65- 10,863

M cCANN, Anna M a rg u erite, 19 3 3 -

THE PORTRAITS OF SEPTIM IUS SEVERUS
(A .D . 1 9 3 -2 1 1 ).

Indiana U n iv e r sity , P h .D ., 1965

F in e A rts

University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan

 Copyright hy
ANNA MARGUERITE McCANN
1965
 THE PORTRAITS OP SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS
(A.D. 193-211)

By
Anna Marguerite McCann

A dissertation In the Department of Fine Arts

submitted In partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Indiana University
June, 1965
 Accepted by the faculty of the Department of Pine
Arts, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

I'tt
Director of Dissertation

Doctoral Committee: J) j. fC-j \

"Omnia," inquit, "fui et nihil expedit
(S.H.A.,"Saverus" , XVIII,11)
Photo* Severan Baailiaa, Lepcis Magna.
(McCann, nag. 63.11)
 TABLE OP CONTENTS

Chapter Page

Preface......... v
INTRODUCTION .......................... 1
I. THE EVIDENCE OF THE LITERARY SOURCES AND
THE COINS........... 17
II. THE EVIDENCE OF THE GEMS ANDTHE HISTORICAL
RELIEFS . . . . . . . .................. 82
III. THE EARLIEST OFFICIAL IMPERIAL PORTRAIT
T Y P E ....................................116
IV. THE ANTONINUS PIUS-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT
TYPES....................................163
V, THE MARCUS AURELIUS-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT
T Y P E ....................................206
VI. THE SERAPIS-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT TYPE . . . . 240
VII. THE NERVA—SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT T Y P E ........325
VIII. CONCLUSIONS...............................355
A P P E N D I X ................................ 365
ul iMrfX V rv

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS..................... 421

ILLUSTRATIONS.................. ....... 434

iv
PREFACE
\

PREFACE

Since a comprehensive study of this kind required

wide travel and study both in this country and abroad
as well as access to private collections and hitherto
inaccessible material, X feel deeply indebted to many
sources. The study and travel for this doctoral project
were made possible by a Graduate Fellowship and Disserta­
tion Year Grant from Indiana University. The thesis
itself has been directed by Professor Diether Thimme.
The final form has greatly benefited from his critical
appraisal. His inspired teaching led me, as an under­
graduate, to my first interest in and appreciation of
classical sculpture for which X feel a deep gratitude.
I would also like to thank Professors Henry Hope,
Bertrand Davezac, James Halporn, and Albert Elsen of
Indiana University for their generous help in the com­
pletion of the study.
In my work abroad, X am particularly grateful to
Professor Frank Brown and Director Richard Kimball for
the extended use of the facilities of the American Academy
in Rome. X wish also to especially thank Director Ward
Perkins of the British School in Rome and Director Hans
Peter L*Orange of the Norwegian Institute in Rome for
their generous help and interest. Among the other scholars
vi
in Rone to Whom X am particularly indebted are: Dr. Gisela
Richter, Dr. Helga von Heintze, Dr. Felletti MaJ,
Dr. Raiza Calza, Dr. Carlo Pietrangeli, Dr. Enrico
Paribeni, Dr. Doro Levi, Dr. Martha Leeb Hadzi, and
Dr. Marion Lawrence.
I would also like to express my thanks to the nany
in the museums and private collections abroad who were
helpful in the collection of the material. X am particu­
larly grateful to Director Vagn Poulsen and Mr. Flemming
Johansen of the Ny Carlberg Glyptotek, Dr. Frantz Stefan,
Vienna, Dr. Elisabeth Rosenbaum of the British Institute
of Archaeology, Ankara Turkey, and Dr. Cornelius Vermeule
of the Boston Fine Arts Museum.
The fine photography and generous interest of
Mr. Johannes Felbermeyer of the American Academy in Rome
was indispensable as well as the help of the Princepessa
Marguerete Rospigliosi, Mrs. Bianca Cicolani, and
Mrs. Barbara Bell. To many good friends and patient
family X owe a very special debt of gratitude for the
thesis could not have been completed without their encour­
agement.

vii
INTRODUCTION
 INTRODUCTION

Classical scholarship has been surprisingly lack­

ing in a comprehensive study of the imperial portraits
of the Severan age. The Antonine period of the second
century A.D. and the Late Antique period of the later
third and fourth centuries A.D, both claim major studies
1
on the imperial portraiture, but for the period from
the ascendance of Septlmius Severus to the throne in A.D.
193 to the death of his Syrian grand-nephew Alexander
Severus in A.D. 235, no major monograph has appeared.
The founder of the new age, Septlmius Severus, has been
particularly neglected. The first scholar to make a
2
study of the portraits of Septlmius was Bernoulli in 1894.
After Bernoulli's initial catalogue of Septlmius* portraits
within his iconographic study of the Roman emperors, only
isolated articles adding individual attributions to
Bernoulli*s original list have appeared. There has been
only one attempt to study and interpret the portraits of

^Wegner, Max. Die Herrscherbildnlsse in antonln-

ischer Zeit (Das romische Herrscherblld. part II, vol.
4), Berlin, 19^£: L*Orange. H. P. Studlen zur Geschichte
des spatantlken Portrats (Instituttet for sammenlignende
Kulturforskning, Serie B, Skrifter, XXII), Oslo, 1933.
2
Bernoulli, J. J. Romische Ikonoqraphie. Die Bild-
nlsse der romlschen Kaiser. Stuttgart. Berlin. Leipzig,
1894, II, 3, pp. il-55; hereafter referred to as Bernoulli.
2
 3
Septlmius as a whole, made by Professor Hans Peter
L'Orange in his book on Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture,
appearing in 194 7.1 His chapter on the portraits of
Septimius makes an important contribution to the inter­
pretation of the emperor's iconography.
One purpose of this study is to form a new, com­
prehensive catalogue of Septimius' portraits which can
serve as a replacement to Bernoulli's now out-dated list.
It was thus first necessary to re-evaluate Bernoulli's
identification of some 87 portraits in the light of more
recent studies. Approximately 175 portraits have been
considered which have either been directly identified by
scholars with Septimius or have been closely associated
in iconography with him. Of this number, over three
quarters have been studied at first hand and many photo­
graphed, personally by the writer.
In organizing the material for thesis preparation,
much of the original research and conclusions as to the

