des Khans Pagan (d.h. des
bulgarischen Kavkhans) – im Jahre 764, des Khans Telerig (766–777) – im Jahre 775
und des Khans Kardam (777–796) – im Jahre 796 in Konstantinopel weilten. Durch
Lipsiae 1901, 40. 6–8; Božilov–Gjuzelev, Istorija, 105–107.
13
Theophanes. Chronographia, 382. 22–28; Nicephorus, 114. 1–10.
14
Zu den Bedingungen des Vertrags von 716 vgl. Theophanes, Chronographia, 497. 18–26.
15
Eine grundlegende Untersuchung zur Beteiligung der Bulgaren am Abstoß der arabischen
Belagerung von 717–718 ist die Studie von V. Gjuzelev, Uþastieto na bǎlgarite v otblǎskvaneto na arabs-
kata obsada na Carigrad prez 717–718 g. spored srednovekovnite pismeni izvori i interpretacijata mu v
sǎvremenata istoriograÞja, ed. V. Gjuzelev, Srednovekovna Bǎlgarija v svetlinata na novi izvori, SoÞja
1981, 129–155; I. Rochow, Byzanz im 8. Jahrhundert in der Sicht des Theophanes. Quellenkritisch-histo-
rischer Kommentar zu den Jahren 715–813, Berlin 1991, 96–97.
16
Božilov–Gjuzelev, Istorija, 112–125; V. Gjuzelev, Studijskijat manastir i bǎlgarite prez
Srednovekovieto (Vȱȱȱ–ɏȱV v.), ZRVI 39 (2001–2002) 53–58.
118 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 113–122

eine Flucht ins Reich und aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach eben in Konstantinopel ließen
sich die ehemaligen bulgarischen Khane Sivin und Telerig nieder.17
Wie es ersichtlich wurde, nahm die bulgarische Präsenz in der byzantinischen
Hauptstadt Konstantinopel nach und nach zu. Diese war eines der Elemente im
Leben der kosmopolitischen Stadt am Bosporus. Zugleich wurden die Auskünfte und
Kenntnisse über Konstantinopel in Bulgarien immer größer. Neben der Vorstellung
über die Reichtümer der rhomäischen Hauptstadt wurde den Bulgaren bewusst, dass
gerade sie das Herz des politischen Reichsorganismus ist.
Die Regierung des Khans Krum (796–814) löste einen wesentlichen Wandel in
der Beziehung der Bulgaren zur byzantinischen Hauptstadt aus. Wahrscheinlich hatte
dieser bulgarische Herrscher bereits auch andere Auskünfte darüber, bevor er selbst zu
den Festungsmauern der Stadt gelangte. Der Schwager Krums, Konstantinos Patzikos,
der mit der Schwester des Khans verheiratet war, war ein Rhomäer. Zu seiner Zeit
befanden sich ebenso andere angesehene Byzantiner in bulgarischer Gefangenschaft.
Unter ihnen war der konvertierte Araber Evmatios, der zu Krums Diensten über-
trat. Im Jahre 813 nahmen einige byzantinische Strategen wichtige Positionen in der
Regierung des Bulgarischen Khanats ein. Erst nach den militärischen Siegeserfolgen
über die byzantinische Armee von 811–813 richtete der bulgarische Khan den Blick
auf Konstantinopel.
Im Sommer des Jahres 813 beherrschte Krum fast das ganze Thrakien mit den
Festungen Beroia (heute Stara Zagora), Kleinnikaia, Probaton, Philippupolis (heu-
te Plovdiv) und Philippi (beim heutigen Kavala). Ihm unterstellten sich zudem die
strategischen Zentren an der westlichen Schwarzmeerküste wie Anchialos (heute
Pomorie), Mesembria (heute Nesebăr), Debeltos, Ranuli (heute Vălþanovo Kale),
Sozopolis usw. Der ganze Brückenkopf zur byzantinischen Hauptstadt mit Ausnahme
von Adrianupolis unterstand dem bulgarischen Herrscher.18
Nach dem Sieg über den neuen Basileos Michael I. Rhangabe (811–813) bei
Versinikia (am 22. Juni 813) erreichte der Khan Krum zum ersten Mal die Mauern
der Kaiserstadt. Gleichsam löste dieser Sieg den Trieb zur Einnahme der rhomäischen
Hauptstadt aus. Und von da aus war es nur ein Schritt bis zur Unterwerfung des Reichs.
Belagert wurde zunächst Adrianupolis – die stärkste europäische Festung in der Nähe.
Am 17. Juli 813 demonstrierte der Khan Krum vor den Mauern Konstantinopels
selbst seine Mächtigkeit und die Absicht, die Stadt zu erobern. Vassil Gjuzelev hat
folgende prägnante Einschätzung seiner Handlungen gegeben: “Eben von diesem
Tag an scheint die Idee über die Eroberung Konstantinopels und die Niederschlagung
des Byzantinischen Reichs in den Gedanken Krums entstanden zu sein. Diese erwies
sich als eines der schmerzlichsten Syndrome in der frühmittelalterlichen Geschichte
Bulgariens”19 Der Verfasser einer anonymen Chronik (in der Wissenschaft mit der
lateinischen Benennung Scriptor incertus20 bekannt) hält Folgendes fest:
17
Theophanes. Chronographia, 433.17–18, 436.9–13, 448.4–9, 451.5–9, 470.10–12.
18
Ausführliche Darlegung und Verweise auf die Quellen zu den Handlungen des Khans Krum in:
Božilov–Gjuzelev, Istorija, 128–134.
19
Ibidem, 135.
20
Zu diesem Aufsatz, zu seiner Struktur und Autorschaft vgl. A. P. Každan, L. F. Šeri, H. Angelidi,
Istorija vizantijskoj literatury (650–850 gg.), Sankt-Peterburg 2002, 270–274.
GEORGI N. NIKOLOV: Vorwärts nach Konstantineopel! … 119

“Übrigens kamen die Bulgaren sogar bis zu den Stadttoren, ohne dass sich je-
mand ihnen entgegensetzte oder sie aufhielt. Und Krum machte eine Opferdarbringung
nach seiner Sitte jenseits des Goldenen Tores, wobei er viele Tiere und Menschen op-
ferte. Er tauchte seine Füße ins Wasser an der Meeresküste, wusch sich und bestreute
seine Krieger mit Wasser; von diesen bejubelt ging er weiter unter seine Konkubinen,
welche sich vor ihm verbeugten und ihn lobpriesen. Alle beobachteten das von den
Stadtmauern her, und niemand wagte es, ihn zu stoppen oder einen Pfeil gegen ihn zu
schießen. Nachdem er all seiner Lust und all seinem Wunsch Genüge getan hatte, um-
zingelte er die Stadt und ließ einen Wall darum ( Vâáëåí ÷Üñáêá Tð'áˆôi
) errichten,
und verbrachte so mehrere Tage, wobei er die Orte außerhalb der Stadt ausplünderte”.21
Bereits damals war dem Khan Krum bewusst, dass er mit dem von ihm geführten
Heer die Stadt schwerlich einnehmen konnte. Daher stellte er, indem er den Bewohnern
Konstantinopels Angst einjagte, gewisse Bedingungen für den eigenen Rückzug (Erhalt
von Gold, von großer Menge an Gewändern und von einer bestimmten Zahl auserle-
sener Mädels).22 Um seine Überlegenheit zu zeigen, verlangte Krum von dem byzanti-
nischen Kaiser Leon V. dem Armenier (813–820), dass ihm erlaubt wird, sein Speer in
das Goldene Tor der byzantinischen Hauptstadt selbst einzuschlagen. Und als der Kaiser
diese Forderung verwarf, kehrte der Bulgare in sein Zelt zurück.23
Bekanntlich wurde ein Treffen zwischen beiden Herrschern vereinbart, wäh-
rend dessen die Rhomäer einen missglückten Versuch unternahmen, einen Anschlag
auf Krum zu verüben. Dies erzürnte den bulgarischen Khan und er erteilte den
Befehl, die ganze Umgebung um die byzantinische Hauptstadt herum zu verwüsten.
Danach nahm er Adrianupolis ein und kehrte in sein Land zurück. Im Januar des
Jahres 814 erfolgte noch ein bulgarischer Feldzug nach Ostthrakien. Die während
der Kriegsaktionen von 813–814 in Ostthrakien gefangengenommene byzantinische
Bevölkerung, ca. 100 Tausend Menschen, wurde nach Bulgarien geführt.24 Dies wurde
mit dem strategischen Ziel gemacht, bei einer künftigen Belagerung Konstantinopel
in Isolation und ohne Möglichkeiten für Hilfe aus dem umliegenden Land zu lassen.
Im Frühling des Jahres 814 begann im Bulgarischen Khanat eine bisher noch
nie gesehene Vorbereitung auf einen Feldzug nach Konstantinopel und auf dessen
Eroberung. Der Khan Krum sammelte ein großes Heer, wobei er diesem Awaren
und Abteilungen von allen Slavinien anschloss. In Bulgarien wurden jedwede
Belagerungsmaschinen (hohe mobile Türme, große Steinschleuder, „Schildkröten“,
hohe Leitern, Steinbälle, Hebel und Kreuzhacken, „Böcke“ und Gestelle zum
Pfeilwurf, Feuer- und Steinwürfe, „Skorpione“ zum Pfeilwurf, Schleuder und alle
21
Scriptor incertus. Testo critico, traduzione e note a cura di F. Iadevaia, Messina 1987, 50.37–
51.51 (= Scriptor incertus).
22
Ibidem, 51. 50–52. In diesem Sinne sind auch die Auskünfte von Theophanes dem Bekenner,
der festhält, dass „Krum, über die Stadtmauern und das wohl aufgestellte kaiserliche Heer verdutzt, in
Verzweißung über die geplante Belagerung geriet, auf ein Abkommen zusteuerte und den Versuch machte,
Friedensverhandlungen aufzunehmen“ – Theophanes, Chronographia, 503. 14–17.
23
Theophanes, Chronographia, 503. 10–14. Zum Sinn dieser Forderung vgl. G. N. Nikolov, Edin
srednovekoven motiv v poezijata na Andrej Germanov, ýovek i vreme. Sbornik v pamet na Sabina
Beljaeva, SoÞja 1997, 297–298.
24
Theophanes. Chronographia, 503. 17–25; Scriptor incertus, 51. 53–56. 188. Cf. Božilov–
Gjuzelev, Istorija, 136–137.
120 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 113–122

weiteren Belagerungsanlagen) gebaut. Auf Befehl des Khans wurden Tausende von
Ochsen in den Ställen zusammengepfercht, die 5 Tausend eisenbeschlagene Wagen zu
ziehen hatten, welche mit jedweden Waffen für die Belagerung und den Angriff auf
Konstantinopel beladen waren. Das Endziel war die Einnahme der Stadt.25
Noch nie wurden in der Geschichte des mittelalterlichen Bulgariens so
groß angelegte Vorbereitungen auf die Eroberung der byzantinischen Hauptstadt
Konstantinopel getroffen. Der Khan Krum setzte alle Militärkräfte seines Staates
zur Verwirklichung seines Ziels ein: dem Reich nach einer Reihe von verwüstenden
Feldzügen den Todesschlag zu versetzen. Die Siege über drei byzantinische Kaiser
(Nikephoros I. (802–811), Michaɟl ȱ. und Leon V.) stärkten sein Selbstbewusstsein und
setzten seine politische Selbstsicherheit frei. Die Berichte der rhomäischen Chronisten
über die Vorbereitungen und das Anliegen des bulgarischen Herrschers hinterlassen
den ullusionären Eindruck, dass allein sein zufälliger (oder auf Gottesfügung gekom-
mener) Tod die Eroberung Konstantinopels durch die Bulgaren verhinderte. Hundert
Jahre später wurde diese Illusion wieder belebt und fand ihren Ausdruck in den
Kriegshandlungen des bulgarischen Zaren Symeon I. des Großen (893–927).
(Übersetzung aus dem Bulgarischen ins Deutsche: Hristo Stantschev)

ɅɂɋɌȺ ɊȿɎȿɊȿɇɐɂ – LIST OF REFERENCES


ɂɡɜɨɪɢ – Primary Sources

Ioannes Malalas, Chronographia, ed. I. Thurn, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 35, Series
Berolinensis, Berolini et Novi Eboraci 2000.
Lemerle P. (éd.), Les plus anciens recueils de miracles de saint Démétrius et la pénétration des Slaves dans
les Balkans. I. Le Texte, Paris 1979.
Nicephorus patriarchus Constantinopolitanus, Breviarium historicum, ɟd. C. Mango, Corpus Fontium
Historiae Byzantinae 13, Washingtonae, D. C. 1990.
Procopius Caesariensis. De bello Gothico, Opera Ƞmnia I, ed. J. Haury, Lipsiae 1905.
Scriptor incertus. Testo critico, traduzione e note a cura di F. Iadevaia, Messina 1987.
Scriptores originum Constantinopolitanorum ȱ, ed. Th. Preger, Lipsiae 1901.
Scriptores originum Constantinopolitanorum II, ed. Th. Preger, Lipsiae 1907.
Suidas, Lexicon I, ed. A. Adler, Lipsiae 1928.
Theophanes, Chronographia I, ed. C. de Boor, Lipsiae 1883.

Ʌɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ – Secondary Works

Berger A., Untersuchungen zu den Patria Konstantinupoleos (= ȆȅǿȀǿȁǹ ǺȊǽǹȃȉǿȃǹ 8), Bonn 1988.
Hurbaniþ M., História a mýtus. Avarský útok na Konštantínopol roku 626 v legendách, Prešov 2010.
Hurbaniþ M., Posledná vojna antiky. Avarský útok na Konštantínopol roku 626 v historických súvislosti-
ach, Prešov 2009.
Pohl W., Die Awaren. Ein Steppenvolk in Mitteleuropa 567–822 n. Chr., München 1988.
25
Scriptor incertus, 56. 193–58. 223.
GEORGI N. NIKOLOV: Vorwärts nach Konstantineopel! … 121

Rochow I., Byzanz im 8. Jahrhundert in der Sicht des Theophanes. Quellenkritisch – historischer
Kommentar zu den Jahren 715–813, Berlin 1991.
Beševliev V., Kubrat, Izvestija na Narodnija muzej – Varna 28/43 (1992) 5–12.
Božilov Iv., Gjuzelev V., Istorija na srednovekovna Bǎlgarija VII–XIV vek, SoÞja 1999.
Verner J., Pogrebalnata nahodka ot Malaja Perešþepina i Kubrat – han na bǎlgarite. Prevod ot nemski M.
Matliev, SoÞja 1988.
Gjuzelev V., “Obšta stolica na cjalata vselena i vseobšt pazar”. Carigrad – meþta za zavladjavane i stopans-
ko središte za srednovekovnite bǎlgari, V tǎrsene na istinata. Profesor Nikolaj Genþev. Jubillejno
izdanie po sluþaj 70 godini ot roždenieto na profesor Nikolaj Genþev, SoÞja 2002, 61–70.
Gjuzelev V., Studijskijat manastir i bǎlgarite prez Srednovekovieto (VIII–XIV v.), Zbornik radova
Vizantološkog instituta 39 (2001–2002), 51–65.
Gjuzelev V., Uþastieto na bǎlgarite v otblǎskvaneto na arabskata obsada na Carigrad prez 717–718 g. spo-
red sredovekovnite pismeni izvori i intrpretacijata mu v sǎvremennata istoriograÞja, V. Gjuzelev.
Srednovekovna Bǎlgarija v svetlinata na novi izvori, SoÞja 1981, 129–155.
Gjuzelev V., Carigrad, Kirilo-Metodievska enciklopedija 4 T–Ja. Dopǎlnenie, SoÞja 2003, 460–469.
Gjuzelev V., Carigrad i bǎlgarite prez Srednovekovieto (VII–XV vek), Istoriþesko bǎdešte 2/1 (1998)
3–11.
Zaleskaja V. N., Zaseckaja I. P., Kasparova K. V., Lvova Z. A., Maršak B. I., Sokolova I. B., Šþukin, M. B.,
Sǎkrovište na han Kubrat. Kultura na bǎlgari, hazari, slavjani, SoÞja 1989.
Lur’e V. M., Ioann Nikiusskij CXX 46–49. Opyt novogo proþtenija, Études balkaniques 30/4 (1994)
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Každan A. P., Šerri L. F., Angelidi H., Istorija vizantijskoj literatury (650–850 gg.), Sankt-Peterburg 2002.
Nikolov G. N., Edin srednovekoven motiv v poezijata na Andrej Germanov, ýovek i vreme. Sbornik v
pamet na Sabina Beljaeva, SoÞja 1997, 295–303.

ǔǶǿȁǴǹ Ǟ. ǞǹǻǿǼǿdz
(ɂɫɬɨɪɢʁɫɤɢ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬ, ɍɧɢɜɟɪɡɢɬɟɬ ɋɜ. Ʉɥɢɦɟɧɬ Ɉɯɪɢɞɫɤɢ, ɋɨɮɢʁɚ)

ɇȺɉɊȿȾ ɇȺ ɐȺɊɂȽɊȺȾ! ɊȺȭȺȵȿ ɂȾȿȳȿ Ɉ ɈɋȼȺȳȺȵɍ


ȼɂɁȺɇɌɂȳɋɄȿ ɉɊȿɋɌɈɇɂɐȿ ɄɈȾ ȻɍȽȺɊȺ

Ȼɭɝɚɪɢ ɫɭ ɨ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɢ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ ɩɪɜɟ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɟ ɫɬɟɤɥɢ


ɪɟɥɚɬɢɜɧɨ ɪɚɧɨ. ȳɟɞɧɨ ɨɞ ɧɚʁɪɚɧɢʁɢɯ ɫɜɟɞɨɱɚɧɫɬɚɜɚ ɨ ɬɨɦɟ ʁɟɫɬɟ ɩɨɤɪɲɬɚɜɚʃɟ
Ȼɭɝɚɪɢɧɚ ɩɨ ɢɦɟɧɭ Ƚɪɨɞ, 527. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ. ȼɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ʁɟ ɨɧ ɩɪɜɢ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɜɨɻɚ
ɱɢʁɟ ɢɦɟ ɡɧɚɦɨ, ɤɨʁɢ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɛɨɪɚɜɢɨ ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ ɜɟʄ ɫɟ ɥɢɱɧɨ ɫɪɟɨ ɫɚ
ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɨɦ ɤɨʁɢ ɦɭ ʁɟ ɩɨɫɬɚɨ ɤɪɲɬɟɧɢ ɤɭɦ.
Ɉɩɫɚɞɚ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɚ 626. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ɛɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɡɚ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɭ ɜɟɨɦɚ ɨɩɚɫɧɚ, ɚ
ɩɟɪɫɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɜɨɫʁɰɢ, ɤɨʁɭ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɞɜɨɞɢɨ ɜɨʁɫɤɨɜɨɻɚ ɒɚɯɪɛɚɪɚɡ, ɩɪɢɤʂɭɱɢɨ ɫɟ ɢ
ɚɜɚɪɫɤɢ ɤɚɝɚɧ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɩɪɟɞɜɨɞɢɨ ɦɧɨɲɬɜɨ Ⱥɜɚɪɚ, ɋɥɨɜɟɧɚ, Ȼɭɝɚɪɚ ɢ Ƚɟɩɢɞɚ.
Ȼɢɨ ʁɟ ɬɨ ɩɪɜɢ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ɞɚ ɫɭ Ȼɭɝɚɪɢ ɢ ɋɥɨɜɟɧɢ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɨ ɨɩɫɟɞɚɥɢ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞ.
Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ, ɨɤɨ 635. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ, ɞɨɛɢɨ ɬɢɬɭɥɭ ɩɚɬɪɢɰɢʁɚ, ɤɚɧ Ʉɭɜɪɚɬ ɫɟ (605–665) ɢ
122 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 113–122

ɤɪɫɬɢɨ. ɉɪɢɪɨɞɧɨ ʁɟ ɫɦɚɬɪɚɬɢ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɬɨ ɞɨɝɨɞɢɥɨ ɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɢ, ɚ


ɧɟ ɭ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢ ɬɨɝ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɜɥɚɞɚɪɚ. Ȼɨɝɚɬɢ ɩɨɤɥɨɧɢ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ Ʉɭɜɪɚɬ ɬɚɞɚ ɞɨɛɢɨ ɨɞ
ɪɨɦɟʁɫɤɨɝ ɜɚɫɢɥɟɜɫɚ ɂɪɚɤɥɢʁɚ (610–641) ɞɟɥɢɦɢɱɧɨ ɫɭ ɩɨɫɜɟɞɨɱɟɧɢ ɧɚɥɚɡɢɦɚ ɢɡ
Ɇɚɥɟ ɉɟɪɟɲɱɟɩɢɧɟ.
Ɍɨɤɨɦ ɜɥɚɞɟ ɤɚɧɚ Ɍɟɪɜɟɥɚ (701–722) Ȼɭɝɚɪɢ ɫɭ ɭɫɩɨɫɬɚɜɢɥɢ ɢɧɬɟɧɡɢɜɧɢʁɟ
ɤɨɧɬɚɤɬɟ ɫɚ ɜɥɚɞɚɪɢɦɚ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɚ, ɚ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɜɥɚɞɚɪ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɜɟɨ ɞɭɠɟ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɭ
ɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɨʁ ɨɤɨɥɢɧɢ. Ɍɟɪɜɟɥ ɫɟ ɩɪɟɞ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɨɦ ɧɚʁɩɪɟ ɩɨʁɚɜɢɨ
705. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ, ɤɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɫɚ ɜɨʁɫɤɨɦ ɞɨɲɚɨ ɭ ɩɨɦɨʄ ɩɪɟɬɟɧɞɟɧɬɭ ɧɚ ɰɚɪɫɤɢ ɩɪɟɫɬɨ,
ɩɪɟɬɯɨɞɧɨ ɫɜɪɝɧɭɬɨɦɟ ɰɚɪɭ ȳɭɫɬɢɧɢʁɚɧɭ II Ɋɢɧɨɬɦɟɬɭ (685–695; 705–711). Ʉɚɞɚ ʁɟ
ȳɭɫɬɢɧɢʁɚɧ II ɩɨɜɪɚɬɢɨ ɩɪɟɫɬɨ, ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɜɨʁɫɤɚ ʁɟ ɨɫɬɚɥɚ ɩɪɟɞ ɛɟɞɟɦɢɦɚ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɚ
ɢ ɧɚɪɟɞɧɢɯ ɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨ ɦɟɫɟɰɢ (ɨɞ ɥɟɬɚ ɞɨ ɤɚɫɧɟ ʁɟɫɟɧɢ 705). ɍ ɡɧɚɤ ɡɚɯɜɚɥɧɨɫɬɢ
ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɢ ɰɚɪ ʁɟ ɞɨɲɚɨ ɭ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɥɨɝɨɪ ɢ ɭɞɨɫɬɨʁɢɨ Ɍɟɪɜɟɥɚ ɬɢɬɭɥɨɦ ɤɟɫɚɪɚ.
ɉɪɟɦɚ ɨɞɪɟɞɛɚɦɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ-ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɫɩɨɪɚɡɭɦɚ ɢɡ 716. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ɬɪɟɛɚɥɨ ʁɟ ɞɚ
Ȼɭɝɚɪɢ ɨɞ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɝ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɚ ɞɨɛɢʁɚʁɭ ɢɡɜɟɫɧɭ ɤɨɥɢɱɢɧɭ ɫɤɭɩɨɰɟɧɢɯ ɨɞɟɠɞɢ
ɢ ɤɨɠɚ, ɢ ɡɛɨɝ ɬɨɝɚ ɫɭ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɩɨɫɥɚɧɢɰɢ ɞɨɥɚɡɢɥɢ ɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɭ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɭ.
ɉɪɟ ɧɟɝɨ ɲɬɨ ɫɭ ɨɬɜɨɪɟɧɨ ɩɨɤɚɡɚɥɢ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɩɪɟɬɟɧɡɢʁɟ ɞɚ ɡɚɜɥɚɞɚʁɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɨɦ,
Ȼɭɝɚɪɢ ɫɭ ɩɨɫɬɚɥɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɢ ɡɚɲɬɢɬɧɢɰɢ. ɍ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɚɪɚɛʂɚɧɫɤɟ ɨɩɫɚɞɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ
ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɟ 717–718. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɟ ɜɨʁɫɤɚ, ɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨ ɩɪɟɞɜɨɻɟɧɚ Ɍɟɪɜɟɥɨɜɢɦ
ɜɨʁɫɤɨɜɨɻɨɦ ɩɨ ɢɦɟɧɭ Ʉɨɪɦɢɫɨɲ, ɨɞɛɪɚɧɢɥɚ ʁɟ ɝɪɚɞ ɢ ɨɞɢɝɪɚɥɚ ɨɞɥɭɱɭʁɭʄɭ ɭɥɨɝɭ
ɭ ɨɞɛɢʁɚʃɭ ɦɭɫɥɢɦɚɧɫɤɟ ɨɩɚɫɧɨɫɬɢ. Ɍɨɤɨɦ VIII ɜɟɤɚ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɩɨɫɥɚɧɢɰɢ ɫɭ ɩɨ
ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɢɦ ɩɨɜɨɞɢɦɚ ɩɨɫɟʄɢɜɚɥɢ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɭ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɭ ɢ ɩɪɟɝɨɜɚɪɚɥɢ ɫɚ
ɰɚɪɟɦ. ɍ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɨ, ɩɨ ɫɜɨʁ ɩɪɢɥɢɰɢ ɭɩɪɚɜɨ ɭ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞ, ɩɨɛɟɝɥɢ ɫɭ ɢɡ
Ȼɭɝɚɪɫɤɟ ɛɢɜɲɢ ɤɚɧɨɜɢ ɋɢɜɢɧ (763) ɢ Ɍɟɥɟɪɢɝ (766–777). ɍɩɨɪɟɞɨ ɫɚ ɫɬɢɰɚʃɟɦ
ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɚ ɨ ɛɨɝɚɬɫɬɜɭ ɪɨɦɟʁɫɤɟ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɟ, Ȼɭɝɚɪɢ ɫɭ ɫɯɜɚɬɢɥɢ ɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɨɧɚ
ɫɪɟɞɢɲɬɟ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɤɨɝ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɦɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɢʁɟ.
ȼɥɚɞɚɜɢɧɚ ɤɚɧɚ Ʉɪɭɦɚ (796–814) ɭɧɟɥɚ ʁɟ ɫɭɲɬɢɧɫɤɭ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɭ ɭ ɨɞɧɨɫ Ȼɭɝɚɪɚ
ɩɪɟɦɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɢ. ɉɨɫɥɟ ɩɨɛɟɞɟ ɧɚɞ Ɇɢɯɚɢɥɨɦ I Ɋɚɧɝɚɛɟɨɦ (811–
813) ɤɨɞ ȼɟɪɫɢɧɢɤɢʁɟ (22. ʁɭɧɚ 813) ɤɚɧ Ʉɪɭɦ ʁɟ ɩɨ ɩɪɜɢ ɩɭɬ ɩɪɢɫɬɢɝɚɨ ɩɨɞ ɡɢɞɢɧɟ
ɰɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɝɪɚɞɚ. Ʉɚɨ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɭɩɪɚɜɨ ɬɚ ɩɨɛɟɞɚ ɩɨɞɫɬɚɤɥɚ ɠɟʂɭ ɡɚ ɨɫɜɚʁɚʃɟɦ ɪɨɦɟʁɫɤɟ
ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɟ. Ⱦɚɧɚ 17. ʁɭɥɚ 813. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ɤɚɧ Ʉɪɭɦ ʁɟ ɩɨɞ ɡɢɞɢɧɚɦɚ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɚ
ɞɟɦɨɧɫɬɪɢɪɚɨ ɫɜɨʁɭ ɦɨʄ ɢ ɧɚɦɟɪɭ ɞɚ ɨɫɜɨʁɢ ɝɪɚɞ. Ɍɨɤɨɦ ɩɪɨɥɟʄɚ 814. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ɭ
Ȼɭɝɚɪɫɤɨɦ ɤɚɝɚɧɚɬɭ ɫɭ ɡɚɩɨɱɟɥɟ ɞɨɬɚɞɚ ɧɟɜɢɻɟɧɟ ɩɪɢɩɪɟɦɟ ɡɚ ɩɨɯɨɞ ɧɚ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞ
ɢ ʃɟɝɨɜɨ ɨɫɜɚʁɚʃɟ. Ʉɚɧ Ʉɪɭɦ ʁɟ ɫɚɛɪɚɨ ɜɟɥɢɤɭ ɜɨʁɫɤɭ, ɭ ɤɨʁɭ ʁɟ ɭɤʂɭɱɢɨ Ⱥɜɚɪɟ ɢ
ɋɥɨɜɟɧɟ. ɍ Ȼɭɝɚɪɫɤɨʁ ɫɭ ɩɪɢɩɪɟɦʂɟɧɟ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɟ ɨɩɫɚɞɧɟ ɫɩɪɚɜɟ. ɉɨ ɡɚɩɨɜɟɫɬɢ
ɤɚɧɚ, ɫɚɤɭɩʂɟɧɨ ʁɟ ɧɚ ɯɢʂɚɞɟ ɜɨɥɨɜɚ, ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɬɪɟɛɚɥɨ ɞɚ ɜɭɤɭ ɩɟɬ ɯɢʂɚɞɚ ɝɜɨɠɻɟɦ
ɨɤɨɜɚɧɢɯ ɤɨɥɚ, ɧɚɬɨɜɚɪɟɧɢɯ ɨɪɭɠʁɟɦ ɡɚ ɨɩɫɚɞɭ ɢ ɧɚɩɚɞ ɧɚ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞ. ɇɢɤɚɞɚ ɭ
ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɨʁ ɢɫɬɨɪɢʁɢ Ȼɭɝɚɪɫɤɟ ɧɢɫɭ ɛɢɥɟ ɩɪɟɞɭɡɟɬɟ ɬɨɥɢɤɨ ɨɛɢɦɧɟ ɩɪɢɩɪɟɦɟ
ɡɚ ɨɫɜɚʁɚʃɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɟ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɧɢɰɟ. Ɂɚ ɩɨɫɬɢɡɚʃɟ ɬɨɝ ɰɢʂɚ ɤɚɧ Ʉɪɭɦ ʁɟ ɭɩɪɟɝɚɨ ɫɜɟ
ɜɨʁɧɟ ɫɧɚɝɟ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɞɪɠɚɜɟ. ɉɨɛɟɞɟ ɤɨʁɟ ʁɟ ɨɫɬɜɚɪɢɨ ɧɚɞ ɬɪɢ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɚ ɜɚɫɢɥɟɜɫɚ –
ɇɢʄɢɮɨɪɨɦ I (802–811), Ɇɢɯɚɢɥɨɦ I Ɋɚɧɝɚɛɟɨɦ ɢ Ʌɚɜɨɦ V ȳɟɪɦɟɧɢɧɨɦ (813–820)
ɩɨɜɟʄɚɥɟ ɫɭ ʃɟɝɨɜɨ ɫɚɦɨɩɨɭɡɞɚʃɟ ɢ ɞɚɥɟ ɦɭ ɜɥɚɞɚɪɫɤɭ ɫɚɦɨɭɜɟɪɟɧɨɫɬ. ȼɟɪɡɢʁɟ
ɪɨɦɟʁɫɤɢɯ ɯɪɨɧɢɱɚɪɚ ɨ ɩɪɢɩɪɟɦɚɦɚ ɢ ɧɚɦɟɪɚɦɚ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɨɝ ɜɥɚɞɚɪɚ ɩɪɭɠɚʁɭ
ɢɥɭɡɨɪɚɧ ɭɬɢɫɚɤ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɫɚɦɨ ʃɟɝɨɜɚ ɢɡɧɟɧɚɞɧɚ ɫɦɪɬ ɫɩɪɟɱɢɥɚ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɨ ɨɫɜɚʁɚʃɟ
ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞɚ. ɋɬɨ ɝɨɞɢɧɚ ɤɚɫɧɢʁɟ ɬɚ ɢɥɭɡɢʁɚ ʁɟ ɩɨɛɢʁɟɧɚ ɜɨʁɧɢɦ ɩɨɯɨɞɢɦɚ ɛɭɝɚɪɫɤɨɝ
ɰɚɪɚ ɋɢɦɟɨɧɚ I ȼɟɥɢɤɨɝ (893–927).
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ L, 2013
Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’études byzantines L, 2013

UDC: 94:355](=351.12)(495.02)"05"(093)
DOI: 10.2298/ZRVI1350123I

SERGEY A. IVANOV
(Higher School of Economics, Moscow)

THE AVAR-BYZANTINE WARS OF THE LATE SIXTH CENTURY


AS DEPICTED BY NIKEPHOROS KALLISTOS XANTHOPOULOS:
A NEW SOURCE?
At least three fragments places in Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos ‘ narrative
of the Avar wars have no parallels either in Theophylakt Simokatta or in Theophanes.
The nature of the evidence cited in these passages cannot be a logical reconstruction
based on the texts of either of the mentioned authors. This means that Xanthopoulos,
the Church historian of the 14th century, had at his disposal a source on the 6th century
which has not come down to us.
Keywords: Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos, sources, Avar wars, Theophylakt
Simokatta, Theophanes

The history of the Byzantine-Avar war at the end of the 6th century was chronicled
by two authors: Theophylakt Simokatta and Theophanes. The latter is a relatively late
author who had some sources of his own but drew mainly on Theophylakt, the younger
contemporary of the events. It is well known how difÞcult it is to use Simokatta: on
the one hand, he had at his disposal a sort of a detailed diary of the Danube army
staff, but on the other, he himself had a very vague idea of the theatre of war, of the
distances and geographic settings of the region which had been already lost to the
Empire at the time of his writing. What is even worse, he shortened the narrative
of his source arbitrarily, made some additions, changed places of certain episodes.
The situation is aggravated by Theophylakt’ unclear and complicated language. All
this makes it a difÞcult task to line up the events he describes into a consequential
narrative. His chronology is also obscure.
This is why later sources drawing on the writings that did not survive are so
important. One such source is, quite unexpectedly, the “Church History” by Nikephoros
Kallistos Xanthopoulos. Although he wrote in the 14th century, at his disposal he had
124 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

many sources otherwise unknown to us. The picture of the Avar wars is one of the
most complicated, as was pointed out by G. Gentz1 and F. Winkelmann.2
The problem looks even more difÞcult since Nikephoros was a talented editor:
he summarized his data, drew his own conclusions etc. One always has to be on
alert with him. He changes the Theophylact’s “Tourkoi” into “Persians”, so that his
reader would not be led astray by contemporary associations; he adds clariÞcations
such as “later”, “having crossed to Europe” etc. Sometimes he makes calculations,
adding up the numbers of the captives and those killed; he baldly changes the order
of sentences within one paragraph or transposes paragraphs. Normally Nikephoros
retells Simokatta in a quite free and relaxed manner, abridging him very radically.
There is only one excerpt from Theophylact which is copied by Nikephoros more
or less accurately – it is a digression on the Turkic tribes,3 but even there he inserts
a piece from quite another part of his “History”, one that deals with the customs of
Indians.4
So, nearly all of Nikephoros’ information comes from Simokatta, which is
convincingly demonstrated in the table below. There exists only one place where
Nikephoros turns to Theophanes: surprisingly, it is a Þctitious story told by the
Byzantine ambassador Theodore, to the Khagan about the Egyptian king Sesostris
and “the wheel of fortune”.5 Nikephoros’ narrative on the Emperor Maurice’s dream
and his intentionally chosen martyrdom has some resemblance with the continuation
of George the Monk.6 Yet, this story was so frequently retold in Byzantine sources
of various kinds, historical, hagiographical as well as homiletic,7 that it is virtually
impossible to identify the exact prototype.
Are there any hints of other, independent sources used by Nikephoros which
would be unknown to us? I tend to think that there can be singled out at least three
places in his narrative of the Avar wars which cannot be traced back to any known
author.
The Þrst one is the following: ਯȞșİȞ IJઁȞ ੍ıIJȡȠȞ İੁȢ șȐȜĮııĮȞ ʌȜȘȝȝȣȡȒıĮ-
ȞIJĮ ȋĮȖ઼ȞȠȢ įȚĮʌİȡઽ, țĮ੿ IJ੹ ʌȐȞįİȚȞĮ įȚĮʌȡȐIJIJİIJĮȚ, ȜİȓĮȞ Ȃȣı૵Ȟ, ੔ ȜȑȖİIJĮȚ, IJઁ
ıȪȝʌĮȞ ʌȠȚȠȪȝİȞȠȢ· țਗȞ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ ਕʌİȚʌઅȞ, ȀȠȝİȞIJȓȠȜȠȞ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȞ ıઃȞ ȤȚȜȚȐıȚ
ʌȜİȓıIJĮȚȢ ʌȑȝʌİȚ ıIJȡĮIJȠ૨ ਕȞIJȚıIJȡĮIJȘȖȒıȠȞIJĮ. ਗ਼Ȟ ȝȘį੻Ȟ ਕȞȪıĮȞIJĮ, ijȡȠȪȡȚȩȞ IJȚ
IJ૵Ȟ įȣIJȚț૵Ȟ įȚİIJȒȡİȚ IJઁȞ țȓȞįȣȞȠȞ įȚĮijİȪȖȠȞIJĮ. ȆȠȜȜ૶ į੻ ੢ıIJİȡȠȞ ʌȡİıȕİȓĮȞ ʌȑ-
ȝʌȦȞ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ, İੁȡȘȞȚț੹ ijȡȠȞİ૙Ȟ IJઁȞ ȋĮȖ઼ȞȠȞ ਕȞȑʌİȚșİȞ.8 “After this the Khagan
1
G. Gentz, Die Kirchengechichte des Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopulos und ihre Quellen, Berlin
1966, 174, Am.3: “Die Quellenverhältnisse liegen hier so kompliziert, dass man sicheres nicht sagen
kann”.
2
F. Winkelmann, “Cerkovnaja istorija” Nikifora Kallista Ksanfopula kak istoricheskij istoþnik, VV 31
(1971) 40, 45; S. Panteghini. Die Kirchengeschichte des Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos, Ostkirchliche
Studien 58 (2009) 248–266.
3
Theophylacti Simocattae Historia III. 8, ed. C. de Boor, Stutgardiae 1972.
4
Theophylacti Simocattae Historia VII. 7–8.
5
Theophanis chronographia, ed. C. de Boor, vol. 1, Leipzig 1883, 273.
6
Georgius Monachus, Chronicon breve, PG 110, 820.
7
F. Tinnefeld. Kategorien der Kaiserkritik in der byzantinischen Historiographie von Prokop bis
Niketas Choniates, München 1971, 54–57.
8
Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopoulus, Historia ecclesiastica, XVIII.28.50–58, PG 147.
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 125

crossed the Istros which overßowed like a sea, and began to commit awful atrocities,
turning everything into a Mysian booty, as is commonly said. Maurice in despair
sent Comentiolus as a commander with numerous forces, to confront them. Yet, he
achieved nothing and barely escaped danger, retreating to some fortress, one of the
Western ones. Later Maurice sent an embassy and convinced the Khagan to think of a
truce”. There are no parallels to this excerpt either in Simokatta or in Theophanes. The
details, like the ßooding caused by the freshet of Danube, are nowhere to be found
and cannot be logically deduced from these sources. It is clear that we have here an
absolutely independent narrative with no pedigree. When could this episode happen?
The Þrst frame of reference is Comentiolus’ presence in Europe, because since the
fall of 589 he spent some time in the East, Þghting the Persians. In 591 a peace treaty
was signed and Comentiolus could have crossed to Europe any time since then. In
general, the 18th book of Nikephoros’ “Ecclesiastical History” deals with the events of
the 590s. The problem is that Simokatta Þrst mentions this commander’s activity in
the Balkans in 598, so, the cited war can be only vaguely dated between 592 and 598.
Another identifying detail of this episode is mention of aWestern fortress: near-
ly all wars were waged by Khagan in the Eastern part of the Balkans. He invaded the
Western side of the peninsula only once. Simokatta and Theophanes describe this
invasion in different ways, but according to both of them, the Avars demolished forty
fortresses; the only precise toponym mentioned by Simokatta is Bonkis, Theophanes
calls it Balkis. Researchers differ concerning the identity of this place9 and the date
of the invasion: from late 595 until 598. Anyway, it was the deepest intrusion into the
southern part of Dalmatia.
Could Nikephoros mean the same expedition? On the one hand, it seems un-
likely: the commander of the Roman forces is Priscus, not Comentiolus. On the other
hand, the narrative of both Simokatta and Theophanes looks contradictory and dis-
connected: they tell us that the huge Avar army equipped with siege machines cap-
tured forty fortresses – and all of a sudden our sources switch their attention from the
main theatre of war to the adventures of a reconnaissance detachment of two thou-
sand soldiers, led by Guduin, who defeated a small portion of impedimenta.10 Maybe
Nikephoros describes the same war from another angle? This seems even more con-
vincing since the next eighteen months in the Byzantine-Avar relations were peaceful,
although Simokatta does not mention any truce agreement – but Nikephoros does. Of
course, this is not the only possible place for this episode: according to some hypoth-
eses, Simokatta conceals a large gap in his chronology, the “seam” being situated at
VI.2.10, where the historian glues together the events of 592 and 596.11 Maybe we
should look for the above invasion in this lost part of Simokatta’s source.
9
W. Pohl, Die Awaren: ein Steppenvolk im Mitteleuropa, 567–822 n. Chr. 2 Auß., München 2002,
385; P. Schreiner, Theophylaktes Simokates: Geschichte, Stuttgart 1985, 348.
10
Theophylacti Simocattae Historia VII.12.1–9; Theophanis Chronographia, 277.
11
M. & and Mary Whitby (transl.), The History of Theophylact Simocatta, Oxford 1986, 331–333;
A. Duket, A study in Byzantine historiography : an analysis of Theophanes' Chronographia and its re-
lationship to Theophylact's History, the reign of Maurice and the seventh century to 711. Diss., Boston
1980, 27–33.
126 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

Be it as it may, we cannot but admit that the author of “Ecclesiastical History”


was drawing on some independent source!
The second episode for which also we cannot establish any pedigree relates to
the victorious campaign of the summer of 599. Priscus and Comentiolus, combining
their efforts, completely defeated the army consisting of Avars and Slavs. After the
description of this victory, both Simokatta and Theophanes concentrate their attention
on Comentiolus and his risky march to the south across the Balkan mountain ridge.
Meanwhile, we hear nothing of the second commander, Priscus. Nikephoros informs
us on the matter: ȆȡȓıțȠȢ į੻ IJȠ૙Ȣ țĮIJ੹ ĬȡȐțȘȞ ਥʌİȤȦȡȓĮȗİȞ, İ੅ ʌȠȪ IJȚȞİȢ ਥțįȡȠȝĮ੿
ȖȑȞȠȚȞIJȠ ਕȞĮțȩȥȦȞ “Priscus dwelt in Thrace, intending to cut short any intrusions, if
they happen”.12 Let’s note just in passing that in both the Þrst and the second episodes
the author uses a rare form of Participium Futuri which suggests that they could have
a common source with predilection for such grammatical extravagances.
The above evidence, though short, is extremely important for the earliest Slavic
history: the defeat of 599 was inßicted on the Slavs from Pannonia and the Tisza
region that were the Khagan’s subjects. Meanwhile, if Priscus remained in Thrace,
preparing to repel possible intrusions across the Danube, it could only be from the side
of the Danube Slavs who stayed out of the previous Byzantine war against the Avars
and did not have to observe the peace treaty signed by the Khagan.
Finally, the third episode concerns the famous invasion of the Khagan (dated
between 599 and 601) which culminated near the Long Walls of Constantinople with
the massacre of thousands of Byzantine captives whom the Emperor Maurice refused
to ransom. The actual bloodshed is mentioned in numerous sources since the episode
became the beginning of the end of Maurice. Yet, we do not learn wherefrom the
Avars approached the capital. Nikephoros Þlls in this gap as well: ȋĮȖ઼ȞȩȢ IJİ ȝ੽Ȟ
ਥȟȚઅȞ ȜĮșȡĮȓȦȢ țĮ੿ IJ੽Ȟ IJȠ૨ ȂĮțİįȩȞȠȢ țĮIJĮįȡĮȝઅȞ, ʌȜોșȩȢ IJİ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ ʌİȡȚ-
ȕĮȜȜȩȝİȞȠȢ ਙʌİȚȡȠȞ, ʌȜȘıȓȠȞ IJોȢ ǺȣȗĮȞIJȓįȠȢ ਥȖȓȞİIJȠ “The Khagan marched secretly
and made his invasion into Macedonia; leading a huge force, he found himself not far
from Byzantion”.13
Summing up, we can be pretty sure that there existed a source at Nikephoros’
disposal that did not come down to us. Further investigation of the sources of the
“Ecclesiastical History” which is now underway14 will deÞnitely reveal many new
interesting details, but one thing is obvious even from my short paper: the idea that all
the texts that survived through 1204 are available to us as well, should be discarded.