Instituttet for sammenlignende Kulturforskning,

Serie B, Skrifter XLIV, Oslo, 1947, pp. 73-86. Although
the study of the portraits of Septimius comprises only one
chapter in a book dealing with the subject of apotheosis,
L fOrange does divide and date the portraits into two
iconographic groups, those without curls and those with
curls, and cites their intermediate variations (p. 141,
n. 11). That L'Orange's conclusions have been based on
a study of the portraits as a whole has been supported
in conversation with the author himself, to whom I am
deeply indebted. His grouping and dating of the portraits
into two iconographic types is cited In all the subsequent
studies of Septimius* portraits by scholars mentioned in
our text below. (Note particularly our discussion, pp.
11-15.)
dating of individual pieces have been incorporated into
a catalogue, classified as to portrait type and arranged
as far as evidence permits in a general chronological
order. The catalogue of the individual portraits within
each group appears after the general discussion of each
series. Unacceptable attributions have been eliminated
from the catalogue as a whole and a number of new ones
are offered. An attempt has been made to designate
the Renaissance and modern copies which have formerly
been identified as ancient. A summary of these conclu­
sions appears in an appendix at the end of the thesis.
There, portraits of Septimius which are now lost or un­
known in publications are listed as well as those por­
traits considered to be of modern workmanship and attribu­
tions unacceptable to this writer.
The main text of the thesis deals with the dating,
interpretation, and stylistic analysis of the various
portrait types. In the first two chapters the evidence
from the literary and historical sources as well as from
the coinage for changes in Septimius* portrait iconog­
raphy and jbhe basis for these changes in a consciously
planned and related Ideological program are offered. The
remaining chapters are divided according to the individual
portrait types found. A re-examination of the sculptures
has led to the discovery of a wide range of prototypes*1,
which has previously not been realized. The basis for
the identification of the prototype as well as the
stylistic development of the portraits associated with
it is discussed for each series. Examples from each of
the portrait groups are chosen for discussion either be­
cause they are particularly representative of the original
prototype or because their style or symbolism has special
significance.
In this comprehensive study of the portraits of
Septimius, the structural framework used for the identifi­
cation and interpretation of the portraits of the emperor
in the round has been obtained from a fresh study of the
original literary sources, the coinage, the historical
reliefs and other external, archaeological data from the
period of Septimius' rule. A re-examination of the
sculptures themselves with the aim of discovering possible

The term "prototype” will be used to designate the

oi-iyiuai "itaayo” upon which all rcpliccc arc based. A
change in the prototype involves a change in the basic
iconography of the portrait, namely the length and arrange­
ment of the beard and hair, the proportions of the face,
etc. When minor changes in the iconography of the proto­
type occur consistently in two or more portraits, they
will be designated as a "sub-type". When minor changes
occur only in individual portraits, the term "variation"
will be used. To what extent the style of the portrait
depends upon the original "imago" and to what extent upon
the particular executing artist is a problem which will
have to be considered with the individual case. In most
cases, however, it seems probable that style as well as
iconography were determined by the original model, for
the two cannot be rigidly separated in a study of this
kind.
has led to the discovery of a wide range of prototypes1
which has previously not been realized. The basis for
the identification of the prototype as well as the
stylistic development of the portraits associated with
It is discussed for each series. Examples from each of
the portrait groups are chosen for discussion either be­
cause they are particularly representative of the original
prototype or because their style or symbolism has special
significance.
In this comprehensive study of the portraits of
Septlmius* the structural framework used for the identifi­
cation Interpretation of the portraits of the emperor
In the round has been obtained from a fresh study of the
original literary sources, the coinage, the historical
reliefs and other external, archaeological data from the
period of Septlmius' rule. A re-examination of the
sculptures theswelves with the aim of discovering possible

The term "prototype" will be used to designate the

erigiewl iipOu which ell rcplicac arc based. A
change la the prototype involves a change in the basic
iconography of the portrait, namely the length and arrange­
ment of the beard and hair, the proportions of the face,
etc. When minor changes in the iconography of the proto­
type occur consistently in two or more portraits, they
M i l be designated as a "sub-type". When minor changes
occur only In Individual portraits, the term "variation"
will be used. To what extent the style of the portrait
depends upon the original "imago" and to what extent upon
the particular executing artist is a problem which will
have to be considered with the individual case. In most
cases, however, it seems probable that style as well as
Iconography were determined by the original model, for
the two cannot be rigidly separated in a study of this
kind.
prototypes followed. Evidence for the existence of a
number of different prototypes was found, and their use
by Septimius is believed to have a basis in a compre­
hensive, imperial, theoretical program.
The purpose of this thesis is thus not only to
offer a new corpus of the portraiture of Septimius but
also to furnish a theoretical foundation for their
iconography and chronology. With the exception of
L*Orange, who identifies a Serapis-Septimius portrait
type which he in turn interprets in the light of Septimius*
African background and provincial interests, no scholar
has presented a theory of selection to justify his indi­
vidual Identifications in the scattered studies offering
new attributions to Bernoulli's list. The coin evidence
has been largely side-stepped, with the notation that it
is too ambiguous to be conclusive,* However, a careful
study reveals significant changes which can be used in
correlation with other historical and archaeological
evidence. The m e t h o d u s e d hei.‘e thus r e p r e s e n t s a departure
2
from the previous studies of the portraits of Septimius.
An attempt is made to consider the problem first as a
1
L*Orange, Apotheosis. pp. 75-76; Baity, J. "Un
nouveau portrait romain de Septime Severe," Hommaqes a
Albert Grenier. Collection Latomus. LVXXX, part 1, 19^2,
p. l£6, n. 1.
2
For a previous, extensive use of this approach
for the portraits of Gallienus, see Hadzi, Martha Leeb.
The Portraiture of Gallienus (A.D. 253-260), (unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, May, 1956).
whole, then to establish a comprehensive basis for
identifications which can be used in the consideration
of the individual portrait attribution.
In Bernoulli's original study of Septimius* por­
traits, they are divided into two groups, those with the
hanging curls over the forehead and those without. Among
those without hanging curls, he includes a problematic
group of five or six sculptures which he states can be
identified as either Septimius or his western rival to
the throne, Clodius Albinus, whose portraits also appear
on the coinage of the early years of Septimius* reign.*
Bernoulli claims also that there is no difference in the
representation of the age of Septimius within his portrait
groups and makes no attempt to give them a chronological
structure.
After Bernoulli's pioneering study which estab­
lished some frame of reference for further attributions,
scholars have added to the identifications and some of
die iuosL iiupoi.’ will be mentioned heire which have cede
contributions to the dating of portrait types. Frederlk
Poulsen, in a study of portrait sculpture in north Italian
provincial museums in 1928, identified a bronze head in
Brescia with Septimius and suggested that the portrait
type without the frontal curls is the earlier one for it

■^Bernoulli, pp. 19, 34.

shows Septlmius as a younger man.1 In an early article
of Or. Ooro Levi, published in 1935, the magnificent
bronze portrait statue found in Cyprus and identified
with Septimius is classified as "Intermediate” type be-
2
tween Bernoulli's two groups. Levi, however, believes
the portrait type with the hanging curls, which often
shows a soft and idealized expression, is the earlier of
the two, while the type without the curls, which shows a
more realistic and dramatic style, is the later. The
Cyprus portrait is allied to the later type, and its
style is convincingly linked to the Hellenistic tradition
of portrait art. The problem of the differences in
provincial styles in the Severan period can only be sug­
gested here, for it warrants a wider, separate study.
However, the possibility of a variety of styles which can
be due not only to different artistic hands but also to
regional backgrounds must be continually kept in mind
when dating and interpreting the Individual portraits
of the emperor.
In the following years, scholars continue to ac­
cept the division of the portraits of Septimius into two

^Poulsen, Frederlk. "Portratstudien in Nord-

itallenischen Provinzmuseen," Pet Kal. Danske Vldenskabernes
Selskab. Hlstorlsk-flloloqiske Meddelelser. XV, 4, 1928,
p. 2 7 , pi. XXXI, figs. 50, £l.
2
Levi, 0. "La statua bronzea dl Settimio Severo a
Cipro," Bull. Comm.. LXIII, 1935, append., J3. Mus. Imp..
VI, pp. 3^57
types and follow Levi's suggested chronology. Mustllli,
In his publication of the sculptures of the Huseo Musso­
lini (now the Museo Nuovo), attributes a head found on
the Via dell'Impero In Rome to Septlmius on the basis of
Its relationship to other portraits of the emperor Iden­
tified In Bernoulli.1 However, the portraits to which
he relates the head from the Via dell'Impero are the very
problematic ones which Bernoulli identifies with either
Septlmius or Clodius Alblnus. The need for a clearer
basis for the Identification of Septlmius' portraits is
already apparent.
The pitfalls of subjective criteria used in the
identification of imperial portraiture are illustrated in
an article by Barreca in the Bullettlno del Museo dell*
Impero Romano in 1943-1945 where he identifies a bearded,
second century A.D. head in the Athens National Museum
2
with Septimius. On the basis of the size of the head,
which he terms "colossal," although in truth it is only
•y
slightly over life-size,'* and the fierce, autocratic
expression of the face which shows "un individuo dal
sangue ibrido fortemente mescolato con elementi provinciali,"

1D. Mustilli, II Museo Mussolini. Rome, 1939, p.

149, #3, pi. XCII, 345^373^
2
Barreca, P. "Un nuovo ritratto di Settimio Severo,"
B. Mus. Imp.. LXXI, 1943-1945, appendix, XIV, pp. 59-64.
3
Height, from crown of head to break in middle of
neck, 0.37 m.
 10
Barreca concludes that it must he a portrait from an
Imperial family.1 He dates the head on the basis of Its
style, which shows an Antonine heritage In Its use of
colorlstlc effects, at the end of the second century.
By a process of elimination of the Imperial possibilities
he then concludes that the portrait must be Septlmius,
executed by a mediocre artist who introduced new ele­
ments or because of incapability altered the prototype.
The head in Athens does not show hanging, frontal curls
and Barreca believes it is another "intermediate" type
between the group with the hanging curls which he
specifically dates between A.D. 193-202 and the group
without the curls which he dates after A.D. 202. He
explains the lack of close iconographic correspondence
of the Athens head with Septlmius' portraiture by stating
that it is a fusion of the two basic forms, ". . . si
accavallano in modo da rendere quasi irrlconosclbili
2
i tratti dell'imperatore." However, in his conclusion,
Barreca dates the head in Athens between the years A.D.
193-195 on the basis of one coin reference. Further­
more, he states that an impressionistic Antonine style
can be associated with the early portraits with the hang­
ing curls and a realistic and expresslonistic style with

Barreca, "Un nuovo ritratto di Settimlo Severo,"

loc. cit., p. 60.
2Ibid., p. 62.
 11
the later group.
L'Orange did much to clarify the iconographic
"melange” into which the portraits of Septimius had
fallen in his book on Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture.
published in 1947.1 One's only criticism is that in
such a comprehensive study the chapter on the iconographic
problems of Septimius must, of necessity, be over-simplified.
L'Orange continues the division into two portrait types
with and without the corkscrew curls, but establishes
a basis for their chronology by a comparison with por­
traits of Septimius in the historical reliefs. He redates
the portrait type without the frontal curls to the early
years of Septimius' reign on the basis of its relation
to a portrait of Septimius represented on the Severan
Arch at Lepcis Magna, dated by most scholars in A.D. 203
2
or 204. The type with the hanging curls he notes on
the arch of the Argentarii in Rome, dated by its inscrip­
tion between December 10, A.D. 203 and December 9, A.D. .
204.“ b'Orange thus dates the origin of this Serapis—
Septimius portrait type to the time between the erection
of the two arches. In actuality, however, these dates
indicate that the arches could be contemporary in date.
Whether L'Orange's chronological scheme can be adhered to

*See below, pp. 241 ff. and above, p. 3.

^See below, pp. 94-102.
See below, p. 107.
 12
Is a separate question. His most important contribution
is his interpretation of the type with the hanging curls
which is convincingly associated with Serapis imagery.
This association is here interpreted afresh in the light
of the Septimius propagandistic policies.
Scholars of the last decade have been guided by
L'Orange's interpretation and, for the most part, have
accepted his chronological scheme for the dating of two
imperial portrait types. Further additions to the
identification of Septimius* portraits have been made
by Frederik Poulsen in his catalogue of the ancient
sculpture in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen
in 1951.1 Other portraits of Septimius in the important
museum for Roman sculpture in Toulouse were added to the
2
list in 1952-1953 by Dr. F. Braemer of the Louvre. He
Includes dates for the portraits in his list, but offers
no discussion. Dr. Felletti Maj in her catalogue of the
Roman portraits in the Nuseo Nazionale in Rome gives
further bibliography and several new additions.~ She also

Poulsen, F. Catalogue of Ancient Sculpture in the

Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Copenhagen, 1951, p. 502;here­
after referred to as Poulsen, Catalogue.
p
Braemer, M. F. nLes portraits antiques trouves
a Marthes Tolosane,*' Bulletin de la Societe Nationale
des Antlguaires de France. T757^1?5>3. pp. 145-146.
3
Maj, Blanca Maria Felletti. Museo nazionale
romano. i ritratti, Rome, 1953, p. lS'sY hereafter referred
to as Ma7, Museo nazionale.
 13
follows L 1Orange's division of the portraits Into two
types, although she Is Inaccurate In her statement that
L'Orange demonstrates "la contemporaneity del due tipe.
Host recently several articles have appeared by
Dr. Janlne Baity of Brussels which have contributed
several new Identifications to Septlmius' imperial iconog-
raphy and suggested several groups of related portraits.
She Identifies a portrait of Septimius formerly on the
Roman art market and now in the private collection of
M. L. Twombly in Rome and relates it to a group of eight
other portraits of the emperor. She believes the eight
portraits which form her discussion were executed in
2
Rome and all stem from a common prototype. She does not
offer a date, however, for her group. In another article
she groups around the portrait of Septimius in the scene
of a "Dextrarum Iunctio" from the historical reliefs on
the arch at Lepcis Magna, previously used by L'Orange,
another series of portraits which bear similar iconographic
features.0 She accepts L*Orange's date of A.D. 204 for
the origin of the Serapis-Septimius type and would like
to see the portrait prototype for her group in the

1Ibid.. p. 128.
Baity, J. "Un buste inedit de Septime Severe,"
Collection Latomus. XX, 1961, fasc. 1, pp. 72-78.
3
Baity, J. "Un nouveau portrait romaln de Septime
Severe," loc. cit., pp. 187-196.
 14
presumed sculptural model for the "Dextrarum Iunctio"
portrait on the arch at Lepcis. She thus dates her group
of portraits all In the years A.D. 202-204. In these
years, she also places a second group of portraits char­
acterized by an upswept hair style over the forehead,
a particularly fine example of which is the portrait from
the Biblioteca del Pontificio Ateneo Antoniano in Rome,
1
published by her for the first time. She believes that
the upswept hair style forms the intermediary link be­
tween the two portrait types: the early "Dextrarum Iunctio”
type with the hair brushed high over the forehead and the
later Serapis type with the corkscrew curls which she
believes originated in commemoration of Septimius1 Decen-
2
nalia. Presupposed in her chronological scheme is a
theory of the natural evolution of hair growth from short,
to upswept, and finally to long curls. Whether Septimius'
iconography can be patterned and interpreted upon such a
naturalistic theory of evolution is a question to be
answered in the following chapter wnere a varying inter­
pretation for the iconographic changes will be offered.
Further difficulties are inherent in Mrs. Baity*s
approach. Although she notes evidence from the imperial