12
Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopoulus, Historia ecclesiastica ɏVIII.37,25–27.
13
Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopoulus, Historia ecclesiastica ɏVIII.38.36–39.
14
Cf. http://www.oeaw.ac.at/byzanz/nkx.htm
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 127

The table
The words which are more or less coincinding between Nikephoros and
Simokatta are marked in bold letters; the words which coincide between Nikephoros
and sources other than Simokatta are marked in italics; underlined are the words to
which no parallels are found as yet
Nicephoros Theophylact
(28.) Ȇİȡ੿ IJ૵Ȟ ਥȞ Ǽ੝ȡȫʌૉ
ȖİȞȠȝȑȞȦȞ ȝİIJĮȟઃ ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ
țĮ੿ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ IJ૵Ȟ ਫ਼ʌઁ
ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖȠȣȝȑȞȦȞ.
ȀĮ੿ IJȠȓȞȣȞ ਷ȡȠȢ V.16., IJ੹Ȣ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ ੒
ਕȡȤȠȝȑȞȠȣ, IJ੹Ȣ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ ਥț Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȦȡ ਥȢ IJ੽Ȟ Ǽ੝ȡȫʌȘȞ
IJોȢ (4)ਪȦ ȝİIJĮțȠȝȓıĮȢ ੪Ȣ (5)IJȐȤȚıIJĮ ȝİIJİȕȓȕĮȗİȞ ਥʌȓ
ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ, IJȠ૨ ǺȣȗĮȞIJȓȠȣ IJİ IJ੽Ȟ ਝȖȤȓĮȜȠȞ
ਕʌȐȡĮȢ, (5)ʌȠȜȜ૵Ȟ ਥȝʌȠįȫȞ I.3.8 ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ …ਥȟ૊IJȘıİ
Ƞੂ țĮșȚıIJĮȝȑȞȦȞ ਥȢ ȕĮıȚȜȑĮ İੁȢ șȑĮȞ IJȠȪIJȦȞ
ਝȖȤȓĮȜȠȞ ਥȜșİ૙Ȟ.
੮ȡȝĮ· ਥțİ૙ıİ ȖȐȡ ʌȘ (9… ੒ ȕĮıȚȜİઃȢ … įȓįȦıȚȞ
ȕȠȪȜİıșĮȚ ʌȪșȠȚIJȠ IJȠઃȢ İੁȢ șİȦȡȓĮȞ ਥȜİijȐȞIJȦȞ
ਡȕĮȡĮȢ țĮIJĮșȑİȚȞ ȝİIJ੹ IJ੽Ȟ ȖİȞȑıșĮȚ, ʌȑȝȥĮȢ ੪Ȣ Į੝IJઁȞ
ȤȡȣıોȞ ਥțİȓȞȘȞ țȜȓȞȘȞ, țĮ੿ … IJઁ ਥȟȠȤȫIJĮIJȠȞ.(10.) …
IJ੽Ȟ ਥȜȑijĮȞIJȠȢ șȑĮȞ țĮ੿ IJઁȞ İੇįİȞ IJઁ ੉ȞįȚțઁȞ ȗ૵ȠȞ ੒
ʌȠȜȣIJȐȜĮȞIJȠȞ įĮıȝઁȞ IJȠ૨ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ ਥȜȑijĮȞIJĮ,
ȤȡȣıȠ૨· ਘ ਥțİȓȞȠȚȢ (11.) ਥʌȫȤȜİȚ į੻ IJઁȞ ȀĮȓıĮȡĮ
ĮੁIJȘıĮȝȑȞȠȚȢ, ਥț IJȠ૨ (10) țĮ੿ țȜȓȞȘȞ ȤȡȣıોȞ
İ੝șȑȠȢ ʌĮȡȑıȤİIJȠ ȕĮıȚȜİઃȢ, IJİȤȞȠȣȡȖȒıĮȞIJĮ ੪Ȣ Į੝IJઁȞ
İੁȡȒȞȘȞ ਕıʌȐȗİıșĮȚ ʌĮȡĮʌȑȝȥĮȚ. 13. ਱ȟȓȠȣ țĮ੿
ઘȡȘȝȑȞȠȢ. ʌȡઁȢ IJĮ૙Ȣ ੑȖįȠȒțȠȞIJĮ IJȠ૨
ȤȡȣıȠ૨ ȤȚȜȚȐıȚ țĮ੿ ਦIJȑȡĮȢ
ȀĮ੿ ʌȡ૵IJĮ ȝ੻Ȟ İੁȢ İ੅țȠıȚȞ ਕȞ’ ਩IJȠȢ ਪțĮıIJȠȞ
ȆİȓȡȚȞșȠȞ, ਴Ȟ Ȟ૨Ȟ ʌĮȡ੹ ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ ਕʌȠȓıİıșĮȚ·
਺ȡȐțȜİȚĮȞ ȜȑȖȠȣıȚ, ȖȓȞİIJĮȚ, VI.1.(1.) ȆȡȠıʌİȜȐıĮȢ
ʌȠȜȜȠ૙Ȣ ਥȞ IJ૶ ȝȑı૳ įİȓȝĮıȚ, IJȠȚȖĮȡȠ૨Ȟ ੒ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȦȡ IJૌ
ʌȡઁȢ į੻ țĮ੿ ıijȠįȡȠIJȐIJ૳ ȈȘȜȣȝȕȡȓ઺ ਥʌ੿ IJ੽Ȟ
țȜȪįȦȞȚ ਥȞIJİIJȣ- ȆİȓȡȚȞșȠȞ, ਴Ȟ ਺ȡȐțȜİȚĮȞ
ȤȘțȫȢ. İ੅șȚıIJĮȚ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȞİȦIJȑȡȠȚȢ
ȆĮȡİȜșઅȞ Ƞ੣Ȟ ਥȢ IJઁ ਙıIJȣ, ਕʌȠțĮȜİ૙Ȟ, įȚ੹ ȞĮȣIJȚȜȓĮȢ IJ੹Ȣ
țĮ੿ īȜȣțİȡȓ઺ IJૌ (15) ੒ȡȝ੹Ȣ ਥʌȠȚİ૙IJȠ. …
ȝȐȡIJȣȡȚ IJઁ İੁțઁȢ țĮIJȘȞȑȤșȘ ੢įȦȡ ਥȟĮȓıȚȠȞ,
ijȠıȚȦıȐȝİȞȠȢ, ਥțİ૙ıȑ ʌȘ ਕȞȑȝȦȞ IJİ ਕțĮșȑțIJȦȞ
İ੝țIJȘȡȓ૳ ਥȢ ʌȠȜȣIJȑȜİȚĮȞ ਥʌȘțȠȜȠȪșİȚ țȚȞȒȝĮIJĮ, …
İੁȡȖĮıȝȑȞ૳ ıİȝȞȣȞȠȝȑȞȘȞ, ਥȟ ਦȦșȚȞȠ૨ ĮੁșȡȓĮȢ ȖİȞȠȝȑȞȘȢ,
țĮț૵Ȣ IJİ ʌĮșȫȞ IJȚ IJĮ૙Ȣ IJ૵Ȟ ਕȞĮȕ੹Ȣ ਥʌ੿ IJઁȞ ȕĮıȓȜİȚȠȞ
ȕĮȡȕȐȡȦȞ ਥʌȚįȡȠȝĮ૙Ȣ, ੆ʌʌȠȞ ਥȢ ਺ȡȐțȜİȚĮȞ ȖȓȞİIJĮȚ.
țਕțİ૙șİȞ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȞ ਥʌ੿ IJઁȞ IJȠȓȞȣȞ īȜȣțİȡȓĮȢ, IJોȢ
ȤİȚȡȠIJȠȞȒıĮȢ IJઁȞ ȆȡȓıțȠȞ ȝȐȡIJȣȡȠȢ ȞİઅȞ
IJોȢ ਥȞIJİȝİȞȓȗİIJĮȚ, ੪Ȣ ȠੈȩȞ IJİ ਷Ȟ
Ǽ੝ȡȫʌȘȢ, ਥȢ ȕĮıȓȜİȚȠȞ IJȚȝȒıĮȢ IJઁ IJȑȝİȞȠȢ ȤȡȒȝĮIJȐ
ਕȞȑıIJȡİijİȞ ਙıIJȣ. ȉઁ į’ IJİ ਥʌȚįȠȪȢ, ਥij’ મ IJ੹ ʌȣȡ੿
128 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

ਝȕȐ- (20)ȡȦȞ țĮ੿ țĮIJĮʌİʌIJȦțȩIJĮ IJȠ૨ ȞĮȠ૨ (5)


ȈțȜĮȕȘȞ૵Ȟ ਩șȞȠȢ IJઁȞ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJ૵Ȟ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ ʌȡઁȢ
੍ıIJȡȠȞ įȚĮʌİȡĮȚȦıȐ- ȞİȫIJİȡȠȞ țȐȜȜȠȢ
ȝİȞȠȚ, ਫ਼ʌઁ ȋĮȖȐȞ૳ IJ૶ ȝİIJĮȤȦȡİ૙Ȟ…
ȅ੡Ȟ૳ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖȠȪȝİȞȠȚ, țĮ- … ੒ į੻ Į੝IJȠ-
IJĮįȡĮȝȩȞIJİȢ IJ੽Ȟ Ĭȡ઻țȘȞ, țȡȐIJȦȡ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȞ
țĮ੿ ıȪȝʌĮȞ IJઁ ਥȞ ʌȠı੿ ȜİȓĮȞ ȤİȚȡȠIJȠȞİ૙ IJોȢ Ǽ੝ȡȫʌȘȢ IJઁȞ
ʌİʌȠȚȘȝȑȞȠȚ, ਙȤȡȚ į੽ țĮ੿ İੁȢ ȆȡȓıțȠȞ..
਺ȡȐțȜİȚĮȞ ਸțȠȞ. ਝȜȜ੹ IJ૶ İੇIJĮ IJૌ ਝȖȤȚȐȜ૳ ʌȡȠıȑȝȚȟİȞ.
ıIJȡĮIJȘȖ૶ Ȇȡȓıț૳ ਥȢ ਕʌȐȡĮȢ IJİ ਥȞIJİ૨șİȞ țĮ੿ ʌȡઁȢ
ȉȠȣȡȠȣȜઁȞ (25)ȖİȞȠȝȑȞ૳, IJ૶ Ȟİ૶ ਝȜİȟȐȞįȡȠȣ
țĮ੿ ǻȚįȣȝȩIJȠȚȤȠȞ IJȠ૨ ȝȐȡIJȣȡȠȢ ȖİȖȠȞઅȢ
ĮIJĮıIJȡĮIJȘȖȠ૨ȞIJĮȚ ਥįȓįȠȣ IJȠ૨IJȠȞ IJ૶ ʌĮȝijȐȖ૳
ȝȐȜĮ ȖİȞȞĮȓȦȢ, ʌȣȡ੿
ʌĮȡĮȞȐȜȦȝĮ,…VI.5.8 ੒
ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ ਥʌ੿ IJ੽Ȟ ȆİȓȡȚȞșȠȞ
ȖȓȖȞİIJĮȚ· ਺ȡȐțȜİȚĮȞ į੻
IJĮȪIJȘȞ ૮ȦȝĮ૙ȠȚ
ʌȡȠıĮȖȠȡİȪȠȣıȚȞ. ਥʌİ੿ į੻
ȆȡȓıțȠȢ …IJȠ૙Ȣ ʌȠȜİȝȓȠȚȢ IJ੹
Ȟ૵IJĮ ਫ਼ʌȑįİȚȟİȞ,.. ਕIJ੹ȡ İੁȢ
ǻȚįȣȝȩIJİȚȤȠȞ ਚȝĮ IJ૶ ʌİȗȚț૶
੒ IJ૵Ȟ ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ
ıIJȡĮ(10.) IJȘȖઁȢ ਫ਼ʌİȤȫȡȘıİȞ.
ȝİIJ੹ IJȠ૨IJȠ İੁȢ ȉȗȠȣȡȠȣȜȜઁȞ
ਕijȚțȩȝİȞȠȢ
ਕıȣȜȓĮȞ IJĮ૙Ȣ įȣȞȐȝİıȚ IJ੽Ȟ
ʌȩȜȚȞ ʌİȡȚİȕȐȜİIJȠ. IJઁ į੻ ȕȐȡ-
ȕĮȡȠȞ IJઁ ਙıIJȣ ʌİȡȚțĮșȒȝİȞȠȞ
ȖİȞȞȚț૵Ȣ ਥʌȠȜȚȩȡțİȚ IJઁȞ
țĮ੿ ȝȘȤĮȞૌ IJȚȞȚ șĮȣȝĮıȓ઺ ȆȡȓıțȠȞ…(11.) IJȠȪIJȦȞ ȖȠ૨Ȟ
IJȠ૨ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ ੒ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȦȡ …ਕȖȤȚȞȠȓĮȢ
ਕȞĮıIJȑȜȜȠȞIJĮȚ. ਕțȩȜȠȣșȠȞ (12.) ȕȠȣȜ੽Ȟ
ȈȤȘȝĮIJȚıĮȝȑȞ૳ ȞĮȣȜȩȤ૳ ʌȡȠȘȞȑȖțĮIJȠ…੪Ȣ IJઁȞ
ıIJȩȜ૳ IJĮ૙Ȣ ȠੁțȓĮȚȢ Į੝IJ૵Ȟ ȆȡȓıțȠȞ ਥʌȚıIJȠȜ੹Ȣ
ਥțʌȠȡİȪİıșĮȚ· ੔ țĮ੿ İੁȢ ਥʌȚijȑȡİıșĮȚ, ੖ʌȦȢ Ƞੂ
įİ૙ȝĮ IJȠȪIJȠȣȢ Ƞ੝ ȝȑIJȡȚȠȞ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȚ …ਥțįİȚȝĮIJȠȪȝİȞȠȚ
ਥȝȕĮȜઁȞ, ਱ȞȐȖțĮıİ IJ੽Ȟ ʌȡઁȢ IJ੹ Ƞ੅țȠȚ ਕȞȐȗİȣȟȚȞ
țĮ੿ ਙțȠȞIJĮȢ ਥȢ IJ੹ Ƞੁțİ૙Į ਵșȘ ijİȞĮțȚıșȑȞIJİȢ ʌȠȚȒıȦȞIJĮȚ.
ਕȞĮȤȦȡİ૙Ȟ. IJȠȚĮ૨IJĮ į੻ ਙȡĮ ਥȞİțİȤȐȡĮțIJȠ
ȖȡȐȝȝĮIJĮ… ਥʌȑȝȥĮȝİȞ Ȗ੹ȡ
įȚ੹ șĮȜȐııȘȢ ʌȜȠ૙Į țĮ੿
ıIJȡĮIJȩȞ, ੆ȞĮ ਕȞȑȜșȦıȚȞ İੁȢ
IJ੹Ȣ
ijĮȝȚȜȓĮȢ Į੝IJ૵Ȟ țĮ੿ ʌȐıĮȢ
ĮੁȤȝĮȜȦIJİȪıȦıȚȞ…੒ į੻
ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ … ʌİȡȚįİ੽Ȣ
ȖİȖȠȞȫȢ, ਥȢ IJ੽Ȟ ਦĮȣIJȠ૨ ੪Ȣ
ȅ੢IJȦ į’ਥțİȓȞȠȚȢ IJȐȤȚıIJĮ ਥʌĮȞȑȗİȣȟİȞ…
ʌĮȜȚȞȠıIJȒıĮıȚ, ȕĮıȚȜİઃȢ ੒ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȢ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJȠ૨
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 129

IJ੽Ȟ IJȠ૨ ੍ıIJȡȠȣ įȚȐȕĮıȚȞ, ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȢ ʌĮȡ੹ IJઁȞ ੍ıIJȡȠȞ


੮ıIJİ ȝ੽ ʌȐȜȚȞ İ੝ȑijȠįȠȞ ਥʌȑȝʌİIJȠ, ੖ʌȦȢ IJ੹ IJ૵Ȟ
İੇȞĮȚ IJȠ੿Ȣ ȕĮȡ- ȈțȜĮȣȘȞ૵Ȟ ȖȑȞȘ įȚĮȞȒȟĮıșĮȚ
ȕȐȡȠȚȢ IJ੽Ȟ Ĭȡ઻țȘȞ, IJઁȞ ʌȠIJĮȝઁȞ țȦȜȣȩȝİȞĮ
țĮIJȦȤȪȡȠȣ ȖİȞȞĮȓȠȚȢ ਕijȠȕȓĮȞ ਙțȠȞIJĮ IJૌ Ĭȡ઻țૉ
ıIJȡĮIJİȪȝĮıȚ. ʌĮȡȐıȤȠȚȞIJȠ·.. Ƞ੝ț ਗȞ
਱ȡİȝȠȓȘ IJઁ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȞ, İੁ ȝ੽
IJઁȞ ੍ıIJȡȠȞ ਥȢ IJ੹ ȝȐȜȚıIJĮ IJઁ
૮ȦȝĮȧțઁȞ ʌİȡȚijȡȠȣȡȒıȠȚIJȠ.
ȀĮ੿ ȆȡȓıțȠȢ į’ ਥȢ …VI.11.21 ੒ į੻ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȢ
ǺȣȗȐȞIJȚȠȞ ȖİȖȠȞઅȢ ਕijȓțİIJȠ ਥȢ ǺȣȗȐȞIJȚȠȞ.
ਫ਼ʌ੻ȡ ȜİȓĮȢ ਥȖțȜȒȝĮıȚȞ IJȠȚȖĮȡȠ૨Ȟ ੒ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ
ਙȖİIJĮȚ· IJ૶ Ȇȡȓıț૳ ਥȝȑȝijİIJȠ
ıijȐȜȝĮıȓ IJİ İ੝ȘșİȓĮȢ Į੝IJઁȞ
ʌİȡȚȑȕĮȜȜİȞ ਕıȣȞȑIJȦȢ
ਕʌȠįİįȦțȩIJĮ IJ૶ ȕĮȡȕȐȡ૳
IJ੽Ȟ ȜİȓĮȞ.
VII.1.1 ȅ੢IJȦ ȝ੻Ȟ Ƞ੣Ȟ
țĮ੿ ȆȑIJȡȠȢ ȝ੻Ȟ ੒ ਕįİȜ- ȆȡȓıțȠȢ ਕʌİȤİȚȡȠIJȠȞİ૙IJȠ,
ijઁȢ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓȠȣ, IJ੽Ȟ ʌȠȜȑȝĮȡȤȠȢ į੻ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJȠ૨
ıIJȡĮIJȘȖȚț੽Ȟ ਕȟȓĮȞ ਕȞIJ੿ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ ੒ ȆȑIJȡȠȢ
ȆȡȓıțȠȣ ਕȞĮȖȠȡİȪİIJĮȚ, ੔Ȣ țĮ੿
ȜĮȝȕȐȞİȚ. Į੝IJȐįİȜijȠȢ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓȠȣ
ȂȘį੻Ȟ į੻ țĮ੿ Ƞ੤IJȠȢ ਕȞȪıĮȢ ਥIJȪȖȤĮȞİȞ ੭Ȟ. 5.10
IJ૵Ȟ ʌȡઁȢ ȕȠȣȜોȢ ȕĮıȚȜİ૙, țĮIJĮʌȠȜİȝȘșȑȞIJȠȢ IJȠȓȞȣȞ
ਕʌȠȤİȚȡȠIJȠȞȘșİ੿Ȣ Ƞ੅țȠȚ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJ૵Ȟ ȕĮȡȕȐȡȦȞ IJȠ૨
țĮșોıIJȠ, ȆȡȓıțȠȣ IJ੽Ȟ ȆȑIJȡȠȣ, ȆȡȓıțȠȢ ȖȓȞİIJĮȚ
ਕȡȤ੽Ȟ Į੣șȚȢ ਕȞĮȜĮȕȩȞIJȠȢ. ıIJȡĮIJȘȖȩȢ, țĮ੿
ȀĮ੿ ਥȢ IJ੽Ȟ (40) Ƞ੣Ȟ (5)ਕʌȠȤİȚȡȠIJȠȞȘșİ੿Ȣ IJોȢ
Ǽ੝ȡȫʌȘȞ ȖİȞȩȝİȞȠȢ, IJ੹Ȣ ਲȖİȝȠȞȓĮȢ ੒ ȆȑIJȡȠȢ ਥȢ
ȝİIJ੹ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ ȜȪİȚ ıʌȠȞ- ǺȣȗȐȞIJȚȠȞ ਸțİȞ.
įȐȢ. ਫțİ૙ȞȠȢ Ȗ੹ȡ ʌȡ૵IJȠȢ VI.4.12. ਕȞĮ ȜĮȕઅȞ ੒
ȝȐȤȘȢ ਙȡȟĮȢ ıઃȞ ਕʌİȓȡ૳ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ IJ੹Ȣ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ ਥȤȫȡİȚ
ıIJȡĮIJİȪȝĮIJȚ, ਥȟȐʌȚȞĮ IJૌ ʌȡઁȢ ʌȩȜİȝȠȞ. ੒ į੻ ȈĮȜȕȚĮȞઁȢ
૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ Ȗૌ ʌȡȠıʌİıઅȞ, țĮIJĮʌȜĮȖİ੿Ȣ IJ੽Ȟ ȥȣȤ੽Ȟ ਥʌ੿ IJ૶
ijȡȠȪȡȚȐ IJİ ʌȜİ૙ıIJĮ Įੂȡİ૙, țĮ੿ ʌȜȒșİȚ IJ૵Ȟ ਕʌİȓȡȦȞ
IJઁȞ ȞİઅȞ țĮIJĮʌȓȝʌȡȘıȚȞ įȣȞȐȝİȦȞ… ੪Ȣ IJઁȞ ȆȡȓıțȠȞ
ਝȜİȟȐȞįȡȠȣ IJȠ૨ ȝȐȡIJȣȡȠȢ. ਥʌȐȞİȚıȚȞ. VII.14.11 IJઁȞ
ȅ੤ țĮ੿ IJઁ ਝȜİȟȐȞįȡȠȣ ȞĮઁȞ IJȠ૨
IJȓȝȚȠȞ (45)ȜİȓȥĮȞȠȞ ਩ȟȦ IJોȢ ʌİȡȚijĮȞȠ૨Ȣ ਥȞ (12.) IJȠ૙Ȣ
ıȠȡȠ૨ șȑȝİȞȠȢ ੒ ਥȟȐȖȚıIJȠȢ, ȝȐȡIJȣıȚ IJ૶ ʌĮȝijȐȖ૳ ʌȣȡ੿
੢ȕȡȚȗİȞ ਥʌ੿ ȝ઼ȜȜȠȞ IJ૵Ȟ țĮIJȘȞȐȜȦıĮȞ· IJȩȞ IJİ
ʌȠȜȜ੹ ਕIJȩʌȦȞ ਥʌ’ ਥțİȓȞ૳ IJȐijȠȞ @1
įȚĮʌȡĮIJIJȩȝİȞȠȢ. ǻȚ’ ੰȞ țĮ੿ IJȠ૨ ȝȐȡIJȣȡȠȢ İਫ਼ȡȘțȩIJİȢ
ਕʌȠȕȠȜ੽Ȟ ʌĮȓįȦȞ ਦʌIJ੹ ਥȞ ਕȡȖȪȡ૳ ʌİȡȚȡȡİȩȝİȞȠȞ
ȝȚઽ ਕȞȠıȓȦȢ
țĮIJİ૙įİȞ ਲȝȑȡ઺, ʌȠȚȞ੹Ȣ ıțȣȜİȪȠȣıȚ țĮșȣȕȡȓȗȠȣıȓ IJİ
ਕȟȓĮȢ IJ૵Ȟ ੢ȕȡİȦȞ IJૌ ਥțȕȠȜૌ țĮ੿ IJઁ ı૵ȝĮ IJઁ ਥʌ੿
İੁıʌȡĮIJIJȩȝİȞȠȢ. IJ૶ IJȪȝȕ૳ ਥȖțİȓȝİȞȠȞ….15. 2.
İੁıʌȡȐIJIJİIJĮȚ IJȠȚȖĮȡȠ૨Ȟ ੒
130 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

ਯȞșİȞ IJઁȞ ੍ıIJȡȠȞ İੁȢ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ, ਕȞș’ ੰȞ


șȐȜĮııĮȞ ਝȜȑȟĮȞįȡȠȞ ਱IJȚȝȐțİȚ IJઁȞ
ʌȜȘȝȝȣ (50)ȡȒıĮȞIJĮ ȝȐȡIJȣȡĮ, ਕȟȚȠȜȩȖȠȣȢ ʌȠȚȞȐȢ·
ȋĮȖ઼ȞȠȢ įȚĮʌİȡઽ, țĮ੿ IJ੹ ਦʌIJ੹ Ȗ੹ȡ (5)ʌĮ૙įİȢ Į੝IJ૶ …
ʌȐȞįİȚȞĮ įȚĮ- ਥȞ ਲȝȑȡ઺ ȝȚઽ IJઁȞ IJૌįİ
ʌȡȐIJIJİIJĮȚ, ȜİȓĮȞ Ȃȣı૵Ȟ, ੔ țĮIJĮȜȪȠȣıȚ ȕȓȠȞ.
ȜȑȖİIJĮȚ, IJઁ ıȪȝʌĮȞ
ʌȠȚȠȪȝİȞȠȢ· țਗȞ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ VI.11.3. ȆȡȓıțȠȢ … IJ੹Ȣ
ਕʌİȚʌઅȞ, ȀȠȝİȞIJȓȠȜȠȞ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ ਕȡȐȝİȞȠȢ
ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȞ ıઃȞ ȤȚȜȚȐıȚ
ʌȜİȓıIJĮȚȢ ʌȑȝʌİȚ ıIJȡĮIJȠ૨ įȚĮʌİȡĮȚȠ૨IJĮȚ IJઁȞ ʌȠIJĮȝȩȞ.
ਕȞIJȚıIJȡĮIJȘȖȒıȠȞIJĮ. ਗ਼Ȟ IJ੹
ȝȘį੻Ȟ ਕȞȪıĮȞIJĮ, ʌȜȒșȘ …ਥįİįȓİȚ Ȗ੹ȡ ȝȒ ʌȦȢ
ijȡȠȪȡȚȩȞ (55)IJȚ IJ૵Ȟ ਥȟĮʌȚȞĮȓȦȢ ਥijİıIJȘțȩIJİȢ Ƞੂ
įȣIJȚț૵Ȟ įȚİIJȒȡİȚ IJઁȞ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȚ IJ੽Ȟ ȜİȓĮȞ (5)
țȓȞįȣȞȠȞ įȚĮijİȪȖȠȞIJĮ. ਕʌȠȓıȠȞIJĮȚ. (4.) ੒ į੻ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ
ȆȠȜȜ૶ į੻ ੢ıIJİȡȠȞ ਕțȘțȠઅȢ IJȠ૨ ૮ȦȝĮȧțȠ૨ IJ੽Ȟ
ʌȡİıȕİȓĮȞ ʌȑȝʌȦȞ ਕʌȩȕĮıȚȞ ȜȓĮȞ ਥșĮȪȝĮȗİȞ…
ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ, İੁȡȘȞȚț੹ ijȡȠȞİ૙Ȟ ȝİȖĮȜȠijȡȩȞȦȢ IJȠȓȞȣȞ
IJઁȞ ȋĮȖ઼ȞȠȞ ਕȞȑʌİȚșİȞ. ੒ ȆȡȓıțȠȢ ʌȡȑıȕȚȞ ੪Ȣ IJઁȞ
(29.) ੜʌȦȢ ੒ ȆȡȓıțȠȣ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȞ ਥȟȑʌİȝȥİ
ʌȡȑıȕȣȢ, ȋĮȖ઼ȞȠȞ (ĬİȩįȦȡȠȢ ੕ȞȠȝĮ Į੝IJ૶), IJ੽Ȟ
ਫ਼ʌȠįİȓȖȝĮIJȚ ijȪıȚȞ ਙȞįȡĮ įİȟȚȩȞ IJİ țĮ੿
ਕȡȤĮȓ૳ ȝİIJĮȕĮȜઅȞ, IJ੽Ȟ İ੝İʌȓȕȠȜȠȞ, IJ੽Ȟ IJȑȤȞȘȞ
İੁȡȒȞȘȞ ਩ʌİȚșİȞ ੁĮIJȡȩȞ, IJ੽Ȟ ȖȜ૵IJIJĮȞ
Į੣șȚȢ ਕıʌȐȗİıșĮȚ. ਥȜİȪșİȡȠȞ… 8.
ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ į’ ਥȝʌȠįઅȞ ੒ ȝ੻Ȟ Ƞ੣Ȟ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȢ
ȖȚȞȠȝȑȞȠȣ Ȇȡȓıț૳ IJઁȞ ʌȠIJĮ- ijȡȠȞȘȝĮ-
(4) IJȚıșİ੿Ȣ ਥʌ੿ IJȠ૙Ȣ Į੝IJ૶
ȝઁȞ įȚĮȞȒȟĮıșĮȚ, ੒ʌȘȞȓțĮ ıȣȖțȣȡȒıĮıȚ ȜȓĮȞ
įȚĮʌİȡȐıĮȢ ʌȜİȓıIJȘȞ (5) ਫ਼ȥĮȣȤİȞȓȗİIJȠ, țĮ੿
ȜİȓĮȞ ʌİȡȚİȕȐȜȜİIJȠ,
ĬİȩįȦȡȠȞ ȆȡȓıțȠȢ IJઁȞ
ੁĮIJȡઁȞ
਩ʌİȝʌİȞ, ਙȞįȡĮ ijȡİȞȒȡȘ,
ਕȖȤȚȞȠȓ઺ IJİ țĮ੿ ıȣȞȑıİȚ
IJ૵Ȟ ʌȠȜȜ૵Ȟ įȚĮijȑȡȠȞIJĮ· ੔Ȣ
ȕȡȑȝȠȞIJĮ IJ੹ ȝȑȖȚıIJĮ
IJઁȞ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȞ țĮIJȚįઅȞ,
ȝİȖĮȜȠijȡȠıȪȞૉ IJİ țĮ੿ Theophanes 273
țȩȝʌ૳ țȪȡȚȠȞ ਦĮȣIJઁȞ ਩șȞȠȣȢ “ਙțȠȣıȠȞ, ȋĮȖȐȞİ,
૧ȘȝȐIJȦȞ ਕțȝȐȗȠȞIJĮ (਱ʌİȓȜİȚ ਩ijĮıțİȞ ਚʌĮȞIJȠȢ, … 9. įȚȐ ‫݋‬ʌȦijİȜȠࠎȢ įȚȘȖȒȝĮIJȠȢ.
Ȗ੹ȡ țȪȡȚȠȞ İੇȞĮȚ ʌȐȞ- (10) IJȠȚ IJȠ૨IJȠ ੒ ʌȡȑıȕȚȢ ੂıIJȠȡȓĮȢ Ȉİı૵ıIJȡȚȢ,
IJȦȞ ਥșȞ૵Ȟ), ʌĮȜĮȚ૶ IJȚȞȚ ʌȠȜȜોȢ ȖİȞȩȝİȞȠȢ țȐIJȠȤȠȢ ੒ IJ૵Ȟ ǹੁȖȣʌIJȓȦȞ ȕĮıȚȜİȪȢ,
įȚȘȖȒȝĮIJȚ IJઁȞ ȕĮȡȕĮȡȚ- ȕĮȡȕĮȡȚț੹ ʌĮȡĮįİȓȖȝĮıȚȞ ʌİȡȚijĮȞȒȢ IJİ țĮ੿ ȜȓĮȞ
țઁȞ ੒ ʌȡȑıȕȣȢ țĮIJİʌȡȐȨȞİ ਥIJĮʌİȓȞȠȣ ijȡȣȐȖȝĮIJĮ…. İ੝įĮȓȝȦȞ, IJ૶ (15)
IJ૨ijȠȞ· ਩ijȘıİ ȖȐȡ “ਙțȠȣİ, ȋĮȖȐȞİ, ʌȜȠȪIJ૳ ȜĮȝʌȡઁȢ țĮ੿ IJĮ૙Ȣ
ʌĮȜĮȚȠ૨ IJȚȞȠȢ țĮ੿ ȜȓĮȞ ıȠijȠ૨ įȣȞȐȝİıȚȞ ਕțĮIJĮȝȐȤȘIJȠȢ,
įȚȘȖȒȝĮIJȠȢ.” (10.) ʌȜİ߿ıIJĮ țĮ‫ ޥ‬ȝİȖȐȜĮ
਩ijȘ ȖȐȡ· ਡțȠȣİ, ȋĮȖ઼Ȟİ, “ȈȑıȦıIJȡȓȞ ijĮıȚ ȖİȖİȞોıșĮȓ ‫݋‬įȠȣȜȫıĮIJȠ ‫ݏ‬șȞȘ· ‫݋‬ȞIJİࠎșİȞ
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 131

ʌĮȜĮȚȠ૨ țĮ੿ ‫݋‬ʌȦijİȜȠࠎȢ ʌȠIJİ ਙȞįȡĮ ȜȓĮȞ İ੝įĮȓȝȠȞĮ İ‫ݧ‬Ȣ ܻȜĮȗȠȞİȓĮȞ ʌİȡȚʌİıȫȞ,
įȚȘȖȒȝĮIJȠȢ. ȈȑıȦ- țĮ੿ IJોȢ ǹੁȖȣʌIJȚĮțોȢ ȤȡȣıȠțȩȜȜȘIJȠȞ
ıIJȡȚȢ ੒ IJ૵Ȟ ǹੁȖȣʌIJȓȦȞ ȕĮıȚȜİȓĮȢ ਥʌȚijĮȞȑıIJĮIJȠȞ.” ‫ݻ‬ȤȘȝĮ ਥț ȜȓșȦȞ IJȚȝȓȦȞ
ȕĮıȚȜİઃȢ ʌİȡȚijĮȞ੽Ȣ țĮ੿ 11. IJઁȞ į੻ ਥʌ੿ IJȠıȠ૨IJȠȞ ੪Ȣ țĮIJĮıțİȣȐıĮȢ ‫݋‬ʌȚțȐșȘIJĮȚ
ȜȓĮȞ ਩ʌȠȢ İੁʌİ૙Ȟ țȡĮȚʌĮȜ઼Ȟ, ੮ıIJİ IJȠȪIJ࠙ țĮ‫ބ ޥ‬ʌȠ-
İ੝įĮȓȝȦȞ ȖİȞȩȝİȞȠȢ, ਖȡȝȐȝĮȟĮȞ ıȣȝʌȒȟĮıșĮȚ ȕȐȜȜİȚ IJ૶ ȗȣȖ૶ IJࠛȞ
ʌȜİ߿ıIJĮ țĮ‫ ޥ‬ȝİȖȐȜĮ ‫ݏ‬șȞȘ ‫ބ‬ʌȠ- ȤȡȣıȠțȩȜȜȘIJȠȞ, ȜȓșȠȣȢ IJİ ‫ݘ‬IJIJȘșȑȞIJȦȞ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȞ
(15) IJȚȝȓȠȣȢ IJĮȪIJૉ ʌİȡȚȕĮȜİ૙Ȟ, IJȑııĮȡĮȢ ਪȜțİȚȞ IJઁ ੕ȤȘȝĮ.
ȤİȓȡȚĮ ‫݋‬ʌȠȚȒıĮIJȠ· țܻȞIJİࠎșİȞ ਥijȚȗȐȞİȚȞ IJİ ਥʌ੿ IJĮȪIJȘȢ IJઁȞ IJȠȪIJȠȣ į੻ ȖȚȞȠȝȑȞȠȣ ‫݋‬Ȟ
İ‫ݧ‬Ȣ ܻȜĮȗȠȞİȓĮȞ ਥȟĮ- ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȞ, țĮ੿ IJĮ૙Ȣ ȝ੻Ȟ ੆ʌʌȠȚȢ ‫݋‬ʌȚıȒȝ࠙ ਦȠȡIJૌ, İ‫ݮ‬Ȣ IJࠛȞ
ijșİ੿Ȣ, ਥț ȜȓșȦȞ IJȚȝĮȜij૵Ȟ țĮ੿ IJĮ૙Ȣ IJİııȐȡȦȞ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȞ (20)
ȤȡȣıȠțȩȜȜȘIJȠȞ ‫ݻ‬ȤȘȝĮ ਲȝȚȩȞȠȚȢ ȤĮȓȡİȚȞ İੁʌİ૙Ȟ, ıȣȤȞࠛȢ IJާ ‫ݻ‬ȝȝĮ ਥʌȑıIJȡİijİȞ
țĮIJĮıțİȣȐıĮȢ ‫ބ‬ʌİȡİțȐșȘIJȠ, IJȠઃȢ į੻ IJ૵Ȟ ਲIJIJȘȝȑȞȦȞ İੁȢ IJȠ੝ʌȓıȦ țĮ੿ IJઁȞ IJȡȠȤઁȞ
‫ބ‬ʌȠȕĮȜޫȞ IJ૶ ȗȣȖ૶ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȞ (5) ਦȫȡĮ țȣ-
IJࠛȞ ‫ݘ‬IJIJȘșȑȞIJȦȞ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȞ IJ૶ IJĮȪIJȘȢ ȗȣȖ૶ IJȠઃȢ ȜȚȩȝİȞȠȞ· IJ૶ į੻ ȈİıȫıIJȡİȚ
IJȑIJIJĮȡĮȢ ਥȟ ਥțİȓȞȦȞ Į੝ȤȑȞĮȢ ʌİȡȚȕĮȜİ૙Ȟ, ਪȜțİȚȞ ਥʌİȡȦIJ૵ȞIJȚ, “įȚ੹ IJȓ ੕ʌȚıșİȞ
ਪȜțİȚȞ IJઁ ੕ȤȘȝĮ. IJİ ਥʌ੿ ਥʌȚıIJȘȡȓȗİȚȢ
IJોȢ ਕȖȠȡ઼Ȣ IJȠઃȢ ਱IJȣȤȘțȩIJĮȢ IJ੹ ੕ȝȝĮIJĮ;” IJȠ૨IJȠȞ
ȉȠȪIJȠȣ į੻ ʌȠȜȜȐțȚȢ IJ૵Ȟ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȞ IJઁ IJȠ૨ İੁʌİ૙Ȟ· “IJઁȞ IJȡȠȤઁȞ șĮȣȝȐȗȦ
ȖİȖİȞȘȝȑȞȠȣ, (20) Ȉİıȫ(12.) ıIJȡȚįȠȢ ੕ȤȘȝĮ… ܻıIJĮIJȠࠎȞIJĮ țĮ੿
țĮ੿ ‫݋‬Ȟ ‫݋‬ʌȚıȒȝ࠙ ȝȚઽ ਦȠȡIJોȢ , ਪȞĮ IJȚȞ੹ IJ૵Ȟ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȞ ܿȜȜȠIJİ ܿȜȜȦȢ țȚȞȠȪȝİȞȠȞ,
ਲȝȑȡ઺ İ‫ݮ‬Ȣ IJࠛȞ IJİIJIJȐȡȦȞ ijĮı੿ …ਥȞ ȝİȖȐȜૉ IJȚȞ੿ țĮ੿ țĮ‫ ޥ‬ʌȠIJ‫ ޡ‬ȝ‫ޡ‬Ȟ IJ‫ބ ޟ‬ȥȘȜ‫ޟ‬
ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȞ ıȣȞİȤࠛȢ IJઁ ੕ȝȝĮ ʌİȡȚijĮȞİ૙ ਦȠȡIJૌ, .., ȝ੽ IJĮʌİȚȞȠࠎȞIJĮ, Į‫މ‬șȚȢ
ıIJȡȑijȦȞ İੁȢ IJȠ੝ʌȓıȦ, IJઁ ਥșȑȜİȚȞ ਪȜțİȚȞ IJઁ ੕ȤȘȝĮ į‫ ޡ‬IJ‫ ޟ‬IJĮʌİȚȞ‫ޟ‬
IJȠ૨ IJȡȠȤȠ૨ ਦȫȡĮ ʌȣțȞȐ IJİ İੁȢ IJȠ੝ʌȓıȦ ܻȞȣȥȠࠎȞIJĮ.” IJઁȞ į੻
țȣțȜȠIJİȡȑȢ. ਫȡȩȝİȞȠȞ ıȣıIJȡȑijİıșĮȚ țĮ੿ IJ੽Ȟ ਥʌ੿ Ȉİı૵ıIJȡȚȞ ıȣȞİIJ૵Ȣ IJ੽Ȟ
į੻ ȈȑıȦıIJȡȚȞ, ੜIJȠȣ ȤȐȡȚȞ IJ૵Ȟ IJȡȠȤ૵Ȟ țȓȞȘıȚȞ ʌĮȡĮ- (25)
ʌȣțȞ૵Ȣ IJઁ ੕ȝȝĮ IJ૶ (13.) įȚȠȡ઼ıșĮȚ. …੒ IJ૵Ȟ ȕȠȜ੽Ȟ ਥʌȚıțȑȥĮȞIJĮ
IJȡȠȤ૶ ਥʌȚȕȐȜȜİȚȢ; ijĮı੿Ȟ ǹੁȖȣʌIJȓȦȞ ȕĮıȚȜİઃȢ ਩ijȘıİ… ȞȠȝȠșİIJોıĮȚ IJઁ ȝȘțȑIJȚ IJȠઃȢ
İੁʌİ૙Ȟ· · “ਙȞșȡȦʌİ, IJȓ ʌȡઁȢ IJȠ੝ʌȓıȦ ȕĮıȚȜİ૙Ȣ ‫ݐ‬ȜțİȚȞ IJާ
ਫțʌȜȒIJIJȠȝĮȚ (25)੒ȡ૵Ȟ IJઁ ȕȜȑȝȝĮ țȚȞİ૙Ȣ; IJȓ IJȠઃȢ ‫ݻ‬ȤȘȝĮ.”
ܻıIJȐIJȦȢ ijİȡȩȝİȞȠȞ IJઁȞ IJȡȠȤȠઃȢ ੂıIJȠȡİ૙Ȣ;… (14.) IJઁȞ
IJȡȠȤઁȞ, țĮ੿ ܿȜȜȠIJİ ܿȜȜȦȢ į੻ ijોıĮȚ …· “IJİșĮȪȝĮțĮ
țȣȜȚȩȝİȞȠȞ, țĮ‫ ޥ‬ʌȠIJ‫ ޡ‬ȝ‫ޡ‬Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ IJȡȠȤ૵Ȟ IJ੹ țȚȞȒȝĮIJĮ· ੒ į੻ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ IJĮ૨IJĮ
IJĮʌİȚȞȠࠎȞIJĮ IJ‫ބ ޟ‬ȥȘȜ‫ޟ‬, Į‫މ‬șȚȢ ਕȞȫȝĮȜȠȞ ਩ȤİȚ IJ੽Ȟ țȓȞȘıȚȞ. ਕțȘțȠઅȢ țĮ੿ ‫ބ‬ʌȠȖİȜȐıĮȢ
į‫ ޡ‬IJ‫ ޟ‬IJĮʌİȚȞ‫ܻ ޟ‬ȞȣȥȠࠎȞIJĮ. IJ੹ IJȠȓȞȣȞ IJȠȪIJȦȞ ȝȑȡȘ ਩ijȘıİ IJ‫ޣ‬Ȟ
ȝİIJİȦȡȠȪȝİȞĮ Į੣șȚȢ İ‫ݧ‬ȡȒȞȘȞ ਙȖİȚȞ
ਫțİ૙ȞȠȞ țĮIJĮȤșȩȞȚĮ ȖȓȞİIJĮȚ, țĮ੿
į੻, ıȣȞȚȑȞIJĮ IJઁ İੁȡȘȝȑȞȠȞ, ਩ȝʌĮȜȚȞ IJ੹ ʌİȡȚʌȑȗȚĮ ȝİIJ੹
ȞȠȝȠșİIJોıĮȚ IJȠ૨ ȜȠȚʌȠ૨ IJȠ૨IJȠ ਕʌĮȚȦȡȓȗİIJĮȚ.”
ȝ੽ ‫ݐ‬ȜțİȚȞ ਥțİȓȞȠȣȢ IJާ ‫ݻ‬ȤȘȝĮ. (15.) IJȠȪIJȦȞ IJȠȚȖĮȡȠ૨Ȟ
ȜȑȖȠȣıȚȞ ਕțȘțȠȩIJĮ IJઁȞ
ȈȑıȦıIJȡȚȞ ʌĮȚįİȣșોȞĮȚ ȝ੽
ȝȑȖĮ ijȡȠȞİ૙Ȟ ȞȠȝȠșİIJોıĮȓ IJİ
IJȠઃȢ ȕĮıȚȜȚțȠઃȢ Į੝ȤȑȞĮȢ IJ૵Ȟ
ȗȣȖ૵Ȟ ਕijİșોȞĮȚ... .” ੒ ȝ੻Ȟ
Ƞ੣Ȟ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ ਕʌȠșĮȣȝȐıĮȢ
IJ੽Ȟ ਥʌȚİȓțİȚĮȞ IJȠ૨ ਕȞįȡઁȢ
țȠȜȐȗİȚ IJઁȞ IJ૨ijȠȞ, țĮIJĮʌĮȪİȚ
IJઁ șȡȐıȠȢ, ȝİIJĮȕȐȜȜİȚ ʌȡઁȢ
132 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

İੁȡȘȞĮȓĮȞ ıȤȑıȚȞ IJ੹
ʌȡȐȖȝĮIJĮ.
… ੒ į੻ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȢ ʌȠȜȜȠ૙Ȣ
țĮ੿ ʌȠȚțȓȜȠȚȢ țĮ੿ ȜȓĮȞ
ਥȞIJİȜȑıȚ ȜȩȖȠȚȢ ȤȡȘıȐȝİȞȠȢ
IJ੹Ȣ įȣȞȐ(20.) ȝİȚȢ ਫ਼ʌȑʌİȚıİ
ȂİȚįȚȐȝĮIJȚ į੻ ਥįȒȜȠȣ (30) įȠ૨ȞĮȓ IJȚ IJ૶ ȕĮȡȕȐȡ૳ IJોȢ
IJ‫ ޟ‬IJ߱Ȣ İ‫ݧ‬ȡȒȞȘȢ ਕıʌȐȗİıșĮȚ. ȜİȓĮȢ. ਕʌȑįȠȞIJȠ IJȠȓȞȣȞ
ਫțİȓȞ૳ į੻ ȆȡȓıțȠȢ ૮ȦȝĮ૙ȠȚ IJȠઃȢ ਦĮȜȦțȩIJĮȢ IJ૶
ਫ਼ʌ੻ȡ IJોȢ įȚĮȕȐıİȦȢ ȋĮȖȐȞ૳ ȕĮȡȕȐȡȠȣȢ, IJ૵Ȟ
ʌȠȜȪ IJȚ IJ૵Ȟ ıțȪȜȦȞ į੻ ȜȠȚʌ૵Ȟ ȜĮijȪȡȦȞ ਕȝȑIJȠȤȠȞ
ਕʌȑįȠIJȠ Į੝IJઁȞ ʌȠȚȘıȐȝİȞȠȚ įȚĮȜȪȠȣıȚ
IJ੹ ȝȑȖȚıIJĮ ȤĮȡȚȗȩȝİȞȠȢ. IJઁ ਕȝijȓȕȠȜȠȞ. ਕıȝİȞȓıĮȢ
IJȠȓȞȣȞ ੒ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ IJ੽Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ
ਫįȒȜȠȣ Ȗİ ȝ੽Ȟ IJોȢ ૮Ȧ- ȕĮȡ
ȝĮȓȦȞ ਕȞĮȤȦȡİ૙Ȟ ȖોȢ· (21.) ȕȐȡȦȞ ਕʌȩįȠıȚȞ ȤȫȡĮȞ
૮ȦȝĮȧțઁȞ Ȗ੹ȡ ਫ਼ʌİ૙ȞĮȚ IJઁ ਥįȓįȠȣ IJĮ૙Ȣ
਩įĮijȠȢ. ੘ į੻ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȢ, įȚĮȕȐıİıȚȞ. VII.7.4. ੒ į੻
ਕȜȜ’ ੖ʌȜȠȚȢ țĮ੿ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ ਥįȒȜȠȣ ਥʌ’
ʌȠȜȑȝȠȣ (35) ਕȜȜȠIJȡȓĮȢ ȖોȢ ਥʌȚȕĮȓȞİȚȞ
ȞȩȝȠȚȢ ૮ȦȝĮȓȠȣȢ IJȠ૨IJ’ ૮ȦȝĮȓȠȣȢ… 5. ਩ijĮıțİ IJȠȓȞȣȞ
ਕʌȠțIJȒıĮıșĮȚ. ੒ ȆȡȓıțȠȢ ૮ȦȝĮȧțઁȞ
ǽȣȖȠȝĮȤȠ૨Ȟ- IJȠȢ į੻ IJȠ૨ ਫ਼ʌİ૙ȞĮȚ IJઁ ਩įĮijȠȢ, ੒ į੻
ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ, ȆȡȓıțȠȞ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȢ ੖ʌȜȠȚȢ țĮ੿ ȞȩȝȠȚȢ
ੑȞİȚįȓıĮȚ IJ੽Ȟ ਥț IJોȢ ʌȠȜȑȝȦȞ ૮ȦȝĮȓȠȣȢ
ਰȦ ਕʌȩįȡĮıȚȞ. ਕʌȠțIJȒıĮıșĮȚ IJȠ૨IJȠ. IJȠ૨
IJȠȓȞȣȞ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ
(30.) ǻȚİȟȠįȚțȦIJȑȡĮ įȚȒȖȘıȚȢ ȗȣȖȠȝĮȤȠ૨ȞIJȠȢ țĮ੿
ʌİȡ੿ IJોȢ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ įȚĮȝijȚȕȐȜȜȠȞIJȠȢ ʌİȡ੿ IJȠȪIJȦȞ
ȖİȞİĮȜȠȖȓĮȢ· țĮ੿ ੖ʌȦȢ ਥț IJ૵Ȟ IJȩʌȦȞ, ijĮı੿ IJઁȞ
IJોȢ ਪȦ İੁȢ ਦıʌȑȡĮȞ ȆȡȓıțȠȞ IJ੽Ȟ ਥț IJોȢ ਪȦ
įȚȑȕȘıĮȞ· țĮ੿ ʌİȡ੿ IJȠ૨ ੕ȡȠȣȢ ਕʌȩįȡĮıȚȞ ੑȞİȚįȓıĮȚ
IJȠ૨ ੉țȐȡ· țĮ੿ ʌİȡ੿ IJોȢ ȋĮȖȐȞ૳. (5)
ȆİȡıȚțોȢ ʌĮȜĮȚ઼Ȣ ʌȠȜȚIJİȓĮȢ·
਩IJȚ į੻ țĮ੿ ʌİȡ੿ IJ૵Ȟ ʌȩȜİȦȞ
IJોȢ ȉĮȖĮઃıIJ țĮ੿
IJોȢ ȀȠȣȕį੹Ȟ, ਗȢ ȜȩȖȠȢ IJઁȞ
ȂĮțİįȩȞĮ țIJȓıĮȚ (6.) ਝȜȜ’ ਥʌİ੿ ʌİȡ੿ IJ૵Ȟ
ȜȑȟĮȞįȡȠȞ. (7t) Ȉțȣș૵Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ ʌȡઁȢ IJ૶
ਫʌİ੿ į੻ IJ૵Ȟ ʌȡઁȢ IJ૶ ȀĮȣțȐı૳ IJ૵Ȟ IJİ ʌȡઁȢ
ȀĮȣțȐı૳ Ȉțȣș૵Ȟ țĮ੿ ȕȠȡȡ઼Ȟ IJİIJȡĮȝȝȑȞȦȞ
IJ૵Ȟ (8) ȝȞȒȝȘȞ ਥʌȠȚȘıȐȝİșĮ, ijȑȡİ
ʌȡઁȢ ǺȠ૦૧઼Ȟ IJİIJȡĮȝȝȑȞȦȞ įȒ, ijȑȡİ IJ੹
ȝȞİȓĮȞ ਥʌȠȚȘıȐȝȘȞ, ʌĮȡȘțȠȜȠȣșȘțȩIJĮ țĮIJ੹
ijȑȡİ IJ੹ ʌĮȡȘțȠȜȠȣșȘțȩIJĮ IJȠȪIJȠȣȢ IJȠઃȢ ȤȡȩȞȠȣȢ
IJȠȪIJȠȚȢ ੮ıʌİȡ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȝİȖȓıIJȠȚȢ ਩șȞİıȚ IJȠȪIJȠȚȢ
ਥȝȕȩȜȚȝȐ (10) ੮ıʌİȡ ਥȝȕȩȜȚȝȐ IJȚȞĮ
IJȚȞĮ įȚȘȖȒȝĮIJĮ, İੁ țĮ੿ IJૌ įȚȘȖȒȝĮIJĮ (7.) IJ੽Ȟ ੂıIJȠȡȓĮȞ
ੂıIJȠȡȓ઺ ȝ੽ ʌȡȩıijȠȡĮ, ȝİıȠȜĮȕȒıĮȞIJİȢ
ʌȡȠİțșȫȝİșĮ. ʌĮȡĮșȫȝİșĮ. șȑȡȠȣȢ
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 133

ਥȞİıIJ૵IJȠȢ țĮIJ੹ IJȠ૨IJȠȞ į੽


Ȇȡઁ IJȠȪIJȦȞ į੻ IJ૵Ȟ IJઁȞ ਥȞȚĮȣIJઁȞ ੒ ʌȡઁȢ IJૌ ਪ૳
ਥȞȚĮȣIJ૵Ȟ ȋĮȖ઼ȞȠȢ ੒ ʌȡઁȢ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJ૵Ȟ ȉȠȪȡțȦȞ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ
IJૌ ਪ૳ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJ૵Ȟ ȉȠȪȡțȦȞ ਫ਼ȝȞȠȪȝİȞȠȢ ʌȡȑıȕİȚȢ
ਫ਼ȝȞȠȪȝİȞȠȢ, ਥȟȑʌİȝȥİ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓ૳ IJ૶
IJઁȞ IJ૵Ȟ ਝȕįİȜ૵Ȟ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȚ,…IJ૶ ੕ȞIJȚ Ȗ੹ȡ
ਥșȞȐȡȤȘȞ, ਙȜȜȠȢ į’ ਙȞ IJȚȢ IJઁȞ ਥșȞȐȡȤȘȞ IJ૵Ȟ
IJ૵Ȟ ਝȕįİȜ૵Ȟ (ijȘȝ੿ į੽ IJ૵Ȟ
ਫijșĮȜȚIJ૵Ȟ ȜİȖȠȝȑȞȦȞ ȜİȖȠȝȑȞȦȞ
ਥȡİ૙, țĮIJĮțȡȐIJȠȢ ਫijșĮȜȚIJ૵Ȟ) țĮIJĮʌȠȜİȝȒıĮȢ
ȞȚțȒıĮȢ, (15) Ƞ੤IJȠȢ Į੝IJઁȢ ੒ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ (5)
IJ੽Ȟ IJȠ૨ ਩șȞȠȣȢ ਕȡȤ੽Ȟ (9.) ਥȞȓțȘıİ IJȒȞ IJİ IJȠ૨
ʌİȡȚȕȐȜȜİIJĮȚ. ਫʌ੿ ȝȑȖĮ ਩șȞȠȣȢ ਕȡȤ੽Ȟ ʌİȡȚİȕȐȜİIJȠ.
IJȠȓȞȣȞ IJૌ Ȟȓțૉ ਕȡșİ੿Ȣ, țĮ੿ ਥʌ੿ IJૌ Ȟȓțૉ IJȠȓȞȣȞ İੁȢ ȝȑȖĮ
IJઁȞ ȈIJİȝİȧıȤĮȖ੹Ȟ ıȪȝȝĮ- ਕȡșİ੿Ȣ țĮ੿ IJઁȞ
ȤȠȞ ʌȠȚȘıȐȝİȞȠȢ, țĮ੿ IJઁ ȈIJİȝȕȚıȤȐįĮȞ ıȪȝȝĮȤȠȞ
IJ૵Ȟ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ ਩șȞȠȢ ਫ਼ʌȠ- ʌȠȚȘıȐȝİȞȠȢ IJઁ IJ૵Ȟ
ȤİȓȡȚȠȞ țĮșȚıIJઽ· ਝȕȐȡȦȞ, ਝȕȐȡȦȞ ਩șȞȠȢ
Ƞ੝Ȥ Ƞ੄ ਕȞ੹ IJ੽Ȟ Ǽ੝ȡȫ- țĮIJİįȠȣȜȫıĮIJȠ. ਕȜȜ੹
ʌȘȞ țĮ੿ ȆĮȞȞȠȞȓĮȞ ȝȒ IJȚȢ …ਝȕȐȡȠȣȢ İੇȞĮȚ
ʌȡȠıȠȚțİ૙Ȟ ਩ȜĮȤȠȞ· įȚĮȞȠȠȪȝİȞȠȢ IJȠઃȢ ਕȞ੹ IJ੽Ȟ
ȥİȣįȦȞȪȝȦȢ (20) Ǽ੝ȡȫʌȘȞ țĮ੿ IJ੽Ȟ (5)
Ȗ੹ȡ Ƞ੤IJȠȚ IJȠ੡ȞȠȝĮ ȆĮȞȞȠȞȓĮȞ ʌȡȠıȠȚțȠ૨ȞIJĮȢ
ʌİȡȚȑșİȞIJȠ, ʌȡİıȕȣIJȑȡĮȞ ȕĮȡȕȐȡȠȣȢ, țĮ੿ IJȠȪIJȦȞ IJ੽Ȟ
IJ੽Ȟ ਙijȚȟȚȞ IJ૵Ȟ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓȠȣ ਙijȚȟȚȞ ʌȡİıȕȣIJȑȡĮȞ
ȤȡȩȞȦȞ ʌİʌȠȚȘȝȑȞȠȚ. ੜșİȞ ȖİȞȑıșĮȚ IJ૵Ȟ ȤȡȩȞȦȞ
į੻ țĮ੿ IJઁ ȖȑȞȠȢ ਪȜțȠȣıȚȞ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓȠȣ IJȠ૨
Ƞ੤IJȠȚ, ȝȚțȡઁȞ ੢ıIJİȡȠȞ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ.
ȜȑȟȦ. (10.) ȥİȣįȦȞȪȝȦȢ Ȗ੹ȡ
ȉ૵Ȟ ȖȠ૨Ȟ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ ʌȡȠıȘȖȠȡȓĮȞ Ƞੂ ʌİȡ੿
ਲIJIJȘșȑȞIJȦȞ ȋĮȖȐȞ૳, ʌȡઁȢ IJઁȞ ੍ıIJȡȠȞ
IJȠઃȢ țĮIJȑȤȠȞIJĮȢ IJ੽Ȟ ʌİȡȚİȕȐȜȠȞIJȠ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȚ ੖șİȞ
ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ ਥʌȠȚȒıĮȞIJȠ IJ੹Ȣ į੻ IJઁ ȖȑȞȠȢ Į੝IJȠ૙Ȣ, ੖ıȠȞ
ਕʌȠ (25)ijȣȖȐȢ. Ƞ੡ʌȦ İੁȡȒıİIJĮȚ. ਲIJIJȘșȑȞIJȦȞ
ȖȠ૨Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ, (ʌȡઁȢ Ȗ੹ȡ
਺ į੻ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ ʌȩȜȚȢ IJઁȞ ȜȩȖȠȞ ਥʌȐȞȚȝİȞ) Ƞੂ ȝ੻Ȟ
ȉȠȪȡțȦȞ ʌȡઁȢ IJȠઃȢ țĮIJȑȤȠȞIJĮȢ IJ੽Ȟ
ਥʌȚijĮȞȒȢ·țĮșȑıIJȘțİ į’ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ IJ੹Ȣ ਕʌȠ-
Į੢IJȘ ੉ȞįȠ૙Ȣ ੖ȝȠȡȠȢ· ੰȞ IJઁ (11.) ijȣȖ੹Ȣ ਥʌȠȚȒıĮȞIJȠ. ਲ į੻
਩șȞȠȢ ਕȜțȚȝȫIJĮIJȠȞ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ ʌȩȜȚȢ ਥʌȚijĮȞȒȢ, …
ȝȐȜȚıIJĮ, țĮ੿ IJȠ૙Ȣ țĮIJ੹ IJ੽Ȟ · Į੝IJ੽ ੖ȝȠȡȠȢ țĮșȑıIJȘțİ
ȠੁțȠȣȝȑȞȘȞ ਩șȞİıȚȞ IJȠ૙Ȣ ੉ȞįȠ૙Ȣ. Ƞੂ į੻ ʌİȡ੿ IJ੽Ȟ
ਕʌĮȡȐȝȚȜȜȠȞ. ਫțİ૙șİȞ į੻ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ Į੝ȜȚȗȩȝİȞȠȚ
ʌȡઁȢ IJઁ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȚ ਩șȞȠȢ
ਕȖȤȚıIJİ૨ȠȞ ਩șȞȠȢ IJ૵Ȟ ਕȜțȚȝȫIJĮIJȠȞ țĮ੿ ʌȠȜȣĮȞ-
ȂȠȣțȡȚIJ૵Ȟ ੆İȞIJĮȚ. șȡȦʌȩIJĮIJȠȞ, țĮ੿ IJȠ૙Ȣ țĮIJ੹
IJ੽Ȟ ȠੁțȠȣȝȑȞȘȞ ਩șȞİıȚ įȚ੹ IJઁ
ȆȠȜȜ੽ į’ (30)ਥțİȓȞ૳ ਕȜț੽ ȝȑȖİșȠȢ (12.) ਕʌĮȡȐȜȜȘȜȠȞ.
țĮ੿ ȝİȜİIJȒȝĮIJĮ ʌȡઁȢ ਪIJİȡȠȚ IJ૵Ȟ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ įȚ੹ IJ੽Ȟ
țȚȞįȪȞȠȣȢ įȚȘȞİțો, ȖİȞȞĮȓȦȢ ਸIJIJĮȞ ʌȡઁȢ IJĮʌİȚȞȠIJȑȡĮȞ
134 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

ȝȐȜĮ ਥȖțĮȡIJİȡȠȪıȘȢ ਕʌȠțȜȓȞĮȞIJİȢ IJȪȤȘȞ


IJȠȪIJȠȚȢ Į੝IJ૵Ȟ ʌĮȡĮȖȓȞȠȞIJĮȚ ʌȡઁȢ IJȠઃȢ ȜİȖȠ-
IJોȢ ȥȣȤોȢ. ȝȑȞȠȣȢ ȂȠȣțȡȓ. IJȠ૨IJȠ į੻ IJઁ
਩șȞȠȢ ʌȜȘıȚȑıIJĮIJȠȞ ʌȑijȣțİ
੘ į੻ ȋĮȖ઼ȞȠȢ ਥȖȤİȚȡ૵Ȟ țĮ੿ IJ૵Ȟ ȉĮȣȖȐıIJ, ਕȜț੽ į੻ Į੝IJ૶
IJઁ IJ૵Ȟ ȈȠȖઁȡ ਩șȞȠȢ ʌȡઁȢ IJ੹Ȣ ʌĮȡĮIJȐȟİȚȢ ʌȠȜȜ੽
ȤİȚȡȠ૨IJĮȚ ੁıȤȣȡȩIJĮIJȠȞ įȚȐ IJİ IJ੹ ਥț IJ૵Ȟ ȖȣȝȞĮıȓȦȞ
ਖʌȐȞIJȦȞ țĮ੿ ੒ıȘȝȑȡĮȚ ȝİȜİIJȒȝĮIJĮ įȚȐ
ʌȠȜȣĮȞșȡȦʌȩIJĮIJȠȞ· ੔ ʌİȡ੿ IJİ (5)
IJઁȞ ȉ੿Ȝ ʌȠIJĮȝઁȞ Ȟȑȝİ- (35) (13.) IJ੽Ȟ ʌİȡ੿ IJȠઃȢ țȚȞįȪȞȠȣȢ
IJĮȚ, ੔Ȟ ȂȑȜĮȞĮ ȉȠ૨ȡțȠȚ IJોȢ ȥȣȤોȢ ਥȖțĮȡIJȑȡȘıȚȞ.
țĮȜȠ૨ıȚȞ· ਥʌȚȕĮȓȞİȚ
IJȠȓȞȣȞ țĮ੿ ਦIJȑȡĮȢ
੔Ȟ Ƞੂ ʌĮȜĮȓIJĮIJȠȚ ਥȖȤİȚȡȒıİȦȢ ੒ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ, țĮ੿
ਙȡȤȠȞIJİȢ ȅ੝į੽ȡ țĮ੿ ȀȠȣȞȠ੿ IJȠઃȢ ੗Ȗઅȡ ਥȤİȚȡȫıĮIJȠ
ੑȞȠȝȐȗȠȞIJĮȚ· ਕij’ ੰȞ ʌȐȞIJĮȢ. ਩șȞȠȢ į੻ IJȠ૨IJȠ IJ૵Ȟ
țĮȓ IJȚȞĮ IJ૵Ȟ ਥșȞ૵Ȟ Ƞ੢IJȦ ੁıȤȣȡȠIJȐIJȦȞ țĮșȑıIJȘțİ įȚȐ
țȜȒıİȦȢ ਩IJȣȤȠȞ țȜȘȡȦ- IJİ IJ੽Ȟ ʌȠȜȣĮȞįȡȓĮȞ țĮ੿ IJ੽Ȟ
ıȐȝİȞĮ IJ੽Ȟ ਥʌȦȞȣȝȓĮȞ. ʌȡઁȢ IJઁȞ ʌȩȜİȝȠȞ ਩ȞȠʌȜȠȞ
ȉȠȓȞȣȞ ੉ȠȣıIJȚȞȚĮȞȠ૨ IJ੹ ਙıțȘıȚȞ. Ƞ੤IJȠȚ į੻ ʌȡઁȢ IJĮ૙Ȣ
ıțોʌIJȡĮ įȚȑʌȠȞIJȠȢ ਥț IJ૵Ȟ ਕȞĮIJȠȜĮ૙Ȣ IJ੹Ȣ ȠੁțȒıİȚȢ (5)
ʌȐȜĮȚ ijȣȜȐȡȤȦȞ ȝȠ૙ȡȐ (40) ʌȠȚȠ૨ȞIJĮȚ, ਩ȞșĮ ੒ ȉ੿Ȝ įȚĮȡȡİ૙
IJȚȢ ਕʌȠįȡȐıĮıĮ, ʌȡȠıijȠȚIJઽ ʌȠIJĮȝȩȢ, ੔Ȟ ȂȑȜĮȞĮ ȉȠȪȡ-
IJૌ Ǽ੝ȡȫʌૉ, Ƞ੄ țĮ੿ ਡȕĮȡĮȢ (14.) țȠȚȢ ਕʌȠțĮȜİ૙Ȟ <਩șȠȢ>.
ਦĮȣIJȠઃȢ țĮIJȦȞȩȝĮıĮȞ· țĮ੿ Ƞੂ į੻ IJȠȪIJȠȣ IJȠ૨ ਩șȞȠȣȢ
IJઁȞ ਲȖİȝȩȞĮ ʌĮȜĮȓIJĮIJȠȚ
ıij૵Ȟ IJૌ IJȠ૨ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ ਩ȟĮȡȤȠȚ ȅ੝੹ȡ țĮ੿ ȋȠȣȞȞ੿
ʌȡȠıȘȖȠȡȓ઺ ਥıȑȝȞȣȞĮȞ. ੩ȞȠȝȐȗȠȞIJȠ· ਥț IJȠȪIJȦȞ țĮȓ
ੜıĮ IJȚȞĮ
į੻ IJ૵Ȟ ਥșȞ૵Ȟ ȅ੝ȞȞȚț੹, IJ૵Ȟ ਥșȞ૵Ȟ ਥțİȓȞȦȞ IJ੽Ȟ
ǺĮȡı੽ȜIJ țĮ੿ ȅ੝ȞȚȖȠ૨ȡȠȚ ੑȞȠȝĮıȓĮȞ ਕʌİțȜȘȡȫıĮȞIJȠ
țĮ੿ ȅ੝੹ȡ țĮ੿ ȋȠȣȞȞ੿
ȈȐȕȚȡȠȚ, IJ૵Ȟ ਥț IJȠ૨ ȅ੝੹ȡ ੑȞȠȝĮȗȩȝİȞĮ.
țĮ੿ īȠȣȞ੿ ਕʌȩȝȠȚȡĮȞ (45)
Į੝IJȠ૙Ȣ ʌȜȘıȚȐȗȠȣıĮȞ 7.8.(1.) ੉ȠȣıIJȚȞȚĮȞȠ૨ IJȠȓȞȣȞ
ਥșİȐıĮȞIJȠ, İੁȢ įȑȠȢ IJȠ૨ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ IJઁ
ਥȞȑʌȚʌIJȠȞ ȕĮıȓȜİȚȠȞ țȡȐIJȠȢ ਥʌȑȤȠȞIJȠȢ,
ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȞ, ȠੁȩȝİȞȠȚ ਝȕȐȡȠȣȢ ਥț IJȠȪIJȦȞ IJ૵Ȟ ȅ੝੹ȡ țĮ੿
ਥțİȓȞȠȣȢ IJȠઃȢ ijȠȕİȡȠઃȢ ȋȠȣȞȞ੿ ੑȜȓȖȘ ਕʌȠįȡȐıĮıĮ
ਥȞįȘȝોıĮȚ IJ૶ Ȥȫȡ૳· țĮ੿ ȝȠ૙ȡĮ IJȠ૨ ਕȡȤİȖȩȞȠȣ ijȪȜȠȣ
įȚ੹ IJȠ૨IJȠ įȫȡȠȚȢ IJȠȪIJȠȣȢ (2.) ਥțİȓȞȠȣ ਥȞįȘȝİ૙ IJૌ
įİȟȚȦıȐȝİȞȠȚ, įȚ’ Į੝IJ૵Ȟ Ǽ੝ȡȫʌૉ. Ƞ੤IJȠȚ ਝȕȐȡȠȣȢ
IJ੽Ȟ ਝȜȕĮȞȓĮȞ țĮIJȑıȤȠȞ. ਦĮȣIJȠઃȢ ੑȞȠȝȐıĮȞIJİȢ IJઁȞ
ȅੂ į੻ ijȣȖȐįİȢ ਥțİ૙ȞȠȚ ਲȖİȝȩȞĮ IJૌ IJȠ૨ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ
ıȣȞȚįȩȞIJİȢ ıȣȝijȑȡȠȣıĮȞ ʌȡȠıȘȖȠȡȓ઺ ijĮȚįȡȪȞȠȣıȚȞ…
ıijȓıȚ (50)IJ੽Ȟ ʌȡȠıȦȞȣȝȓĮȞ, . ǺĮȡı੽ȜIJ
ਡȕĮȡĮȢ IJȠ૨ ȜȠȚʌȠ૨ țĮ੿ ȅ੝ȞȞȠȣȖȠ૨ȡȠȚ țĮ੿
ਦĮȣIJȠઃȢ țĮIJȦȞȩȝĮȗȠȞ. ȈĮȕȓȡȠȚ ȅ੝ȞȞȚțȐ IJİ ʌȡઁȢ
ȁȑȖİIJĮȚ Ȗ੹ȡ IJȠ૙Ȣ IJ૵Ȟ IJȠȪIJȠȚȢ ਪIJİȡĮ
Ȉțȣș૵Ȟ ਩șȞİıȚ ਩șȞȘ, ੒ʌȘȞȓțĮ IJ૵Ȟ ȅ੝੹ȡ țĮ੿
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 135

IJȠ૨IJȠ ȝ઼ȜȜȠȞ IJઁ ij૨ȜȠȞ ȋȠȣȞȞ੿ ਩IJȚ ਕʌȩȝȠȚȡĮȞ țĮIJ੹


ਥȞIJȡİȤȑıIJĮIJȠȞ țĮ੿ ʌȠȜİȝȚ- IJȠઃȢ IJȩʌȠȣȢ Į੝IJ૵Ȟ
țȫIJĮIJȠȞ İੇȞĮȚ. ਝȝȑȜİȚ IJȠȚ ਕʌȠįȚįȡȐıțȠȣıĮȞ
țĮ੿ ȝȑȤȡȚ IJȠ૨ įİ૨ȡȠ Ƞੂ ਥșİȐıĮȞIJȠ, İੁȢ ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȞ
ȥİȣįȐȕĮȡİȢ Ƞ੤IJȠȚ IJૌ IJ૵Ȟ țĮIJĮʌȓʌIJȠȣıȚ ijȩȕȠȞ,
ȖİȞ૵Ȟ ਕȡȤૌ įȚ૊ȡȘȞIJĮȚ· ਫ਼ʌȠIJȠʌȒıĮȞIJİȢ ਝȕȐȡȠȣȢ
Ƞੂ (55) ਫ਼ʌİ૙ȞĮȚ
ȝ੻Ȟ Ȗ੹ȡ ਥț IJȠ૨ ȅ੝੹ȡ, Ƞੂ į’ IJȠઃȢ (5)(4.) ਥȞįȘȝȒıĮȞIJĮȢ.
ਥț IJȠ૨ ȋȠȣȞ੿ ੑȞȠȝȐȗȠȞ- įȚ੹ IJȠ૨IJȠ įȫȡȠȚȢ ȜĮȝʌȡȠ૙Ȣ
IJĮȚ. ਫʌİ੿ į੻ IJ੹ IJ૵Ȟ IJȠઃȢ ijȣȖȐįĮȢ IJȚȝȒıĮȞIJİȢ
ȥİȣįĮȕȐȡȦȞ ਲȝ૙Ȟ İ੅ȡȘIJĮȚ, ਩įȠȟĮȞ ਕȞIJȚȜĮȝȕȐȞİȚȞ ʌĮȡ’
ਥʌ੿ IJઁ IJોȢ ੂıIJȠȡȓĮȢ ıȣȞİȤ੻Ȣ Į੝IJ૵Ȟ IJ੽Ȟ ਕȕȜȐȕİȚĮȞ. Ƞੂ
ਥʌĮȞȑȜșȦȝİȞ. ੗ȖȠȡȜȓĮ IJȠȓȞȣȞ ȅ੝੹ȡ țĮ੿ ȋȠȣȞȞ੿ ੪Ȣ
IJȠȓȞȣȞ ȞİȞȚțȘȝȑȞȠȣ, țĮ੿ IJȠ૨ İੇįȠȞ IJ੽Ȟ IJોȢ ਕʌȠijȣȖોȢ
ȉȠȣțઁȤ ਥșȞȐȡȤȠȣ ıIJȩ- ਥʌȚįȑȟȚȠȞ ਩ȞĮȡȟȚȞ, IJ੽Ȟ ʌȜȐȞȘȞ
ȝĮIJȚ ૧ȠȝijĮȓĮȢ ʌȡઁȢ IJ૵Ȟ ʌȡİıȕİȣıĮȝȑȞȦȞ
ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ ਥțįİįȠȝȑȞȠȣ, ıઃȞ ȠੁțİȚȦıȐȝİȞȠȚ ਝȕȐȡȠȣȢ
IJȠȪ- (60) ਦĮȣIJȠઃȢ țĮIJȦȞȩȝĮıĮȞ·
IJȠȚȢ ਕȞĮȚȡȠ૨ȞIJĮȚ IJોȢ Į੝IJ૵Ȟ ȜȑȖİIJĮȚ Ȗ੹ȡ ਥȞ IJȠ૙Ȣ (5)਩șȞİıȚ
ijȣȜોȢ ȝȣȡȚȐįİȢ IJȡȚȐ- IJȠ૙Ȣ ȈțȣșȚțȠ૙Ȣ IJઁ IJ૵Ȟ
țȠȞIJĮ, ੪Ȣ ੒įઁȞ ਲȝİȡ૵Ȟ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ ਫ਼ʌİ૙ȞĮȚ
ਥʌȑȤİȚȞ IJ੽Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ ʌİʌIJȦțȩ- ਥȞIJȡİȤȑıIJĮIJȠȞ
IJȦȞ ıȦȝȐIJȦȞ ıȣȞȑȤİȚĮȞ. (5.) ij૨ȜȠȞ. ਕȝȑȜİȚ IJȠȚ țĮ੿
ȝȑȤȡȚ IJ૵Ȟ ȤȡȩȞȦȞ IJ૵Ȟ țĮș’
ਲȝ઼Ȣ
ȉોȢ į੻ ȞȓțȘȢ ਥʌȚijĮȞ૵Ȣ Ƞੂ ȌİȣįȐȕĮȡȠȚ (ȜȑȖİȚȞ Ȗ੹ȡ
IJȠȚĮȪIJȘȢ IJ૶ ȋĮȖȐȞ૳ Ƞ੢IJȦȢ Į੝IJȠઃȢ
ȖİȖİȞȘȝȑȞȘȢ, ਥȝijȪȜȚȠȢ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȠੁțİȚȩIJİȡȠȞ) IJĮ૙Ȣ
ȉȠȪȡțȠȚȢ ਥʌȚȖȓȞİIJĮȚ ȖİȞİĮȡȤȓĮȚȢ įȚ૊ȡȘȞIJĮȚ, țĮ੿
ʌȩȜİȝȠȢ. ȉȠȣȡȠઃȞ ȖȐȡ IJȚȢ Ƞੂ ȝ੻Ȟ ȅ੝੹ȡ ਕȡȤĮȚȠʌȡİʌ૵Ȣ
ȋĮ- (65) ੑȞȠȝȐ-
ȖȐȞ૳ IJ૶ ȖȑȞİȚ ʌȡȠıȒțȦȞ, ȗȠȞIJĮȚ, Ƞੂ į੻ ȋȠȣȞȞ੿
ȞİȦIJİȡȓȗİȚȞ ਥʌȑȕĮȜİ· ʌȡȠıĮȖȠȡİȪȠȞIJĮȚ. ਥʌİ੿ į੻ IJ੹
țĮ੿ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ ȝİȖȐȜĮȢ ʌİȡ੿ IJ૵Ȟ (6.) ȌİȣįĮȕȐȡȦȞ
ਕșȡȠȓıĮȢ, ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ ਥʌȚțȡĮ- ੪Ȣ ਥȞ ਥʌȚIJȠȝૌ įȚİȟȒȜșȠȝİȞ,
IJȑıIJİȡȠȢ ਷Ȟ. ਫțİ૙ȞȠȢ į’ ʌȡઁȢ IJ੹ ıȣȞİȤો
ਦIJȑȡȠȣȢ IJȡİ૙Ȣ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣȢ IJોȢ ੂıIJȠȡȓĮȢ IJ੽Ȟ ਩țșİıȚȞ
ਦIJĮȚȡȚıȐȝİȞȠȢ, ਩ʌİȚıȚ IJ૶ ʌȠȚȘıȫȝİșĮ. IJȠ૨ IJȠȓȞȣȞ
IJȣȡȐȞȞ૳· țĮ੿ ʌȡઁȢ IJ૶ ੗Ȗઅȡ
੉ț੹ȡ ȤȦȡȓ૳ ıȣȝȕĮȜઅȞ, ȜȓĮȞ ਥȖțȡĮIJ૵Ȣ ȞİȞȚțȘȝȑȞȠȣ,
țIJİȓȞİȚ IJઁȞ IJȪȡĮȞȞȠȞ IJઁȞ IJȠ૨ ȀઁȜȤ ਥșȞȐȡȤȘȞ
ijȩȞȠȣ (70) ıIJȩȝĮIJȚ
ʌȠȜȜȠ૨ ʌȡȠİȜșȩȞIJȠȢ, țĮ੿ IJોȢ (7.) ૧ȠȝijĮȓĮȢ ੒ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ
ੁįȓĮȢ Į੣șȚȢ ȤȫȡĮȢ țĮ- ʌĮȡȑįȦțİȞ. ਕȞĮȚȡȠ૨ȞIJĮȚ
șȓıIJĮIJĮȚ țȪȡȚȠȢ. ȉ੹ į’ IJȠȓȞȣȞ ਥț
ਥʌȚȞȓțȚĮ IJȠ૙Ȣ IJİ ਙȜȜȠȚȢ țĮ੿ IJȠȪIJȠȣ įોIJĮ IJȠ૨ ਩șȞȠȣȢ țĮIJ੹
ȂĮȣȡȚțȓ૳ įȚİȝȘȞȪİIJȠ, IJઁȞ ʌȩȜİȝȠȞ ȝȣȡȚȐįİȢ IJȡȚȐ-
IJĮ૨IJĮ ਥȞ ʌȡȠȠȚȝȓȠȚȢ ȖȡȐȥĮȢ, țȠȞIJĮ, ੪Ȣ ੒įઁȞ ਲȝİȡ૵Ȟ
«ȉ૶ ȕĮıȚȜİ૙ IJ૵Ȟ IJİIJIJȐȡȦȞ ਥʌȑȤİȚȞ IJ੽Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ
૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ ੒ ȝȑȖĮȢ țĮIJĮʌİʌIJȦ-
136 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

įİıʌȩIJȘȢ, (8.) țȩIJȦȞ ıȦȝȐIJȦȞ


ਦʌIJ੹ ȖİȞ૵Ȟ țĮ੿ ıȣȞȑȤİȚĮȞ. Ƞ੢IJȦ įોIJĮ IJોȢ
țȪȡȚȠȢ țȜȚȝȐIJȦȞ IJોȢ ȞȓțȘȢ IJ૶ ȋĮȖȐȞ૳
ȠੁțȠȣȝȑȞȘȢ (75) ȝİȚįȚȫıȘȢ ਥʌȚijĮȞ૵Ȣ,
ਦʌIJȐ.» ıȣȖțȡȠIJİ૙IJĮȚ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȉȠȪȡțȠȚȢ
ȉઁ į੻ ੖ȡȠȢ IJઁ ੉ț੹ȡ ਥȝijȪȜȚȠȢ
ȤȡȣıȠ૨Ȟ Ƞੂ ȆȑȡıĮȚ țĮȜȠ૨ıȚȞ ʌȩȜİȝȠȢ. ਕȞȒȡ IJȚȢ ȉȠȣȡȠઃȝ
ਥʌ੿ IJ੹Ȣ ਕȞĮIJȠȜ੹Ȣ ਩ȤȠȞ IJ੽Ȟ ੑȞȠȝĮȗȩȝİȞȠȢ, ʌȡઁȢ ȖȑȞȠȢ
੆įȡȣıȚȞ. ȅ੢IJȦ į੻ țĮȜİ૙IJĮȚ țĮșİ-
įȚ੹ IJઁ įĮȥȚȜ੻Ȣ IJ૵Ȟ ਥȞ ıIJઅȢ IJ૶ ȋĮȖȐȞ૳,
Į੝IJ૶ ijȣȠȝȑȞȦȞ țĮȡʌ૵Ȟ, ȞİȦIJİȡȓıĮȢ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ
țĮ੿ įȚ੹ IJઁ țĮIJȐțȠȝȠȞ İੇȞĮȚ ȝİȖȐȜĮȢ ıȣȞȒșȡȠȚıİȞ.
șȡİȝȝȐIJȦȞ țĮ੿ ȞȦIJȠijȩȡȦȞ (9.) ਥʌİ੿ į੻ țĮIJ੹ IJ੽Ȟ ȝȐȤȘȞ IJ੹
ȗȫȦȞ ਥȢ ȝȐȜȚıIJĮ. ȃȩȝȠȢ į੻ IJȠ૨ IJİIJȣȡĮȞȞȘțȩIJȠȢ ਷Ȟ
ȆȑȡıĮȚȢ (80) ਥȖțȡĮIJȑ-
IJ૶ ਥʌȚțȡĮIJİıIJȑȡ૳ ȋĮȖȐȞ૳ ıIJİȡĮ, ʌȡİıȕİȪİIJĮȚ ੒
IJȠ૨ ȤȡȣıȠ૨ ੕ȡȠȣȢ ʌĮȡĮ- ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ ʌȡઁȢ ਦIJȑȡȠȣȢ IJȡİ૙Ȣ
ȤȦȡİ૙Ȟ. ǻȣı੿ į੻ țĮ੿ IJȠȪIJȠȚȢ ȝİȖȐȜȠȣȢ
੪Ȣ ਥʌȓʌĮȞ ȆȑȡıĮȚ ȝİ- ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣȢ· IJĮ૨IJĮ į੻ IJȠȪIJȠȚȢ
ȖĮȜĮȣȤȠ૨ıȚ, IJ૶ ȝȘįȑʌȠIJİ ੑȞȩȝĮIJĮ, ȈʌĮȡȗİȣȖȠ૨Ȟ țĮ੿
ȜȠȚȝ૵Ȟ ਥʌȚįȘȝȓĮȞ șİ઼- (10.) ȀȠȣȞĮȟȠȜ੹Ȟ țĮ੿
ıșĮȚ, țĮ੿ IJ૶ ıʌȐȞȚȞ ȉȠȣȜįȓȤ. ıȣȞĮșȡȠȚıșİȓıȘȢ
ıİȚıȝ૵Ȟ țĮIJ੹ IJ੽Ȟ ਥțİȓȞȦȞ IJȠȓȞȣȞ IJોȢ ੖ȜȘȢ
İੇȞĮȚ ȤȫȡĮȞ. ȉȒȞ Ȗİ ȝ੽Ȟ ਥțIJȐȟİȦȢ İੁȢ IJઁ ੉ț੹ȡ …
ȀĮ੹ș țĮ੿ ȈȠȖįȠĮȞ੽Ȟ ʌȓʌIJİȚ ੒ IJȪȡĮȞȞȠȢ țĮ੿ İੁȢ
țĮ੿ (85) ijȣȖ੽Ȟ
ıİȚıȝ૵Ȟ țĮ੿ ȜȠȚȝ૵Ȟ ਥȞ Įੂ ıȣȝȝĮȤȠ૨ıĮȚ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ
ʌİȓȡ઺ ȖİȞȑıșĮȚ ijĮıȓȞ. ਥȟȑțȜȚȞĮȞ, țĮ੿ ʌȠȜȜȠ૨
ȅੂ į੻ ȉȠ૨ȡțȠȚ ȝȐȜĮ ȖİȞȠȝȑȞȠȣ (5)
ਥțIJȩʌȦȢ IJȚȝ૵ıȚ IJઁ ʌ૨ȡ. IJȠ૨ ijȩȞȠȣ ʌȐȜȚȞ țȪȡȚȠȢ IJોȢ
ਝȑȡĮ į੻ ਦĮȣIJȠ૨ ੒ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ ȤȫȡĮȢ
țĮ੿ ੢įȦȡ ȖİȡĮȓȡȠȣıȚ· ȖોȞ ਥȖȑȞİIJȠ.
į੻ ਫ਼ȝȞȠ૨ıȚ, ʌȡȠıțȣȞȠ૨ıȚ (11.) IJȠȪIJȦȞ IJ૵Ȟ ਥʌȚȞȚțȓȦȞ
į੻ ȝȩȞૉ IJĮȪIJૉ· țĮ੿ ĬİઁȞ IJ੽Ȟ ȝȒȞȣıȚȞ įȚ੹ IJ૵Ȟ ʌȡȑıȕİȦȞ
ੑȞȠȝȐȗȠȣıȚ IJઁȞ IJ੽Ȟ ȖોȞ ੒
țĮ੿ IJઁȞ Ƞ੝ȡĮȞઁȞ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ ʌȡઁȢ IJઁȞ
ʌİʌȠȚȘțȩIJĮ· મ țĮ੿ șȪȠȣıȚȞ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡĮ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȞ
੆ʌʌȠȣȢ, (90) ਥʌİʌȠȓȘIJȠ.
ȕȩĮȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡȩȕĮIJĮ· țĮ੿
ੂİȡİ૙Ȣ țİțIJȘȝȑȞȠȚ, Ƞ੄ țĮ੿ VII.7.8 ਲ į੻ IJોȢ ਥʌȚıIJȠȜોȢ
IJ੽Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ ȝİȜȜȩȞIJȦȞ ਥʌȚȖȡĮij੽ İੇȤİȞ ਥʌ੿ ȜȑȟİȦȢ
įȠțȠ૨ıȚȞ ਥțIJȓșİıșĮȚ Ƞ੢IJȦȢ “IJ૶ ȕĮıȚȜİ૙ IJ૵Ȟ
ʌȡȠĮȖȩȡİȣ- ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ ੒ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ ੒ ȝȑȖĮȢ
ıȚȞ· įİıʌȩIJȘȢ ਦʌIJ੹ ȖİȞİ૵Ȟ țĮ੿
įȒȝȠȚȢ į’ ਦʌIJ੹ ʌĮȡ੹ țȪȡȚȠȢ țȜȚȝȐIJȦȞ IJોȢ
ȂȒįȠȚȢ Įੂ IJ૵Ȟ ʌȡȐȟİȦȞ ȠੁțȠȣȝȑȞȘȢ ਦʌIJȐ.”
IJȓȝȚĮȚ įȚĮȜȪȠȞIJĮȚ· Ȟȩȝ૳ VII.8.11. IJઁ į੻ ੉ț੹ȡ IJȠ૨
ʌȡİıȕȪIJૉ ȝ੽ ਙȜȜȦȢ İੁȦșȩIJȚ ੕ȡȠȣȢ IJȠ૨ ȜİȖȠȝȑȞȠȣ ȋȡȣıȠ૨
țȜȘȡȠȞȠȝİ૙ıșĮȚ IJ੹ IJİIJȡĮțȠıȓȠȚȢ ıȘȝİȓȠȚȢ
ʌȡȐȖȝĮIJĮ· IJઁȞ ȝ੻Ȟ Ƞ੣Ȟ (12.) ਕʌ૴țȚıIJĮȚ. IJȠ૨IJȠ įોIJĮ
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 137