1Balty, J. "Un nouveau portrait ronain de Septime

Severe," loc. cit.. pp. 187-196.
2
There is sound evidence, however, that Septimius
celebrated his Decennalia in A.D. 202, rather than in
A.D. 203 which alters her chronology. See evidence cited
below, p. 68.
 15
coinage,1 she stakes no attempt to use the evidence in a
comprehensive way. In her attempt to adhere to L'Orange's
chronological scheme, the evidence of the coinage as well
as that of the gems and the Berlin tondo painting to be
discussed in the following chapters is largely passed
over. As a result, the dating of her types appears to
this writer too forced and tight. She also does not
take into account the possibility of more than one por­
trait type in use at any one time, or the re-interpretation
of a type in the light of changing propagandists themes.
In a footnote, Mrs. Baity promises a revised catalogue of
the portraits of Septimius to replace Bernoulli, which
2
has not yet appeared.
Most recently, Dr. Hans Jucker has raised doubts
concerning L*Orange's division and dating of Septimius'
portrait types in his book on Das Bildniss in Blatterkclch.
Geschichte und Bedeutunq einer romischen Portratform. pub-
lished in 1961. In his study of a portrait In a pediment
relief from Asia Minor, Identified by him as Septimius, he
indicates the existence of three different imperial por­
trait types. He also cites evidence from the coins and
the medallion painting in Berlin that the Serapis type

"'“Baity, "Un nouveau portrait de Septime Severe,"

loc. cit., p. 196, n. 1.
Baity, "Un buste inedit de Septime Severe," loc.
, p. 74, n. 2.
^Lausanne, Freiburg, 1961, pp. 102-104, #52. See
our photo #35.
 16
was in existence in A.D. 199.1 This problem as well as
Jucker's identification of the portrait in the relief
p
will be discussed in the following chapters.
The time is indeed ripe for a more thorough investi­
gation of the portraiture of this important emperor. It
is hoped that this study may provide a sounder basis for
the identification and dating of Septimius1 portraits than
has hitherto been offered and that it may serve as a guide
for any further attributions. It is hoped that this
specific study may be helpful in the larger problem of
the stylistic development of Severan portraiture as a
whole and the importance of its particular contribution
to the total evolution of Roman art.

1Ibid., p. 103, n. 4, 5.
2See below, pp. 36-3 7 and pp. 112-113
 CHAPTER ONE
THE EVIDENCE OF THE LITERARY SOURCES AND THE COINS
 CHAPTER ONE
THE EVIDENCE OF THE LITERARY SOURCES AND THE COINS

Septimius Severus has usually been portrayed by

historians as a military usurper who rose to power through
the army, and by his favoring of the soldiers and partiality
to the provinces brought about both a militarization and
a barbarization of the Roman empire.'*’ Born in the North
2
African city of Lepcis Hagna which maintained strong
Punic influences in language and religion during Roman
times, Septimius was further allied to the Eastern world
through his marriage to a Syrian priest's daughter from
Emesa, Julia Domna, who bore him two sons, Caracalla and
Geta. Thus, a dynasty established on oriental principles
was secured. His period of rule between A.D. 193 - A.D,
211 is cited as a turning point in Roman history when
the prlncipate of Augustus was replaced by a military and
dynastic monarchy where all power was concentrated in the
3
hands of the ruler. Gibbon in the late eighteenth century
1
Rostovtzeff, M. The Social and Economic History of
the Roman Empire. Oxford, 1926, pp. 344-386, ?56.
2
For a discussion of the name of the city and its
spelling see Townsend, P. W. "The Significance of the
Arch of the Severi at Lepcis," A.J.A.. XLII, 1938, #4,
p. 512, n. 1.
3
For a discussion of this process see Hammond, M.
"The Transmission of the Powers of the Roman Emperor from
the Death of Nero in A.D. 68 to that of Alexander Severus
in A.D. 235," H.A.A.R.. XXIV, 1956, pp. 63-133.
18
 19
had already given Septimius the label of "the principal
author of the decline of the Roman empire."1 This pic­
ture of Septimius as the barbaric, soldier emperor who
initiated a turning point in Roman history has continued
to be the popular interpretation of the founder of the
Severan dynasty by modern historians.
Other historians add to the picture of Septimius.
S. N. Miller writes in the Cambridge Ancient History that
Septimius "did not comprehend Reman institutions in their
rooted complexity" and "judged the Roman world of his day
2
by his native instincts and his personal experience."

1Gibbon, E. The Decline and Fall of the Roman

Empire. ed. by D. M. Low, New York, 1960, ch. V, p. 62.
2MIller, S. N. "The Army and the Imperial House,"
C.A.H.. XII, 1939, p. 24. For other articles in the C.A.H.
which reflect the same essential viewpoint see: Bidez, J.
"Literature and Philosophy in the Eastern Half of the
Empire," pp. 611 ff.; Alfoldi, A. "The Crisis of the
Empire (A.D. 249-270)," pp. 165 ff.; Ensslin, W. "The End
of the Principate," pp. 352 ff.; and Oertel, F. "The
Economic Life of the Empire," pp. 232 ff. Other historians
who have also emphasized Septimius1 role as a military
emperor and cited the importance of Syrian influences during
his reign are: Maurice Platnauer, ine Life ana Reign of the
Emperor Lucius Septimius Severus. London, I9l6, with
earlier historical literature quoted on pp. 215-218; Parker,
H. M. D. A History of the Roman World from A.D. 138 to 337.
rev. ed. London, 19"?!?, pp. 55-88, 11£-12$" (particularly
note p. 128); and E. Barker. From Alexander to Constantine.
Passages and Documents Illustrating the History of Social
and PolitTcal""fdeas. 33T"b .C. - A.*!).^???. Oxford. 195£,
pp. £48-350. Barker writes (p. 349), "Septimius himself,
apart from the Influence of his Syrian wife, was a military
absolutist. The old 'Romanitas1 of the Empire, and the
privileged position of Italy, began to disappear before a
levelling cosmopolitanism which treated all parts and
provinces alike;" and (p. 350) " . . . it is certain that
the new Syrian influence, so potent in the reign of
Septimius Severus and his successors . . . "
 20
The most often quoted passage from the original sources
in support of this interpretation of a soldier-emperor
is that of the contemporary historian, Cassius Dio, who
preserves for us what is said to be Septimius* exhorta­
tion to his sons before his death: "Be harmonious, enrich
i
the soldiers, and scorn all other men."
This interpretation of Septimius as a military
emperor finds support in the ancient literature. OuC
information for the history of Septimius' reign comes
mainly from three sources. The most complete account
of Septimius * activities appears in the contemporary
writings of Cassius Dio, an historian born in Nicea who
2
was active in Julia Domna's literary circle. He also
held political posts, entering the senate under Commodus.
In Septimius* reign, however, he mainly appears occupied
with writing and we are told he wrote a "dream-book" for
the emperor which won him favor. Dio's senatorial bias
must be taken into account in his various criticisms of
Septimius' policies. He writes:

There were many things Severus did that were

ndt to our liking, and he was blamed for making the
city turbulent through the presence of so many
troops and for burdening the State by his excessive
expenditures of money, and most of all, for placing

Cassius Dio, Roman History, trans. by E. Cary,

London, Loeb Classical Library, 1924, epitome of bk. LXXVII,
15.2; also see Balsdon, J. P. V. D. Roman Women. London,
1962, p. 151.
2
Cassius Dio, op. clt., epitomes of bks. LXXIV-
LXXVII.
 21
his hope of safety in the strength of his army ,
rather than in the good will of his associates.