ਝȡıĮ- (95) țȓįȘȞ IJઁ ੕ȡȠȢ ਥʌ੿ IJ੹Ȣ ਕȞĮIJȠȜ੹Ȣ ਩ȤİȚ


ਥʌȚȜİȖȩȝİȞȠȞ įોȝȠȞ IJ੽Ȟ IJ੽Ȟ ੆įȡȣıȚȞ, ȋȡȣıȠ૨Ȟ į੻
ȕĮıȚȜİȓĮȞ țĮIJȑȤİȚȞ, ʌĮȡ੹ IJ૵Ȟ ਥȖȤȦȡȓȦȞ
țĮ੿ IJȠ૨IJȠȞ ʌİȡȚȕȐȜȜİȚȞ țĮIJȠȞȠȝȐȗİIJĮȚ IJȠ૨IJȠ ȝ੻Ȟ įȚ੹
ȕĮıȚȜİ૙ IJઁ įȚȐįȘȝĮ· ਙȜȜȠȞ IJ੽Ȟ įĮȥȓȜİȚĮȞ IJ૵Ȟ ਥȞ Į੝IJ૶
į੻ įોȝȠȞ IJોȢ ʌȠȜİȝȚțોȢ ijȣȠȝȑȞȦȞ țĮȡʌ૵Ȟ, IJȠ૨IJȠ į੻
ʌȡȠİıIJȐȞĮȚ ıȣȞIJȐȟİȦȢ. ȀĮ੿ țĮ੿ įȚ੹ IJઁ șȡİȝȝȐIJȦȞ țĮ੿
ਦIJȑȡ૳ Įੂ ʌȠȜȚIJȚțĮ੿ ȞȦIJȠijȩȡȦȞ ȗȫȦȞ İੇȞĮȚ
ijȡȠȞIJȓįİȢ ਕȞȐțİȚȞIJĮȚ. țĮIJȐțȠȝȠȞ. ȞȩȝȠȢ į੻
ਰIJİȡȠȢ ȉȠȪȡțȠȚȢ IJ૶
į੻ IJ੹Ȣ įȚĮijȠȡ੹Ȣ įȚĮȜȪİȚ ਥʌȚțȡĮIJİıIJȑȡ૳
IJ૵Ȟ ʌİȡȓ IJȚ țĮIJĮıIJĮıȚĮ- ȋĮȖȐȞ૳ (5)(13.) IJȠ૨ ȋȡȣıȠ૨
(100) ੕ȡȠȣȢ ʌĮȡĮȤȦȡİ૙Ȟ. įȣı੿ į੻
ȗȩȞIJȦȞ țĮ੿ įȚĮȚIJȘIJȠ૨ ȝİȖȓıIJȠȚȢ IJȚı੿ IJ੹ ȉȠȪȡțȦȞ
įİȠȝȑȞȦȞ. ੘ į੻ ʌȑȝʌIJȠȢ ਩șȞȘ ȝİȖĮȜĮȣȤİ૙· ijĮı੿ Ȗ੹ȡ
ਲȖİ૙IJĮȚ IJોȢ ੆ʌʌȠȣ· IJઁȞ į੻ ਙȞȦșİȞ Į੝IJȠઃȢ țĮ੿ ਥȟ ਕȡȤોȢ
ȝİIJ੹ IJȠ૨IJȠȞ ijȠȡȠȜȠȖİ૙Ȟ ȝȘįȑʌȠIJİ ȜȠȚȝ૵Ȟ ਥʌȚįȘȝȓĮȞ
IJઁ ਫ਼ʌȒțȠȠȞ, țĮ੿ IJ૵Ȟ șİȐıĮıșĮȚ, IJ૵Ȟ IJİ ıİȚıȝ૵Ȟ
ȕĮıȚȜȚț૵Ȟ IJĮȝİȓȦȞ ਩ijȠȡȠȞ ıʌȐȞȚȞ İੇȞĮȚ țĮIJ’ ਥțİȓȞȘȞ
ʌİijȣțȑȞĮȚ· IJઁȞ į੻ ਪȕįȠȝȠȞ, IJ੽Ȟ ȤȫȡĮȞ. IJ੽Ȟ į੻ ǺĮț੹ș
țȘįİȝȩȞĮ IJ૵Ȟ ੆ʌʌȦȞ, țĮ੿ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJ૵Ȟ ȅ੝ȞȞȠȣȖȠȪȡȦȞ
ʌȠȜİȝȚțોȢ ਥıșોIJȠȢ ʌȐȜĮȚ ʌȠIJ੻ ʌȠȜȚıșİ૙ıĮȞ
ਥʌȚıIJĮIJİ૙Ȟ, ǻĮȡİȓȠȣ, ੮Ȣ țĮIJĮʌİıİ૙Ȟ (5)IJȠ૙Ȣ ıİȚıȝȠ૙Ȣ,
ijĮıȚ, (105) IJȠ૨ ੥ıIJȐıʌȠȣ IJ੽Ȟ į੻ ȈȠȣȖįĮȘȞ੽Ȟ țĮ੿
IJȠȣIJȠȞ੿ IJઁȞ ȞȩȝȠȞ ਥȞ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȜȠȚȝ૵Ȟ țĮ੿ ıİȚıȝ૵Ȟ
ȕĮıȚȜİȓȠȚȢ ਥȞIJİȝİȞȓıĮȞIJȠȢ. (14.) ਩ȝʌİȚȡȠȞ ʌİijȣțȑȞĮȚ.
IJȚȝ૵ıȚ IJȠȚȖĮȡȠ૨Ȟ Ƞੂ
ȀĮIJ੹ į੻ IJȠ૨IJȠȞ IJઁȞ ȤȡȩȞȠȞ, ȉȠ૨ȡțȠȚ ȜȓĮȞ
ਥț IJ૵Ȟ ȅ੝੹ȡ țĮ੿ ȋȠȣȞ੿ ਥțIJȩʌȦȢ IJઁ ʌ૨ȡ, ਕȑȡĮ į੻ țĮ੿
ਪIJİȡȠȚ IJ૵Ȟ ȉȠȪȡțȦȞ ੢įȦȡ ȖİȡĮȓȡȠȣıȚȞ, ਫ਼ȝȞȠ૨ıȚ
ਕʌȠįȡȐȞIJİȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡઁȢ IJ੽Ȟ IJ੽Ȟ ȖોȞ· ʌȡȠıțȣȞȠ૨ıȚ į੻
Ǽ੝ȡȫʌȘȞ ȖİȞȩȝİȞȠȚ, IJȠ૙Ȣ ȝȩȞȦȢ țĮ੿ șİઁȞ ੑȞȠȝȐȗȠȣıȚ
ʌİȡ੿ IJઁȞ ȋĮȖ઼ȞȠȞ ਝȕȐȡȠȚȢ IJઁȞ (15.) ʌİʌȠȚȘțȩIJĮ IJઁȞ
ıȣȞȐʌIJȠȞIJĮȚ ਥȢ įȑțĮ Ƞ੝ȡĮȞઁȞ țĮ੿ IJ੽Ȟ ȖોȞ. IJȠȪIJ૳
ȤȚȜȚȐįĮȢ (110) ਱ȡȚșȝȘȝȑȞȠȚ. șȪȠȣıȚȞ ੆ʌʌȠȣȢ țĮ੿ ȕȩĮȢ țĮ੿
ʌȡȩȕĮIJĮ, ੂİȡİ૙Ȣ țİțIJȘȝȑȞȠȚ,
੘ į੻ IJ૵Ȟ İੁȢ ਪȦ ȉȠȪȡțȦȞ Ƞ੄ țĮ੿ IJ੽Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ
ȋĮȖ઼ȞȠȢ, IJઁȞ ਥȝijȪȜȚȠȞ (16.) ȝİȜȜȩȞIJȦȞ Į੝IJȠ૙Ȣ
įȚĮȜȣıȐȝİȞȠȢ ʌȩȜİȝȠȞ, įȠțȠ૨ıȚȞ ਥțIJȓșİıșĮȚ
İ੝įĮȚȝȩȞȦȢ ਥȤİȚȡĮȖȫȖİȚ IJ੹ ʌȡȠĮȖȩȡİȣıȚȞ.
ʌȡȐȖȝĮIJĮ· țĮ੿ ʌȡઁȢ IJȠઃȢ
ਥʌȠȓțȠȣȢ IJોȢ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ III.18. 7. įȒȝȠȚȢ Ȗ੹ȡ ʌĮȡ੹
įȚĮʌȡİıȕİȣȩȝİȞȠȢ, İ੝șİȓĮȢ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȂȒįȠȚȢ ਦʌIJ੹ IJ૵Ȟ
ਥʌȠȚİ૙IJȠ ıȣȞșȒțĮȢ, ʌȡȐȟİȦȞ IJ੹ ਕȖȤȓȞȠȐ IJİ țĮ੿
ਕıIJĮıȓĮıIJȠȞ IJ੽Ȟ ਦĮȣIJȠ૨ IJȚȝȚȫIJĮIJĮ įȚĮȞȣȠȝȑȞȠȚȢ,
ਕȡȤ੽Ȟ țĮșȚ (115)ıIJ૵Ȟ· ੒ į੻ Ȟȩȝ૳ ʌȡİıȕȪIJૉ
IJોȢ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ ਕȡȤȘȖઁȢ țȜȘȡȠįȠIJȠȣ(8.)ȝȑȞȠȚȢ, ȝ੽
ȉĮȧı੹Ȟ ੕ȞȠȝĮ ਥțȜȘȡȫıĮIJȠ, ਙȜȜȦȢ ਩ȤİȚȞ IJ੹ ʌȡȐȖȝĮIJĮ
੖ʌİȡ ȣੂઁȢ ĬİȠ૨ ਬȜȜȒȞȦȞ ਩ijĮıțİȞ. țĮȓ ijĮıȚ IJઁȞ ȝ੻Ȟ
ȜȑȖȠȚ ijȦȞȒ. ਝȡıĮțȓįȘȞ ਥʌȚȜİȖȩȝİȞȠȞ
138 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

ਝıIJĮıȓĮıIJȠȢ į੻ IJ૶ įોȝȠȞ IJ੽Ȟ ȕĮıȚȜİȓĮȞ


țȜȚȝĮIJȐȡȤૉ Į੝IJોȢ ਲ ਕȡȤȒ· țĮIJȑȤİȚȞ, țĮ੿ IJȠ૨IJȠȞ
ȠੈȢ IJઁ ȖȑȞȠȢ ਚʌĮȞ IJ੽Ȟ ਥʌȚIJȓșİıșĮȚ IJ૶ ȕĮıȚȜİ૙ IJઁ
ਲȖİȝȠȞȓĮȞ ʌĮȡȑȤİIJĮȚ· įȚȐįȘȝĮ, ਪIJİȡȠȞ IJોȢ
șȡȘıțİȪȠȣıȚ į੻ ਕȖȐȜȝĮIJĮ. ʌȠȜİȝȚțોȢ ʌȡȠİıIJȐȞĮȚ
ȃȩȝȠȚ į੻ ʌĮȡ’ Į੝IJȠ૙Ȣ ıȣȞIJȐȟİȦȢ, ਙȜȜȠȞ į੻ IJ੹Ȣ
įȓțĮȚȠȚ, (120)țĮ੿ ıȫijȡȦȞ ʌȠȜȚIJȚț੹Ȣ (9.) ʌİȡȚțİ૙ıșĮȚ
ȕȓȠȢ įȚĮʌĮȞIJȩȢ. ਡȜȣIJȠȢ į੻ ijȡȠȞIJȓįĮȢ, IJઁȞ į’ ਪIJİȡȠȞ IJ੹Ȣ
ȞȩȝȠȢ Į੝- įȚĮijȠȡ੹Ȣ įȚĮȜȪİȚȞ IJ૵Ȟ ʌİȡȓ
IJȠ૙Ȣ ȝ੽ Ȥȡȣı૶ IJȚ țĮIJĮıIJĮıȚĮȗȩȞIJȦȞ țĮ੿
țĮȜȜȦʌȓȗİıșĮȚ ਙ૦૧İȞĮȢ, įȚĮȚIJȘIJȠ૨ įİȠȝȑȞȦȞ, IJઁȞ
țĮȓʌİȡ į੻ ʌȑȝʌIJȠȞ ਲȖİ૙ıșĮȚ IJોȢ
Ȥȡȣı૶ ʌȠȜȜ૶ țĮ੿ ਕȡȖȪȡ૳ ੆ʌʌȠȣ, IJઁȞ į੻ ȝİIJ੹ IJȠ૨IJȠȞ
ʌİȡȚĮȞIJȜȠȣȝȑȞȠȚȢ IJ૶ ijȠȡȠ-
ਥʌȦijİȜ૵Ȣ ਥȝʌȠȡİȪİıșĮȚ. ȜȠȖİ૙Ȟ IJઁ ਫ਼ʌȒțȠȠȞ țĮ੿ IJ૵Ȟ
ǻȚȠȡȓȗİȚ į੻ IJĮȪIJȘȞ ʌȠIJĮ- ȕĮıȚȜȚț૵Ȟ IJĮȝİȓȦȞ ਩ijȠȡȠȞ
ȝઁȢ, įȣı੿ ȝİȖȓıIJȠȚȢ ਩șȞİıȚ ʌİijȣțȑȞĮȚ, IJઁȞ į’ ਪȕįȠȝȠȞ
ȝİıȚIJİȪȦȞ ਕȞIJȚșȑIJȠȚȢ (125) țȘįİȝȩȞĮ IJ૵Ȟ ੖ʌȜȦȞ țĮ੿ IJોȢ
ਕȜȜȒȜȠȚȢ· ੰȞ IJ૶ ȝ੻Ȟ ਥıș੽Ȣ ʌȠȜİȝȚțોȢ (5)
ȝȑȜĮȚȞĮ, IJ૶ į੻ ਦIJȑȡ૳ ਥıșોIJȠȢ ਥʌȚıIJĮIJİ૙Ȟ, ǻĮȡİȓȠȣ
țȠțțȩȕĮijȠȢ. ȆȠȜȑȝȠȣ į੻ IJȠ૨ ੥ıIJȐıʌȠȣ IJȠȣIJȠȞ੿ IJઁȞ
Ȟȩȝ૳ IJઁ ȝȑȜĮȞ ȞȩȝȠȞ
įȚĮʌİȡĮȚȦıȐȝİȞȠȚ IJ૶ IJ੽Ȟ (10.) ਥȞ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȕĮıȚȜİȓȠȚȢ
ਥȡȣșȡ੹Ȟ ਱ȝijȚİıȝȑȞ૳ ਥȞIJİȝİȞȓıĮȞIJȠȢ.
ਥıșોIJĮ ıȣȞȓıIJȘıȚ ʌȩȜİȝȠȞ·
țĮ੿ ȞİĮȞȚț૵Ȣ IJોȢ ੖ȜȘȢ
ਲȖİȝȠȞȓĮȢ
IJ੽Ȟ ਕȡȤ੽Ȟ ਥțȜȘȡȫıĮIJȠ VII.8.16. țĮIJ’Į੝IJઁȞ IJઁȞ
ȂĮȣȡȚțȓȠȣ ȤȡȩȞȠȞ Ƞੂ ȉĮȡȞȚ੹Ȥ țĮ੿ Ƞੂ
ȖİȝȠȞİȪȠȞIJȠȢ. (130) ȀȠIJȗĮȖȘȡȠ੿ (țĮ੿ Ƞ੤IJȠȚ į੻ ਥț
ȉ੹ į੻ ȖȪȞĮȚĮ IJ૵Ȟ ਥțİ૙ıİ IJ૵Ȟ ȅ੝੹ȡ țĮ੿ ȋȠȣȞȞ੿) ਕʌઁ
ȕĮıȚȜİȣȩȞIJȦȞ ਥț ȤȡȣıȠ૨ IJ૵Ȟ ȉȠȪȡțȦȞ
ʌİʌȠȚȘȝȑȞĮȢ ਩ȤȠȣıȚ IJ੹Ȣ ਕʌȠįȚįȡȐıțȠȣıȚ țĮ੿ ʌȡઁȢ
ਖȡȝĮȝȐȟĮȢ, ਫ਼ij’ ਦȞઁȢ ਦȜțȠ- IJ੽Ȟ Ǽ੝ȡȫʌȘȞ ȖİȞȩȝİȞȠȚ IJȠ૙Ȣ
ȝȑȞĮȢ ȕȠઁȢ, ਦțȐıIJȠȣ ʌİȡ੿ IJઁȞ (17.) ȋĮȖȐȞȠȞ IJ૵Ȟ
țİțȠıȝȘȝȑȞȠȣ ʌȠȜȣIJİȜ૵Ȣ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ ıȣȞȐʌIJȠȞIJĮȚ…. ਲ
ਥț į੻ ȖİȖȠȞȣ૙Į ਥʌȓșİIJȠȢ įȪȞĮȝȚȢ
ȤȡȣıȠ૨ țĮ੿ ȜȓșȠȣ ȝȑȖĮ IJȠ૙Ȣ ਝȕȐȡȠȚȢ İੁȢ įȑțĮ
IJȚȝȓȠȣ. Ǽੁı੿ į੻ țĮ੿ ȤĮȜȚȞȠ੿ ȤȚȜȚȐįĮȢ
IJȠ૙Ȣ ȕȠȣı੿ ȤȡȣıȠțȩȜȜȘIJȠȚ. ਱țȡȓȕȦIJȠ. 7.9.(1.) ੒ ȝ੻Ȟ
੘ ȝ੻Ȟ Ƞ੣Ȟ IJ੽Ȟ Ƞ੣Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ ȉȠȪȡțȦȞ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ
ਲȖİȝȠȞȓĮȞ (135) IJઁȞ ਥȝijȪȜȚȠȞ
IJોȢ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ ਕȞİȚȜȘijઅȢ țĮIJĮȜȣıȐȝİȞȠȢ ʌȩȜİȝȠȞ
ਦʌIJĮțȠıȓĮȚȢ ȖȣȞĮȚȟ੿ țĮIJİ- İ੝įĮȚȝȩȞȦȢ ਥȤİȚȡĮȖȫȖİȚ
ʌĮȞȞȣȤȓȗİIJȠ. ȉ੹ į੻ ȖȪȞĮȚĮ IJ੹ ʌȡȐȖȝĮIJĮ, ʌȠȚİ૙IJĮȚ į੻
IJ૵Ȟ ʌİȡȚijĮȞİıIJȑȡȦȞ ਥțİ૙ıİ țĮ੿ ıȣȞșȒțĮȢ ʌȡઁȢ IJȠઃȢ
ਕȞįȡ૵Ȟ ਕȡȖȣȡĮ૙Ȣ țȑȤȡȘȞIJĮȚ ȉĮȣȖȐıIJ,
IJĮ૙Ȣ ਖȡȝĮȝȐȟĮȚȢ. ȉ੽Ȟ į੻ ੖ʌȦȢ ȕĮșİ૙ĮȞ ʌȐȞIJȠșİȞ IJ੽Ȟ
ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ IJĮȪIJȘȞ țIJȓıĮȚ ȖĮȜȒȞȘȞ ਥȝʌȠȡİȣȩȝİȞȠȢ
ijĮı੿Ȟ Ƞੂ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȚ IJઁȞ ਕıIJĮ(2) ıȓĮıIJȠȞ IJ੽Ȟ ਕȡȤ੽Ȟ
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 139

ȂĮțİįȩȞĮ ਝȜȑȟĮȞįȡȠȞ, țĮIJĮıIJȒıȘIJĮȚ. ੒ į੻ IJોȢ


੒ʌȘȞȓțĮ IJȠȪȢ IJİ (140) ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ țȜȚȝĮIJȐȡȤȘȢ
ǺĮțIJȡȚĮȞȠઃȢ țĮ੿ IJ੽Ȟ ȉĮȧı੹Ȟ ੑȞȠȝȐȗİIJĮȚ, ੖ʌİȡ
ȈȠȖįȠĮȞ੽Ȟ ਥįȠȣȜȫıĮIJȠ, ȣੂઁȢ șİȠ૨ IJĮ૙Ȣ ਬȜȜȘȞȚțĮ૙Ȣ
įȑțĮ ijȦȞĮ૙Ȣ ਥȞıȘȝĮȓȞİIJĮȚ. ਲ į੻
țĮ੿ įȪȠ țĮIJĮijȜȑȟĮȢ ਥȞ ਕȡȤ੽ IJોȢ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ Ƞ੝
Į੝IJૌ ȝȣȡȚȐįĮȢ ȕĮȡȕȐȡȦȞ. ıIJĮıȚȐ-
ǻİȓȝĮıșĮȚ į੻ țĮ੿ ਙȜȜȘȞ ȗİIJĮȚ· ȖȑȞȠȢ Ȗ੹ȡ Į੝IJȠ૙Ȣ IJ੽Ȟ
ʌȩȜȚȞ ਕʌઁ ıȘȝİȓȦȞ IJĮȪIJȘȢ ȤİȚȡȠIJȠȞȓĮȞ IJȠ૨ ਲȖİȝȩȞȠȢ
ੑȜȓȖȦȞ ijĮı੿ IJઁȞ ȂĮțİįȩȞĮ ʌĮȡȑȤİ-
ਝȜȑȟĮȞįȡȠȞ, ਴Ȟ ȋȠȣȕį੹Ȟ IJĮȚ. IJȠȪIJ૳ į੻ IJ૶ ਩șȞİȚ
ੑȞȠȝȐȗȠȣıȚȞ· ਸȢ IJઁȞ șȡȘıțİȓĮ ਕȖȐȜȝĮIJĮ, ȞȩȝȠȚ
ਲȖİȝȩȞĮ IJİșȞȘțȩIJĮ į੻ įȓțĮȚȠȚ,
ȞȩȝȠȢ (145) (3.) țĮ੿ ıȦijȡȠıȪȞȘȢ
ਥțȡȐIJȘıİȞ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJ૵Ȟ ȖȣȞĮȓȦȞ ਩ȝʌȜİȠȢ ੒ ȕȓȠȢ Į੝IJȠ૙Ȣ. ਩șȠȢ
ʌİȞșİ૙ıșĮȚ įȚȘȞİț૵Ȣ· į੻ IJȠȪIJȠȚȢ ȞȩȝȠȞ ȝȚȝȠȪȝİȞȠȞ,
țĮ੿ ȝȘįȑʌȠIJİ IJઁȞ IJȐijȠȞ ȝȘįȑʌȠIJİ țȩıȝ૳ Ȥȡȣı૶
ਕʌȠȜȚʌİ૙Ȟ, ȝȑȜĮȞĮ ਱ȝijȚİ- țĮȜȜȦʌȓȗİıșĮȚ
ıȝȑȞĮȢ, țĮ੿ ȟȣȡ૶ IJ੹Ȣ IJȡȓȤĮȢ ਙȡȡİȞĮȢ, țĮȓIJȠȚ ਕijșȠȞȓĮȢ
ਕʌȠ૦૧ȚʌIJȠȪıĮȢ. ǻȪȠ ʌȠȜȜોȢ ਕȡȖȪȡȠȣ IJİ țĮ੿
į੻ ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȚ ʌȠIJĮȝȠ੿ IJ੽Ȟ ȤȡȣıȠ૨
ȋȠȣȕį੹Ȟ įȚİȚȜȒijĮıȚȞ· ੰȞ țȪȡȚȠȚ țĮșİıIJ૵IJİȢ įȚ੹ IJ੹Ȣ
Įੂ ੕ȤșĮȚ țȣʌĮȡȓııȠȚȢ ੪Ȣ ȝİȖȐȜĮȢ țĮ੿ ਥʌȦijİȜİ૙Ȣ
İੁʌİ૙Ȟ țĮIJĮȞİȪȠȞIJĮȚ. Ȇİ- ਥȝʌȠȡȓĮȢ.
(150) ȡȚʌȠȜȠ૨ıȚ į੻ IJઁȞ (4.) IJĮȪIJȘȞ IJ੽Ȟ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ
Ȥ૵ȡȠȞ ਥȜȑijĮȞIJİȢ. ȉ੹Ȣ į੻ ʌȠIJĮȝઁȢ įȚȠȡȓȗİȚ. ʌȐȜĮȚ
ਥȝʌȠȡȓĮȢ IJȠȓȞȣȞ ʌȠIJ੻ įȪȠ
੉ȞįȠ૙Ȣ ıȣȞĮȞĮȝȓȖȞȣȞIJĮȚ ȝİȖȓıIJȠȚȢ ਩șȞİıȚȞ ੒ ʌȠIJĮȝઁȢ
ȜİȣțȠ૙Ȣ IJઁ ı૵ȝĮ IJ੹ ਥȝİıȓIJİȣİȞ ਕȞIJȚșȑIJȠȚȢ
ȝȐȜȚıIJĮ· ਥȞ ȠੈȢ țĮ੿ ਕȜȜȒȜȠȚȢ·
ıțȫȜȘțİȢ Ƞ੄ IJ੹ ȈȘȡ૵Ȟ (5.) ਥıș੽Ȣ į੻ IJ૶ ȝ੻Ȟ ਦȞ੿
ȞȒȝĮIJĮ ʌȜȑțȠȣıȚ ʌȐȞȣ ȝȑȜĮȚȞĮ, IJ૶ į੻ ਦIJȑȡ૳
ʌȠȜȜȠȓ. ਫȞĮȜȜ੹ȟ țĮ੿ țȠțțȩȕĮijȠȢ. ਥȞ
ʌȠȚțȓȜȘȞ țİțIJȘȝȑȞȠȚ IJ੽Ȟ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȤȡȩȞȠȚȢ IJȠȓȞȣȞ IJȠ૙Ȣ țĮș’
ȤȡȩĮȞ. ĭȚȜȠIJȓȝȦȢ į’ ਲȝ઼Ȣ, ȂĮȣȡȚțȓȠȣ IJ੹
ਕıțȠ૨ıȚȞ Ƞੂ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȚ IJ੽Ȟ ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ ıțોʌIJȡĮ ਥʌȑȤȠȞIJȠȢ,
ʌİȡ੿ IJ੹ IJȠȚĮ૨IJĮ ȗ૵Į țĮ੿ IJઁ ਩șȞȠȢ IJ૵Ȟ
ijȚȜȠIJȚȝȓĮȞ. Ȇİȡ੿ (155) ȝ੻Ȟ ȝİȜĮȚȞȠijȩȡȦȞ IJȠ૙Ȣ IJ੽Ȟ
Ƞ੣Ȟ IJȠȪIJȦȞ IJȠıĮ૨IJĮ ਥȡȣșȡ੹Ȟ ʌİȡȚȕİȕȜȘȝȑȞȠȚȢ
İੁȡȒıșȦ. ȀĮ੿ IJĮ૨IJĮ į੻ Ƞ੝Ȥ ਥıșોIJĮ įȚĮʌİȡĮȚȦıȐȝİȞȠȞ
ਖʌȜ૵Ȣ įȚોȜșȠȞ· ਕȜȜ’ ਥʌİ੿ IJઁȞ ʌȠIJĮȝઁȞ ıȣȞȓıIJȘıȚ
਩ȝİȜȜȠȞ IJૌ ੂıIJȠȡȓ઺ ȝȑ- ʌȩȜİȝȠȞ, İੇIJĮ ȞİȞȚțȘțઁȢ IJોȢ
ȖȚıIJȐ IJȚȞĮ ʌİȡȓ IJİ IJȠ૨ IJ૵Ȟ ੖ȜȘȢ (5)(6.) ਲȖİȝȠȞȓĮȢ
ਝȕȐȡȦȞ ਩șȞȠȣȢ țĮ੿ IJȠ૨ ȖȓȞİIJĮȚ țȪȡȚȠȞ…. ਥȞ IJĮȪIJૉ IJૌ
ıij૵Ȟ ਕȡȤȘȖȠ૨ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ ʌȩȜİȚ
įȚİȟİȜșİ૙Ȟ, ਫ਼ʌİȡijȣ૵Ȣ IJ੹ IJȠ૨ ȕĮıȚȜİȪȠȞIJȠȢ ȖȪȞĮȚĮ
İੁȡȖĮıȝȑȞĮ IJૌ IJȠ૨ ȁȩȖȠȣ ਥț ȤȡȣıȠ૨ ʌİʌȠȚȘȝȑȞĮȢ
ȝȘIJȡ੿, IJȠȪIJȠȣ ȤȐȡȚȞ țਕȖઅ ਩ȤȠȣıȚ
ȝȚțȡȩȞ IJȚ ʌĮȡİȟȚઅȞ IJ੹Ȣ ਖȡȝĮȝȐȟĮȢ, ਦȜțȠȝȑȞȘȞ
įȚİȟોȜșȠȞ. ਝȜȜ’ ਥʌ੿ IJ੽Ȟ ਦțȐıIJȘȞ ਫ਼ʌઁ ȕȠȧįȓȠȣ ਦȞઁȢ
140 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

ȞȪııĮȞ ʌȐȜȚȞ IJ੽Ȟ ੂıIJȠȡȓĮȞ țİțȠ-


ਕȖȐȖȦȝİȞ…. ıȝȘȝȑȞȠȣ ʌȠȜȣIJİȜ૵Ȣ ਥț
ȤȡȣıȠ૨ țĮ੿ ȜȓșȠȣ
ȝİȖĮIJȚȝȓȠȣ· İੁı੿
(37.) ੲȢ ȀȠȝİȞIJȓȠȜȠȢ țĮ੿ (8.) į੻ țĮ੿ ȤĮȜȚȞȠ੿ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȕȠȣı੿
ȆȡȓıțȠȢ Ƞੂ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖȠ੿ ȤȡȣıȠțȩȜȜȘIJȠȚ. ੒ ȝ੻Ȟ Ƞ੣Ȟ
IJ૵Ȟ Ǽ੝ȡȦʌĮȓȦȞ țȜȚȝȐIJȦȞ IJ੽Ȟ
IJȠ૙Ȣ ਝȕȐȡȠȚȢ ıȣȝʌȜĮțȑȞIJİȢ, ਲȖİȝȠȞȓĮȞ IJોȢ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ
ਫ਼ʌ੻ȡ Ȝ࢝ ȤȚȜȚȐįĮȢ ਕȞİ૙ȜȠȞ· țĮ੿ ਕȞİȚȜȘijઅȢ ਦʌIJĮțȠıȓĮȚȢ
ʌİȡ੿ IJȠ૨ ȋȠıȡȩȠȣ Į੣șȚȢ. ȖȣȞĮȚȟ੿ țĮIJİ-
ȅ੝ ʌȠȜȜ૶ į੻ ੢ıIJİȡȠȞ ʌĮȞȞȣȤȓȗİIJȠ. IJ੹ į੻ ȖȪȞĮȚĮ
ȆȡȓıțȠȢ țĮ੿ ȀȠȝİȞIJȓȠȜȠȢ (5) IJ૵Ȟ ʌİȡȚijĮȞİıIJȑȡȦȞ IJોȢ
IJ૵Ȟ Ǽ੝ȡȦʌĮȓȦȞ țȜȚȝȐIJȦȞ Ƞੂ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ
ıIJȡĮIJȘȖȠ੿, IJ੽Ȟ IJİȤȞȘIJ੽Ȟ ਕȡȖȣȡĮ૙Ȣ țȑȤȡȘȞIJĮȚ IJĮ૙Ȣ
ȝİIJ੹ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ IJȠ૨ ਡȕĮȡȠȢ ਖȡȝĮȝȐȟĮȚȢ.
İੁȡȒȞȘȞ įȚĮȜȣıȐȝİȞȠȚ,
țȡȪijĮ ਫ਼ʌȠșİȝȑȞȠȣ IJȠ૨ VII.9.6. IJĮȪIJȘȞ į੽ IJ੽Ȟ
ਙȞĮțIJȠȢ ıȤİįȓĮȚȢ IJȚı੿Ȟ ਥȢ IJઁ ȉĮȣȖ੹ıIJ Ƞੂ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȚ
ʌȑȡĮȞ ੍ıIJȡȠȣ įȚĮȕȚȕȐȗȠȞIJĮȚ, ȜȑȖȠȣıȚ țIJȓıĮȚ IJઁȞ
ਥʌ੿ IJઁ ǺȚ- ȂĮțİįȩȞĮ ਝȜȑȟĮȞįȡȠȞ,
ȝȚȞȐțȚȠȞ įȚĮıȦșȑȞIJİȢ IJઁ ੒ʌȘȞȓțĮ
ʌȡȩIJİȡȠȞ· ȞોıȠȢ į੻ IJȠȪȢ IJİ ǺĮțIJȡȚĮȞȠઃȢ țĮ੿
Į੢IJȘ (10) IJ੽Ȟ ȈȠȖįȠĮȞ੽Ȟ ਥįȠȣȜȫıĮIJȠ
ʌİȡ੿ IJ੹ ૧İ૙șȡĮ IJȠ૨ ੍ıIJȡȠȣ įȑțĮ
įȚĮțİȚȝȑȞȘ. ȀĮ੿ ਥȟĮʌȚ- țĮ੿ įȪȠ țĮIJĮijȜȑȟĮȢ
ȞĮȓȦȢ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȕĮȡȕȐȡȠȚȢ țĮ੿ ȝȣȡȚȐįĮȢ ȕĮȡȕȐȡȦȞ.
ȜȠȚʌȠ૙Ȣ ਙȜȜȠȚȢ ıȣȝȕİȕȜȘ-
țȩIJİȢ, țĮ੿ ȝȘȞઁȢ ਦȞઁȢ VII.9.8. ȜȩȖȠȢ į੻ țĮ੿ ਦIJȑȡĮȞ
įȚĮıIJȒȝĮIJȚ ʌȜİȓıIJȠȚȢ ıȣ૦૧Į- IJઁȞ ਝȜȑȟĮȞįȡȠȞ įİȓȝĮıșĮȚ
ȖȑȞIJİȢ ਥțİȓȞȠȚȢ ʌȠȜȑȝȠȚȢ, ʌȩȜȚȞ ਕʌઁ ıȘȝİȓȦȞ
țIJİȓȞȠȣıȚ ȝ੻Ȟ ਫ਼ʌ੻ȡ IJȡȚȐ- ੑȜȓȖȦȞ· (5)
țȠȞIJĮ ȤȚȜȚȐįĮȢ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ țĮ੿ (9.) ȋȠȣȕį੹Ȟ ੑȞȠȝȐȗȠȣıȚ
īȘʌȑįȦȞ țĮ੿ ȈțȜĮȕȘ- (15) IJĮȪIJȘȞ Ƞੂ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȚ.
Ȟ૵Ȟ. ǽȦȖȡȠ૨ıȚ į’ ਥț IJȠȪIJȦȞ IJİșȞȘțȩIJĮ į੻ IJઁȞ ਲȖİȝȩȞĮ
ਫ਼ʌ੻ȡ ʌȑȞIJİ țĮ੿ įȑțĮ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJ૵Ȟ ȖȣȞĮȓȦȞ ʌİȞșİ૙ıșĮȚ
ȤȚȜȚȐįĮȢ· Ƞ੢IJȦ IJİ ȞȓțȘȞ Ƞ੆ĮȞ įȚ੹ ʌĮȞIJઁȢ ȟȣȡȠȝȑȞȦȞ ȝ੻Ȟ
Ƞ੡ʌȦ IJȚȢ ਩ȖȞȦ IJ੹Ȣ țİijĮȜ੹Ȣ țĮ੿ ȝȑȜĮȚȞĮȞ
įȚĮʌȡĮȟȐȝİȞȠȚ, ੑʌȓıȦ Į੣șȚȢ ʌİȡȚȕĮȜȜȠȝȑȞȦȞ ਥıșોIJĮ· țĮ੿
ਥȤȫȡȠȣȞ. ȉȠઃȢ į੻ ȗȦȖȡȓĮȢ, ȞȩȝȠȢ Į੝IJĮ૙Ȣ ȝȘįȑʌȠIJİ IJઁȞ
ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ ʌȡİıȕİȪıĮȞIJȠȢ, IJȐijȠȞ ਕʌȠȜȚʌİ૙Ȟ.
ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ ਕʌİįȓįȠȣ.

ਲ į੻ ȋȠȣȕį੹Ȟ
įȪȠ ȝİȖȐȜȠȚȢ įȚİȓȜȘʌIJĮȚ
ȋİȚȝ૵ȞȠȢ į’ ੮ȡ઺ IJ੽Ȟ ʌȠIJĮȝȠ૙Ȣ, Įੂ į੻ IJȠȪIJȦȞ ੕ȤșĮȚ
ȉȡĮȧĮȞȠ૨ ȜȚșȩıIJȡȦIJȠȞ IJȠ૨ IJĮ૙Ȣ (5)
ıIJȡĮ- (20) (10.) țȣʌĮȡȓIJIJȠȚȢ ੪Ȣ ਩ʌȠȢ
IJȠ૨ ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ, ȕȓ઺ İੁʌİ૙Ȟ țĮIJĮȞİȪȠȞIJĮȚ.
ȀȠȝİȞIJȚȩȜȠȣ įȚİȡȤȠȝȑȞȦȞ ਥȜȑijĮȞIJİȢ į੻ IJ૶
੒įઁȞ, īİȡȠȞIJȓȠȣ ਩șȞİȚ ʌȠȜȜȠȓ. IJȠ૙Ȣ į੻ ੉ȞįȠ૙Ȣ
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 141

ʌĮȜĮȚȖİȞȠ૨Ȣ ਲȖȠȣȝȑȞȠȣ, țĮIJ੹ IJ੹Ȣ ਥȝʌȠȡȓĮȢ


ȤȡȩȞȦȞ įȣȠțĮȓ- ıȣȞĮȞĮȝȓȖȞȣȞIJĮȚ· IJȠȪIJȠȣȢ įȑ
įİțĮ ʌȡઁȢ IJȠ૙Ȣ ਦțĮIJઁȞ ijĮıȚ IJȠઃȢ ʌİȡ੿ IJ੹ ȕȩȡİȚĮ
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įȡȚȝȣIJȐ- țĮ੿ ȜİȣțȠઃȢ ʌİijȣțȑȞĮȚ. Ƞੂ į੻
IJȠȣ ਥʌȚıȣȝȕȐȞIJȠȢ, ʌȠȜȜȠ੿ ıțȫȜȘțİȢ, ਥȟ ੰȞ IJ੹
įȚİijșİȓȡȠȞIJȠ. ȀȠȝİȞIJȓȠȜȠȢ ȈȘȡȫȦȞ țĮșȑıIJȘțİ ȞȒȝĮIJĮ,
ȝ੻Ȟ Ƞ੣Ȟ ਥʌ੿ IJઁ ǺȣȗȐȞIJȚȠȞ ʌȐȞȣ ʌĮȡ੹ IJ૶ IJȠȚȠȪIJ૳
ਸ਼țİȚ· ȆȡȓıțȠȢ į੻ IJȠ૙Ȣ (25) ਩șȞİȚ ʌȠȜȜȠ੿ ਥȞĮȜȜ੹ȟ țĮ੿
țĮIJ੹ ĬȡȐțȘȞ ਥʌİȤȦȡȓĮȗİȞ, ʌȠȚțȓȜȘȞ IJ੽Ȟ ȤȡȠȚ੹Ȟ
İ੅ ʌȠȪ IJȚȞİȢ ਥțįȡȠȝĮ੿ țİțIJȘȝȑȞȠȚ,
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ijȚȜȠIJİȤȞȓĮȞ ijȚȜȠIJȓȝȦȢ
ਯĮȡȠȢ į’ ਫ਼ʌȠȜȐȝʌȠȞIJȠȢ, ਕıțȠ૨ıȚȞ
ਥʌİ੿ (12.) Ƞੂ ȕȐȡȕĮȡȠȚ. ੆ȞĮ į੻ ȝ੽
ਥȢ ǺȣȗȐȞIJȚȠȞ ਥȖİȖȩȞİȚ, ਩ȟȦ IJોȢ ȞȪııȘȢ IJ੽Ȟ ੂıIJȠȡȓĮȞ
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ȈȠȖįȠĮȞૌ țĮ੿ IJ૶ ȂȑȜĮȞȚ
ȉ૶ į੻ Țș࢝ ਩IJİȚ IJȠ૨ ʌȠIJĮȝ૶.
Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ Ƞ੝įȑȞ IJȚ ȝȑȖĮ
૮ȦȝĮȓȠȚȢ țĮ੿ ǺĮȡȕȐȡȠȚȢ
ਥʌȡȐȤșȘ.
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ǺȣȗĮȞIJȓ૳ ʌȜોșȠȢ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓȠȣ
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IJ੽Ȟ ȜİȓĮȞ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȣ Georgius Monachus, 659
ਥȟȦȞȘıĮȝȑȞȠȣ, ਥțİ૙ȞȠȢ IJ૶ ȆȠȜȑȝȠȣ ʌȠIJ੻
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ਙȖȦȞ (5) ਥȞȚĮȣIJઁȞ IJૌ ਕȡȤૌ, VIII.1.11.IJઁ ੒ʌȜȚIJȚțઁȞ ੒ ਫ਼ʌȑșİIJȠ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ ੒
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įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ ਕȞĮȜĮȕઅȞ, İੁȢ ʌİȡȚıȤȓȗİIJĮȚ ਲ ʌȡઁȢ ਝȕȐȡȠȣȢ ʌȠȜİȝȓȠȚȢ įȚ੹ IJ੽Ȟ ਕȞIJĮȡıȓĮȞ
ȆĮȜȐıIJȠȜȠȞ ਕijȚțȞİ૙IJĮȚ· țĮ੿ ૮ȦȝĮȓȠȣȢ İੁȡȒȞȘ· ੒ Ȗ੹ȡ Į੝IJ૵Ȟ
țĮ੿ șİȡȓıĮȢ ਥțİ૙ıİ, Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȦȡ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ IJȠ૙Ȣ
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IJઁ ijĮȞİȡઁȞ IJȠȓȞȣȞ IJોȢ İੁȡȒȞȘȢ ਩ijĮıțİ į੻ ʌȡઁȢ IJઁȞ ʌȡȑıȕȚȞ·
ਝȕȐȡȦȞ (30)ਕșȡȠȚıșોȞĮȚ ȜȣșİȓıȘȢ, Ƞੂ ૮ȦȝĮ૙ȠȚ ʌȡઁȢ IJઁ “· ਥȖઅ į੻ IJȠઃȢ ĮੁȤȝĮȜȫIJȠȣȢ
ʌȜોșȠȢ, ǺȚȝȚȞȐțȚȠȞ ȖȓȞȠȞIJĮȚ· Į੢IJȘ į੻ ਕʌȠįȓįȦȝȚ Į੝IJ૶ țĮIJ੹ ȥȣȤ੽Ȟ
ıIJȡĮIJȠʌİįİȣȩȝİȞȠȞ IJ૶ ȞોıȠȢ țĮșȑıIJȘțİ ʌİȡ੿ IJ੹ ȞȩȝȚıȝĮ ਨȞ țȠȝȚȗȩȝİȞȠȢ
ਝȥȓș. http://www.tlg.uci.edu/ ૧İ૙șȡĮ IJȠ૨ ੍ıIJȡȠȣ….ʌİȡ੿ ʌĮȡ’ Į੝IJȠ૨.” ੒ į੻
help/BetaManual/online/AT IJ੹Ȣ ੕ȤșĮȢ IJȠȓȞȣȞ IJȠ૨ ʌȠIJĮȝȠ૨ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ Ƞ੝ț ਱ȞȑıȤİIJȠ
142 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

1.html ȖİȖȠȞȣȓĮȢ (5) įȠ૨ȞĮȚ· țĮ੿ ʌȐȜȚȞ ੒ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ


ȆĮȡ૊ȞİȚ į੻ ȆȑIJȡ૳ (5.) IJોȢ ȝȐȤȘȢ, țȡĮIJȠ૨ıȚ ગIJȒıĮIJȠ ਕȞ੹ ਲȝȓıȠȣȢ ȜĮȕİ૙Ȟ
ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ ʌ઼Ȟ İ੅ IJȚ įȪȞĮȚIJȠ ૮ȦȝĮ૙ȠȚ IJ૵Ȟ ਕȞIJȚșȑIJȦȞ țĮIJ੹ ȥȣȤȒȞ…. țĮ੿ șȣȝȦșİ੿Ȣ
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ਥțİ૙șİȞ ਥȟȚȑȞĮȚ IJઁ ıIJȡȐ- ȕĮȡȕȐȡȦȞ ȝ૙ıȠȢ (10)ਥțȚȞȒșȘ țĮIJ੹
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ȠੁțȠȞȠȝȓ઺ Į੝IJઁ țĮIJĮʌȡȠįȚ-
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ȂĮțİįȩȞȠȢ țĮIJĮįȡĮ- țĮ੿ ȈțȜĮȣȘȞ૵Ȟ ȤȚȜȚȐįİȢ
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ʌİȡȚȕĮȜȜȩȝİȞȠȢ ਙʌİȚȡȠȞ, .4.(1.) ੒ į੻ ȋĮȖȐȞȠȢ…
ʌȜȘıȓȠȞ IJોȢ ǺȣȗĮȞIJȓįȠȢ ʌȡȑıȕİȚȢ ਥȢ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȞ
ਥȖȓȞİIJȠ· țĮ੿ ȤȡȣıȓȞȦ įȪȦ ਩ʌİȝȥİȞ, ਕȞĮȜĮȕİ૙Ȟ Georgius Monachus.
ਪțĮıIJȠȞ ਕʌȘȝʌȩȜİȚ IJȠઃȢ (2.) IJȠઃȢ ȗȦȖȡȘșȑȞIJĮȢ Chronicon breve, 820
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…ʌĮȜĮȓ- (5) ȀĮ੿ ੒ ȕĮıȚȜİઃȢ ਩ijȘ· «ȆȠȓĮȢ
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SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 143

İੁʌȩȞIJȠȢ ਥțİ૙ȞȠȞ İੇȞĮȚ IJઁȞ ਕȞĮįİȓțȞȣIJĮȚ.


ʌȡઁ ȕȡĮȤȑȠȢ ਕȞĮȓįȘȞ IJ૶ ı૶ 9.) ਫȞȞİĮțĮȚįİțȐIJ૳ ਥȞȚĮȣIJ૶
țȡȐIJİȚ įȚȠȝȚȜȠȪȝİȞȠȞ, IJોȢ ȕĮıȚȜİȓĮȢ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓȠȣ IJȠ૨
੒ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȦȡ ਕȞȘȡȫIJĮ IJઁ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ Ƞ੝į੻Ȟ
਷șȠȢ ਥțİȓȞ૳ ੒ʌȠ૙ȠȞ İ੅Ș ૮ȦȝĮȓȠȚȢ țĮ੿ ȕĮȡȕȐȡȠȚȢ
įȚİȡİȣȞȫȝİȞȠȢ. ੲȢ į’ ਥʌȡȐȤșȘ.
ਥȝȐȞșĮȞİ įİȚȜઁȞ țĮșİıIJȐȞĮȚ, ਩IJİȚ į੻ İੁțȠıIJ૶ IJઁȞ
Ǽੁ įİȚȜઁȢ ੕ȞIJȦȢ, țĮ੿ ijȠȞİȪȢ Į੝IJȐįİȜijȠȞ ੒ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȦȡ
ਥıIJȚȞ, ਕʌİțȡȓȞĮIJȠ. ਝʌȒ- ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ ȆȑIJȡȠȞ
ȤșȘIJȠ IJȠȓȞȣȞ IJȠ૙Ȣ ʌ઼ıȚ įȚ੹ (10.) ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȞ ʌȡȠİıIJȒıĮIJȠ
IJઁȞ IJȠ૨ ʌȜȒșȠȣȢ ijȩȞȠȞ IJોȢ Ǽ੝ȡȫʌȘȢ….5.5.
ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ, țĮ੿ ıțȫȝȝĮıȚ (5.) ȂİȞȠ૨ȞȖİ ੒ ȆȑIJȡȠȢ ੒
IJȠ૙Ȣ ਖʌȐȞIJȦȞ ਥȕȐȜȜİIJȠ. ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȢ IJ੹Ȣ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ
(39.) ੜʌȦȢ IJ੹ ਥȞ Ǽ੝ȡȫʌૉ ਕșȡȠȓıĮȢ ਥʌ੿ IJઁȞ ੍ıIJȡȠȞ
ıIJȡĮIJİȪȝĮIJĮ ıIJĮıȚȐıĮȞIJĮ, ȤȦȡİ૙ țĮ੿ İੁȢ ȆĮȜȐıIJȠȜȠȞ
IJઁȞ ਦțĮIJȠȞIJȐȡȤȘȞ ĭȦț઼Ȟ, ਕijȚțȞİ૙IJĮȚ, țĮ੿ ȤȐȡĮțĮ
ȕĮıȚȜȑĮ ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ ʌȠȚȘıȐȝİȞȠȢ Ƞ੢IJȦ IJ੽Ȟ IJȠ૨
ਕȞİ૙ʌȠȞ. șȑȡȠȣȢ ੮ȡĮȞ įȚȒȞȣİȞ·
ȉȠ૨ į੻ țĮIJ੹ IJ੽Ȟ ȂȣıȓĮȞ ȝİIJȠʌȫȡȠȣ IJİ ਕȡȤȠȝȑȞȠȣ ਥʌ੿
ıIJȡĮIJİȪȝĮIJȠȢ ਥʌ੿ ʌȜİ૙- (4) IJઁ țȜȓIJȠȢ IJોȢ ǻĮȡįĮȞȓĮȢ ੒
ıIJȠȞ įȚĮIJȡȚȕ੽Ȟ ਥțİ૙ıİ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȢ ਥȞİįȒȝȘıİȞ.
ʌİʌȠȚȘȝȑȞȦȞ, ĮੁIJȠȣȝȑȞȦȞ ਱țȘțȩİȚ Ȗ੹ȡ ʌİȡ੿ IJȠઃȢ
IJİ (5) ਕȞĮʌĮȪıİȦȢ ȤȐȡȚȞ IJઁȞ ȜİȖȠȝȑȞȠȣȢ (5)
ȆȑIJȡȠȞ įȚĮȜ૨ıĮȚ IJ੽Ȟ ȝȐȤȘȞ, ȀĮIJĮȡȐțIJĮȢ ਕșȡȠȚıșોȞĮȚ
țĮ੿ ਥʌ’ Ƞ੅țȠȣ ȖİȞȑıșĮȚ, ੒ į੻ IJ૵Ȟ ਝȕȐȡȦȞ IJ੹ ʌȜȒșȘ IJȩȞ
țȦij૶ ਙȞIJȚțȡȣȢ ਥįȩțİȚ, IJİ
IJĮ૙Ȣ IJȠ૨ ਙȞĮțIJȠȢ ʌȡȠıIJĮȖĮ૙Ȣ (6.) ਝȥ੿Ȥ ਥȞșĮį੿
ȝ઼ȜȜȠȞ ʌİȚșĮȡȤİ૙Ȟ ıIJȡĮIJȠʌİįİȪİıșĮȚ. …
ȠੁȩȝİȞȠȢ įİ૙Ȟ, țĮ੿ ਩IJȚ ʌȑȡĮȞ
੍ıIJȡȠȣ ʌĮȡĮțĮIJȑȤİȚȞ
ઘȡȘȝȑȞȠȢ IJઁ ıIJȡȐIJİȣȝĮ. ȀĮ੿ VIII.6.(3.) . ੒ į੻ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȦȡ
IJઁ ʌȜોșȠȢ ਫ਼ʌİȡijȣ૵Ȣ (10) ਥʌȫȤȜİȚ įȚ’ ਥʌȚıIJȠȜȑȦȢ IJઁȞ
ਥįȣıȤȑȡĮȚȞȑ IJİ țĮ੿ ȆȑIJȡȠȞ IJઁȞ ʌȠIJĮȝઁȞ
ਕijȘȞȓĮȗİȞ. ੘ į੻ ȆȑIJȡȠȢ, įȚĮʌİȡĮȚȦıȐȝİȞȠȞ IJ੹Ȣ
İ੅țȠıȚ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ IJોȢ IJ૵Ȟ ȕĮȡȕȐȡȦȞ
ıȘȝİȓȠȚȢ IJȠ૨ ıIJȡĮIJİȪȝĮIJȠȢ ȖોȢ ਥʌȚȕોȞĮȚ, IJȐȢ IJİ IJ૵Ȟ
ਕʌİȤȫȡİȚ· ਩ȞșĮ į੽ ੒ ıIJȡĮIJȠʌȑįȦȞ ਕʌȠIJȡȠij੹Ȣ
ıIJȡĮIJઁȢ ੑțIJȫ IJȚȞĮȢ Į੝IJȩșİȞ IJȠઃȢ ૮ȦȝĮȓȠȣȢ
ਥʌȚȜİȟȐȝİȞȠȚ, ੰȞ İੈȢ ਷Ȟ țĮ੿ ਕȡȪıĮıșĮȚ
ĭȦț઼Ȣ ੒ ȤĮȜİʌȫIJĮIJȠȢ
IJȪȡĮȞȞȠȢ, ʌȡઁȢ ਥțİ૙ȞȠȞ VIII.6. (2.) ੶ȡĮȢ IJȠȓȞȣȞ
įȚİʌȡİıȕİȪȠȞIJȠ· IJઁȞ į੻ țĮ੿ ȝİIJȠʌȦȡȚȞોȢ ਥȞįȘȝȠȪıȘȢ, țĮ੿
ʌȐȜȚȞ IJȠ૙Ȣ Į੝IJȠ૙Ȣ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓȠȣ IJȠ૨ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ
ਥʌȚȝȑȞȠȞIJĮ, (15) țĮ੿ ਥȞȠȤȜȠ૨ȞIJȠȢ IJઁȞ ȆȑIJȡȠȞ ਥȞ
ਥʌȚIJĮȖ੽Ȟ İੇȞĮȚ IJȠ૨ IJĮ૙Ȣ IJ૵Ȟ ȈțȜĮȣȘȞ૵Ȟ ȤȫȡĮȚȢ
Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ, ȤȡોȞĮȚ ʌȑȡĮȞ IJ੹Ȣ ૮ȦȝĮȧț੹Ȣ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ IJઁȞ
੍ıIJȡȠȣ įȚĮIJȡȓȕİȚȞ IJ੽Ȟ IJȠ૨ ȤİȚȝ૵ȞȠȢ ਥȞįȚĮ-
ıIJȡĮIJȚ੹Ȟ įȚĮIJİȚȞȠȝȑȞȠȣ, IJȡ૙ȥĮȚ țĮȚȡȩȞ, IJ૵Ȟ IJİ
șȣȝ૶ IJ੹ ʌȜȒșȘ ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ ȕĮȡȣȞȠȝȑȞȦȞ ਥʌ੿ IJૌ
ਕȞĮțĮȤȜȐıĮȞIJĮ, IJઁȞ IJȠ૨
144 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

ਦțĮIJȠȞIJȐȡȤȘȞ ĭȦț઼Ȟ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȢ ȕȠȣȜૌ įȚȐ IJİ IJ੽Ȟ


Į੝IJ૵Ȟ ʌȡȠİıIJȒıĮȞIJȠ, ȜİȓĮȞ Į੝IJ੽Ȟ įȚȐ IJİ IJ੽Ȟ IJોȢ (5)
țĮIJĮȜȚʌȩȞIJİȢ IJઁȞ ȆȑIJȡȠȞ. ੆ʌʌȠȣ IJĮʌİȓȞȦıȚȞ, ਩IJȚ Ȗİ ȝ੽Ȟ
ਯʌİȚIJĮ țĮ੿ ਥʌ’ ਕıʌȓįȠȢ İੁȢ țĮ੿ įȚ੹ IJઁ ʌȜȒșȘ ȕĮȡȕȐȡȦȞ
੢ȥȠȢ ਥȟȐȡĮȞIJİȢ, (20) ʌİȡȚțȣȝĮȓȞİȚȞ IJ੽Ȟ ȤȫȡĮȞ IJ੽Ȟ
İ੝ijȒȝȠȣȞ ਥțIJȩʌȦȢ IJ੽Ȟ ਕȞIJȚʌȑȡĮȢ IJȠ૨ ੍ıIJȡȠȣ,
ਕȞĮȖȩȡİȣıȚȞ. ਠ įોIJĮ ȝĮșઅȞ țĮ੿ @1
੒ ȆȑIJȡȠȢ, ijȣȖ੹Ȣ ફȤİIJȠ· țĮ੿ IJȠ૨ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖȠ૨ IJઁ ȕĮıȚȜȚțઁȞ
ਥȜșઅȞ, įોȜĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ ਥʌȠȓİȚ IJ૶ țȡĮIJȪȞȠȞIJȠȢ ʌȡȩıIJĮȖȝĮ,
Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȚ. ੘ į੻ IJȠઃȢ ıIJȐıȚȢ
įȘȝȐȡȤȠȣȢ (3.) ȝİȖȓıIJȘ IJȠ૙Ȣ ıIJȡĮIJİȪȝĮıȚ
ȝİIJĮıIJİȚȜȐȝİȞȠȢ, IJઁ ʌȜોșȠȢ ȖȓȖȞİIJĮȚ. … ʌȡઁȢ IJઁȞ ȆȑIJȡȠȞ
įȚȘȡİȣȞ઼IJȠ, țĮ੿ ਥȞ Ƞ੝įİȝȚઽ İ੅țȠıȚ ıȘȝİ૙Į ਕʌ૳țȚıȝȑȞȠȞ
ਥʌȠȚİ૙IJȠ ijȡȠȞIJȓįȚ IJ੽Ȟ IJȠ૨ IJȠ૨ ȤȐȡĮțȠȢ
ਕʌȠıIJȐIJȠȣ ਕȞȐ૦૧ȘıȚȞ. ʌȡȑıȕİȚȢ Ƞੂ ૮ȦȝĮ૙ȠȚ ੑțIJȫ, ਥȟ
(25)ĭȡȠȣȡઽ į੻ IJ੹ ʌȡઁ IJોȢ ੰȞ ਥIJȪȖȤĮȞİȞ ੫Ȟ țĮ੿ ĭȦț઼Ȣ
ʌȩȜİȦȢ ਙıIJİĮ įȚİȜȐȝȕĮȞİ, ੒ ȤĮȜİʌȫIJĮIJȠȢ IJȪȡĮȞȞȠȢ. ਲ
țĮ੿ Į੝IJ੽Ȟ įોIJĮ IJ੽Ȟ į੻ ਕȟȓȦıȚȢ ਷Ȟ Ƞ੅țĮįİ IJ੽Ȟ
ȕĮıȚȜİȪȠȣıĮȞ. ǼੇIJĮ țĮ੿ ʌȡİ- įȪȞĮȝȚȞ
ıȕİȓĮȞ ਥȢ IJઁ ਕʌȠıIJĮIJોıĮȞ (10.) ਕȞĮȗİȪȟĮıĮȞ IJૌ IJȠ૨
ʌȜોșȠȢ ਕȞȑʌİȝʌİȞ. ੘ ȤİȚȝ૵ȞȠȢ ੮ȡ઺ ਥȖțĮȡIJİȡİ૙Ȟ.
įȑ Ȗİ IJȪȡĮȞȞȠȢ ਸ਼țȚıIJĮ 8.7.(1.) ੒ ȝ੻Ȟ Ƞ੣Ȟ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȢ
ʌȡȠıİ૙Ȥİ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȜȩȖȠȚȢ· ਕȜȜ’ ਥȞ IJȠઃȢ ʌȡȑıȕİȚȢ
ȝİIJİȦȡȚıȝ૶ ਥʌȠȚİ૙IJȠ IJઁȞ İੁıțĮȜİıȐȝİȞȠȢ
ȜȩȖȠȞ. ȉȠ૨ į੻ ʌĮȚįઁȢ ȂĮȣ- țĮIJİʌȒȖȖİȜIJȠ …਩ijȘ… “
(30) įȣıįȚİȟȩįİȣIJȠȞ IJઁ IJȠ૨
ȡȚțȓȠȣ ĬİȠįȠıȓȠȣ ਥȢ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȢ țĮșȑıIJȘțİ
ȀĮȜȜȚțȡȐIJİȚĮȞ țȣȞȘȖİıȓȠȚȢ ʌȡȩıIJĮȖȝĮ.” ….. ਦIJȑȡĮȞ į੻
ıȤȠȜȐȗȠȞIJȠȢ, IJઁ ıIJĮıȚȐıĮȞ țĮ੿ IJૌ ਥȢ ੢ıIJİȡȠȞ ਥțțȜȘıȓĮȞ
૮ȦȝĮȧțઁȞ ਥțİȓȞ૳ ਥʌȚıIJȠȜ੽Ȟ ʌİʌȠȚȘțȩIJĮ IJ੹ ʌȜȒșȘ ਩ȟĮȡȤȠȞ
įȚİʌȑȝʌİIJȠ, ਲ਼ Į੝IJઁȞ IJઁȞ ਦțĮIJȩȞIJĮȡȤȠȞ ĭȦț઼Ȟ
ਕȞĮȜĮȝȕȐȞİȚȞ IJ੽Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ ੖ȜȦȞ ʌȡȠİıIJȒıĮȞIJȠ, ਥʌ੿ ਕıʌȓįȠȢ
ਲȖİȝȠȞȓĮȞ İੁıȘȖȠȣȝȑȞȘȞ, ਲ਼ IJİ İੁȢ ੢ȥȠȢ ਥȟȐȡĮȞIJİȢ
IJ૶ țȘįİıIJૌ īİȡȝĮȞ૶ IJĮȪIJȘȢ İ੝ijȒȝȠȣȞ ਥțIJȩʌȦȢ IJ੽Ȟ
ʌĮȡĮȤȦȡİ૙Ȟ· IJȠ૨ Ȗ੹ȡ ȜȠȚʌȠ૨ ਕȞĮȖȩȡİȣıȚȞ. IJȠȪIJȦȞ ੒
ȝ੽ ਕȞȑ- (35)ȤİıșĮȚ ਩ijĮıțȠȞ ȆȑIJȡȠȢ ਕțȘțȠઅȢ İੁȢ
ਫ਼ʌઁ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓ૳ IJ੹Ȣ ਕʌȩįȡĮıȚȞ IJ੹Ȣ ijȡȠȞIJȓįĮȢ
૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ ੒ȡઽȞ ȝİIJȑșȘțİ țĮIJȐ- (5)įȘȜȐ IJİ
įȚȚșȪȞİıșĮȚ. ਫʌİ੿ į੻ IJ੹ ıȣȝȕİȕȘțȩIJĮ ਥʌİʌȠȓȘIJȠ
țĮIJȐįȘȜĮ IJĮ૨IJĮ IJ૶ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓ૳ IJ૶
Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȚ ਥȖİȖȩȞİȚ, Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȚ…. țĮ੿ IJȠઃȢ
īİȡȝĮȞઁȢ ȝ੻Ȟ ੪Ȣ ਫ਼ʌȠȥȓĮȞ įȘȝȐȡȤȠȣȢ ੒ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȦȡ
įȠઃȢ ȞİȦIJİȡȓıĮȚ IJઁ İੁıțĮȜİıȐȝİȞȠȢ ʌȡઁȢ IJ੹
ıIJȡȐIJİȣȝĮ, ੪Ȣ ਥțİ૙ȞȠȞ ਥʌ੿ ȕĮıȓȜİȚĮ,…
IJ૵Ȟ੖ȜȦȞ ĮੂȡȠȪȝİȞȠȞ, ਥȢ IJઁȞ ਥʌȣȞșȐȞİIJȠ IJ૵Ȟ
IJોȢ ĬİȠȝȒIJȠȡȠȢ ੂțȑIJȘȢ (40) įȘȝȠIJİȣȩȞIJȦȞ ਥʌ੿ ȜİʌIJȠ૨ IJઁȞ
ʌȡȠıIJȡȑȤİȚ ȞİȫȞ· ੔Ȟ Ȁ૨ȡȠȞ (11.) ਕȡȚșȝȩȞ…. ੒ į੻
IJઁȞ ਥʌ੿ ĬİȠįȠıȓȠȣ ੢ʌĮ- ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ ʌİȡȚijȡȠȣȡİ૙Ȟ IJȠ૙Ȣ
IJȠȞ ȖİȖȠȞȩIJĮ, įİȓȝĮıșĮȚ įȒȝȠȚȢ IJ੹ ĬİȠįȠıȓȠȣ IJİȓȤȘ
ȜȩȖȠȢ· țĮ੿ ਥȢ IJ੹ ȝȐȜȚıIJĮ ʌȡȠıIJȐIJIJİȚ… ĬİȠįȠıȓȠȣ IJȠ૨
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 145

ਙȞįȡĮ ਕȖĮșȩȞ ijĮıȚ ʌĮȚįઁȢ IJȠ૨ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ …


ȖİȖȠȞȑȞĮȚ, țĮ੿ ʌİȡ੿ ȜȩȖȦȞ ਥȢ ȀĮȜȜȚțȡȐIJİȚĮȞ· …
਩ȡȦIJĮȢ ıȫijȡȠȞȓ IJȚȞȚ ȝĮȞȓ઺ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ ʌĮȡĮıțİȣ੽Ȟ
ʌȡȠıʌİijȣțȑȞĮȚ. ਫȢ ੢ıIJİȡȠȞ ȕĮıȚȜȚț੽Ȟ ĬİȠįȠıȓ૳ įȓįȦıȚ
į੻ īİȡȝĮȞઁȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡઁȢ IJઁ IJ૶ ʌĮȚįȓ. IJȠ૨ į੻ ȞȑȠȣ
ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȞ IJȑȝİȞȠȢ, ੔ ੉Ƞȣ- țȣȞȘȖİIJȠ૨ȞIJȠȢ..,
(45)ıIJȚȞȚĮȞઁȢ ȜȓĮȞ ʌĮȡĮȖȓȞİIJĮȚ ʌȡȑıȕȚȢ ੪Ȣ
ȚȜȠIJȓȝȦȢ țĮ੿ ʌȠȜȣIJİȜ૵Ȣ IJ૶ ੝IJઁȞ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJોȢ ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ
IJ૵Ȟ ੖ȜȦȞ Ĭİ૶ ਕȞȚįȡȪıĮIJȠ, ȝĮȤȓȝȠȣ įȣȞȐȝİȦȢ, ਥʌȚıIJȠȜȒȞ
ȝİIJĮijȑȡİIJĮȚ· įȚȐ IJȠȚ IJȠ૨IJȠ IJİ ਥȖȖİȖȡĮȝȝȑȞȘȞ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJȠ૨
țĮ੿ ĬİȠįȩıȚȠȞ IJઁȞ ȣੂઁȞ ੒ ੒ʌȜȚIJȚțȠ૨ ʌĮȡȑȤȦȞ
țȡĮIJ૵Ȟ ૧ȐȕįȠȚȢ ગțȓıĮIJȠ· IJ૶ (5)(5.) ĬİȠįȠıȓ૳, ..
ਫ਼ʌȠIJȠʌȒıĮȢ ਥȞ ਕʌȠ૦૧ȒIJ૳ ਲ਼ Į੝IJઁȞ ĬİȠįȩıȚȠȞ IJ੽Ȟ
IJ੽Ȟ İੁȢ IJઁ Ĭİ૙ȠȞ ʌȡȠıİ- ਲȖİȝȠȞȓĮȞ IJȠ૨ țȡȐIJȠȣȢ
įȡİȓĮȞ IJ૶ țȘįİıIJૌ īİȡȝĮȞ૶ ਕȞĮȜĮȕİ૙Ȟ ਲ਼ īİȡȝĮȞ૶ IJ੽Ȟ
ਫ਼ʌȠșȑıșĮȚ· țĮ੿ ʌȑȝ- (50) Į੝IJȠțȡĮIJȠȡȚț੽Ȟ
ȥĮȢ ਥțİ૙șİȞ ਕijȑȜțİȚȞ ਥȝʌȠȡʌȒıĮıșĮȚ
ਥʌİȚȡ઼IJȠ IJઁȞ īİȡȝĮȞȩȞ. ȉઁ įȪȞĮȝȚȞ· ȝȘį੻ Ȗ੹ȡ ਩IJȚ
į੻ IJોȢ ʌȩȜİȦȢ ʌȜોșȠȢ ȝĮșઁȞ, ਕȞȑȤİıșĮȚ ਫ਼ʌઁ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓȠȣ
ਥıIJĮıȓĮȗİ IJ૵Ȟ IJȠ૨ Į੝IJȠ(6.) țȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ IJ੹Ȣ
įȚțĮȓȦȞ IJȠ૨ Ȟİઅ ૮ȦȝĮȓȦȞ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ
ʌȡȠȧıIJȐȝİȞȠȞ· țĮ੿ țĮIJȑȤİȚȞ ੁșȪȞİıșĮȚ. ȖȓȞİIJĮȚ IJȠȓȞȣȞ
਩ȞįȠȞ ਩ʌİȚșȠȞ IJઁȞ ijȣȖȐįĮ· IJĮ૨IJĮ țĮIJȐįȘȜĮ ȂĮȣȡȚțȓ૳
IJ૶ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȚ. ੒ ȝ੻Ȟ Ƞ੣Ȟ
ȕĮıȚ-
ȜİઃȢ …(8.) ਩ijȘ IJઁȞ īİȡȝĮȞઁȞ
ʌİijȣțȑȞĮȚ ਫ਼ʌȩșİıȚȞ. ਷Ȟ į੻
IJોȢ ਫ਼ʌȠȞȠȓĮȢ IJĮȪIJȘȢ
IJİțȝȒȡȚȠȞ IJઁ įȚ’ ਥʌȚıIJȠȜȑȦȢ
IJ੹Ȣ įȣȞȐȝİȚȢ IJઁȞ īİȡ-
ȝĮȞઁȞ ਥșȑȜİȚȞ ȕĮıȚȜȑĮ
ʌȠȚȒıĮıșĮȚ, … īİȡȝĮȞઁȢ
…IJ૶ ੂİȡ૶ IJİȝȑȞİȚ IJોȢ
șİȠȝȒIJȠȡȠȢ ʌȡȠıİʌȑȜĮıİȞ, ੔
Ȁ૨ȡȠȞ IJઁȞ (5)ਥʌ੿ ĬİȠįȠıȓȠȣ
IJȠ૨ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ ȖİȖȠȞȩIJĮ
įİȓȝĮıșĮȚ ȜȩȖȠȢ
(12.) țĮșȑıIJȘțİȞ ਕȥİȣįȒȢ.
Ƞ੤IJȠȢ į੻ ਥȢ ਫ਼ʌȐIJȦȞ ਕȟȓĮȞ IJઁ
IJȘȞȚ-
țĮ૨IJĮ ਕȞĮȕİȕȒțİȚ țĮȚȡȠ૨.
IJȠ૨IJȠȞ ਙȞįȡĮ ਕȖĮșઁȞ ਥȢ IJ੹
ȝȐȜȚıIJĮ ȖİȖȠȞȑȞĮȚ ijĮıȓȞ,
țĮ੿ ʌİȡ੿ IJȠઃȢ ਩ȡȦIJĮȢ IJ૵Ȟ
ȜȩȖȦȞ (13.) ıȫijȡȠȞȚ ȝĮȞȓ઺
țĮ੿ IJ૶ șȣȝ૶ IJȚȞ੿ ਥʌİijȪțİȚ. …ȞȣțIJઁȢ į੻
ıIJȡĮIJȘȖȠȪȝİȞȠȚ, ıțȫȝȝĮıȚ ȖİȖȠȞȣȓĮȢ ਫ਼ʌİȟȑȡȤİIJĮȚ IJȠ૨
ʌȜİȓıIJȠȚȢ IJઁȞ ਙȞĮțIJĮ IJİȝȑȞȠȣȢ ੒ īİȡȝĮȞઁȢ țĮ੿
਩ȕĮȜȜȠȞ, țĮ੿ ijȡȠȞİ૙Ȟ (55) ʌȡઁȢ IJઁ ȝȑȖĮ IJોȢ ʌȩȜİȦȢ
Į੝IJઁȞ IJ੹ ȂĮȡțȓȦȞȠȢ ੂİȡઁȞ ȝİIJİijȠȓIJȘıİ IJઁ ਫ਼ʌઁ
146 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

ਥʌİIJȫșĮȗȠȞ. ǹ੆ȡİıȚȢ į੻ ੉ȠȣıIJȚȞȚĮȞȠ૨ IJȠ૨


Į੢IJȘ ȝİIJȐ IJȚȞȠȢ ȝȦȡ઼Ȣ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ ȜȓĮȞ
İ੝ȜĮȕİȓĮȢ İ੝ȒșȘȢ IJİ țĮ੿ ijȚȜȠIJȓȝȦȢ țĮ੿ ʌȠȜȣIJİȜ૵Ȣ
țĮIJȐʌIJȣıIJȠȢ. ȈijȡȚȖ૵ȞIJȠȢ ੂįȡȣȝȑȞȠȞ·… ੒ ȝ੻Ȟ Ƞ੣Ȟ (5)
IJȠȚȖĮȡȠ૨Ȟ IJȠ૨ IJĮȡȐȤȠȣ, Ƞੂ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȢ ૧Ȑȕį૳ ਥȝĮıIJȓȖȠȣ
IJ੹ IJİȓȤȘ įȚĮijȡȠȣȡȠ૨ȞIJİȢ IJઁȞ ਦĮȣIJȠ૨ ȣੂઁȞ ĬİȠįȩıȚȠȞ·
IJોȢ ʌȩȜİȦȢ IJĮ૨IJ’ ਩ijĮıțİ Ȗ੹ȡ IJઁ ਕʌȩȡȡȘIJȠȞ İੁȢ
਱ȞȦIJȚıȝȑȞȠȚ IJ૶ ȜȠȚʌ૶ īİȡȝĮȞઁȞ ਥțİ૙ȞȠȞ ȝİIJĮȖĮȖİ૙Ȟ.
ıIJĮıȚȫįİȚ ʌȜȒșİȚ țĮ੿ Ƞ੤IJȠȚ 8.9.. ੒ į੻ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȦȡ
ıȣȝȝȓȖȞȣȞIJĮȚ· (60) ʌȜોșȠȢ IJ૵Ȟ ıȦȝĮIJȠijȣȜȐțȦȞ
țĮ੿ ʌĮȞIJĮȤȩșİȞ Ƞੂ įોȝȠȚ IJ૶ ਥȟȑʌİȝȥİȞ ਫ਼ʌİȟȐȖİȚȞ IJȠ૨
ıȐȜ૳ IJȠ૨ țĮțȠ૨ țȣȝĮȚ- ȞĮȠ૨ IJઁȞ īİȡȝĮȞઁȞ
ȞȩȝİȞȠȚ, IJૌ IJȠ૨ ȁȐȡįȣ ੑȡİȖȩȝİȞȠȢ. ਥȞIJİ૨șİȞ șȣȝઁȢ
ȀȦȞıIJĮȞIJȓȞȠȣ Ƞੁțȓ઺ ȝȑȖĮȢ (5)(2.) IJૌ ʌȩȜİȚ
ʌȡȠıȡȒȖȞȣȞIJĮȚ· ੔Ȟ ਥȞȑıțȘȥİȞ. ʌİȓșİIJĮȚ IJȠȓȞȣȞ ੒
įȚĮijİȡȩȞIJȦȢ ਥȞ IJȠ૙Ȣ ȝȐȜȚıIJĮ īİȡȝĮȞઁȢ IJȠ૨ IJİȝȑȞȠȣȢ
İੇȤİ ʌĮIJȡȓțȚȠȞ. ਫʌȚijĮȞȒȢ IJİ ਫ਼ʌİȟİȜșİ૙Ȟ. IJઁ IJȠȓȞȣȞ ʌȜોșȠȢ
Ȗ੹ȡ ਷Ȟ ੒ ਕȞ੽ȡ țĮ੿ IJ૵Ȟ ਥȢ IJોȢ ʌȩȜİȦȢ ਕșȡȠȚıș੻Ȟ
ıȣȖțȜȒIJȠȣ IJİȜȠȪȞIJȦȞ ਥȞįȩȝȣȤĮ IJȠ૨ ȞĮȠ૨. IJ੹ į੻
ȕȠȣȜ੽Ȟ, țĮ੿ ਥȢ IJઁ ʌȜȒșȘ ıȣȡȡİȪıĮȞIJĮ
ʌĮIJȡȚțȓȦȞ (65)ʌİijșĮțઅȢ ਥȕȜĮıijȒȝȠȣȞ
੢ȥȠȢ· țĮ੿ IJ૵Ȟ ਦ૴ȦȞ İੁȢ IJઁȞ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡĮ țĮ੿
țȜȚȝȐIJȦȞ IJȠ૨ ijȩȡȠȣ ȝİȖȓıIJĮȚȢ ੢ȕȡİıȚ IJઁȞ
ਲȖȒıĮIJȠ· ੔Ȟ ਩ʌĮȡȤȠȞ IJ૵Ȟ ȂĮȣȡȓțȚȠȞ
ʌȡĮȚIJȦȡȓȦȞ ਩șȠȢ ਩ȕĮȜȜȠȞ IJ૶ IJİ IJ૵Ȟ
૮ȦȝĮȓȠȚȢ țĮȜİ૙Ȟ. ਼Ȟ įોIJĮ ȂĮȡțȚĮȞȚıIJ૵Ȟ țĮIJĮȜȩȖ૳
ȠੁțȓĮȞ IJ૶ ʌĮȝijȐȖ૳ ıȣȞȑIJĮIJIJȠȞ·
ʌĮȡĮįȩȞIJİȢ ʌȣȡ੿, țĮ੿ Į੆ȡİıȚȢ į੻ Į੢IJȘ ȝİIJȐ IJȚȞȠȢ
ਕȜȠȖȓıIJ૳ șȡȐıİȚ ʌİȡȚȝĮȞ૵Ȣ ȝȦȡ઼Ȣ İ੝ȜĮȕİȓĮȢ İ੝ȒșȘȢ IJİ
įȚĮʌİʌȡĮȖȝȑȞȠȚ IJઁ ਩ȡȖȠȞ, țĮ੿ (5)
ફȤȠȞIJȠ Į੣șȚȢ. (4.) țĮIJĮȖȑȜĮıIJȠȢ.
ıijȡȚȖ૵ȞIJȠȢ IJȠȚȖĮȡȠ૨Ȟ IJȠ૨
IJĮȡȐȤȠȣ, Ƞੂ IJ੹
IJİȓȤȘ įȚĮijȡȠȣȡȠ૨ȞIJİȢ
įȘȝȩIJĮȚ IJȠȪIJȦȞ ਕțȘțȠȩIJİȢ,
IJૌ ijȡȠȣȡઽ
(5.) ȤĮȓȡİȚȞ İੁʌȩȞIJİȢ
ਕȞĮȝȓȖȞȣȞIJĮȚ IJ૶ ȜĮ૶ IJ૶
ıIJĮıȚȐȗȠȞIJȚ. ʌĮȞIJĮȤȠ૨
IJȠȚȖĮȡȠ૨Ȟ IJૌ ʌȩȜİȚ
ʌİȡȚțȣȝĮȓȞȠȞIJȠȢ IJȠ૨ țĮțȠ૨,
ਕȜȠȖȓıIJ૳
੒ȡȝૌ țĮIJĮȝĮȞ૵Ȣ IJ੹ ʌȜȒșȘ IJ੽Ȟ
ȠੁțȓĮȞ ȀȦȞıIJĮȞIJȓȞȠȣ IJȠ૨
(6.) ȜİȖȠȝȑȞȠȣ ȁĮȡį૨ IJ૶
ʌĮȝijȐȖ૳ ʌȣȡ੿
țĮIJĮijȜȑȖȠȣıȚȞ. ਕȞ੽ȡ
į੻ Ƞ੤IJȠȢ ਥIJȪȖȤĮȞİȞ ੫Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ ਥȢ
ıȣȖțȜȒIJȠȣ ȕȠȣȜ੽Ȟ ਥʌȚijĮȞȑ-
ıIJĮIJȠȢ, IJȒȞ IJİ IJ૵Ȟ ʌĮIJȡȚțȓȦȞ
SERGEY A. IVANOV: The Avar-Byzantine wars of the late sixth century as depicted … 147

ਕȟȓĮȞ ʌİȡȚİȕȑȕȜȘIJȠ Ƞ੤IJȠȢ,


țĮ੿ IJ੽Ȟ ਲȖİȝȠȞȓĮȞ IJ૵Ȟ ijȩȡȦȞ
IJોȢ ਦ૴ĮȢ ʌȡȩ IJȚȞȠȢ țĮȚȡȠ૨
ਫ਼ʌઁ IJȠ૨ Į੝IJȠțȡȐIJȠȡȠȢ
ਕʌİȚȜȒijİȚ, ੔Ȟ ਩ʌĮȡȤȠȞ
ʌȡĮȚIJȦȡȓȦȞ İੁȫșĮıȚȞ
ੑȞȠȝȐȗİȚȞ ૮ȦȝĮ૙ȠȚ.

ɅɂɋɌȺ ɊȿɎȿɊȿɇɐɂ – LIST OF REFERENCES

ɂɡɜɨɪɢ – Primary Sources


Georgius Monachus, Chronicon breve, Patrologia Graeca 110.
Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopoulus, Historia ecclesiastica, Patrologia Graeca 145–147.
Schreiner P., Theophylaktes Simokates: Geschichte, Stuttgart 1985.
Theophanis chronographia, ed. C. de Boor, vol. 1, Leipzig 1883.
Theophylacti Simocattae Historia, ed. C. de Boor, Stutgardiae 1972.
Whitby M. & and Mary (transl.), The History of Theophylact Simocatta, Oxford 1986.

Ʌɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ – Secondary Works


Duket A., A study in Byzantine historiography: an analysis of Theophanes’ Chronographia and its
relationship to Theophylact’s History, the reign of Maurice and the seventh century to 711. Diss.,
Boston 1980.
Gentz G., Die Kirchengechichte des Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopulos und ihre Quellen, Berlin 1966.
http://www.oeaw.ac.at/byzanz/nkx.htm
Panteghini S., Die Kirchengeschichte des Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos, Ostkirchliche Studien 58
(2009) 248–266.
Pohl W., Die Awaren: ein Steppenvolk im Mitteleuropa, 567–822 n. Chr. 2 Auß, München 2002.
Tinnefeld F., Kategorien der Kaiserkritik in der byzantinischen Historiographie von Prokop bis Niketas
Choniates, München 1971.
Winkelmann F., “Cerkovnaja istorija” Nikifora Kallista Ksanfopula kak istoricheskij istoþnik, Vizantijskij
Vremennik 31 (1971) 38–47.
148 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 123–148

ǢǶȁǴǶȘ Ǒ. ǙdzDZǾǿdz
(ȼɢɫɨɤɚ ɲɤɨɥɚ ɟɤɨɧɨɦɢʁɟ, Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ)

ȺȼȺɊɋɄɈ-ȼɂɁȺɇɌɂȳɋɄɂ ɊȺɌɈȼɂ ɋ ɄɊȺȳȺ VI ȼȿɄȺ ɈɉɂɋȺɇɂ


ɍ ȾȿɅɍ ɇɂȶɂɎɈɊȺ ɄȺɅɂɋɌȺ ɄɋȺɇɌɈɉɍɅȺ: ɇɈȼɂ ɂɁȼɈɊ?