Here is evidence for the military monarch who marks the

beginning of a decline for the Roman empire. But he is
also praised by Cassius Dio: "Severus was most shrewd,
both in accurately forecasting the future and in success-
2
fully handling the situation of the moment." Dio's
historical record is considered the most reliable of the
sources remaining to us.
The second source for the life of Septimius is
3
Herodian's history which is also a contemporary one.
A Greek from Alexandria who enjoyed public office, he is
more rhetorical in his interests and his account has been
found to be less accurate. Herodian is particularly
critical of Septimius' character. He writes:

He was surely the most accomplished of all

men in pretending to pledge his good will, but he
never kept his sworn word if it proved necessary
for him to break it; he lied whenever it was ad­
vantageous to him, and his tongue said many things
M u l c h iiiti iieoii u l u iiOL Mcaii.

^Ibld. (trans., E. Cary), epitome of bk. LXXV,

2.2-3.
2
Excerpta Valesiana 333. (Cassius Dio, op. clt.,
trans. E. Cary, Loeb Classical Library, IX, p.153, n. 1. )
3
Herodianus. History of the Roman Empire from the
Death of Marcus Aurelius to the AccessIon of Gordlan III,
trans. E. C. Echols, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961.
4Ibid., bk. II, ch. IX, 13. See also bk. Ill,
ch. VIII, 7, for criticism of Septimius' lust for money.
 22
But Herodian too admits Septimius* qualities of leader­
ship. "Everything about the man was extraordinary, but
especially outstanding were his shrewd Judgment, his
endurance of toils and his spirit of bold optimism in
everything he did."^
The third source for Septimius' reign is Spartlanus*
account in the collection of historic writings known as
the Scrjptores Hlstorlae Auaustae whose date has been a
source of scholarly debate. Today, however, most agree
that the accounts were written at the beginning of the
2
fourth century. Since later in date, Spartlanus' account
of Severus' life is considered less reliable than the
contemporary sources. However, he gives us the most
complete description of Septimius* appearance:

His clothing was of the plainest; indeed even

his tunic had scarcely any purple on it, while he
covered his shoulders with a shaggy cloak. He was
very sparing in his diet, was fond of his native
beans, liked wine at times, and often went without
meat. In person he was large and handsome. His
beard was long; his hair was gray and curly, his
race was aucii as to inspire raspact. His Voice
was clear, but retained an African accent even to

Ibid.. bk. XI, ch. XIV, 2. Also see bk. Ill, ch.
VI, 10 for Septimius as an example to his soldiers and
bk. II, ch. IX, 2, for his physical ruggedness.
2
For a summary of the reliability of the literary
sources as a whole, see discussion in Platnauer, op. cit.,
pp. 1-22; and pp. 4-14 for the dating of the Scriptores
Historiae Auaustae. For a fuller list of literary sources
see: Fluss, s. v., "L. Septimius Severus," R. E.. IV A
(Stuttgart, 1923), coll. 1940-1943.
 23
his old age. After his death he was much beloved,
for then all envy of his power or fear of his
cruelty had vanished.

That Septimius was a shrewd and ruthless leader,

quick to see and act upon what was expedient for the
moment is evident from all three sources. Too, all stress
his favoring of the soldiers and are critical of his cruel
and authoritarian handling of the Senate after the death
of his western rival, Clodius Albinus, when he initiated
a purge of the senators and others who had supported
Albinus 2 and a confiscation of property. 3 These new
resources enabled Septimius to leave a greater fortune
to his sons than any previous emperor.4 Also at this
time a steward of private affairs was established, creating
5-
a new governmental office.
The measures adopted by Septimius are also in part
military. He did introduce new and important changes in
the army structure which set a precedent for later emperors
in their attempts to hold together a changing order. After
his entry into Rome, Septimius disbanded the praetorian

^Scrintores Historlae Auaustae. trans. by David

Magie, Loeb Classical Library,. London, 1960, "Severus,"
XIX, 7-10; hereafter referred to as S.H.A.
2Ibid.. "Clodius Albinus," XII, 1-4; Cassius Dio,
op. cit., epitome of bk. LXXVI, 7.4; 8.1-4.
^Herodian, op. cit.. bk. Ill, ch. VIII, 2.
4S.H.A.. "Severus," XII, 1-3.
5Ibld.. "Severus," XII, 4.
guards, traditionally chosen from native Italians, who
had become corrupted with power and replaced them with
soldiers from his own loyal Danube troops. Septimius
further broke down the previous system of military organ­
ization which favored rank and Italian birth by stationing
his Parthica II legion on the banks of the Alban Lake, a
position previously controlled by native legions. Both
the literature and the coinage further tell us of many
special gifts to the soldiers.1 For the first time the
common soldier was granted the privilege of wearing the
2
gold ring previously worn only by equestrians, and they
were allowed to unite in marriage, changing the structure
of the military camps in the border areas. Whether
Septimius made these changes under native impulses or
through his knowledge as a Roman bureaucrat, the result
was the same. The army had gained in power and became
more and more directly responsible to the emperor himself.
While we may not wish to apply the term "barbarlzation,"
W
AAW Liiui. Uip LCA WA LtftC ai.U4Jf UilU i,iiC C WUb Ul WMAiUiiJf

altered. The military orientation of Septimius' reign

1Ibld.. "Severus," XII, 2; Mattingly, H. Coins of

the Roman Empire in the British Museum. London, 1950, V,
p. LXXXII; hereafter referred to as Mattingly, B.M.C., V.
2
Platnauer, op. cit., p. 164; Hammond, M. "Septimius
Severus, Roman Bureaucrat," Harvard Studies in Classical
Philology. LI, 1940, p. 171. For a further account of
Septimius' military reforms see Parker, op. cit., pp. 80-
88 .
 25
is one aspect to bear in Mind in a study of his imperial
portraits.
A recent study by Mason Hammond^ which has found
2
some support presents us with an entirely different
interpretation of his character and political policies.
Hammond emphasizes the Roman elements in Septimius'
background and his concern for "Ronanitas" in the forming
and execution of his political policies, calling Septimius,
in the last analysis, a "Roman Bureaucrat." He does bring
much pertinent evidence from literary and epigraphical
sources to bear upon his interpretation and balances the
earlier and still most widely accepted view of the
emperor. However, it must be noted that Hammond's study
is based on evidence drawn mainly from the early years of
Septimius' life before he became emperor. Born at Lepcis
3
Magna on April 11, A.D. 146, Septimius' ancestors were
equestrians whose origin Hammond traces back before
Trajanic times and thus suggests an Italic origin for the
fdually.4 further retcr that tuc cf Septiwius' uncles

^Hammond, "Septimius Severus, Roman Bureaucrat,"

loc. cit., pp. 137-173.
2
Haywood, R.%M. "The African Policy of Septimius
Severus," Hommaoes a Albert Grenier, Collection Latonus.
LVIII, part 2 7 1 ^ 6 2 7 pp. ^66-790.
3
See Hammond, "Septimius Severus, Roman Bureaucrat,"
loc. cit.. p. 139, n. 1.
4
New inscriptional evidence, however, apparently
shows that Septimius was not of strictly Italian descent
but that the family had Berber or Punic blood. (Parker,
held consulships in Rome. That Septimius himself was
well educated in Greek and Latin, later studying in
Athens as well as law in Rome, has been recorded in the
literary sources.1 Under Marcus Aurelius, he obtained
2
senatorial status and began his public career. He
evidently held an urban quaestorship in A.D. 171 before
he was sent to Baetica. During his time of office in
Spain, his father died and Septimius made a visit to
Africa. Following that time, he held posts in both
Sardinia and Africa. In A.D. 174 or A.D. 175 he held
the office of plebian tribune and married his first wife,
3
Marcia, about whom we know very little. In A.D. 178, at
the age of thirty-two, Septimius became praetor in Spain
and the following year was given command of a Syrian
legion. His period in the East was a short one and
following his command, he went to Athens for a period of
study, which evidently was not a happy one, for we are
told he later curtailed the rights of the Athenians because

op. cit., p. 385, note to p. 58, I.11. Parker cites a

genealogical table in Reynolds, J. M. and J. B. Ward Perkins,
The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania. British School at
Rome, Rome, 19£>£, p. 19. Unfortunately this book was not
available to me for study.)
1S*H.A., "Severus," I, 4-5; III, 7.
2
Hammond, "Septimius Severus, Roman Bureaucrat,"
loc. cit., p. 144.
3
We do know that Septimius erected statues of her
when he was emperor (S.H.A.. "Severus," III, 2).
 27
of certain wrongs he had suffered at this time.1 In A.D.
186 he was appointed governor of Gallia Lugdunensis where
he married his second wife, Julia Domna. In A.D. 189
Septimius held a proconsulship in Sicily. Hammond, in
his discussion of Septimius' early career stresses that
all the posts mentioned were of a civil and judicial
nature rather than military and that when he was given
command of the Pannonian legions on the Danube in A.D.
189 or A.D. 190, an appointment which led directly to
his imperial acclaimation by his army at Carnuntum in
A.D. 193, his command was evidently for Upper Pannonia
2
only and his post was unmarked by war.
Hammond's picture of Septimius is one of a trained
politician, steeped in Roman traditions through his
heritage and experience which actually ill equipped him
for a military role. In Septimius* attempt to save the
empire after the murder of the respected Pertinax by the
praetorian guards and the sale of the imperial office to
the wear bxdius Ouiianus, Haauaona stresses Septimius1
realism in his solution of a centralized government un­
der the protection of a strong army. The solution is the
natural one which would occur "to an ambitious and ruthless

*Ibid.. "Severus," III, 7.

2
Hammond, "Septimius Severus, Roman Bureaucrat,"
loc. cit.. pp. 163, 166. For a summary of his early
career and problems in its chronology also see Platnauer,
loc. cit., pp. 38-53.
 28
ruler who had seen the unsatisfactory character of the
existing organization from the inside, as a Roman
bureaucrat,
There is some evidence for Hammond's point of
view in the formation of Septimius' imperial policies.
One of Septimius' most striking characteristics noted in
all the literary sources which contributed to his success
over the other contenders to the throne was his sense of
the expedient and his ability to act quickly in establish­
ing his claim to power. During the period of the "Wars
of Succession" from A.D. 193 to the death of Clodius
Albinus in A.D. 197, Septimius relied heavily on Roman
tradition in the establishment of his claim to the imperial
office. He first proclaimed himself the avenger of the
murdered Pertinax, beloved by the Senate and the Roman
people who had already demanded that vengeance be done. 2
He took the name of Pertinax into his title from A.D.
193-198.3 Although it was through the army that Septimius
was first acclcincd cnpcrcr, he was always cartsful to
recognize throughout his reign the Senate's traditional

^Hammond, "Septimius Severus, Roman Bureaucrat,"

loc. cit., p. 72. For a recent criticism of Hammond's
point of view, based on a study of new evidence found in
Egyptian papyri see: Westermann, W. L. and A. A. Schiller,
Apokrimata; Decisions of Septimius Severus on Legal Matters.
New York, 1954, p. ^4, n. 63.
2
Herodian, bk. XI, VII, 3. In this passage the
Roman people actually call upon Niger to avenge them.
3Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pp. LXXIX, CXXXVII.
 29
right of proclamation.1 It was not until after the death
of Clodius Albinus when Septimius' power was firmly estab­
lished in both the £ast and the West, that he broke with
2
the Senate. This breach continued until A.D. 208, judging
from the evidence of the almost complete abandonment during
3
the years from A.D. 197-208 of the "Aes" coinage. As
already noted, in A.D. 197 Septimius initiated the great
4
purge of those senators who had supported Albinue. These
harsh measures were in part, however, apparently due to
his need for money to support his large army, rather than
a deliberate attempt to do away with the senatorial class
itself.5
Septimius* most positive reliance upon a Roman
heritage was his claim of adoption by the great philosopher
emperor of the Antonine house, Marcus Aurelius. On his
coins of A.D. 195 the title "DIVI M PII P P M TR P III
g
COS II PP” appears and in the inscriptions from A.D. 195

^Hammond, "The Transmission of the Powers of the

Roman Emperor from the Death of Nero in A.D. 68 to that
of Alexander Severus in A.D. 235," loc. cit., pp. 107 ff.;
Herodian, op. cit., bk. II, XIV, 3.
2S.H.A.. XII, 7-9* ("Severud').
^Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pp. XXII, CLXXIV.
4See above, p. 23.
5Herodian, Ofc. cit., bk. Ill, VIII, 7.
^Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. 41. (See coinage of
the third issue.)
on Septimius adopts the cognomen " P I U S . T h i s claim to
adoption was a strategic move on Septimius* part, for in
A.D. 195 Clodius Albinus declared himself Augustus in the
2
West. By claiming adoption into the Antonine house,
Septimius became the heir to a continuous line of deified
emperors. By so doing, he undoubtedly hoped to draw
wider support from the western part of the empire at
this critical time. He further strengthened his position
by re-naming his elder son "Marcus Aurelius Antoninus"
3
when Caracalla was designated Caesar in A.D. 196.
Septimius* dynastic intentions were further revealed in
A.D. 198 when Caracalla became Augustus with his father
4
and Geta was named Caesar.
This special honoring of the Antonine house during
the early years of Septimius* reign is further exemplified
by the appearance of special anniversary issues of coins
and medallions. Grant, in his study of the Roman anniver­
sary issues, points out that Septimius commemorated the
half-century anniversary of coinage and medallions issued

Murphy, G. J. The Reion of the Emperor L. Septimius

Severus from the Evidence of the Inscriptions. Philadelphia,
194S", p.“TS?.
^Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. 19.
3
Ibid.. p. XCII; Toynbee, J. M. C. Roman Medal­
lions. Hew York, 1944, p. 100, for celebration of event
on medallion.
4Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. CXXVIII.
 31
by Antoninus Plus In A.D. 140-144, by his own issuing of
coinage with the sane inscription, "APOLLINI AUGUSTO.
Septinius also repeated anniversary issues of Marcus
Aurelius, Nerva and Trajan and revived the institution
of "Alimenta" which originated under Trajan. Its
2
centenary is also celebrated on Septimius' coinage.
Peculiar also to these early years of Septinius*
reign was his admiration for the Roman leaders who lived
during the time of the late Republic. He praised the
severity of Caesar and Sulla to the Senate in his speech
3
after the death of Albinus. Later, on a medallion of
A.D. 207, he commemorated the half-millenary anniversary
of the founding of the Republican temple of Jupiter in
4
Rome.
Other indications of Septimius' alliance with
Roman tradition can be obtained from further literary
and archaeological evidence. Septimius restored many of
5
the Roman public monuments, including the Circus Maximus.
He also joined the traditional institution of the Arvai
Brothers in A.D. 195® and held the "Secular Games,"