Ȼɚɪ ɬɪɢ ɮɪɚɝɦɟɧɬɚ ɭ ɩɨɜɟɫɬɢ ɇɢʄɢɮɨɪɚ Ʉɚɥɢɫɬɚ Ʉɫɚɧɬɨɩɭɥɚ ɨ Ⱥɜɚɪɫɤɢɦ


ɪɚɬɨɜɢɦɚ ɧɟɦɚʁɭ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɟ ɧɢ ɤɨɞ Ɍɟɨɮɢɥɚɤɬɚ ɋɢɦɨɤɚɬɟ ɧɢ ɤɨɞ Ɍɟɨɮɚɧɚ. ɉɪɢɪɨɞɚ
ɩɨɞɚɬɚɤɚ ɧɚɜɟɞɟɧɢɯ ɭ ɬɢɦ ɨɞɟʂɰɢɦɚ ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɛɢɬɢ ɥɨɝɢɱɧɨ ɪɟɤɨɧɫɬɪɭɢɫɚɧɚ ɧɚ
ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɬɟɤɫɬɚ ɢʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɨɞ ɩɨɦɟɧɭɬɢɯ ɚɭɬɨɪɚ. Ɍɨ ɡɧɚɱɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ Ʉɫɚɧɬɨɩɭɥ, ɰɪɤɜɟɧɢ
ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɚɪ ɢɡ XIV ɜɟɤɚ, ɢɦɚɨ ɧɚ ɪɚɫɩɨɥɚɝɚʃɭ ɢɡɜɨɪ ɨ VI ɜɟɤɭ ɤɨʁɢ ɧɢʁɟ ɞɨɫɩɟɨ
ɞɨ ɧɚɫ.
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ L, 2013
Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’études byzantines L, 2013

UDC: 352.07(495.02):336.2.022"10/12"
DOI: 10.2298/ZRVI1350149K

ȺLEXANDRA-KYRIAKI WASSILIOU-SEIBT
(Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Institut für Mittelalterforschung, Abteilung Byzanzforschung, Wien)

DER TERMINUS ȆȇȅȃȅǾȉǾȈ


IN DER BYZANTINISCHEN VERWALTUNG
ȆȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ als terminus technicus Þndet sich in der Domänenverwaltung all-
gemein, aber auch in den Munizipal- bzw. Provinzialverwaltung und beim Fiscus
(įȘȝંıȚȠȞ). Die frühesten Zeugnisse stammen aus dem 6. Jh. und die spätesten aus
dem frühen 12. Jh. Der Aufgabenbereich der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ ist bereits im 6. Jh. determi-
niert. In der Domänenverwaltung waren sie für die Einhebung und Weiterleitung
der Abgaben an das zugehörige Ressort zuständig. Einen Teil davon durften sie sich
selbst behalten. Die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ in der Munizipal- und Provinzialverwaltung waren
Finanzfunktionäre mit Sonderrechten, die nicht zuletzt als Steuerverwalter fungier-
ten. In der Provinzialverwaltung sind diese Personen im 11. Jh. bisweilen zuvor auch
ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİ૙Ȣ in ihrem Verwaltungsbezirk gewesen. Bisher verfügen wir nur über ein
Beispiel, wo der Militärkommandant eines Themas zugleich die Funktion des ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ
inne hatte (Eustathios Charsianites). Die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿ IJȠ૨ įȘȝȠı઀Ƞȣ wiederum wurden für
das Eintreiben ausständiger Steuern vom Staat eingesetzt. Eine Sonderstellung hat der
ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ des von Michael Attaleiates gegründeten Armenhauses in Rhaidestos, weil
es sich dabei um den obersten Verwalter aller seiner Besitzungen und Ländereien han-
delt. In der Regel waren jedoch die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ Verwalter niedrigeren Ranges innerhalb
der Domänen, die dem ȠੁțȠȞંȝȠȢ oder dem țȠȣȡ੺IJȦȡ untergeordnet waren.
Schlüsselwörter: Byzantinische Verwaltung, Munizipalverwaltung, Finanzver-
waltung, Domänenverwaltung, Provinzialverwaltung, Steuereintreiber.

The article examines on the basis of the small number of essential literary and
sigillographic evidence the scope and duties of the ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ (as a terminus technicus)
in the Byzantine administration. The earliest evidence comes from the 6th century, the
latest from the 12th. Already in the Early Byzantine period the scope of their activities
is Þxed: administration of domains and municipal and Þscal administration. Acting in
the capacity of stewards of private and ofÞcial real estate these people were responsible
for collecting and transmitting taxes to the responsible department, minus an allow-
ance for themselves. Their colleagues in the municipal and provincial administration
were revenue ofÞcers with special authority. In the provincial administration of the 11th
150 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 149–162

the pronoetai were sometimes also ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİ૙Ȣ in their region. Till now we know only
one example of a commander of a thema who was at the same time also a ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ
(Eustathios Charsianites). The ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿ IJȠ૨ įȘȝȠı઀Ƞȣ (scil. Þscus) were authorized to
exact outstanding taxes. A special case is the ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ of the alms-house of Michael
Attaleiates in Rhaidestos, because he was the highest administrator of all its estates and
dependencies. Normally the ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ were administrators of a lower rank in the do-
mains, subject to the ȠੁțȠȞંȝȠȢ or the țȠȣȡ੺IJȦȡ.
Keywords: Byzantine administration, municipal administration, Þscal administra-
tion, administration of domains, provincial administration, tax collectors.

Das Wort ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ, ähnlich wie ʌȡંȞȠȚĮ, leitet sich vom Verb ʌȡȠȞȠİ૙Ȟ
(„vorsehen“, „sorgen für etwas bzw. für jemanden“) ab.1 In den byzantinischen
Lexika wird ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ unter anderem mit ijȡȠȞIJȚıIJ੾Ȣ, țȘįİȝઆȞ erläutert.2 Nach
der byzantinischen Weltanschauung wird Gott der Allmächtige als ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ
bezeichnet, der durch seine ʌȡંȞȠȚĮ („Vorsehung“) den Lauf alles Irdischen regelt.
Auch im Siegelbefund ist die Floskel ʌȡȠȞȠ઀઺ ĬİȠ૨, nicht nur auf Bullen kirchlicher
Funktionäre, gut vertreten.3 ȆȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ ist aber auch ein Terminus in der byzantinischen
Verwaltung, zu dem sich bereits manche Gelehrte in der Vergangenheit einschlägig
geäußert haben.4 Dieser Beitrag versucht anhand der wenigen aussagekräftigen
Textzeugnisse und des sigillographischen Befunds den jeweiligen Anwendungsbereich
und die daraus resultierende Funktion der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ vom 6. bis ins frühe 12. Jh.
(letzte Zeugnisse) synoptisch zu skizzieren und zu determinieren. Ausgeschlossen
sind jene Textzeugnisse, die eindeutig das Wort ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ als Umschreibung für
bedeutungsmäßig verwandte Termini gebrauchen oder deren Sammelbegriff.
Die Anwendungsbereiche der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ als Funktionäre in der Verwaltung
allgemein sind bereits in der frühbyzantinischen Zeit Þxiert: Domänenverwaltung,
Munizipalverwaltung, Fiskus.
ȆȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ in der Domänenverwaltung Þnden sich bereits in der Spätantike.5 In
byzantinischer Zeit sind sie für das 6. Jh. ausreichend in den domus divinae (șİ૙ȠȚ ȠੇțȠȚ,
Besitzungen des Kaisers und der kaiserlichen Familie im weiteren Sinn), in den İ੝ĮȖİ૙Ȣ
ȠੇțȠȚ („fromme Stiftungen“, d. h. Besitzungen der Kirchen und Klöster), in den ਩ȞįȠȟȠȚ
ȠੇțȠȚ (Besitzungen der Senatoren), aber auch allgemein im Dienste von Privatleuten
(ੁįȚ૵IJĮȚ) bezeugt, die sich dem Staat gegenüber verantworten mussten und Steuern
1
Vgl. hierzu auch M. C. Bartusis, Land and Privilege in Byzantium. The Institution of Pronoia,
Cambridge 2012, 27–28 (The Verb ʌȡȠȞȠ૵).
2
F. W. Sturz, Etymologicum Graecae linguae Gudianum et alia grammaticorum scripta e codicibus
manuscriptis nunc primum edita, Leipzig 1818 (Nachdruck Hildesheim 1973) 318, Z. 45.
3
Einschlägiges dazu im Aufsatz von O. Karagiorgou, Ȇİȡ઀ ĮȜijĮȕȘIJȚıȝȠ઄, ĮȚȡ੼ıİȦȞ,
İȚțȠȞȠȖȡĮij઀ĮȢ țĮȚ ʌȠȜȚIJȚțઆȞ ijȚȜȠįȠȟȚઆȞ ıIJĮ ȝȠȜȣȕįંȕȠȣȜȜĮ IJȠȣ ȃȚțȘijંȡȠȣ ǺȠIJĮȞİȚ੺IJȘ (ʌİȡ઀ʌȠȣ
1001/2–1081), ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞ੺ Ȉ઄ȝȝİȚțIJĮ 18 (2008) 90f.; Sceaux byzantins de la Collection D. Theodoridis,
ed. J.-Cl. Cheynet – D. Theodoridis (Collège de France – CNRS. Centre de Recherche dૅHistoire et
Civilisation de Byzance 33), Paris 2010, 135 (nach Nummern zitiert).
4
J.-Cl. Cheynet, Épiskeptitai et autres gestionnaires des biens publics (dૅaprès les sceaux de
lૅIFEB), Studies in Byzantine Sigillography 7 (2002) 96–98 (ed. W. Seibt); Bartusis, a. O. 28–31.
5
H. J. Mason, Greek terms for Roman institutions. A Lexicon and analysis (American Studies of
Papyrology 13), Toronto 1974, 80 (“procurator, villicus”); cf. 143 (“ʌȡȠțȠȣȡ੺IJȦȡ and ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ refer
to procurators of private individuals, as does ijȡȠȞIJȚıIJ੾Ȣ for an agent of Drusus Caesar”), L. Mitteis – U.
Wilcken, Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde I, 1, Leipzig 1912, 317.
ȺLEXANDRA-KYRIAKI WASSILIOU-SEIBT: Der terminus ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ … 151

entrichten. Es handelt sich allgemein um Gutsverwalter („administrateurs de biens“),


die zudem mit der Einhebung und Weiterleitung der Abgaben beauftragt waren.6
Papyrologische Funde aus dem 5. und 6. Jh. unterrichten uns über mehrere ʌȡȠ-
ȞȠȘIJĮ઀ in verschiedenen domus divinae Ägyptens und ihre Stellung als untergeordnete
Verwalter dieser Einrichtungen: Sie waren den hierarchisch höher eingestuften
Verwaltern (įȚȠȚțȘIJĮ઀) unmittelbar zugeordnet und wurden beauftragt mit dem
Einsammeln der Einkünfte und deren Abgabe an die zuständige (kleinere) lokale
geographische Verwaltungseinrichtung/Ressort (ʌȡȠıIJĮı઀Į) der jeweiligen domus
divinae. Zudem kamen ihnen auch organisatorische Aufgaben im Ackerbau und die
damit verbundene Betreuung der dafür eingesetzten Bauern zu. Wenn sich letztere
etwas zu Schulden hatten kommen lassen oder beschuldigt wurden, konnten die ʌȡȠ-
ȞȠȘIJĮ઀ zum Rapport herangezogen werden.7 In einem Papyrus aus den Archiven der
Senatorenfamilie Apion (583) ist die Funktion des ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ Serenos gut deÞniert.
Letzterer kaufte sich für ein Jahr die Aufgabe des ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ im Oikos der Familie
Apion,8 die ihm einen niedrigen Lohn auszahlte, weil er ohnehin zusätzliche Gewinne
bzw. Einkünfte in dieser Funktion lukrieren konnte. Serenos trieb die Getreidemieten
und ähnliches von den Bauern ein, rechnete sie hoch und leitete sie den verschiedenen
Abteilungen im gleichen lokalen Ressort (ʌȡȠıIJĮı઀Į) weiter. Seine Funktion glich
Jean Gascou jener eines ਫ਼ʌȠį੼țIJȘȢ an, der im Prinzip für die Finanzen einer Stadt
verantwortlich war,9 ähnlich wie die ਕʌĮȚIJȘIJĮ઀, die erst unter Justinian I. für die
domus divinae in Kappadokien bezeugt sind.10
Kaiser Tiberios II. (578–582) ließ eine Novelle über die domus divinae (șİ૙ȠȚ ȠੇțȠȚ
bzw. ȕĮıȚȜȚțȠ੿ ȠੇțȠȚ) erlassen, weil die zuständigen Verwalter (țȠȣȡ੺IJȦȡİȢ, ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੼Ȣ),
Pächter (ȝȚıșȦIJĮ઀) u. a. auf Kosten fremden Besitzes lukrative Gewinne gemacht hatten.
Nachdem viele der Betroffenen Klage beim Kaiser gegen das illegale Vorgehen dieser
Funktionäre eingebracht hatten, ließ dieser eine Novelle erlassen, die die Rechte der
geschädigten Parteien wiederherstellen sollte.11 Die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ der domus divinae waren
ähnlich wie ihre unmittelbaren Vorgesetzten, die įȚȠȚțȘIJĮ઀, den țȠȣȡ੺IJȦȡİȢ, den obersten
Verwaltern der domus divinae untergeordnet.12 Als ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ des Kaisers Alexios I. (1081–
1118) ist ein Konstantinos mit dem Titel ȕİıIJ੺ȡȤȘȢ sigillographisch bezeugt.13 Eventuell
6
Novelle de Tibère II sur les „maisons divines“, ed. M. Kaplan, Travaux et Mémoires 8 (1981)
238–245.
7
Il dossier della domus divina in Egitto, ed. G. Azzarello (Archiv für Papyrusforschung. Beiheft
32), Berlin – Boston 2012, 9–11.
8
Zu dieser Familie cf. B. Palme, Praejecta und die Strategii. Neue Texte und Theorien zum
Stammbaum der Apionen, ed. G. Azzarello, Potere e ricchezza nellૅEgitto bizantino: gli Apioni e le altre
casate aristocratiche ossinrichite. Atti del convegno „Potere e ricchezza nellૅEgitto bizantino: la famiglia
degli Apioni. Sviluppi e prospettive della ricerca papirologica”, Udine, 28–29 Marzo 2008 (in Druck).
9
J. Gascou, Les grands domaines, la cité et lૅÉtat en Égypte byzantine (Recherches dૅhistoire agraire,
Þscale et administrative), Travaux et Mémoires 9 (1985) 16–18 (mit A. 92–94).
10
Gascou, a. O. 16.
11
Novelle, a. O. 238–245.
12
M. Kaplan, Les hommes et la terre à Byzance du VIe au XIe siècle (Byzantina Sorbonensia 10),
Paris 1992, 150–151; 156–157; Il dossier, a. O. 20.
13
Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich. 2. Teil. Zentral- und Provinzialverwaltung, ed. A.-
K. Wassiliou – W. Seibt, Wien 2004, 70 (nach Nummern zitiert). – Av.: Ȁ(઄ȡȚİ) – ȕȠ੾șİȚ – IJ૶ ı૶ įȠ઄-Ȝ(૳)
ȀȦȞ(ıIJĮȞIJ઀Ȟ૳) Rv.: ȕİ-ıIJ੺ȡȤૉ – (țĮ੿) ʌȡȠȞȠ(Ș)IJ(ૌ) – IJȠ૨ ਖȖ઀Ƞȣ – ਲȝ(૵)Ȟ įİ-ıʌંIJ(Ƞȣ). Das Stück ist auf
späteres 11.–Beginn 12. Jh. zu datieren.
152 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 149–162

ist diese Person mit dem für 1083 urkundlich erwähnten Konstantinos ȕİıIJ੺ȡȤȘȢ țĮ੿ ȜȠ-
ȖĮȡȚĮıIJ੽oȢ IJȠ૨ ȖĮȜȘȞ઀Ƞȣ țȡ੺IJȠȣȢ ਲȝ૵Ȟ und für1089 Konstantinos ȕİıIJ੺ȡȤȘȢ țĮ੿ ȜȠȖĮ-
ȡȚĮıIJ੾Ȣ zu verbinden.14 Wahrscheinlich war auch der Eunuch Konstantinos Kostomyres
ʌȡȦIJȠıʌĮș੺ȡȚȠȢ, ʌȡĮȚʌંıȚIJȠȢ, ਥʌ੿ IJȠ૨ țȠȚIJ૵ȞȠȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ, der auf einer Bleibulle
(3. Viertel 11. Jh.) greifbar ist, ein ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ des Kaisers.15
In einem von Michael Italikos verfassten und an die Witwe des Kaisers Alexios I.
(† 15. August 1118) adressierten Brief werden abschätzige Bemerkungen über die ȜȠ-
ȖĮȡȚĮıIJĮ઀ (Rechnungsprüfer) und ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿ IJ૵Ȟ ȕĮıȚȜȚț૵Ȟ ਥʌȚıț੼ȥİȦȞ (kaiserliche
Domänen) gemacht, die überall dort auftauchen, wo es um Erträge (ʌȡંıȠįȠȚ) und
Ausgaben (įĮʌ੺ȞĮȚ) von Ländereien geht, ohne von der Sache etwas zu verstehen.16
Im Gegensatz zu ihnen sei er, Michael Italikos, kundig und wüsste auch, wie man
z. B. die Erträge erhöhen und die überßüssigen Ausgaben reduzieren könnte, worin
nun auch der Gewinn (ʌȜȠȣIJİ૙Ȟ) (für die Domänen) beruht.17 Indirekt will Michael
Italikos damit sagen, dass die ȜȠȖĮȡȚĮıIJĮ઀ und die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ bewusst auf Kosten der
kaiserlichen Domänen für ihre eigene Person Þnanzielle Gewinne erzielten.
In der zweiten Außage des Syntagmas des Athanasios von Emesa Þnden sich
ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ auch allgemein im Dienste von Privatleuten (ੁįȚ૵IJĮȚ) und agierten als
Geschäftsführer bzw. Manager ihrer Patrone. Wenn sich jemand, heißt es, etwas
zu Schulden hat kommen lassen und dafür angeklagt wurde, sollte man dieses im
eigenen Verwaltungsbezirk (ਥʌĮȡȤ઀Į) berichtigen. Falls der Angeklagte nicht vor
Ort sein sollte bzw. vor Gericht verteidigt werden kann, muss derjenige, der sich um
dessen Angelegenheiten kümmert (੒ ʌȡȠȞȠ૵Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ Į੝IJȠ૨ ʌȡĮȖȝ੺IJȦȞ), benachrichtigt
und für Aufschub zur Schlichtung des jeweiligen Vorfalles gesorgt werden. Der
Angeklagte solle schließlich die Möglichkeit haben, entweder persönlich beim
Gericht aufzutreten oder einen Bevollmächtigten zu schicken. Wenn keine der beiden
Möglichkeiten eingehalten werden kann, dann wird sein ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ festgenommen
und gezwungen, die Anklage auf sich zu nehmen und sich Þnanziell für seinen Patron
zu verantworten, indem er, je nach seiner eigenen Þnanziellen Lage, dessen gesamte
Schulden ausgleicht oder nur einen Teil davon. Wenn letzteres zutrifft, dann wird der
restliche Betrag aus dem Vermögen des Angeklagten aufgefüllt.18
Über ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ von Privatleuten berichtet auch die Ecloga Basilicorum
(terminus ante quem 1155),19 wo ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ äquivalent zum țȠȣȡ੺IJȦȡ bzw. als dessen
Synonym in der entsprechenden Stelle der Basilica verwendet wird.20 An einer anderen
Stelle der Ecloga Basilicorum wiederum, die sich auf die Vermögensverwaltung
14
Actes de Lavra I. Des origines à 1204, ed. P. Lemerle – A. Guillou et alii, Archives de lૅAthos 5,
Paris 1970, Nr. 46 (1084), Z. 5 und 19; Nr. 49, Z. 42 (1089). Vgl. S. 327 und 330 (zur Nr. 64)
15
Sammlung Fogg 999 (Foto in Wien). Vgl. Österreich II, a. O., S. 95, A. 452 (erste Transkription).
16
Michael Italikos, Lettres et discours, ed. P. Gautier, Paris 1972, 94–95, Z. 1.
17
Michael Italikos a. O. 95, Z. 1 und 94, Z. 12–14.
18
Das Novellensyntagma des Athanasios von Emesa, ed. D. Simon – Sp. Troianos (Forschungen
zur byzantinischen Rechtsgeschichte 16), Frankfurt am Main 1989, 160, 4.13.2.
19
Ecloga Basilicorum, ed. L. Burgmann, Frankfurt am Main 1988, XVII.
20
Ecloga Basilicorum, a. O., B.7.19.3 = C.3.6.3, S. 337–338. – Ein gewisser Petros (Þktive Person)
hat nach seinem Tod als Verwalter (ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ) seines Ackers (ਕȖȡંȢ) seinen Diener (įȠ૨ȜȠȢ) Gregorianos
(Þktive Person) hinterlassen. Ansprüche auf die Erbschaft dieses Ackers stellte ein gewisser Paulos (Þkti-
ve Person), worauf Gregorianos eine Klage einbrachte, weil er selber den Acker erben wollte.
ȺLEXANDRA-KYRIAKI WASSILIOU-SEIBT: Der terminus ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ … 153

minderjähriger Patrone (unter 25 Jahren) im 10. Buch der Basilica bezieht, werden
ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ und įȚȠȚțȘIJ੾Ȣ fast in der gleichen Bedeutung gebraucht.21
Eine Urkunde des Klosters Iviron, die in die Zeitspanne 1090–1094 datiert
wurde, erhellt, dass der Protosebastos Ioannes Dukas, der Schwager des Kaisers
Alexios I., für seine Ländereien auf der Chalkidike einen ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ hatte.22 Für 1085
ist ein Niketas ȝȠȞĮȤઁȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡȦIJȠı઄ȖțİȜȜȠȢ IJોȢ IJȠ૨ șİȠ૨ ȝİȖ੺ȜȘȢ ਥțțȜȘı઀ĮȢ (d. h.
der Hagia Sophia) țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ IJ૵Ȟ țIJȘȝ੺IJȦȞ IJȠ૨ ȝİȖ੺ȜȠȣ įȠȣțંȢ (wohl der obige
Ioannes Dukas) bezeugt, also ein hoher Kleriker, der nebenbei im Dienste des Megas
Dux als Verwalter seiner Ländereien fungierte, woraus vielleicht zu schließen ist, dass
darin auch klösterlicher Besitz involviert war. Niketas unterschreibt unter anderen als
letzter das Praktikon, das dem Kloster Xeropotamu erlaubte, eine Wassermülle erneut
zu nutzen, was ihm zuvor das Kloster Zygos verhindert hatte.23 Aus dem Typikon
des Gregorios Pakurianos (1083) entnehmen wir, dass dieser seinen Vertrauensmann
(ਙȞșȡȦʌȠȢ ਲȝ૵Ȟ) Bardanes zum ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ (Verwalter) seiner Besitzungen in
Mosynopolis einsetzte.24 Schließlich ist durch ein Siegel aus der 2. Hälfte des 11. Jh.
ein Ioannes ȕİıIJ੺ȡȤȘȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ IJȠ૨ ʌĮȡĮțȠȚȝȦȝ੼ȞȠȣ bezeugt.25
In den Domänen der Kirche von Hermupolis/Ägypten wiederum sind die ਕʌĮȚ-
IJȘIJĮ઀ zusammen mit den ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ für die Eintreibung der Abgaben zuständig.26
In der zweiten Außage der Novellae Constitutiones des Athanasios Scholastikos,27
ȉ઀IJȜȠȢ Įૼ. 1.2. Ȇİȡ੿ ਥʌȚıțંʌȦȞ țĮ੿ țȜȘȡȚț૵Ȟ, Absatz 1.2.33 werden die ʌȡȠȞȠȘ-
IJĮ઀ der kirchlichen Domänen (İ੝ĮȖİ૙Ȣ ȠੇțȠȚ) als Zuständige für das Einfordern von
Abgaben deÞniert. Wenn ein Laie (ȜĮȧțંȢ) in den Dienst einer frommen Stiftung
getreten ist und auf Kosten der Stiftung Þnanziellen Gewinn gemacht hat, dann
fordern die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ der Stiftung als Strafe die doppelte Summe dieses Gewinns
von ihm ein.28 In den Paratitla des 1. Titels heißt es bei 1.P.1.3, dass die Bischöfe
die Verwaltungsbereiche (įȚȠȚț੾ıİȚȢ) jener ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ beaufsichtigen sollen, die von
den Gründern der frommen Stiftungen eingesetzt worden sind.29 Letzteres deutet auf
lukrative Gewinne der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ und auch der Gründer dieser frommen Stiftungen
auf Kosten der Kirche. Um den Fortbestand solcher Gefahren einzuschränken, sollen
21
Ecloga Basilicorum, a. O., B.10.4.9.6–10.4.11pr.=D.4.4.9.6–4.4.11pr, S. 508–509, hier 509, Z.
7: „IJઁȞ ਥȜİȣșİȡȦș੼ȞIJĮ įȠ૨ȜȠȞ İੇȤİȞ (scil. ੒ Ȟ੼ȠȢ) ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȟ țĮ੿ įȚȠȚțȘIJ੽Ȟ IJ૵Ȟ ʌȡĮȖȝ੺IJȦȞ Į੝IJȠ૨“. Die
Vermögensverwaltung minderjähriger Personen konnte gegebenenfalls auch einstigen Sklaven, die frei-
gelassen wurden, übergeben werden. Falls letztere diese Funktion missbraucht und den Patron geschädigt
haben sollten, dann kann er sie sogar klagen und in den Stand des Sklaven zurückversetzen.
22
Actes dૅIviron II. Du milieu du XIe siècle à 1204, ed. J. Lefort – A. Guillou et alii, Archives de
lૅAthos 18, Paris 1990, Nr. 45, S. 162, Z. 24–25.
23
Actes de Xéropotamou, ed. J. Bompaire, Archives de lૅAthos 3, Paris 1967, Nr. 7, S. 67, Z. 25.
24
Le Typikon du sébaste Grégoire Pakourianos, ed. P. Gautier, REB 42 (1984) 37, Z. 293–294.
Vgl. P. Lemerle, Cinq études sur le XIe siècle byzantine, Paris 1977, 135.
25
Sammlung Fogg 3366 (Arbeitsfoto in Wien).
26
Gascou, a. O. 40–41.
27
Die erste Außage, die im letzten Drittel des 6. Jh. verfasst wurde, blieb uns nicht erhalten. Wir
verfügen nur über die zweite, verbesserte Außage, die derselbe Autor zwischen Mai 572 und August 577
erarbeitete. Dazu s. Novellensyntagma, a. O., VII–VIII.
28
Novellensyntagma, a. O. 34, 1.2.33: “Ǽੁ į੻ ȜĮȧțંȢ ਥıIJȚȞ ੒ ȜĮȕઆȞ (scil. ijȡંȞIJȚıȝĮ) ਲ਼ ȝİı઀IJȘȢ
ȖİȞંȝİȞȠȢ, IJઁ įȠș੻Ȟ įȚʌȜȠ૨Ȟ ਕʌĮȚIJȘș੾ıİIJĮȚ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJ૵Ȟ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ૵Ȟ IJȠ૨ Į੝IJȠ૨ İ੝ĮȖȠ૨Ȣ Ƞ੅țȠȣ”.
29
Novellensyntagma, a. O. 74: „ ȋȡ੽ IJȠઃȢ ਥʌȚıțંʌȠȣȢ ਥʌȠʌIJİ઄İȚȞ IJ੹Ȣ įȚȠȚț੾ıİȚȢ IJ૵Ȟ ਩Ȟ IJȚıȚȞ
İ੝ĮȖ੼ıȚȞ Ƞ੅țȠȚȢ țĮIJĮıIJ੺ȞIJȦȞ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ૵Ȟ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJ૵Ȟ IJȠઃȢ Į੝IJȠઃȢ İ੝ĮȖİ૙Ȣ Ƞ੅țȠȣȢ ȠੁțȠįȠȝȘı੺ȞIJȦȞ“ (1.P.1.3).
154 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 149–162

nun die Bischöfe eine Kontrolle über diese ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ haben. In den Handschriften A
(Codex Athonensis ȂİȖ઀ıIJȘȢ ȁĮ઄ȡĮȢ Ĭ 65) und H (Codex Monacensis graecus 380)
ist bereits ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ૵Ȟ durch das gängige įȚȠȚțȘIJ૵Ȟ erläutert und ersetzt.30
Im ȉ઀IJȜȠȢ ȕૼ, Ȇİȡ੿ ਥțțȜȘıȚĮıIJȚț૵Ȟ ʌȡĮȖȝ੺IJȦȞ țĮ੿ IJ઀IJȜȦȞ, 2.1. ȃંȝȠȢ ʌİȡ੿ IJȠ૨
ȝ੽ ਥțʌȠȚİ૙ıșĮȚ ਲ਼ ਕȞIJĮȜȜ੺IJIJİıșĮȚ IJ੹ ਥțțȜȘıȚĮıIJȚț੹ ʌȡ੺ȖȝĮIJĮ țĮ੿ IJ੹ ਥȟોȢ („Gesetz
über die Unverkäußichkeit bzw. Untauschbarkeit der kirchlichen Habe u.s.w.“, aus
der Zeitspanne 525–535),31 Absatz 2.1.20 wiederum agieren die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ zusammen
mit den įȚȠȚțȘIJĮ઀ der kirchlichen Domänen/frommen Stiftungen (İ੝ĮȖİ૙Ȣ ȠੇțȠȚ)
als „Verantwortliche für das Aushandeln von Geschäften bzw. für die [schriftliche]
Schließung von Vereinbarungen“ (ıȣȞĮȜȜ੺ȟĮȞIJİȢ). Eine fromme Stiftung, heißt es,
soll keine ਙʌȠȡȠȢ țIJોıȚȢ („ertragsarmer Besitz“) annehmen, nicht einmal, wenn es
ein Geschenk ist. Wenn sie es aber trotzdem getan hat, dann hat sie dieses aufzugeben
ohne Einbuße, indem sie sich die „Spenden“ bzw. „Gaben“, die für diese ਙʌȠȡȠȢ țIJોıȚȢ
von außen gemacht wurden, behält. Wenn sie diese nicht behält, dann werden die
Spender gegen die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ und įȚȠȚțȘIJĮ઀ gerichtlich vorgehen, weil diese mit ihnen
die betreffenden Geschäfte vertragsmäßig ausgehandelt haben. Aus dieser Stelle geht
deutlich hervor, dass der Aufgabenbereich der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ und įȚȠȚțȘIJĮ઀ miteinander
verwandt war und letztere den ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ unmittelbar übergeordnet waren.32
Ähnlich wie bei den domus divinae waren wohl auch die įȚȠȚțȘIJĮ઀ der
„frommen Stiftungen“ für eine größere Verwaltungseinheit verantwortlich, in welche
das kleinere Ressort der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ eingegliedert war. Die obersten Verwalter der
kirchlichen Domänen waren wohl die ȠੁțȠȞંȝȠȚ, denen hierarchisch die ȤĮȡIJȠȣȜ੺ȡȚ-
ȠȚ folgten.33 Aus dem Syntagma des Athanasios Scholastikos geht also hervor, dass
die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ der frommen Stiftungen (İ੝ĮȖİ૙Ȣ ȠੇțȠȚ) den įȚȠȚțȘIJĮ઀ untergeordnet
waren, von welchen auch öfter die Rede ist. Sie wären auch zuständig für die
Veräußerung kirchlichen Besitzes, die nur in Ausnahmefällen erfolgen sollte.34 So z.
B. wenn Kirchen oder fromme Stiftungen der Hauptstadt und ihrer Umgebung Geld
brauchen, um Steuerschulden abzuzahlen und es nicht können, dann müssen die įȚȠȚ-
țȘIJĮ઀ protokollarisch den geschuldeten bzw. auszuzahlenden Betrag offenbaren, nach
dem sich auch die Höhe der Veräußerung richten wird.35
Über die Aufgabe der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ berichtet auch das Typikon des Kecharitomene-
Klosters (gegründet von Eirene Dukaina Komnene), das in zwei Phasen redigiert wurde
(1110 als terminus ante quem für die erste Phase und 1120/1130 als terminus ante quem
für die zweite Phase).36 Sie mussten jährlich Abrechnungen des Landbesitzes des Klosters
30
Novellensyntagma, a. O. 74 zu 1.P.1.3.
31
Obiges Datum ergibt sich, weil Kaiser Justinian I. (525–565) den betreffenden Nomos an den
Patriarchen Epiphanios (520–535) richtete. Vgl. Novellensyntagma, a. O. 76.
32
Novellensyntagma, a. O. 84: „ ਡʌȠȡȠȞ țIJોıȚȞ ȝȘį੻ țĮIJ੹ įȦȡİ੺Ȟ ȜĮȝȕĮȞ੼IJȦ İ੝ĮȖ੽Ȣ ȠੇțȠȢ. Ǽੁ
į੻ ਩ȜĮȕİȞ, ਕȗȘȝ઀ȦȢ ਕijȚıIJ੺ıșȦ, ȝ੽ ਕȞĮįȚįȠઃȢ IJ੹ ੪Ȣ İੁțઁȢ ਫ਼ʌ੻ȡ IJȠ઄IJȠȣ Į੝IJ૶ ʌĮȡĮıȤİș੼ȞIJĮ. ȀȚȞ੾ıȠȣıȚ
Ȗ੹ȡ Ƞੂ įİįȦțંIJİȢ IJ੹Ȣ ʌȡȠıijંȡȠȣȢ ਕȖȦȖ੹Ȣ țĮIJ੹ IJ૵Ȟ ıȣȞĮȜȜĮȟ੺ȞIJȦȞ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ૵Ȟ țĮ੿ įȚȠȚțȘIJ૵Ȟ“ (2.1.20).
Die Editoren, Simon und Troianos, übersetzen ਙʌȠȡȠȢ țIJોıȚȢ mit „unfruchtbares Land“, ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ mit
„Aufseher“ und įȚȠȚțȘIJĮ઀ mit „Verwalter“.
33
Novellensyntagma, a. O. 84, 2.1.8 und 90, 2.2.8.
34
Novellensyntagma, a. O. 86, 2.2.2; 96, 2.2.14.
35
Novellensyntagma, a. O. 90, 2.2.10.
36
Le typikon de la Théotokos Kécharitôméné, ed. P. Gautier, REB 43 (1985) 13–14.
ȺLEXANDRA-KYRIAKI WASSILIOU-SEIBT: Der terminus ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ … 155

machen, die der oberste Verwalter (ȠੁțȠȞંȝȠȢ) zu überprüfen hattte, bevor er sie der Äbtissin
des Klosters vorlegte, die schließlich die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀, je nach den Ergebnissen, entlastete
(ਕș૴ȦıȚȢ, „Freispruch“) oder auch nicht. Der ȠੁțȠȞંȝȠȢ musste alle Landbesitzungen des
Klosters besuchen, die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ beaufsichtigen und danach trachten, dass Erträge daraus
resultieren, die er schließlich der Äbtissin des Klosters jährlich überbringen musste. Von
dem Ergebnis dieses Aktes war schließlich auch die Entlastung der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ abhängig.
Der ȠੁțȠȞંȝȠȢ sollte ein Eunuch sein, im Kloster leben, eine fromme Lebenshaltung haben
und nach dem Willen der Äbtissin den Besitz des Klosters verwalten. Nach dem Ableben
der Gründerin des Klosters soll die Äbtissin den jeweiligen ȠੁțȠȞંȝȠȢ bestimmen. Dieser
soll möglicherweise einer der ੂİȡȠȣȡȖȠ૨ȞIJİȢ sein, wenn er sich dafür bewährt, oder ein
Externer, der aber zuvor eine Probezeit abzulegen hat.37
Aus der Diataxis (1077/1078) des Michael Attaleiates zu dem von ihm gegründeten
Armenhaus in Raidestos und zum Kloster IJȠ૨ ȆĮȞȠȚțIJ઀ȡȝȠȞȠȢ in Konstantinopel
entnehmen wir, dass sein Sohn Theodoros ȝȣıIJȠȖȡ੺ijȠȢ țĮ੿ ȕ. ȞȠIJ੺ȡȚȠȢ als oberster
Verwalter (ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ) dort bestimmt wurde, zudem als einziger Erbe (țȜȘȡȠȞંȝȠȢ) des
Michael Attaleiates. Der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ ist zugleich der ʌĮȡȠȤİ઄Ȣ ȞȠȝȚıȝ੺IJȦȞ an einzelne
notdürftige Klöster, die das Armenhaus unterstützt, sowie įȚĮȞİȝȘIJ੾Ȣ und ț઄ȡȚȠȢ
zugleich.38 Zudem ist in der Diataxis auch die Rede von ȤĮȡȚıIJȚț੺ȡȚȠȚ, die genauso wie
der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ nur von Michael Attaleiates zu bestimmen sind. Diese ȤĮȡȚıIJȚț੺ȡȚȠȚ
beschränken sich aber nur auf die Klöster „Zum hl. Georg“ und „Zum hl. Prokopios“ und
ihre Besitzungen;39 sie sind dort die höchsten Verwalter. Jedoch unterstehen sie dem ʌȡȠ-
ȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ, dem obersten Verwalter aller Besitzungen/Ländereien des Armenhauses, weil sie
von den Einkünften des Armenhauses erhalten werden und somit von ihm abhängig sind.
Wer es wagen sollte, heißt es, einen ȤĮȡȚıIJȚț੺ȡȚȠȢ oder ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ ohne Rücksprache
mit Michael Attaleiates einzusetzen, der soll verdammt werden.40 Zudem soll niemals ein
ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ das Recht bekommen, Besitz des Klosters und des Armenhauses zu veräußern.
Der oberste Verwalter (ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ) soll immer ein direktes Familienmitglied werden.
Nach dem Ableben seines Sohnes Theodoros soll ihm in dieser Funktion der älteste Sohn
folgen bzw. ein Sohn eher einer Tochter vorgezogen werden.41
In Domänen von Klöstern übernehmen nicht selten die Äbte auch die Funktion
des Verwalters (ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ) des Klosters. So ist für 1049 ein Nikolaos ȝȠȞĮȤઁȢ țĮ੿
țĮșȘȖȠ઄ȝİȞȠȢ IJોȢ ȝȠȞોȢ IJȠ૨ ȈIJ઄ȜȠȣ auch der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ des Klosters.42 In einer
37
Typikon Kécharitôméné, a. O. 57–59.
38
La Diataxis de Michel Attaliate, ed. P. Gautier, REB 39 (1981) 49, Z. 528–530.
39
Diataxis, a. O. 33, Z. 251 und 47, Z. 505–509 und Z. 511–514. DeÞnitiv hat Michael Attaleiates zwei
Charistikarioi für das Kloster Zum Hl. Georg außerhalb des westlichen Tores von Raidestos und einen für das
weibliche Kloster Zum hl. Prokopios am Meer, ebenfalls außerhalb des westlichen Tores von Raidestos, an-
gestellt. Zum Charistikarios s. S. L. Barnalides, ੘ șİıȝઁȢ IJોȢ ȤĮȡȚıIJȚțોȢ (įȦȡİ઼Ȣ) IJ૵Ȟ ȝȠȞĮıIJȘȡ઀ȦȞ İੁȢ IJȠઃȢ
ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȠ઄Ȣ (ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞ੹ Ȁİ઀ȝİȞĮ țĮ੿ ȂİȜ੼IJĮȚ 21), Thessaloniki 1985, 38ff. – Auf S. 41, A. 24 bemerkte bereits
der Autor, dass zumindest in der Diataxis des Michael Attaleiates die Termini ȤĮȡȚıIJȚț੺ȡȚȠȢ und ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ
voneinander abzuheben sind. Gelegentlich wird in den byzantinischen Quellen die Funktion des ȤĮȡȚıIJȚț੺ȡȚȠȢ
mit ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ umschrieben bzw. erklärt, ohne dass es sich beim letzterem um einen terminus technicus han-
delt, jedoch von einer Gleichsetzung des ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ mit dem ȤĮȡȚıIJȚț੺ȡȚȠȢ kann nicht die Rede sein. Vgl. auch
Bartusis, a. O. 30, mit. A. 51 und Barnalides, a. O. 41–42 (mit Literatur- und Quellenangabe).
40
Diataxis, a. O. 33, Z. 251.
41
Diataxis, a. O. 35, Z. 287 ff.
42
Acta et Diplomata Graeca Medii Aevi IV, ed. F. Miklosich – I. Müller, Wien 1881 (Nachdruck
Athen 1996) 315, Z. 8.
156 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 149–162

Urkunde des Klosters Iviron auf dem Berg Athos aus dem Jahr 1103 wiederum ist
ein Mönch namens Kyrillos als ʌȡȠȞȠȠ઄ȝİȞȠȢ/ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ IJȠ૨ ȤȦȡ઀Ƞȣ ǽȚįȠȝ઀ıIJȡĮȢ
(klösterlicher Besitz) bezeugt.43 Aus einer anderen Urkunde (1101) des Klosters
Iviron erfahren wir, dass die Domäne ȂİȖ੺ȜȘ ਝȡıİȞȚțİ઀Į einst konÞsziert und dem
Besitz (įİıʌȠIJȚț੹ țIJ੾ȝĮIJĮ) des Sebastokrators Isaakios Komnenos (Bruder des
amtierenden Kaisers Alexios I.) übertragen wȠrden war. Sie kam in die Obhut des
Leon Mitzikalites ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ IJોȢ ਥʌȚıț੼ȥİȦȢ ਝȡȡĮȕİȞȚțİ઀ĮȢ țĮ੿ ੊İȡȚııȠ૨. Jetzt gibt
Isaakios Komnenos Arsenikeia wieder dem Kloster Iviron zurück, um seine Seele zu
retten.44 In einem Chrysobullon Sigillion (1092) garantiert Alexios I. den Mönchen des
Klosters Megiste Laura, dass das Metochion des Apostels Andreas bei Thessaloniki
von jeglicher Belastung, Unterdrückung, Beeinträchtigung und schädlichem Eingriff
seitens der Verwalter der Ländereien (ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿ IJ૵Ȟ țIJȘȝ੺IJȦȞ) seines Bruders,
Isaakios Komnenos Sebastokrator, befreit sei. Letztere haben ab sofort nur mehr die
Abgabe der zustehenden Steuer (ਕȞ੾țȠȞIJĮ IJ੼ȜȘ) von den Mönchen zu verlangen, ein
Recht das Isaakios Sebastokrator vom Kaiser zugesprochen bekommen hat.45
Sigillographisch greifbar ist ein Theodoros ੑıIJȚ੺ȡȚȠȢ, ਦȕįȠȝ੺ȡȚȠȢ, ȕ. ȞȠIJ੺ȡȚȠȢ
IJȠ૨ ȉȡȠʌĮȚȠijંȡȠȣ țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ (ca. 3. Viertel 11. Jh.),46 der für die Stiftung des
Hl. Georgios im Manganenviertel (gegründet von Konstantinos IX. Monomachos)
angestellt wurde. Verwaltungsmäßig bildete diese als ı੼țȡİIJȠȞ IJȠ૨ ȝİȖ੺ȜȠȣ ȠੁțȠȞȠȝ઀Ƞȣ
IJȠ૨ ਖȖ઀Ƞȣ īİȦȡȖ઀Ƞȣ IJȠ૨ ȉȡȠʌĮȚȠijંȡȠȣ eine geschlossene, vom Manganenkuratorium
unabhängige Einheit mit dem ȝ੼ȖĮȢ ȠੁțȠȞંȝȠȢ IJȠ૨ ȉȡȠʌĮȚȠijંȡȠȣ als Oberhaupt.47
ȆȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ dienten aber auch dem Fiskus, wie die Basilica erhellen (ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿
IJȠ૨ įȘȝȠı઀Ƞȣ).48 In den Scholien Basilicorum werden diese Funktionäre ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿
IJȠ૨ ij઀ıțȠȣ49 bezeichnet. In der Ecloga Basilicorum wiederum werden sie IJȠ૨ įȘ-
ȝȠı઀Ƞȣ ijȡȠȞIJȚıIJĮ઀50 genannt. Es handelt sich also um Funktionäre des Staates/Fiscus
(įȘȝંıȚȠȞ/ij઀ıțȠȢ), die ausständige Steuern (IJ੹ ȤȡİȦıIJȠ઄ȝİȞĮ)51 einzutreiben hatten.
43
Actes Iviron II, a. O., Nr. 51, S. 209, Z. 96; 210, Z. 105.
44
Actes Iviron II, a. O., Nr. 50, S. 202, Z. 70.
45
Actes Lavra I 52 (1092), S. 271, Z. 14–17: “Ƞ੝į੻ Ƞੂ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿ IJ૵Ȟ țIJȘȝ੺IJȦȞ IJȠ૨
ʌĮȞİȣIJȣȤİıIJ੺IJȠȣ ıİȕĮıIJȠțȡ੺IJȠȡȠȢ țĮ੿ ʌİȡȚʌȠș੾IJȠȣ Į੝IJĮį੼ȜijȠȣ IJોȢ ȕĮıȚȜİ઀ĮȢ ȝȠȣ ਪȟȠȣıȚȞ ਥʌૅ ਕįİ઀ĮȢ
ਥʌĮȤș૵Ȣ ij੼ȡİıșĮȚ țĮ੿ ਥȟȠȣıȚĮıIJȚț૵Ȣ IJİ ਚȝĮ țĮ੿ ਥʌȘȡİĮıIJȚț૵Ȣ țĮIJ੹ IJȠ૨ Į੝IJȠ૨ ȝİIJȠȤ઀Ƞȣ (scil. IJȠ૨ ਖȖ઀Ƞȣ
ਝʌȠıIJંȜȠȣ ਝȞįȡ੼Ƞȣ), …. ੪Ȣ ȝંȞĮ IJ੹ ਕȞ੾țȠȞIJĮ IJ੼ȜȘ ȜĮȝȕ੺ȞİȚȞ ੑijİ઀ȜȠȞIJİȢ ʌĮȡ੹ IJ૵Ȟ ȝȠȞĮȤ૵Ȟ țĮ੿ ʌȜ੼ȠȞ
ȝȘį੼Ȟ”. Vgl. den Kommentar auf S. 270 (Analyse).
46
Österreich II, a. O. 69.
47
N. Oikonomides, St. George of Mangana, Maria Skleraina, and the Malyj Sion of Novgorod,
DOP 34/35 (1980/1981) 239 und 241f. Vgl. auch Lemerle, a. O. 273f.
48
Basilicorum libri LX. Series ǹ, Vol. I, Textus librorum I–VIII, B VII, 11.6 = C II, 17, 3, ed.
H. J. Scheltema – N. van der Wal, Gravenhage 1955, 336 – Jemand schuldete dem Staat Steuern bzw.
Steuergelder, welche die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿ IJȠ૨ įȘȝȠı઀Ƞȣ eintreiben sollten. Da sich bei ihm aber jemand anderer
verschuldet hatte und noch immer seine Schulden nicht beglichen hatte, forderte er die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿ IJȠ૨
įȘȝȠı઀Ƞȣ auf, den erforderlichen Betrag direkt von dessen Schuldner einzukassieren.
49
Basilicorum libri LX., Series B, Scholia in Librorum XLII, 2–XLVIII, Vol. 7, B XL VIII, 1. 10 =
D(igesta Iustiniani) XL, 1, 10, ed. H.J. Scheltema – D. Holwerda, Gravenhage 1983, 2814. – Ein gewisser
Elianos hatte sich beim Fiskus verschuldet (IJ૶ ij઀ıț૳ ȤȡİȦıIJ૵Ȟ). Er hatte vor vielen Jahren eine Sklavin
namens Euemeria gekauft, mit der Absicht, diese zu befreien, was er auch getan hatte. Als der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ
IJȠ૨ ij઀ıțȠȣ feststellte, dass das Vermögen des Elianos nicht ausreichte für die Tilgung der Schulden, fasste
er Euemeria ins Auge als Eigentum der Staatskassa.
50
Ecloga Basilicorum, a. O. zu B.7.11.6=C(odex Justinianus) 2.17.3, S. 298, Z. 9–10.
51
Basilica B VII, 11.6 = C II, 17, 3, a. O. 336.
ȺLEXANDRA-KYRIAKI WASSILIOU-SEIBT: Der terminus ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ … 157