^Grantv M. Roman Anniversary Issues. Cambridge,

1950, p. 115.
2Ibid.. pp. 115-122.
3
Cassius Dio, on. cit., epitome of bk. LXXVI, 8, 1.
4Grant, op. cit., pp. 117-118.
5Ibid.. p. 117; S.H.A.. "Severus," XXIII, 1.
g
Platnauer, op. cit., p. 147.
 32
traditionally celebrated every 110 years, in A.D. 204.^
In the total picture of Septinius* reign, however,
it is clearly evident that influences other than those
discussed by Hannond also have a proportionate role to
play in the formation of the history, religion, and art
of the age. For example, although an interest in astrology
and eastern cults is not new to the Roman world, there is
2
evidence for a new impetus during the Severan Age. That
Septimius himself was personally deeply involved in both
eastern astrology and religious cults is also apparent
from the sources. Septimius used astrology in the forma­
tion and interpretation of his imperial ideological

1Grant, o p . cit., p. 2; Murphy, op. cit.. pp. 34-

36 for inscriptions.
"These cults (Oriental) attained the zenith of
their power when the advent of the Sever! brought them
the support of a half-Syrian Court." (Cumont, F. Astrology
and Religion Among the Greeks and Romans. Hew York, 1912,
p. 9(>. ) Also see Cumont, F. The Oriental Religions in
Roman Paganism. New York, 1956,pp. 167-168; L*Orange,
Apotheosis. pT 86; Barker, op. cit., p. 350; Platnauer,
op. cit.. pp. 148-152. For penetration of oriental
symboil3m into Lha Imperial iconography during the Scvcran
Age see: L*Orange, H. P. Studies on the Iconography of
Cosmic Kingship (Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kultur-
forskning, Serie A, XXIII), Oslo, 1953, pp. 143-145
(hereafter cited as L'Orange, Studies). and our discussion
below, p. 41,46.On the religious revival under the Sever!
see Parker, op. cit.. pp. 129-138.
3
Septimius was evidently brought to trial while he
held office in Sicily for consulting with seers and
astrologers (S.H.A.. "Severus,” IV, 2—4). For doubts con­
cerning the verltability of this story see Hammond, "Sep­
timius Severus, Roman Bureaucrat," o p . cit.. p. 161.
Septimius is also reported to have studied horoscopes
in his choice of Julia Domna as a second wife (S.H.A., "Severus
III, 9). Her horoscope which predicted that she would wed
a king won her Septimius* choice. ,
 33
structure. In his famous Septizonium on the Palatine,
oriented toward his native Africa,3, Septimius held
judgment in a great revolving cosmic hall whose celling
2
was decorated with stars and planets. On the fagade
of his palace Septimius apparently had himself repre­
sented between the planetary gods of the cosmos as
3
ruler of the seven celestial spheres. Although Septimius'
cosmic hall finds its closest precedent in the Roman world
under Nero and Domitian and its origin goes bade even
earlier,4 it reassumes a prominent place in imperial
architecture under Septimius.
On a coin of A.D. 201, Septimius is pictured with
5
Julia Domna as the sun and moon, symbols of world dominion.
Although the use of the radiate crown is not new to imperial

S.H.A.. "Severus,” XXIV, 3. For description of the

Septizonium see S. B. Platner and T. Ashby, A Topographical
Dictionary of Ancient Rome. Oxford, 1929, p.”4^3; and Dom-
bart, T. Das PalatlnTsche Septizonium zu Rom. Munich, 1922.
For its possible relation to African stage buildings see
Robathan, D. The Monuments of Ancient Rome. 1950, p. 47.
^Cassius Die, o p . cit. . cpitoiue of bk. LXXVII, 11.
q
L 1Orange, Studies. p. 35. Compare Toynbee, J. M. C.,
"Ruler-Apotheosis in Ancient Rome," Num. Chr.. series 6,
vol. 7, parts III-IV, 1947, p. 147.
4For a discussion of Nero's cosmic hall, see h*Orange,
Studies, pp. 28-34. For origin of hall and its use during
the empire, see ibid.. p. 30, n, 1; also L'Orange, Apotheosis,
p. 83. Compare: Boethius, Axel. The Golden House of Nero.
Ann Arbor, 1960, pp. 117-126.
5See our photo #120.
 34
iconography,^* the crescent moon for the empress Is a new
2
attribute. The date of the coin corresponds with
Septimius' victories in the East where he re-established
the extended boundaries of the Roman empire by his con­
quest of the Parthians. Septimius was now in actuality
ruler of the ancient world, and he gave this fact symbolic
fora through his adoption of the role of Cosmocrator,
As a Cosmocrator, Septimius evidently also pictured
himself as ruler of the lower world. The great majority of
extant portraits of Septimius are characterized by cork­
screw curls which hang low over the forehead and by a
long beard divided in the center. This portrait type
has been convincingly associated by L'Orange with Serapis,
the god of the lower world whose hair style is distinguished
3
by the use of hanging, corkscrew curls on the forehead.
This hair style is peculiar to Serapis and while the
presence of hanging, forehead curls in the portraits of
Septimius in the round is undisputed, their first appear-
ance in the coin portraits has not, as yet, been established.
While the reading of the profile view in individual coin
portraits is at times ambiguous, a careful, year by year
comparative study of the coinage as a whole revealed to

^For example, note use of radiate crown by Hadrian

in his coin portraits. (Toynbee, Roman Medallions, p. 93,
and pi, XVX.)
2
Williams, M, G. "Studies in the Lives of Roman
Empresses. I. Julia Domna," A.J.A.. VI, 1902, p. 280,
3
L'Orange, Apotheosis. pp. 77-86.
 35
this writer a distinctive change in the arrangement of
both the beard and the forehead curls in the years A.D.
196-197.^ On some of the coins and medallions of these
years the curls become separated and dip down over the
forehead in contrast to the portraits of previous years
which show the curls massed in a horizontal unit across
2
the upper forehead. The beard on the later coins is
also longer with a division into three forked curls the
3
rule. While the beard will show a gradual lengthening
in the following years of Septimius* reign, this arrange­
ment of the forehead curls will remain essentially the
same on the Roman coins from A.D. 196-197 until around
A.D. 209 when a new portrait type without hanging curls
replaces it in popularity.4 Examples of the hanging
curls, however, can be found on the coin portraits of