Auch in der Munizipalverwaltung des byzantinischen Reiches sind ʌȡȠȞȠȘ-


IJĮ઀ bezeugt. In den Basilica (B XI, 2, 29 = C II, 4, 12) ist die Rede von ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀
IJ૵Ȟ ʌંȜİȦȞ, die dem ਙȡȤȦȞ IJોȢ ਥʌĮȡȤ઀ĮȢ als höchste Instanz unterstellt waren. Die
entsprechende Stelle in den Basilica lautet zusammenfassend: Weil jemand seiner Stadt
Geld schuldete (und die volle Schuld nicht bezahlen konnte), konnte er sich mit dem
Vertreter der Stadt auf eine reduzierte Forderung einigen. Daraufhin versuchten aber
die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ dieser Stadt den neuen Vertrag rückgängig zu machen; der Betroffene
wiederum forderte vom Kaiser das neue Einvernehmen als sicher zu erklären. Letzterer
überließ die Entscheidung dem ਙȡȤȦȞ IJોȢ ਥʌĮȡȤ઀ĮȢ.52 Wahrscheinlich handelt es sich
bei diesen ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿ IJ૵Ȟ ʌંȜİȦȞ um Finanzbeamte mit gewissen Sonderrechten, die
nicht zuletzt als eine Art Steuerverwalter agierten. Aus späterer Zeit und vor allem
durch Siegel sind ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ für größere Regionen in der Provinzialverwaltung des
byzantinischen Reiches attestiert.53
Drei Personen sind bisher als ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿ ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ bekannt: 1) der Eunuch
Basileios Monachos ist für die Zeitspanne 1050–1053 höchstwahrscheinlich als
Kommandant (ਲȖİȝઆȞ, ਙȡȤȦȞ, ıĮIJȡ੺ʌȘȢ)54 des Themas ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀Į und ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ55
bezeugt. Bereits Ivan Jordanov wies ihm einen unbedeutend älteren Siegeltypus zu,
der einen Basileios ȝȠȞĮȤંȢ, ı઄ȖțİȜȜȠȢ țĮ੿ ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİઃȢ ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ bezeugt,56 2)
Konstantinos ȕİıIJ੺ȡȤȘȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ (wohl das gleichnamige Thema)
(ca. 3. Viertel 11. Jh.).57 Derselbe Mann ist ebenfalls in früheren Stadien seiner
Karriere als ʌĮIJȡ઀țȚȠȢ, ੢ʌĮIJȠȢ țĮ੿ ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİઃȢ ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ und ʌĮIJȡ઀țȚȠȢ ਕȞș઄ʌĮIJȠȢ
ȕ੼ıIJȘȢ țĮ੿ ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİઃȢ ʌ੺ıȘȢ ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ bezeugt58 und 3) Ioannes ʌȡંİįȡȠȢ, țȡȚIJ੽Ȣ
IJȠ૨ ȕ੾ȜȠȣ țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ (letztes Drittel 11. Jh.).59 Es ist hervorzuheben,
dass alle oben angeführten Personen zuvor auch als ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİ૙Ȣ ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ fungiert
haben, also Steuerschätzer, Sonderbeauftragte des Kaisers, die die Höhe der Steuer
52
Basilicorum Libri LX. Series A, Textus librorum IX–XVI, Vol. II, B XI, 2, 29=C II, 4, 12, ed. H.
J. Scheltema – N. van der Wal, Gravenhage 1956, 661.
53
N. Oikonomidès, Lૅévolution de lૅorganisation administrative de lૅempire byzantine au XIe siè-
cle (1025–1118), Travaux et Mémoires 6 (1976) 150 notierte irrtümlich in diesem Zusammenhang: „Il
sૅagit de personnes ayant jurisdiction selon sur les provinces écclésiastiques et non pas civiles”, was
bereits Cheynet, a. O. 96 ausschloss.
54
Ioannis Scylitzae Synopsis Historiarum, ed. I. Thurn (CFHB 5), Berlin 1973, 458, Z. 50 (ਲȖİȝઆȞ
ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ) und 459, ǽ. 80–81 (ਙȡȤȦȞ ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ); Michaelis Attaliatae Historia, ed. E. Th. Tsolakis
(CFHB 50), Athen 2011, 30, Z. 21 und 31, Z. 6 (ǺȠȣȜȖ੺ȡȦȞ ıĮIJȡ੺ʌȘȢ), 32, ǽ. 1 (ǺȠȣȜȖ੺ȡȦȞ ਕȡȤȘȖંȢ).
55
Sovety i rasskazy Kekavmena, ed. G. Litavrin, Moskau 2003, 180, Z. 20–21.
56
G. Zacos, Byzantine Lead Seals II, ed. J. W. Nesbitt, Bern 1984, 959 (nach Nummern zitiert);
Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria I. Byzantine Seals with Geographical Names, ed. I. Jordanov,
SoÞa 2003, 19.1 (nach Nummern zitiert).
57
Österreich II, a. O. 220.
58
Österreich II, a. O., S. 129, A. 438 und 439.
59
Zacos II, a. O. 988. – G. Schlumberger, Sigillographie de lૅempire byzantin, Paris 1884 (Nachdruck
Turin 1963) 241 führt irrtümlich einen Ioannes Triakontaphyllos mit dem Titel eines ʌȡȦIJȠʌȡંİįȡȠȢ als
ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ an, dessen Siegel im British Museum archiviert ist. Ihm schloss sich auch Ivan
Jordanov 49, Nr. 12 (s. unsere A. 56) an, dem wiederum Jean-Claude Cheynet in seiner rezenten Edition
der byzantinischen Siegel in Istanbul folgte (Les sceaux byzantins du Musée archéologique dૅIstanbul,
Istanbul 2013 [Kommentar zu Nr. 5.42]). Der Siegler war aber ʌȡĮ઀IJȦȡ ǺȠȣȜȖĮȡ઀ĮȢ. Die Korrektur Þndet
sich bereits im Katalog von W. de Gray Birch, Catalogue of Seals in the British Museum, V, London 1898,
17.780 (nach Nummern zitiert). Werner Seibt, der seinerzeit das Stück vor Ort studieren konnte, bestätigte
ihre Richtigkeit.
158 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 149–162

neue festsetzten nach der Vermessung des Landes.60 Ein Michael Antipapas ȕİıIJ੺ȡȤȘȢ
țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ ਝșȘȞ૵Ȟ ist auf einem Athener Siegel bezeugt.61
Urkundlich ist für 1087 ein Eustathios Charsianites mit dem Rang eines ʌĮIJȡ઀țȚȠȢ
als ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ Ȉ੺ȝȠȣ bezeugt, der im Auftrag des Kaisers Alexios I.
Komnenos und seiner Mutter Anna Dalassene mit einem Praktikon (erhalten als
Abschrift) dem Muttergotteskloster von Patmos bestimmte Besitzungen und Ländereien62
in Leros zuschreibt und es zugleich von jeglicher Steuerart entlastet. Charsianites darf
ab nun nichts mehr von den Mönchen an Abgaben verlangen und muss die Ländereien
des Klosters von jeglicher ਕȖȖĮȡİ઀Į befreit erklären.63 Eustathios Charsianites war
also der oberste Militärkommandant des maritimen Themas von Samos und zugleich
Finanzfunktionär mit Sondervollmachten, der dort wohl die einzutreibende Steuer
abschätzen ließ, hochrechnete, einen Teil davon dem Fiskus abliefern musste, einen
anderen für das Thema aufbrachte und den Rest für sich selbst behalten konnte.
Ein Xiphilinos (ohne Vornamen) ʌȡȦIJȠʌȡંİįȡȠȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ ȁĮțİįĮȚȝȠȞ઀ĮȢ
war der Adressat eines Briefes eines Paulos Katotikos ʌȡȦIJȠʌȡંİįȡȠȢ (anderweitig
bisher nicht bekannt).64 Aufgrund des Titels ʌȡȦIJȠʌȡંİįȡȠȢ ist der Brief frühestens ins
letzte Drittel des 11. Jh. zu datieren.65 Ein Katotikos ist auf einem Siegel (1060/1084)
als ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ IJોȢ ȝİȖ੺ȜȘȢ țȠȣȡĮIJȦȡ઀ĮȢ ਝȞIJȚȠȤİ઀ĮȢ bezeugt. Der Vorname des
Sieglers stand auf dem Av. und ist aufgrund des plattgedrückten Zustandes der Stelle,
die ihn aufwies, verloren, ebenso wie die erste Zeile der Rv.-Legende, die entweder
den Titel oder eine Funktion bzw. Amt, das dieser zugleich mit der Funktion des ʌȡȠ-
ȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ kombinierte,66 belegt.
Die Aufgaben der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ in der Provinzialverwaltung als Sonderfunktionäre
in der Steuerabschätzung, Steuerhochrechnung und nicht zuletzt als Steuerverwalter
dürften Berührungspunkte mit den Aufgaben der ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİ૙Ȣ gehabt haben, was aus
dem oben ausgeführten sigillographischen Befund resultiert, wonach einige ʌȡȠ-
ȞȠȘIJĮ઀ zuvor auch als ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİ૙Ȣ gedient haben. In Chrysobullen, die bestimmten
Klostereinrichtungen auf Ansuchen ihrer Äbte ewige Sicherheit gegenüber etwaigen

60
S. das Lemma ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİ઄Ȣ in: I. E. Karagiannopulos, ȁİȟȚțં ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞ੾Ȣ ȅȡȠȜȠȖ઀ĮȢ.
ȅȚțȠȞȠȝȚțȠ઀ ંȡȠȚ, ǿ, Thessaloniki 2000, 105–106. Vgl. E. Trapp u. a., Lexikon zur byzantinischen
Gräzität, Fasz. I, Wien 1994, 77.
61
K. M. Konstantopulos, ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚĮț੹ ȝȠȜȣȕįંȕȠȣȜȜĮ IJȠ૨ ਥȞ ਝș੾ȞĮȚȢ ਫșȞȚțȠ૨ ȃȠȝȚıȝĮIJȚțȠ૨
ȂȠȣıİ઀Ƞȣ, Athen 1931, 55 (nach Nummern zitiert); Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel mit Familiennamen
aus der Sammlung des Numismatischen Museums Athen, ed. Ch. Stavrakos, Wiesbaden 2000, 22 (nach
Nummern zitiert).
62
Es handelt sich um die Festung IJȠ૨ ȆĮȞIJİȜ઀Ƞȣ sowie die Proasteia Temenion und Parthenion.
63
ਯȖȖȡĮijĮ Ȇ੺IJȝȠȣ. 2. ǻȘȝȠı઀ȦȞ ȜİȚIJȠȣȡȖ૵Ȟ, ed. E. Nystazopulu-Pelekidu, Athen 1980, Nr. 52,
S. 46–58. Vgl. F. Dölger – P. Wirth, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des oströmischen Reiches. 2. Teil.
Regesten von 1025–1204, München 1995, Nr. 1139 und Nr. 1143.
64
A. Papadopulos-Kerameus, ȄȚijȚȜ૙ȞȠȢ, ʌȡȦIJȠʌȡંİįȡȠȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ ȁĮțİįĮȚȝȠȞ઀ĮȢ, BZ 14
(1905) 563–567.
65
A.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt, Die Familie Xiphilinos im 11. Jahrhundert. Der Beitrag der Siegel, ed. B.
Caseau, Les Réseaux familiaux. Antiquité tardive et Moyen Âge (Collège de France – CNRS. Centre de
Recherche dૅHistoire et Civilisation de Byzance 37), Paris 2012, 314, Nr. 6.
66
Sceaux de la collection Zacos (Bibliothèque nationale de France) se rapportant aux provinces
orientales de lૅEmpire byzantine, ed. J.-Cl. Cheynet, Paris 2001, 9 (nach Nummern zitiert). Vgl. Österreich
II, a. O., S. 220, mit A. 451, wo für den fehlenden Teil des Rv., der Titel ʌȡંİįȡȠȢ angenommen wurde.
Zu überlegen wäre eventuell statt dessen ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİ઄Ȣ (Funktion), was inhaltlich mit ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ korreliert.
ȺLEXANDRA-KYRIAKI WASSILIOU-SEIBT: Der terminus ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ … 159

Schädigungen (țĮțઆıİȚȢ) und jeglicher Art von Steuerentrichtung (ਕȖȖĮȡİ઀Į)


garantieren, zählen die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ zu den potentiellen Funktionären des Staates
(įȘȝંıȚȠȞ), die Klostereinrichtungen Þnanziell schädigen können.67
Aus der obigen Darstellung und Analyse der narrativen Quellen und der Siegel
geht hervor:
1) ȆȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ als terminus technicus Þndet sich in der Domänenverwaltung
allgemein, aber auch in den Munizipal- bzw. Provinzialverwaltung und beim Fiscus
(įȘȝંıȚȠȞ).
2) Die frühesten Zeugnisse stammen aus dem 6. Jh. und die spätesten aus dem
frühen 12. Jh.
3) Der Aufgabenbereich der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ ist bereits im 6. Jh. determiniert. In der
Domänenverwaltung waren sie für die Einhebung und Weiterleitung der Abgaben an
das zugehörige Ressort zuständig. Einen Teil davon durften sie sich selbst behalten.
4) Die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ઀ in der Munizipal- und Provinzialverwaltung waren
Finanzfunktionäre mit Sonderrechten, die nicht zuletzt als Steuerverwalter fungierten.
In der Provinzialverwaltung sind diese Personen im 11. Jh. bisweilen zuvor auch
ਕȞĮȖȡĮijİ૙Ȣ in ihrem Verwaltungsbezirk gewesen. Bisher verfügen wir nur über ein
Beispiel, wo der Militärkommandant eines Themas zugleich die Funktion des ʌȡȠȞȠ-
ȘIJ੾Ȣ inne hatte (Eustathios Charsianites).
5) Die ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJĮ੿ IJȠ૨ įȘȝȠı઀Ƞȣ wiederum wurden für das Eintreiben
ausständiger Steuern vom Staat eingesetzt.
6) Eine Sonderstellung hat der ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੾Ȣ des von Michael Attaleiates
gegründeten Armenhauses in Rhaidestos, weil es sich dabei um den obersten Verwalter
aller seiner Besitzungen und Ländereien handelt. In der Regel waren jedoch die ʌȡȠ-
ȞȠȘIJĮ઀ Verwalter niedrigeren Ranges innerhalb der Domänen, die dem ȠੁțȠȞંȝȠȢ
oder dem țȠȣȡ੺IJȦȡ untergeordnet waren.

ɅɂɋɌȺ ɊȿɎȿɊȿɇɐɂ – LIST OF REFERENCES

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Oikonomides N., St. George of Mangana, Maria Skleraina, and the Malyj Sion of Novgorod, DOP 34/35
(1980/1981) 239–246.
Oikonomidès N., Lૅévolution de lૅorganisation administrative de lૅempire byzantine au XIe siècle (1025–
1118), Travaux et Mémoires 6 (1976) 125–152.
Palme B., Praejecta und die Strategii. Neue Texte und Theorien zum Stammbaum der Apionen, ed. G.
Azzarello, Potere e ricchezza nellૅEgitto bizantino: gli Apioni e le altre casate aristocratiche
ossinrichite. Atti del convegno „Potere e ricchezza nellૅEgitto bizantino: la famiglia degli Apioni.
Sviluppi e prospettive della ricerca papirologica”, Udine, 28–29 Marzo 2008 (in Druck).
Papadopulos-Kerameus A., ȄȚijȚȜ૙ȞȠȢ, ʌȡȦIJȠʌȡંİįȡȠȢ țĮ੿ ʌȡȠȞȠȘIJ੽Ȣ ȁĮțİįĮȚȝȠȞ઀ĮȢ, Byzantinische
Zeitschrift 14 (1905) 563–567 [Papadopulos-Kerameus A., Xiphilinos, prǀtoproedros kai
pronoƝtƝs Lakedaimonias, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 14 (1905) 563–567].
Schlumberger G., Sigillographie de lૅempire byzantin, Paris 1884 (Nachdruck Turin 1963).
Sturz F. W., Etymologicum Graecae linguae Gudianum et alia grammaticorum scripta e codicibus
manuscriptis nunc primum edita, Leipzig 1818 (Nachdruck Hildesheim 1973).
Trapp E. u. a., Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität, Fasz. I, Wien 1994.
Wassiliou-Seibt A.-K., Die Familie Xiphilinos im 11. Jahrhundert. Der Beitrag der Siegel, ed. B. Caseau,
Les Réseaux familiaux. Antiquité tardive et Moyen Âge (Collège de France – CNRS. Centre de
Recherche dૅHistoire et Civilisation de Byzance 37), Paris 2012, 307–323 (französisches Resumée
auf S. 430).

ǑǼǶǻȂDZǾǵȁDZ-ǛǹȁǹȘDZǻǹ ǓDZȂǹǼǹȘȄ-ǘDZȘDzȃ
(Ⱥɭɫɬɪɢʁɫɤɚ ɚɤɚɞɟɦɢʁɚ ɧɚɭɤɚ,
ɂɧɫɬɢɬɭɬ ɡɚ ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɟ ɫɬɭɞɢʁɟ, Ɉɞɟʂɟʃɟ ɡɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɝɢʁɭ, Ȼɟɱ)

ɌȿɊɆɂɇ ȆȇȅȃȅǾȉǾȈ ɍ ȼɂɁȺɇɌɂȳɋɄɈȳ ȺȾɆɂɇɂɋɌɊȺɐɂȳɂ

ɑɥɚɧɚɤ ɢɫɬɪɚɠɭʁɟ, ɧɚ ɨɫɧɨɜɭ ɦɚɥɨɝ ɛɪɨʁɚ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɧɚɪɚɬɢɜɧɢɯ ɢ ɫɢɝɢ-


ɥɨɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɯ ɢɡɜɨɪɚ ɨɩɫɟɝ ɢ ɞɭɠɧɨɫɬɢ ɩɪɨɧɨɢɬɚ (ɤɚɨ ɬɟɯɧɢɱɤɨɝ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɚ) ɭ
ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢʁɢ. ȼɟʄ ɭ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɭ ɨɩɫɟɝ ʃɢɯɨɜɟ
ɚɤɬɢɜɧɨɫɬɢ ʁɟ ɮɢɤɫɢɪɚɧ: ɭɩɪɚɜɚ ɩɨɫɟɞɢɦɚ ɢ ɨɩɲɬɢɧɫɤɚ ɢ ɮɢɫɤɚɥɧɚ ɭɩɪɚ-
ɜɚ. Ⱦɟɥɭʁɭʄɢ ɭ ɫɜɨʁɫɬɜɭ ɧɚɫɬɨʁɧɢɤɚ ɩɪɢɜɚɬɧɢɯ ɢ ɫɥɭɠɛɟɧɢɯ ɢɦɚʃɚ, ɬɢ ʂɭɞɢ
ɫɭ ɛɢɥɢ ɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɧɢ ɡɚ ɫɚɤɭɩʂɚʃɟ ɩɨɪɟɡɚ ɢ ʃɢɯɨɜɨ ɩɪɨɫɥɟɻɢɜɚʃɟ ɧɚɞɥɟɠɧɢɦ
162 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 149–162

ɨɪɝɚɧɢɦɚ, ɢɡɭɡɟɜ ʁɟɞɧɨɝ ɞɟɥɚ, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɡɚɞɪɠɚɜɚɥɢ ɡɚ ɫɟɛɟ. ȵɢɯɨɜɟ ɤɨɥɟɝɟ ɭ


ɨɩɲɬɢɧɫɤɨʁ ɢ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɭɩɪɚɜɢ ɛɢɥɢ ɫɭ ɫɥɭɠɛɟɧɢɰɢ ɩɪɢɯɨɞɚ ɫɚ ɩɨɫɟɛɧɢɦ
ɨɜɥɚɲʄɟʃɢɦɚ. ɍ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɫɤɨʁ ɭɩɪɚɜɢ ȋǿ ɜɟɤɚ ɩɪɨɧɨɢɬɢ ɫɭ ɩɨɧɟɤɚɞ ɨɛɚɜʂɚɥɢ
ɢ ɞɭɠɧɨɫɬ ɚɧɚɝɪɚɮɟɜɫɚ ɭ ɫɜɨʁɢɦ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɢɦɚ. Ⱦɨ ɫɚɞɚ ʁɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬ ɫɚɦɨ ʁɟɞɚɧ ɩɪɢɦɟɪ
ɡɚɩɨɜɟɞɧɢɤɚ ɬɟɦɟ ɤɨʁɢ ʁɟ ɭ ɢɫɬɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɛɢɨ ɢ ɩɪɨɧɨɢɬ (ȿɜɫɬɚɬɢʁɟ ɏɚɪɫɢʁɚɧɢɬ).
ɉɪɨɧɨɢɬɢ IJȠ૨ įȘȝȠı઀Ƞȣ (ɬʁ. ɮɢɫɤɚ) ɢɦɚɥɢ ɫɭ ɨɜɥɚɲʄɟʃɚ ɞɚ ɭɛɢɪɚʁɭ ɜɚɧɪɟɞɧɟ
ɩɨɪɟɡɟ. ɉɨɫɟɛɚɧ ɫɥɭɱɚʁ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɧɨɢɬ ɫɢɪɨɬɢɲɬɚ Ɇɢɯɚɢɥɚ Ⱥɬɚɥɢʁɚɬɚ ɭ Ɋɟɞɟɫɬɭ,
ʁɟɪ ʁɟ ɨɧ ɛɢɨ ɧɚʁɜɢɲɢ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɤ ɫɜɢɯ ɩɨɫɟɞɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɩɪɢɩɚɞɚɥɢ ɫɢɪɨɬɢɲɬɭ.
ɇɨɦɢɧɚɥɧɨ, ɩɪɨɧɨɢɬɢ ɫɭ ɛɢɥɢ ɭɩɪɚɜɧɢɰɢ ɧɢɠɟɝ ɪɚɧɝɚ ɧɚ ɩɨɫɟɞɢɦɚ, ɩɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɢ
ɢɤɨɧɨɦɭ ɢɥɢ ɤɭɪɚɬɨɪɭ.
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ L, 2013
Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’études byzantines L, 2013

UDC: 332.1:316.34(495.02)"06/07"
DOI: 10.2298/ZRVI1350163L

TELEMACHOS C. LOUNGHIS
(National Hellenic Rresearch Foundation, Athens)

WAS THERE A “PRE-FEUDAL” CRISIS?


ON LJUBOMIR MAKSIMOVIû’S INAUGURAL LECTURE BEFORE
THE ACADEMY OF ATHENS1

In the period of long wars on several fronts (7th–9th centuries) a free village
commune emerges as a basic source for state taxes and necessary military units; the
social differentiation within the village commune should be marked as a background
for all political struggles and upheavals, which have guided byzantine society after its
“aristocratization” in the 9th century (as Každan argued). The strategoi of themata, who
represented village communes in 717 and who „nationalized” church estates under the
Isaurians, are being reconciled with the church again after 787 and form, together with
it, the core of the new ruling class.
Keywords: peasants, agrarian community, aristocracy, țȠȚȞȫıİȚȢ, themes

The seventh through the ninth centuries witnessed a lengthy and painful social,
national and political crisis which crippled the Byzantine Empire geographically,
decimated the early Byzantine ruling class of the senatorial aristocracy and destroyed
the social structure existing in town and country. At the same time there emerged
the rural community of free peasants which was to become the basic productive unit
of the Byzantine society. It was then, according to Nicephorus the Patriarch,when
“on account of the frequent assumptions of imperial power and the prevalence
of usurpation, the affairs of the empire and of the City were being neglected and
declined; furthermore, education was being destroyed and the traditional social order
was crumbling.”2
1
Lj. Maksimoviü, ȅȚ ıIJȡĮIJȚȫIJİȢ IJȦȞ șİȝȐIJȦȞ ıIJȘ ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞχ țȠȚȞȦȞȓĮ, ȆȡĮțIJȚțȐ ǹțĮįȘȝȓĮȢ
ǹșȘȞȫȞ 76 Ǻǯ (2001) 613–642 (= Maksimoviü, ȅȚ ıIJȡĮIJȚȫIJİȢ).
2
Nikephoros Patriarch of Constantinople, Short History, ed. C. Mango, Washington 1990 (CFHB
13), 52: ̳ʌİϠ ȠЇȞ ʌȣțȞĮϠ IJЗȞ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȞ πʌĮȞĮıIJȐıİȚȢ πȖȑȞȠȞIJȠ țĮϠ ψ IJȣȡĮȞȞϠȢ πțȡȐIJİȚ IJȐ IJİ IJϛȢ ȕĮıȚ-
ȜİȓĮȢ țĮϠ IJϛȢ ʌȩȜİȦȢ țĮIJȘȝİȜİϧIJȠ țĮϠ įȚȑʌȚʌIJİ ʌȡȐȖȝĮIJĮ, σIJȚ ȝχȞ țĮϠ ψ IJЗȞ ȜȩȖȦȞ ωijĮȞȓȗİIJȠ ʌĮȓįİȣıȚȢ
164 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 163–171

The decline of slave labour ancient towns entailed foremost the decline of the
ancient cities. The production of goods thus began to be based mostly on the labour
of free peasants living in the country, since the old cities which ceased to be market
centers could not feed their citizens any more.3 The extent of cities was now consider-
ably diminished as clearly testiÞed by Procopius’s De aediÞciis having become mostly
castra4 or ecclesiastical sees. Scholarly attention has also been focused on the so-called
“dark agrarization” of Byzantine society as a whole.5 It has gone unnoticed however
that this “agrarian” Byzantine society seems to have been geographically isolated with
the Arab ßeets blocking the Mediterranean and the Slavs blocking much of the Balkans.
Communication with the West was substantially diminished, entailed a quasi domina-
tion of Greek language as well as the rise of a new military aristocracy prominent in the
thematic leadership that is the generals (ıIJȡĮIJȘȖȠȚ) who imposed their domination on
Byzantine society through the use of arms. This phenomenon is termed tyrannis (= use
of of arms rather than by legal means) by Nicephorus the patriarch.6
Some very interesting aspects of agrarian life in the Byzantine countryside are
depicted in the so-called “Agrarian Law (ȃȩȝȠȢ ȖİȦȡȖȚțϲȢ hereafter abbreviated as
NG),7 a text which must be dated to between the reigns of Justinian I and Justinian II
that is either in the sixth or seventh century8. Since the very beginning it appears that
the inhabitants of a certain rural village (ȤȦȡȓȠȞ in the text) or villages were free indi-
viduals who possessed moreover their own (that is the village’s) landed property (NG
Įǯ, p. 97). Sometimes the villages quarrelled with each other because of contested
or disputed Þelds (NG ȗǯ, p. 98). The violent movements of populations conducted
by emperors such Constantine V9 and Nicephorus I10 must have contributed to pro-
tecting the small property owners against encroachment by the great ones11 because
the emperors used to distribute estates in the regions where forcibly settled foreign
populations.
țĮϠ IJΤ IJĮțIJȚțΤ įȚİȜȪİIJȠ. Most of the translation belongs to C. Mango. I have only –and only in this con-
nection– changed the meaning of the word “Taktika” from “military organization” to “traditional social
order”, which seems to be more proper in this case.
3
A. P. Každan, Vizantiʁskie goroda v VII–XII vv, Sovetskaja arheologija 21 (1954) 164–188.
V. Velkov, Das Schicksal der antike Städte in den Ostbalkanländern, Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der
Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. Gesellschaft und Sprachwissenschaft, Reihe II, XXI, 1963, 7–8. G. L.
Kurbatov, Osnovnye problemy vizantiʁskogo goroda v IV–VII gg., Leningrad 1971, 154, 161, passim. W.
Brandes, Die Städte Kleinasiens im 7. und 8. Jh. [BBA 56], Berlin 1989.
4
W. Müller-Wiener, Von der Polis zum Kastron, Gymnasium 93 (1986) 435–465.
5
Cf. Maksimoviü, ȅȚ ıIJȡĮIJȚȫIJİȢ 619–623, notes 15–25 with relevant bibliography. Cf. also the
(fragmentary) Social History of Byzantium, ed. by J. Haldon, Blacwell 2009.
6
T. C. Lounghis, Ǿ țȠȚȞȦȞȚțȒ İȟȑȜȚȟȘ ıIJȘ įȚȐȡțİȚĮ IJȦȞ ȜİȖȩȝİȞȦȞ «ıțȠIJİȚȞȫȞ ĮϢȫȞȦȞ» (602–
867), Athens 2013 (= Lounghis, KȠȚȞȦȞȚțȒ İȟȑȜȚȟȘ).
7
Vizantijskij zemledel’þeskij zakon, Text, perevod, kommentarii podgotovili J. E. Lipšiþ – I. P.
Medvedev – E. K Piotrovskaja. Pod redakciej I. P. Medvedeva, Leningrad 1984. Cf. G. Ostrogorsky, La
commune rurale byzantine, Byzantion 32 (1962) 139–166.
8
J. Karayannopulos, Entstehung und Bedeutung des Nomos Georgikos, BZ 51 (1958) 357–373.
N. Svoronos, Notes sur l’origine et la date du code rural, TM 8 (1981) 487–500.
9
Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. C. De Boor, Lipsiae 1883, 432–433. Cf. also I. Rochow, Kaiser
Konstantin V. (741–775). Materialien zu seinem Leben und Nachleben. Mit einem prosopographischen
Anhang von Cl. Ludwig – I. Rochow – R.-J. Lilie [BBS 1], Frankfurt a. M. etc.1994.
10
P. Niavis, The Reign of the Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus I (AD 802–811), Athens 1987.
11
Theophanes 486, using moreover the term ΦȜȜȘȜİȖȖȪȦȢ IJΤ įȘȝȩıȚĮ. The village undertakes the
tax obligations of the poor peasants.
TELEMACHOS C. LOUNGHIS: Was there a “pre-feudal” crisis? … 165

Scarcely any slaves are mentioned residing in the village (NG ȝȗǯ, ȝșǯ, p. 114–
115 and ȠĮǯ, p. 122) and they are certainly fewer than the free persons. Slave labour
does not play a decisive part or role in the production, since the articles of the NG deal
exclusively with the work of free people who pay state taxes. The personal property
of each free individual comes from the so-called ȝİȡȚıȝȩȢ (the division or portioning)
of the land which takes place at irregular intervals and with noted delays; the pasture-
grounds are considered to be of collective beneÞt while non-cultivated lands or Þelds
constitute “common ground” (IJȩʌȠȞ țȠȚȞȩȞ, NG ʌĮǯ, p. 126). Whether the so-called
ıIJȡĮIJȚȦIJȚțΤ țIJȒȝĮIJĮ were located inside or around the village were founded is still
unknown.12 Towards the end of the 9th century, however, the stratiotika ktemata seem
to have extended at the expence of the small property owners in the village.13
Under the reign of Nicephorus I (802–811) the term ʌȐȡȠȚțȠȚ appears;14 this
implies a social differentiation within the agrarian community (i. e. the village). It
should be noted that the NG already hints that some free peasants (ȖİȦȡȖȠȓ) may be
impoverished that is they may lose their property.15 Beginning from the 9th century the
terms ΦʌȠȡȒıĮȢ or ΩʌȠȡȠȢ ȖİȦȡȖȩȢ and most of all ʌȐȡȠȚțȠȢ will replace the older
term ȖİȦȡȖȩȢ (= free individual, free land-holder and –by extension– soldier) in the
Byzantine texts.
From what we may conclude so far, the social differentiation within the agrar-
ian community that is the division between rich and poor starts to be discernible as
the struggle between the agrarian community on one hand and the Early Byzantine
great landowners ends with the former’s victory slightly after the mid-8th century.16
Slowly afterwards the seemingly enourmous landed properties were cut into pieces
(įȚİȝİȡȓıĮȞIJȠ) either amicably (ʌĮȡĮțȜȘIJȚțЗȢ) or by force (IJȣȡĮȞȞȚțЗȢ).17 This
should be taken as evidence that the thematic army composed of free peasants who
were committed to defending the interests of the agrarian community18 submitted un-
der the ideological cover of Iconoclasm the last resisting part of the old senatorial
landed aristocracy i.e. the higher and the monastic clergy.19 This victory might be a
proof of the conÞdence felt by the victorious soldiers abandoned their iconoclastic
beliefs in the person of St. Joannicius20 towards the end of the eighth / beginning of
the ninth century. This moreover entails that any further social reforms – such as those
imposed by Nicephorus I for instance – would no longer need the iconoclastic cover.
This, in turn, explains why the so-called period of “Second Iconoclasm” during the
12
Cf. J. F. Haldon, Recruitment and Conscription in the Byzantine Army c. 550–950. A Study of
the Stratiotika ktemata, Wien 1979, 51, 63, 65, n. 115, 79.
13
Cf. Maksimoviü, ȅȚ ıIJȡĮIJȚȫIJİȢ 627–639.
14
Theophanes 486–487.
15
NG ȚȘǯ, p. 103: πΤȞ ΦʌȠȡȒıĮȢ ȖİȦȡȖȩȢ … įȚĮijȪȖϙ țĮϠ ȟİȞȚIJİȪıϙ… .
16
Lounghis, ȀȠȚȞȦȞȚțȒ İȟȑȜȚȟȘ 91–108.
17
Life of St. Philaretos 62, ed. L. Rydén, Uppsala 2002.
18
Cf. H. Köpstein, Stratioten und Stratiotengüter im Rahmen der Dorfgemeinde. Einige
Bemerkungen: Beiträge zur byzantinischen Geschichte im 9.-11. Jh., Praha 1978.
19
Cf. as a general survey: Iconoclasm. Papers given at the Ninth Spring Symposiumn of Byzantine
Studies (Univ. of Birmingham, March 1975) ed. by A. Bryer and J. Herrin, Birmingham 1977. Also:
Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era (ca. 680–850): The Sources. An Annotated Survey, ed. by L. Brubaker
and J. Haldon [Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs 7], Aldershot 2001.
20
Lounghis, ȀȠȚȞȦȞȚțȒ İȟȑȜȚȟȘ 96, 98.
166 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 163–171

ninth century under such emperors as Leo V (813–820) and Theophilus (829–842),
who attempted mainly to stem the social advance of the emerging new aristocracy
composed of military leaders and higher clergymen, met with no success whatsoever.21
The accession of the thematic armies of free peasants under the Isaurians in 717
progressively led to considerable socialization (the term used by Theophanes in sev-
eral occasion is țȠȓȞȦıȚȢ22) especially after the iconoclast council of 753/4. A couple
of years later, at the apex of the persecution against the monks, both Nicephorus,23
and Theophanes24 report the offer of cheap poducts in the public market, simulta-
neously with the military victories and the intense restoration of public buildings
at Constantinople by craftsmen from various provinces, which are enumerated by
Theophanes. These clerical authors equally hostile towards the atrocious țȠȚȞȫıİȚȢ
of religious foundations express their grief against silly people that believe that fertil-
ity and cheap products mean prosperity (İЁijȠȡȓĮ IJϛȢ ȖϛȢ țĮϠ ʌȡĮȖȝȐIJȦȞ İЁșȘȞȓĮ
πȞȠȝȓȗİIJȠ). Just like the legendary king Midas, they claimed, Emperor Constantine
V had compelled the free peasants to sell their products at cheap price in order to
be in position to pay their heavy taxes. On the contrary, one could also deduce that,
from this moment on we could speak of the beginning of a new era. Such a huge
gathering of craftsmen mainly from Asia Minor working on the public buildings of
the capital (the old aqueduct of Valens for instance) testiÞes to a more or less clear
distinction between agrarian production and crafts,25 something that is conÞrmed by
the archaeological record.26 No wonder then that the well-known reformer Nicephorus
I attempted to continue the Isaurian reforms, abandoning any religious pretext, which,
however, would be revitalized under the emperors Leo V and Theophilus.27
The development of the production of crafts on account of ßourishing agrarian
conditions28 entailed an almost unavoidable class-differentiation within the agrarian
community itself, although peasant-farmers had not yet been clearly separated from
craftsmen since in this period ßourishing cities did not exist in the provinces. It is
nevertheless to be noted that there was an evolutionary process at work. While some
peasant-farmers seemed to get richer, more of them got poorer; the paroikoi were
multiplied and about to take the place of the former peasant-farmers, while smaller
properties were about to submit to larger ones. The farmers became paroikoi by one
21
Lounghis, ȀȠȚȞȦȞȚțȒ İȟȑȜȚȟȘ 151.
22
Theophanes 440.5; 443.1–3; 448.26 and 489.12.
23
Nicephorus 76.
24
Theophanes 443. Cf. also W. Brandes, Finanzverwaltung in Krisenzeiten. Untersuchungen zur
byzantinischen Administration im 6.-9. Jh., Frankfurt a. M. 2002, 381, n. 807. The importance of the
fact is recognized by the contemporary scholarly literature; cf. for instance J. Herrin, The Formation of
Christendom, London 2001, 363 amongst many others.
25
B. Malich, Wer Handwerker ist, soll nicht Kaufmann sein – ein Grundsatz des byzantinischen
Wirtschaftslebens in 8./9. Jh.: Studien zum 8. und 9. Jahrhundert in Byzanz, hg. von H. Köpstein und F.
Winkelmann [BBA 51], Berlin 1983, 49–59.
26
Cf. A. P. Každan, Derevnia i gorod v Vizantii IX–X vv., Moskva 1960, 97 (= Každan, Derevnia
i gorod).
27
Cf. also N. Oikonomidès, Fiscalité et exemption Þscale à Byzance, Athens 1996, 139.
28
A. Guillou, Transformation des structures socio-économiques dans le monde byzantin du VIIe
au VIIIe siècle, ZRVI 19 (1980) 71–78.
TELEMACHOS C. LOUNGHIS: Was there a “pre-feudal” crisis? … 167

of the following ways:29 either they passed, together with their possesions under the
protection of a certain dynatos, or they lost their possessions due to debts and were
compelled to go to work elsewhere.
Thus this kind of class differentiation which began during the ninth century (a
more precise date cannot be determined) would soon lead to the disintegration of the
free village and its “conversion” into something reminiscent of a feudal estate.30 As
has been said,31 the agrarian community (= the Byzantine village) was distinguished
by great stability as long as it enjoyed the support of the state and the military lead-
ers who came from its agrarian base. Since this support began to crumble (in the
ninth century) the popular basis of Iconoclasm weakened and remained indifferent
towards the changes which were about to transform the former free peasant-farmers
to paroikoi, a process that had been halted in Byzantium since the seventh century si-
multaneously with the decline of the ancient cities and the entire antique mode of pro-
duction. So far we must admit that there existed in Byzantium a period comparable to
that of the Medieval Europe, where, as noted by F. Engels with regard to the Frankish
state,32 what lay “between the Roman colonus and the new bondman was the Frankish
free peasant”. This Byzantine era was par excellence that of the dark centuries when
the agrarian community dominated society. The tendency towards feudalization began
in the 9th century.33 This more or less “classical” assertion might seem incompatible
with the bibliography à la mode which repeat various book titles and papers, but has
the advantage of making sense and offering a clear and solid explanation.
The rise of a “landed aristocracy”34 (mainly composed of the military leader-
ship which, after the Ecumenical Council of Nicaea II in 787 seems to be reconciled
with the clergy) at one end of the social ladder, and the increase of the paroikoi at
the other would lead to a major differentiation of social encounters, considering that
from now on the traditional Byzantine omnipotent imperial power35 was to be su-
perseded by the ascending new aristocracy whose brave deeds were to be encoun-
tered mainly on the military Þeld.36 At the same time the new aristocracy enjoys
the spiritual support, if not leadership, of the most distinguished clergy. Amongst
29
Cf. K. A. Osipova, Razvitije feodal’noi sobstvennosti vizntiiskogo krestjanstva: Beiträge (as
above, n. 18), 71–80.
30
A. P. Každan, Derevnia i gorod, 133–189.
31
ǹ. Ȇ. ȀĮȗȞIJȐȞ, ȀİȞIJȡȠȝȩȜİȢ țĮȚ țİȞIJȡȩijȣȖİȢ IJȐıİȚȢ ıIJȠ ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȩ țȩıȝȠ (1081–1261). Ǿ įȠȝȒ
IJȘȢ ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒȢ țȠȚȞȦȞȓĮȢ, ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚĮțȐ 3 (1983) 93–107.
32
F. Engels, The Origin of the Family, the Prived Property and the State, ch. 8 (in all editions).
33
Cf. also the important contribution of A. Harvey, Economic expansion in the Byzantine empire
900–1200, Cambridge 1989, 33: “The Þrst indications of the development of feudal social relations are
found in the early ninth century”.
34
A. P. Každan, Ob aristokratizacii vizantijskogo obšþestva VIII–XII vv, ZRVI 11 (1968) 47–53.
35
Maksimoviü, ȅȚ ıIJȡĮIJȚȫIJİȢ 625, rightly citing J. Malafosse, La monocratie byzantine. La
Monocratie, Bruxelles 1969, II, 48 and P. E. Pieler, Verfassung und Rechtsgrundlagen des byzantinischen
Reiches, JÖB 31/1 (1981), 213–231. The book of I. P. Medvedev, Pravovaja kul’tura vizantiiskoi imperii,
Sanktpeterburg 2001 was not accessible to me.
36
It must be reminded here that H.-G. Beck, Byzantinisches Gefolgschaftswesen, ABAW, Phil.
Hist. Klasse, Sitzungsberichte, Heft 5, 1965, 16, designated the rise of valiant army leaders of the ninth
century and their mutual relationship as “eine Kameraderie außerhalb der Regierungsorgane”. W. E.
Kaegi, Byzantine Military Unrest 471–843. An Interpretation, Amsterdam 1981, thinks also that all mili-
tary uprisings, defections and the like come to an end around 843.
168 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 163–171

the ten patriarchs covering the period 766–86737 six (Nicetas the “Slav”, Tarasius,
Nicephorus, Theodotus Melissenus, John the Grammarian and Photius) were former
civil employees and scholars, something that did not occur in any other period of the
Byzantine history. The themes, counting only eleven at the death of Constantine V
in 775, doubled their number, reaching twenty-two until 867, with the foundation of
one theme under Eirene the Athenian (Macedonia); two themes under Nicephorus
I (Peloponnesus, Cephallenia); one under Michael II (Paphlagonia); three under
Theophilus (Thessalonica, Cappadocia, Cherson) and four more (Dyrrhachium,
Aegean, Chaldia, Coloneia) during the long reign of Michael III.38 Towards the mid-
ninth century, coinciding with the reign of the unjustly so-called “drunkard” Michael
III imperial central power seems to have weakened if not become totally impotent
before the onslaught of this new aristocracy.
Therefore, we could assert that within the lengthy, almost uninterrupted and
destructive social, ethnological and political crisis of the seventh century which sig-
niÞcantly reduced the geographical area of the empire, decimated the early Byzantine
ruling class (i. e. the senatorial aristocracy that was destroyed Þrst by the military
“revolution” of 602 under Phocas, second by the measures of Justinian II and, third,
by the Isaurian socialization (țȠȚȞȫıİȚȢ) of the monasteries), and demolished the
social structure existing in town and country according to Nicephorus the agrarian
community appeared as the basic productive unit of Byzantine society. The peasants
were free people possessing their own Þelds, taxed regularly taxed by the state and
recruited in the provincial military units (themes).
Since the mid-seventh to the mid ninth century the agrarian community consti-
tuted the principal source of taxation revenue and military recruitment for the state.
It provided the state with the army needed to resist the incessant foreign attacks oc-
curing in the seventh and eighth centuries. This army ceized power in 717 and turned
against the last remnants of the early Byzantine great landowners that is the church
land property, which until then was protected then by the laws of the emperors Leo I
(457–474) and Justinian I (527–565).39
As the measures against church property weakened after Constantine V’s
death in 775 there occurred reconciliation between the military leadership and the
higher clergy (Nicaea II, 787) which together forged the core of a new aristocracy;
this procedure was closely connected with a class-differentiation within the agrarian
community;40 the wealthy passed the threshold of the new aristocracy while the poor
become dependent peasants that is paroikoi.
37
Cf. R.-J. Lilie (Hrsg.), Die Patriarchen der ikonoklastischen Zeit. Germanos I. – Methodios I
(715–867) [BBS 5], Frankfurt a. M. 1999.
38
Lounghis, ȀȠȚȞȦȞȚțȒ İȟȑȜȚȟȘ 110. Cf. also B. Blysidou – E. Kountoura – St. Lampakes – T.
Lounghis – A. Savvides, Ǿ ȂȚțȡȐ ǹıȓĮ IJȦȞ șİȝȐIJȦȞ. DzȡİȣȞİȢ ʌȐȞȦ ıIJȘȞ ʌȡȠıȦʌȠȖȡĮijȓĮ țĮȚ IJȘȞ ȚıIJȠ-
ȡȚțȒ ȖİȦȖȡĮijȓĮ, Athens 1998, passim.
39
CJ I, 2, 14 (Leo I) and CJ I, 2, 24 (Justinian).
40
F. Winkelmann, Quellenstudien zur herrschenden Klasse von Byzanz im 8. und 9. Jh. [BBA 54],
Berlin 1987, 143–180.
TELEMACHOS C. LOUNGHIS: Was there a “pre-feudal” crisis? … 169

Since the so-called rebellion of the Armeniac theme (790–794) which was not
led by a general but by two turmarchs,41 we are confronted with a new aspect in social
conßicts; these will culminate with the “civil war” led by the turmarch Thomas “the
Slav” in 821–82342 and will last, according to available evidence, until 932, when the
turmarch Basil “Bronzearm” (ȋĮȜțȩȤİȚȡ) led the large agrarian masses, mainly of the
Opsikian theme, against the government of Romanus I Lecapenus.43 But now times
had doubtless changed and private estates had incommensurably grown, as clearly
testiÞed by the Novels of the emperors of the tenth century.44 The time had come for
the dependent peasant-farmers to follow their “natural leaders”, the great landlords,
their masters, just like the serfs in feudal Western Europe almost always did.

ɅɂɋɌȺ ɊȿɎȿɊȿɇɐɂ – LIST OF REFERENCES

ɂɡɜɨɪɢ – Primary Sources


CJ = Codex Justinianus
Life of St. Philaretos, ed. L. Rydén, Uppsala 2002.
Nikephoros Patriarch of Constantinople, Short History, ed. C. Mango [Corpus Fontium Historiae
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Svoronos N., Les Novelles des empereurs macédoniens concernant la terre et les stratiotes. Introduction –
édition – commentaire. édition posthume et index établis par P. Gounaridis, Athens 1994.
Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. C. De Boor, Lipsiae 1883.
Vizantijskij zemledel’þeskij zakon, Text, perevod, kommentarii podgotovili J. E. Lipšiþ – I. P. Medvedev
– E. K Piotrovskaja. Pod redakciej I. P. Medvedeva, Leningrad 1984.

Ʌɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ – Secondary Works


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1965.
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Kountoura E. –Lampakes St. –Lounghis T. – Savvides A., HƝ Mikra Asia tǀn thematǀn. Ereunes
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Brandes W., Finanzverwaltung in Krisenzeiten. Untersuchungen zur byzantinischen Administration im
6.-9. Jh., Frankfurt a. M. 2002.
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41
Their names are Andronicus ant Theophilus, according to Theophanes, 469.9–10. Cf. T. Lounghis,
Some Gaps in a Social Evolution Theory as Research Directions, The Dark Centuries of Byzantium (7th-
9th century), Athens 2001, 411–420.
42
On Thomas, cf. J. B. Bury, History of the Eastern Roman Empire from the Fall of Eirene to the
Accession of Basil the Macedonian (802–867), London 1912, 84–119 (an excellent narrative). P. Lemerle,
Thomas le Slave, TM 1 (1965) 255–297. H. Köpstein, Zur Erhebung des Thomas: Studien zum 8. und 9.
Jh. in Byzanz [BBA 51], Berlin 1983, 61–87.
43
A. P. Každan, Velikoe vosstanije Vasilija mednoi ruki, Viz. Vrem. 4 (1951) 78–83.
44
Cf. N. Svoronos, Les Novelles des empereurs macédoniens concernant la terre et les stratiotes.
Introduction – édition – commentaire. édition posthume et index établis par P. Gounaridis, Athens 1994.
170 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 163–171

Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era (ca. 680–850): The Sources. An Annotated Survey, ed. by L. Brubaker
and J. Haldon [Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs 7], Aldershot 2001.
Engels F., The Origin of the Family, the Prived Property and the State, ch. 8 (in all editions).
Guillou A., Transformation des structures socio-économiques dans le monde byzantin du VIIe au VIIIe
siècle, Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta 19 (1980) 71–78.
Haldon J. F., Recruitment and Conscription in the Byzantine Army c. 550–950. A Study of the Stratiotika
ktemata, Wien 1979.
Harvey A., Economic expansion in the Byzantine empire 900–1200, Cambridge 1989.
Herrin J., The Formation of Christendom, London 2001.
Iconoclasm. Papers given at the Ninth Spring Symposiumn of Byzantine Studies (Univ. of Birmingham,
March 1975) ed. by A. Bryer and J. Herrin, Birmingham 1977.
Kaegi W. E., Byzantine Military Unrest 471–843. An Interpretation, Amsterdam 1981.
Karayannopulos J., Entstehung und Bedeutung des Nomos Georgikos, Byzaninische Zeitschrift 51 (1958)
357–373.
Každan A. P., Derevnia i gorod v Vizantii IX-X vv., Moskva 1960.
Každan A. P., Ob aristokratizacii vizantijskogo obšþestva VIII-XII vv, Zbornik radova Vizantološkog in-
stituta 11 (1968) 47–53.
Každan A. P., Velikoe vosstanije Vasilija mednoi ruki, Vizantijskij Vremennik 4 (1951) 78–83.
Každan A. P., Vizantiiskie goroda v VII-XIIvv, Sovetskaja arheologija 21 (1954) 164–188.
Köpstein H., Stratioten und Stratiotengüter im Rahmen der Dorfgemeinde. Einige Bemerkungen: Beiträge
zur byzantinischen Geschichte im 9.-11. Jh., Praha 1978.
Köpstein H., Zur Erhebung des Thomas: Studien zum 8. und 9. Jh. in Byzanz [BBA 51], Berlin 1983.
Kurbatov G. L., Osnovnye problemy vizantiiskogo goroda v IV –VII gg., Leningrad 1971, 154, 161, pas-
sim. W. Brandes, Die Städte Kleinasiens im 7. und 8. Jh. [BBA 56], Berlin 1989.
Lemerle P., Thomas le Slave, Travaux et Mémoires 1 (1965) 255–297.
Lilie R.-J. (Hrsg.), Die Patriarchen der ikonoklastischen Zeit. Germanos I. – Methodios I (715–867) [BBS
5], Frankfurt a. M. 1999.
Lounghis T. C., Ǿ țȠȚȞȦȞȚțȒ İȟȑȜȚȟȘ ıIJȘ įȚȐȡțİȚĮ IJȦȞ ȜİȖȩȝİȞȦȞ «ıțȠIJİȚȞȫȞ ĮϢȫȞȦȞ» (602–867),
Athens 2013 [Lounghis T. C., HƝ koinǀnikƝ exelixƝ stƝ diarkeia tǀn legomenǀn «skoteinǀn
aiǀnǀn» (602–867), Athens 2013].
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Byzantium (7th-9th century), Athens 2001, 411–420.
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Ǻǯ (2001) 613–642 [ Maksimoviü Lj., Hoi stratiǀtes tǀn thematǀn stc byzantinƝ koinǀnia, Praktika
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Wirtschaftslebens in 8./9. Jh.: Studien zum 8. und 9. Jahrhundert in Byzanz, hg. von H. Köpstein
und F. Winkelmann [BBA 51], Berlin 1983, 49–59.
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Humboldt- Universität zu Berlin. Gesellschaft und Sprachwissenschaft, Reihe II, XXI, 1963.
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1987, 143–180.
ȀĮȗȞIJȐȞ ǹ. Ȇ., ȀİȞIJȡȠȝȩȜİȢ țĮȚ țİȞIJȡȩijȣȖİȢ IJȐıİȚȢ ıIJȠ ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȩ țȩıȝȠ (1081–1261). Ǿ įȠȝȒ IJȘȢ
ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒȢ țȠȚȞȦȞȓĮȢ, ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚĮțȐ 3 (1983) 93–107 [Kazdan A. P., Kentromoles kai kentrophyges
raseis sto byzantino kosmo (1081–1261). HƝ domƝ tƝs byzantinƝs koinǀnias, Byzantiaka 3 (1983)
93–107].

ǣǹǼǶǽDZȆǿȂ Ǜ. ǜȄǾǴǹȂ
(ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ ɮɨɧɞɚɰɢʁɚ ɡɚ ɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚʃɚ, Ⱥɬɢɧɚ)

ȾȺ Ʌɂ ȳȿ ȻɂɅɈ „ɉɊȿ-ɎȿɍȾȺɅɇȿ ɄɊɂɁȿ“?


Ɉ ɉɊɂɋɌɍɉɇɈȳ ȻȿɋȿȾɂ ȴɍȻɈɆɂɊȺ ɆȺɄɋɂɆɈȼɂȶȺ
ɍ ȺɌɂɇɋɄɈȳ ȺɄȺȾȿɆɂȳɂ

Ɍɨɤɨɦ ɞɭɝɟ ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɟ, ɟɬɧɨɥɨɲɤɟ ɢ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɤɟ ɤɪɢɡɟ 7. ɜɟɤɚ, ɤɨʁɚ ʁɟ


ɬɟɪɢɬɨɪɢʁɚɥɧɨ ɪɚɫɤɨɦɚɞɚɥɚ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɨ, ɫɧɚɠɧɨ ɨɫɥɚɛɢɥɚ ɪɚɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɭ ɫɟɧɚɬɨɪ-
ɫɤɭ ɚɪɢɫɬɨɤɪɚɬɢʁɭ ɢ ɭɧɢɲɬɢɥɚ ɫɬɚɪɟ ɫɨɰɢʁɚɥɧɟ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɟ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɚ ɢ ɫɟɥɚ, ɫɥɨɛɨɞɧɚ
ɫɟɨɫɤɚ ɨɩɲɬɢɧɚ ɩɨɫɬɚʁɟ ɝɥɚɜɧɢ ɢɡɜɨɪ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞʃɟ ɞɪɭɲɬɜɚ; ɨɧɚ ɫɟ ɫɚɫɬɨʁɢ ɨɞ ɫɥɨ-
ɛɨɞɧɢɯ ɫɟʂɚɤɚ-ɩɨʂɨɩɪɢɜɪɟɞɧɢɤɚ, ɤɨʁɢ ɨɛɪɚɻɭʁɭ ɨɩɲɬɢɧɫɤɚ ɩɨʂɚ, ɨɩɨɪɟɡɨɜɚɧɢ ɫɭ
ɨɞ ɫɬɪɚɧɟ ɞɪɠɚɜɟ ɢ ɪɟɝɪɭɬɭʁɭ ɫɟ ɭ ɜɨʁɧɟ ʁɟɞɢɧɢɰɟ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɟ (ɬɟɦɟ).
Ɉɞ ɬɚɞɚ ɩɚ ɫɜɟ ɞɨ ɫɪɟɞɢɧɟ 9. ɜɟɤɚ ɫɟɨɫɤɚ ɨɩɲɬɢɧɚ ɨɫɬɚʁɟ ɮɭɧɞɚɦɟɧɬɚɥɧɢ
ɢɡɜɨɪ ɦɚɬɟɪɢʁɚɥɧɢɯ ɢ ʂɭɞɫɤɢɯ ɡɚɥɢɯɚ ɡɚ ɞɪɠɚɜɭ, ɤɨʁɚ ɧɟ ɛɢ ɩɪɟɠɢɜɟɥɚ ɛɟɡ ʃɟ;
ɨɧɚ ɞɪɠɚɜɢ ɨɛɟɡɛɟɻɭʁɟ ɜɨʁɫɤɭ ɤɨʁɚ ʁɨʁ ʁɟ ɧɟɨɩɯɨɞɧɚ ɞɚ ɛɢ, ʁɟɞɧɟ ɡɚ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ, ɨɞ-
ɛɚɰɢɜɚɥɚ ɢɧɜɚɡɢʁɟ ɢ ɭɩɚɞɟ. ɍɩɪɚɜɨ ʄɟ ɬɚ ɩɪɨɜɢɧɰɢʁɫɤɚ ɜɨʁɫɤɚ ɭɡɟɬɢ ɜɥɚɫɬ 717.
ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ɢ ɭɫɦɟɪɢʄɟ ʁɟ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɫɬɚɪɨɝ ɜɟɥɢɤɨɝ ɩɨɫɟɞɚ (țȠȚȞȫıİȚȢ), ɭ ɨɧɨʁ ɦɟɪɢ ɭ
ɤɨʁɨʁ ɨɜɚʁ ʁɨɲ ɭɜɟɤ ɨɩɫɬɚʁɟ ɤɚɨ ɰɪɤɜɟɧɢ ɩɨɫɟɞ, ɢ ɨɫɬɚʁɟ ɜɟɥɢɤɢ ʁɟɪ ʁɟ ɧɟɨɬɭɻɢɜ
(CJ I, 2, 14 et I, 2, 24).
ɉɨɛɟɞɚ ɜɨʁɫɤɟ ɞɨ 775. ɝɨɞɢɧɟ ɭɤʂɭɱɭʁɟ ɢ ʃɟɧɨ ɩɨɦɢɪɟʃɟ ɫɚ ɜɢɫɨɤɢɦ
ɤɥɟɪɨɦ ɨɤɨ 787. ɢ ɢɞɟ ɡɚʁɟɞɧɨ ɫɚ ɞɪɭɲɬɜɟɧɨɦ ɞɢɮɟɪɟɧɰɢʁɚɰɢʁɨɦ ɭɧɭɬɚɪ ɫɟɨ-
ɫɤɟ ɨɩɲɬɢɧɟ ɢɡɦɟɻɭ ɛɨɝɚɬɢɯ ɢ ɫɢɪɨɦɚɲɧɢɯ ɫɟʂɚɤɚ. Ȼɨɝɚɬɢ ɫɭ ɧɚ ɩɭɬɭ ɞɚ ɩɪɟɻɭ
ɩɪɚɝ ɤɚ ɧɨɜɨʁ ɜɥɚɞɚʁɭʄɨʁ ɤɥɚɫɢ, ɚ ɫɢɪɨɦɚɲɧɢ ʄɟ ɭɜɟʄɚɬɢ ɛɪɨʁ ɫɟʂɚɤɚ ɜɟɡɚɧɢɯ ɡɚ
ɡɟɦʂɭ ɢ ɩɨɫɬɚʄɟ ɩɚɪɢɰɢ, ɤɨʁɢ ɫɟ ɩɪɜɢ ɩɭɬ ɩɨɦɢʃɭ ɭ ɬɟɤɫɬɨɜɢɦɚ ɫ ɩɨɱɟɬɤɚ 9. ɜɟɤɚ
(Théophane, 486,30 et 487,4).
Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɪɚɞɨɜɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ L, 2013
Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’études byzantines L, 2013

ɍȾɄ: 27-87"06/07"(093):81’373.6
DOI: 10.2298/ZRVI1350173P

ȺɅȿɄɋȺɇȾȺɊ ȼ. ɉɈɉɈȼɂȶ
(ɍɧɢɜɟɪɡɢɬɟɬ ɭ Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞɭ – Ɏɢɥɨɡɨɮɫɤɢ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬ)

„ȿɌɂɆɈɅɈɒɄɂ ȺɌɅȺɋ“ ȴɍȾɋɄɈȽ ɌȿɅȺ


ɍ ɋɉɂɋɍ ȅǻǾīȅȈ ȺɇȺɋɌȺɋɂȳȺ ɋɂɇȺɂɌȺ*
~Odhgo,j (ɉɭɬɟɜɨɞɢɬɟʂ) ʁɟ ɧɚʁɩɨɡɧɚɬɢʁɟ ɞɟɥɨ Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɚ ɋɢɧɚɢɬɚ, ɬɟɨɥɨɲɤɨɝ
ɩɢɫɰɚ ɢɡ VII/VIII ɜɟɤɚ. Ɉɧɨ ʁɟ ɧɟɤɚ ɜɪɫɬɚ ɩɪɢɪɭɱɧɢɤɚ ɡɚ ɛɨɪɛɭ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ʁɟɪɟɫɢ, ɩɪɟ
ɫɜɟɝɚ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɦɨɧɨɮɢɡɢɬɢɡɦɚ ɢ ɦɨɧɨɬɟɥɢɬɢɡɦɚ. Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟ ɞɢɫɤɭɬɭʁɟ ɨ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɢɦɚ,
ɨɞɧɨɫɧɨ, ɤɚɬɟɝɨɪɢʁɚɦɚ, ɤɨʁɟ ɜɟɪɧɢɤ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɞɚ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛʂɚɜɚ ɞɚ ɛɢ ɛɢɨ ɩɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɚɧ.
ɍ ɞɪɭɝɨɦ ɩɨɝɥɚɜʂɭ ɨɧ ɞɨɧɨɫɢ ɞɟɮɢɧɢɰɢʁɟ ɬɟɨɥɨɲɤɢɯ ɬɟɯɧɢɱɤɢɯ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɚ ɤɨʁɟ
ʄɟ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛʂɚɜɚɬɢ ɭ ɫɜɨʁɨʁ ɩɨɥɟɦɢɰɢ. Ⱦɚ ɛɢ ɩɨɬɤɪɟɩɢɨ ɫɜɨʁɭ ɚɪɝɭɦɟɧɬɚɰɢʁɭ,
Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟ ɧɚɜɨɞɢ ɜɢɲɟ ɨɞ 120 ɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢʁɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɢɯ ɪɟɱɢ. Ɇɟɻɭ ʃɢɦɚ ʁɟ ɢ 17
ɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢʁɚ ɧɚɡɢɜɚ ɡɚ ɞɟɥɨɜɟ ʂɭɞɫɤɨɝ ɬɟɥɚ. ɇɟɤɟ ɨɞ ʃɢɯ ɪɚɡɦɚɬɪɚɦɨ ɭ ɨɜɨɦ ɪɚɞɭ.
Ʉʂɭɱɧɟ ɪɟɱɢ: Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟ ɋɢɧɚɢɬ, ~Odhgo,j (ɉɭɬɟɜɨɞɢɬɟʂ), ʁɟɪɟɫɢ, ɝɪɱɤɟ
ɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢʁɟ, ɚɧɚɬɨɦɫɤɢ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɢ

~Odhgo,j (The Guide) is the most famous work of Anastasios of Sinai, the theo-
logical writer from the 7th-8th century. It is some sort of a handbook for Þghting the
heresies, in the Þrst place Monophysitism and Monotheletism. Anastasios is discussing
the terms, i.e. the categories, which the believer should use if he wants to be orthodox.
In the second chapter Anastasios brings the deÞnitions of theological technical terms
which he will be using in his polemics. To strengthen his argumentation he quotes more
than 120 etymologies of different words. Among them are 17 etzmologies of the names
of the parts of human body. We are talking about some of them in this work.
Keywords: Anastasios of Sinai, ~Odhgo,j (The Guide), heresies, Greek etymologies,
anatomical terms

ɈɠɢɜɨɬɭȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɚɋɢɧɚɢɬɚɧɟɡɧɚɫɟɝɨɬɨɜɨɧɢɲɬɚȾɭɝɨɜɪɟɦɟɧɚʁɟɨɧ
ɢɞɟɧɬɢɮɢɤɨɜɚɧ ɫɚ ɚɧɬɢɨɯɢʁɫɤɢɦ ɩɚɬɪɢʁɚɪɯɨɦ ɢɡ 9, ɜɟɤɚ Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟɦ Ⱦɚɧɚɫ
ʁɟ ɨɜɚ ɢɞɟɧɬɢɮɢɤɚɰɢʁɚ ɨɞɛɚɱɟɧɚ Ʉɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɟ ɱɢʃɟɧɢɰɟ ɨ ʃɟɦɭ ɩɪɢɯɜɚʄɟɧɟ ɭ
ɈɜɚʁɪɚɞʁɟɧɚɫɬɚɨɭɨɤɜɢɪɭɧɚɭɱɧɨɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚɱɤɨɝɩɪɨʁɟɤɬɚÄɌɪɚɞɢɰɢʁɚɢɧɨɜɚɰɢʁɚɢɢɞɟɧ
ɬɢɬɟɬɭɜɢɡɚɧɬɢʁɫɤɨɦɫɜɟɬɭ³ ɟɜɢɞɟɧɰɢɨɧɢɛɪɨʁ ɩɨɞɪɠɚɧɨɝɨɞɫɬɪɚɧɟɆɢɧɢɫɬɚɪɫɬɜɚɡɚ
ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚʃɟɧɚɭɤɭɢɬɟɯɧɨɥɨɲɤɢɪɚɡɜɨʁɊɟɩɭɛɥɢɤɟɋɪɛɢʁɟ
174 ɁɊȼɂ L (2013) 173–177

ɧɚɭɰɢɫɜɨɞɟɫɟɧɚɬɨɞɚʁɟɫɭɞɟʄɢɩɨɧɚɞɢɦɤɭɛɢɨɦɨɧɚɯɧɚɋɢɧɚʁɭɞɚʁɟɛɢɨ
ɚɤɬɢɜɚɧɭɞɪɭɝɨʁɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɢ9,,ɜɟɤɚɚɭɦɪɨɤɪɚɬɤɨɜɪɟɦɟɩɨɫɥɟɝɨɞɢɧɟɉɨɞ
ʃɟɝɨɜɢɦɢɦɟɧɨɦɫɚɱɭɜɚɧʁɟɜɟʄɢɛɪɨʁɫɩɢɫɚɚɥɢɫɟɨɧɢɞɚɧɚɫɭɝɥɚɜɧɨɦɫɦɚɬɪɚʁɭ
ɧɟɚɭɬɟɧɬɢɱɧɢɦ
~Odhgo,jɢɥɢɤɚɤɨɛɢɫɟɧɚɧɚɲɟɦʁɟɡɢɤɭɪɟɤɥɨǠȄȃǶdzǿǵǹȃǶșʁɟɫɜɚɤɚɤɨ
ɧɚʁɩɨɡɧɚɬɢʁɟɞɟɥɨȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɚɋɢɧɚɢɬɚɢʁɟɞɚɧɨɞɪɟɬɤɢɯɫɩɢɫɚɡɚɤɨʁɟʁɟɞɚɧɚɫ
ɩɪɢɯɜɚʄɟɧɨ ɞɚ ɫɭ ɧɟɫɭɦʃɢɜɨ Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟɜɢ Ɍɨ ʁɟ ɫɜɨʁɟɜɪɫɬɚɧ ɩɪɢɪɭɱɧɢɤ ɡɚ
ɛɨɪɛɭɩɪɨɬɢɜʁɟɪɟɫɢɤɨʁɢʁɟɚɭɬɨɪɧɚɦɟɧɢɨɫɜɨʁɢɦɭɱɟɧɢɰɢɦɚɡɚɩɪɚɜɨɪɚɫɩɪɚɜɚ
ɨ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɢɦɚ ɤɚɬɟɝɨɪɢʁɚɦɚ  ɤɨʁɟ ɬɪɟɛɚ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛʂɚɜɚɬɢ ɞɚ ɛɢ ɱɨɜɟɤ ɨɞɧɨɫɧɨ
ɜɟɪɧɢɤ ɬʁ ɩɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɚɧ ɉɢɫɚɧɚ ʁɟ ɩɪɟ ɫɜɟɝɚ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɫɥɟɞɛɟɧɢɤɚ ɯɟɪɟɫɢɚɪɯɚ
Ⱥɤɟɮɚɥɚ ɤɚɨ ɢ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ ɫɟɜɟɪɢʁɚɧɚɰɚ ɢ ɬɟɨɞɨɫɢʁɚɧɚɰɚ ɦɨɧɨɬɟɢɫɬɢɱɤɢɯ ɫɟɤɬɢ
ɤɨʁɟɫɭɧɚʁɜɟʄɢɛɪɨʁɜɟɪɧɢɤɚɢɦɚɥɟɭɋɢɪɢʁɢɢȿɝɢɩɬɭ
ɋɜɨʁ ɩɪɢɥɢɱɧɨ ɨɛɢɦɚɧ ɬɪɚɤɬɚɬ Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟ ɡɚɩɨɱɢʃɟ ɬɢɦɟ ɲɬɨ ɱɢɬɚɨɰɭ
ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚ ʃɟɝɨɜ ɤɪɚɬɚɤ ɫɚɞɪɠɚʁ ɍ ɩɪɜɨɦ ɨɞ  ɩɨɝɥɚɜʂɚ ɭɤɪɚɬɤɨ ɢɡɥɚɠɟ
ɩɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɧɨ ɢɫɩɨɜɟɞɚʃɟ ɯɪɢɲʄɚɧɫɤɟ ɜɟɪɟ ɧɚɪɨɱɢɬɨ ɩɨɫɜɟʄɭʁɭʄɢ ɩɚɠʃɭ
ɞɨɤɬɪɢɧɢ ɨ ɞɜɟ ɩɪɢɪɨɞɟ ɭ ɏɪɢɫɬɭ ɍ ɞɪɭɝɨɦ ɩɨɝɥɚɜʂɭ ɞɨɧɨɫɢ ɞɟɮɢɧɢɰɢʁɟ
ɬɟɨɥɨɲɤɢɯ ɩɨʁɦɨɜɚ ɤɨʁɢɦɚ ʄɟ ɫɟ ɫɥɭɠɢɬɢ ɭ ɧɚɫɬɚɜɤɭ ɫɜɨʁɟ ɩɨɥɟɦɢɤɟ Ⱦɚ ɛɢ
ɩɨɬɤɪɟɩɢɨɫɜɨʁɟɬɟɨɥɨɲɤɨɞɨɤɚɡɢɜɚʃɟɨɧɞɨɧɨɫɢɱɢɬɚɜɧɢɡɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢʁɚɩɪɜɨ
ɬɟɨɥɨɲɤɢɯ ɩɨʁɦɨɜɚ ɡɚɬɢɦ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɪɚɡɧɢɯ ɜɪɫɬɚ ɠɢɜɨɬɢʃɚ ʂɭɞɫɤɢɯ ɨɫɟʄɚʃɚ
ɜɪɥɢɧɚɢɩɨɪɨɤɚɪɟɱɢɫɚɩɪɟɮɢɤɫɨɦana-ɧɚɡɢɜɚɞɟɥɨɜɚʂɭɞɫɤɨɝɬɟɥɚɧɟɛɟɫɤɢɯ
ɩɨʁɚɜɚɝɟɨɝɪɚɮɫɤɢɯɩɨʁɦɨɜɚɤɚɨɢɪɟɱɢɩɪɟɭɡɟɬɢɯɢɡɫɬɪɚɧɢɯʁɟɡɢɤɚ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨɝ
ɯɟɛɪɟʁɫɤɨɝ ɋɜɟɭɫɜɟɦɭɭɨɜɨɦɞɪɭɝɨɦɩɨɝɥɚɜʂɭɫɜɨɝɞɟɥɚȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟɪɚɡɦɚɬɪɚ
ɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢʁɟɜɢɲɟɨɞɩɨʁɦɨɜɚ
Ɇɢ ʄɟɦɨ ɫɟ ɨɜɞɟ ɛɚɜɢɬɢ ɢɫɤʂɭɱɢɜɨ ɞɪɭɝɢɦ ɩɨɝɥɚɜʂɟɦ Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟɜɨɝ
ǠȄȃǶdzǿǵǹȃǶșDZ ɭ ɤɨɦɟ ʁɟ ɪɟɱ ɨ ɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢʁɚɦɚ ɢ ɬɨ ɨɧɢɦ ʃɟɝɨɜɢɦ ɞɟɥɨɦ
ɩɨɫɜɟʄɟɧɢɦɧɚɡɢɜɢɦɚɡɚɞɟɥɨɜɟʂɭɞɫɤɨɝɬɟɥɚ
Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟ ɋɢɧɚɢɬ ɭ ɫɜɨʁɨʁ ɪɚɫɩɪɚɜɢ ɫɥɟɞɢ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɧɨ ɞɟɮɢɧɢɫɚɧɭ
ɦɟɬɨɞɨɥɨɝɢʁɭɍɩɪɚɜɨɬɚɦɟɬɨɞɨɥɨɝɢʁɚʁɟɫɬɟɤɜɚɥɢɬɟɬɤɨʁɢɝɚɢɡɞɜɚʁɚɨɞɛɪɨʁɧɢɯ
ɫɪɟɞʃɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɯ ɚɭɬɨɪɚ ɤɨʁɢ ɫɭ ɡɚ ɫɨɛɨɦ ɨɫɬɚɜɢɥɢ ɩɨɥɟɦɢɱɤɟ ɫɩɢɫɟ ɫɥɢɱɧɟ
ɫɚɞɪɠɢɧɟɭɩɟɪɟɧɟɩɪɨɬɢɜʁɟɪɟɬɢɤɚɚɤɨʁɢɡɧɚʁɭɞɚɛɭɞɭɩɪɢɥɢɱɧɨɤɨɧɮɭɡɧɢɭ
ɢɡɥɚɝɚʃɭȳɟɞɧɚɨɞʃɟɝɨɜɢɯɨɫɧɨɜɧɢɯɦɟɬɨɞɨɥɨɲɤɢɯɩɪɟɬɩɨɫɬɚɜɤɢʁɟɬɚɞɚɩɪɜɨ
ɞɟɮɢɧɢɲɟɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɢɩɨʁɚɦɤɨʁɢɦʄɟɭɫɟɭɞɚʂɟɦɬɟɤɫɬɭɛɚɜɢɬɢ
Ⱦɚ ɛɢ ɫɟ ɧɟɤɢ ɩɨʁɚɦ ɨɞɧɨɫɧɨ ɫɬɜɚɪ ʁɚɫɧɨ ɨɞɪɟɞɢɨ ɪɚɞɢ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɧɨɫɬɢ
ɬɪɟɛDɩɪɜɨɨɞɝɨɜɨɪɢɬɢɧɚɬɪɢɩɢɬɚʃɚ ǩȃDZ ȘǶ ǾǶǻǹ ȀǿȘDZǽ? ± Ti, evsti*  Ǡǿ
ȈǶǽȄ ȂǶ ǾǶǻǹ ȀǿȘDZǽ ǾDZǸǹdzDZ? – Kata, ti ei;rhtai*  ǞDZ ǻǿǼǹǻǿ ǾDZȈǹǾDZ ȂǶ ǾǶǻǹ ȀǿȘDZǽ
ȂȆdzDZȃDZ? – ~Osacw/j noei/tai*1ɍɩɪɚɜɨɨɜɞɟɭɨɤɜɢɪɭɞɪɭɝɨɝɩɢɬɚʃɚɧɚɫɰɟɧɭɫɬɭɩɚ
ɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢʁɚɤɚɨɤʂɭɱɧɨɫɪɟɞɫɬɜɨɞɨɤɚɡɢɜɚʃɚ
ɄɚɨɝɪɭɩɚɨɞɞɜɚɞɟɫɟɬɚɤɤɨɧɤɪɟɬɧɢɯɩɨʁɦɨɜɚɤɨʁɢɦɚɫɟȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟɛɚɜɢ
ɢɡɞɜɚʁɚʁɭɫɟɧɚɡɢɜɢɡɚɞɟɥɨɜɟʂɭɞɫɤɨɝɬɟɥɚ
ɍɢɡɜɨɻɟʃɭɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢʁɚɤɚɞɚʁɟȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟɜÄɚɧɚɬɨɦɫɤɢɚɬɥɚɫ³ɭɩɢɬɚʃɭ
ɦɨɠɟɦɨɞɚɪɚɡɚɡɧɚɦɨɧɟɤɨɥɢɤɨɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɬɢɯɦɟɬɨɞɚɉɪɜɢʁɟɞɚɫɟɢɦɟɧɟɤɨɝɞɟɥɚ

$QDVWDVLRV&ɇɚɞɚʂɟʄɟɦɨɦɟɫɬɚɢɡɬɟɤɫɬɚɝɪɱɤɨɝɨɪɢɝɢɧɚɥɚɧɚɜɨɞɢɬɢɭɡɚɝɪɚɞɚɦɚɭ
ɨɫɧɨɜɧɨɦɬɟɤɫɬɭɤɚɤɨɱɢɬɚɨɰɚɧɟɛɢɫɦɨɨɩɬɟɪɟʄɢɜɚɥɢɩɪɟɜɟɥɢɤɢɦɛɪɨʁɟɦɧɚɩɨɦɟɧɚ
ȺɅȿɄɋȺɇȾȺɊ ȼ. ɉɈɉɈȼɂȶ: „ȿɬɢɦɨɥɨɲɤɢ ɚɬɥɚɫ“ ʂɭɞɫɤɤɨɝ ɬɟɥɚ ɭ ɫɩɢɫɭ ‫ݾ‬įȘȖȩȢ … 175

ɬɟɥɚɢɡɜɨɞɢɢɡɧɟɤɨɝɞɪɭɝɨɝɩɨʁɦɚɧɚɨɫɧɨɜɭɝɥɚɫɨɜɧɟɫɥɢɱɧɨɫɬɢɤɨʁɭɩɪɚɬɢɢ
ɥɨɝɢɱɤɚɌɚɤɨʁɟɩɨȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɭɪɟɱme,lh ±Ȅǵǿdzǹɧɚɫɬɚɥɚɧɚɨɫɧɨɜɭɫɥɢɱɧɨɫɬɢ
ɫɚɪɟɱʁɭ±me,rh ±ǵǶǼǿdzǹme,lh( w`j i[na ei;ph|j( me,rh & To. me,loj ±Ȅǵ, ȈǼDZǾ, ɚɥɢ
ɢɫɚɞɪɟɜɧɨɦɯɨɦɟɪɫɤɨɦɪɟɱʁɭǽǶǼǿǵǹȘDZɨɞɤɨʁɟʁɟɧɚɫɬɚɨɢɡɭɡɟɬɧɨɜɟɥɢɤɢɛɪɨʁ
ɫɥɨɠɟɧɢɰɚɊɚɞɢɫɟɨɫɬɚɪɨɦɢɧɞɨɟɜɪɨɩɫɤɨɦɤɨɪɟɧɭɤɨʁɢʁɟɩɪɨɢɡɜɟɨɜɟʄɢɛɪɨʁ
ɪɟɱɢɧɚɩɪɢɦɟɪɢɭɤɟɥɬɫɤɢɦʁɟɡɢɰɢɦɚ
ɇɟɤɢɨɪɝɚɧɢɫɭɤɚɤɨɜɟɪɭʁɟȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟɞɨɛɢɥɢɢɦɟɩɨɦɟɫɬɭɝɞɟɫɟɧɚɥɚɡɟ
Ɍɚɤɨ ɫɭ DzȄDzȁǶǸǹ ɞɨɛɢɥɢ ɢɦɟ ʁɟɪ ɫɟ ɧɚɥɚɡɟ ɭ ɥɟɻɢɦɚ nefroi,( dia. to. evn nw,tw|
fe,resqai % ȾɚɤɥɟɩɨȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟɜɨɦɦɢɲʂɟʃɭɫɢɧɬɚɝɦɚ evn nw,tw| fe,resqai
ɞɚɥɚʁɟɪɟɱnefroi,Ɉɧɧɚɜɨɞɢɨɜɭɪɟɱɭɦɧɨɠɢɧɢʁɟɪɫɟɡɚɢɫɬɚo` nefro,j ɭɝɪɱɤɨʁ
ɤʃɢɠɟɜɧɨɫɬɢʁɚɜʂɚɫɤɨɪɨɢɫɤʂɭɱɢɜɨɭɦɧɨɠɢɧɢɢɥɢɭɞɭɚɥɭ nefrw, ɉɪɟɦɞɚ
ɦɚɲɬɨɜɢɬɚ ɨɜɚ ɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢʁɚ ɧɢʁɟ ɬɚɱɧɚ ɛɭɞɭʄɢ ɞɚ ʁɟ ɪɟɱ ɩɨ ɫɜɨʁ ɩɪɢɥɢɰɢ
ɧɚɫɬɚɥɚɨɞɢɧɞɨɟɜɪɨɩɫɤɨɝɤɨɪɟɧɚ neghт-
Ɍɪɟʄɭɝɪɭɩɭɛɢɱɢɧɢɥɟɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢʁɟɧɚɡɢɜɚɡɚɨɞɪɟɻɟɧɟɞɟɥɨɜɟɬɟɥɚɢɡɜɟɞɟ
ɧɟɧɚɨɫɧɨɜɭɬɨɝɚɲɬɨɫɟɭʃɢɦɚɧɚɥɚɡɢɧɟɤɢɨɪɝɚɧɢɥɢɫɟɨɞɜɢʁɚɧɟɤɢɩɪɨɰɟɫ
Krani,on ±ǼǿDzDZȚDZɡɨɜɟɫɟɬɚɤɨʁɟɪʁɟɬɨɦɟɫɬɨevn w-| kre,matai o` nou/j ±Ȅ ǻǿǽǶ ȂǶ
ǾDZǼDZǸǹ (dzǹȂǹ) Ȅǽ % Ⱦɚɧɚɫɫɟɜɟɪɭʁɟɞɚʁɟɨɜɚɪɟɱɢɡɜɟɞɟɧɢɰɚɨɞɯɢɩɨɬɟɬɢɱɧɟ
ɪɟɱɢ kra,non
ɂɦɟɧɚ ɧɟɤɢɯ ɞɟɥɨɜɚ ɬɟɥɚ ɪɟɡɭɥɬɚɬ ɫɭ ʃɢɯɨɜɢɯ ɨɫɨɛɢɧɚ Ɍɚɤɨ ȀǼǶțǶ ɢɥɢ
ȁDZǽǶ ± w-mojɧɨɫɢɬɨɢɦɟʁɟɪɤɚɤɨɤɚɠɟȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟ ovma,j evsti tou/ pla,touj( kai.
mh,kouj ± ȀȁǶǵȂȃDZdzșDZ ȇǶǼǹǾȄ ȉǹȁǹǾǶ ǹ ǵȄǷǹǾǶ Ɉɜɚ ɞɟɮɢɧɢɰɢʁɚ ɡɜɭɱɢ ɦɚɥɨ
ɧɟʁɚɫɧɨɩɚʁɟɫɦɢɫɚɨɜɟɪɨɜɚɬɧɨɞɚǹǽDZ ǹȂȃȄ ȉǹȁǹǾȄ ǹ ǵȄǷǹǾȄ % Ⱦɚɤɥɟ
o` w-moj ɛɢɛɢɥɚɢɡɜɟɞɟɧɢɰɚɨɞ h` ovma,j)ɉɪɟɦɚɞɚɧɚɫɩɪɢɯɜɚʄɟɧɨʁɬɟɨɪɢʁɢɪɟɱʁɟ
ɧɚɫɬɚɥɚɨɞɢɧɞɨɟɜɪɨɩɫɤɨɝɤɨɪɟɧɚ*ŝmso- ɢɫɪɨɞɧɚʁɟɧɚɩɪɢɦɟɪɫɚɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɦ
humerus
ɇɚɡɢɜɟɧɟɤɢɯɨɪɝɚɧɚȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟɢɡɜɨɞɢɢɡʃɢɯɨɜɟɮɭɧɤɰɢʁɟɉɪɢɦɟɪɬɚɤɨ
ɧɚɫɬɚɥɢɯɢɦɟɧɚɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜʂɚʁɭǸȄDzǹ – ovdo,ntejovdo,ntej( oi` evpi. ivdwdh/| o;ntej – ǸȄDzǹ,
ȘǶȁ ȂǼȄǷǶ ǸDZ ȘǶǼǿ % Ⱦɚɤɥɟɩɨɱɟɬɧɢɝɥɚɫɨɜɢɪɟɱɢivdwdh/| o;ntej ɫɩɨʁɢɥɢɫɭɫɟ
ɭ ovdo,ntejɉɪɟɦɞɚʁɟɢɨɜɞɟɪɟɱɨɢɧɞɨɟɜɪɨɩɫɤɨɦɤɨɪɟɧɭɢɡɤɨʁɟɝɫɟɪɚɡɜɢɥɨɢ
ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɨdensȺɧɚɫɬɚɫɢʁɟɧɢʁɟɭɩɨɬɩɭɧɨɫɬɢɩɨɝɪɟɲɢɨʁɟɪɢɧɟɤɢɫɚɜɪɟɦɟɧɢ
ɢɫɬɪɚɠɢɜɚɱɢɨɜɭɪɟɱɫɦɚɬɪɚʁɭɫɪɨɞɧɨɦɫɚɩɚɪɬɢɰɢɩɨɦɩɪɟɡɟɧɬɚɝɥɚɝɨɥɚ e;dw