For example: note our photo #119 (bronze medallion

dated by the title "IMP VIII" used in the obverse legend
in A.D. 196-197, Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p. 45). For other
early examples of the type see, Ibid., pi. 9, #Q, #11
(A.D. 196-197); pi. 10, #16-20 and our photo #9 (A.D. 197).
Ibid., pi. 30, #1-9 (A.D. 198-200); pi. 37, #5 (A.D. 202);
pi. 35, #1-20 (A.D. 201-210). Also note our photo #10
(bronze medallion of A.D. 200-201).
For further discussion of the evidence used in the
dating of the Serapis-Septimius portrait type see below,
pp. 62-63, 76, 241-248.
2
For example, compare our photo #1, #45 and Matt­
ingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 7, #16, #17 (A.D. 194-195).
3Ibid., pi. 7 (A.D. 194-195), and our text below,
p. 63.
4
See below, chapter VII, and our photos #18-20.
 36
Septinius up until his death in A.D. 211.1 In conclusion,
it seems probable that this most popular coin type should
be associated with the most extensively reproduced por­
trait of Septimius in the round— that of the Serapis
type.2
Our dating of the origin of the Serapis portrait
type in A.D. 196-197 and its popular use until A.D. 209
differs from that of L'Orange who, using the historical
reliefs, dates the origin of the type between A.D. 203-
3
204. He also assumes the exclusive use of the type until
Septimius* death* This study, however, has revealed
evidence for questioning the use of the historical reliefs
on the arch at Lepcis Magna in the dating of any of the
portrait types.4 Moreover, although L*Orange*s chronology
has been the one most widely quoted by scholars, some
5
recent studies have taken exception. Miss Toynbee,
Dr. Budde, 6 and Dr. Jucker 7 have all cited evidence for

^■Por example. Mattincrlv. B.M.C. , V. p. 36, #20

CA.D. 210); pi. 58, #1 (A.d ! 2107!^“
2See our photos #84-108.
3
See above, p. 11.
4See below, jp. 94-102.
5
Toynbee, "Ruler-Apotheosis in Ancient Rome,” loc.
cit., p. 146.
g
Budde, L. Juqendbildnisse des Caracalla und Geta
(Orbis Antiquus. 5) Munster, 1951, p. 43, n. 3.
7
See above, p. 16.
 37
an earlier dating of the Serapis portrait type. They all
use the Berlin tondo as evidence for the existence of the
distinguishing Serapis curls by A.D. 199, evidence which
will be evaluated in the later discussion of the painting
itself. 1 Dr. Jucker also notes the existence of the
Serapis curls in a coin portrait of the emperor dated
in A.D. 202.2
Decisive proof of an intended allusion to Serapis
on Septimius' part can be found on the arch at Lepcis
3
Magna. In the relief of the Capitoline Triad, the image
of the seated Septimius has been closely copied from the
Serapis cult statue in the Serapeion at Alexandria which
has been associated with the Greek fourth century B.C.
4
artist, Bryaxis. Although the head is missing, the out­
line suggests that the emperor was crowned here with the
5
"polos," usual to the cult images of Serapis. One would

■^See below, pp. 90-91.

2
Jucker, op. cit., p. 103 and n. 4.
3
See our photo #32.
4
Arnelung, W. "Le Serapis de Bryaxis," Rev. Arch.,
II, 1903, pp. 177-204, pi. XIV. For a differing view"see:
Breccia, E. Alexandrea ad Aeqyptum. Bergama, 1922, pp.
110—115 and Miss G. M. A. Richter's note In The Sculpture
■and Sculptors of the Greeks. Hew Haven, 195*7, p. ^83, n.‘
l56a.
Amelung's attribution has been reaffirmed, however,
in more recent studies. See Llppold, G. "Die griecische
Plastik," Handbuch der Archaologie. Munich, 1950, pp. 257-
258, with earlier "bibliography.
For an attribution to a younger Bryaxis of the third
century see Bieber, M. The Sculpture of the Hellenistic
Age, rev. ed., New York, 1961, pp. 83^54.
^In 1947, it was noted that the head of Septimius
from this relief had been found and reattached. (Toynbee,
 38
suppose that the hanging curls and divided beard of
Serapis were also part of the portrait iconography.
Septinius' special interest in Serapis is also
noted in the sources. We are told that he took part in
the worship of the god during his visit to Egypt.1 The
description of the rituals to Serapis are actually pre­
served in ancient texts. Through initiation man was
born again but now to a superhuman life where he became
2
equal to the gods. A study of the Severan coins of
Alexandria reveals that the image of Serapis becomes
popular after A.D. 195 and is used on Septimius* coins
3
until A.D. 201. Before A.D. 195, previous to Septimius'
victory over Niger, the traditional Greek and Roman gods
appear. It is only after A.D. 195 that the Eastern
gods play their role as well as the special hero of the
emperor, Heracles. However, it must also be noted that
Serapis appears also on the coins of Pertinax and Niger

J. M. C. "Ruler-Apotheosis in Ancient Rome," loc. cit..

p. 146, n. 9i) There also exists a photograph of the
relief with the reattached head which lacks the frontal,
Serapis hanging curls. (German Archaeological Institute,
Rome, neg. 62.1793.) However, the head does not appear
on the relief in the Archaeological Museum in Tripoli
today, and could not be located. Until further informa­
tion can be obtained concerning the missing head and
whether it really was originally part of this relief, the
portrait face of Septimius still remains in question.
1 S.H.A.. "Severus,” XVII, 4.
2
Cumont, 0 |>. cit., pp. 98-101.
3
Vogt, J. Die Alexandrinischen Miinzen. Stuttgart,
1924, II, pp. 114-116.
 39
minted at Alexandria in A.D. 193, * so one cannot say from
the evidence of the coinage that an interest in Serapis
is unique to Septimius. In fact, the worship of Serapis
already had a long history in the West and cult images
2
of the god have been found in Italy from earlier times.
Septimius* trip to Egypt has been variously dated
by scholars. Platnauer places his date of arrival in
3
Egypt in A.D. 201, a date which now appears to be too
late on the basis of the coin and inscriptional evidence
A 5
cited by Vogt and Hasebroek, who both date his journey
and stay there to the years A.D. 199-200. This dating
g
is followed by L*Orange. Mattingly, however, in his
study of the coins in the British Museum moves the visit
7
to the years A.D. 200-201. A recent study based on
evidence from Egyptian papyri now definitely reconfirms

1 Ibid., p. 112.

^Roeder, S. V. "Sarapis," R.E.. II (Stuttgart, 1920),

col. 2416-2417; Latte, K. "Romlsche Religionsgeschichte,"
H&ndbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, Munich, I960, V, part
4, pp. £82-2847
For earlier cult images of the god note, for exam­
ple: Amelung, "Le Serapis de Bryaxis," loc. cit., p. 192,
#12 of Antonine date.
3Platnauer, op. cit., p. 122.
4
Vogt, op. cit.. I, p. 165.
5
Hasebroek, J. Pntersuchunqen zur Geschichte des
Kaisers Septimius Severus. Heidelberg. 19^1, pp. 118-119.
6 Apotheosis. p. 82.
7Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. CXXVI.
 40
the date of A.D. 199-200 for Septinius' visit.1 The date
of this trip is an lnportant one, for it has been used as
a date ’’post quern" for the establishment of the Serapis
2
portrait type of Septimius, an assumption that will be
3
discussed in relation to the study of the portrait type.
But Serapis was not the only divinity to receive
special honor by Septimius. The local divinities of
Lepcis Magna, Hercules and Liber, who became Septimius1
special "Di Auspices,*' received tribute early on the
coinage 4 and a temple was erected to them on the Palatine 5
which established them on an equal footing with the Roman
divinities. Septimius himself appears as Hercules wear­
ing the lion skin hood on the obverse of a medallion of
A.D. 202.** Other African deities honored on his coinage
are "Dea Caelestis" of Carthage and "Saeculum Prugiferum"
7
of Hadrumetum. Other evidence indicates that the African

^Westermann and Schiller, op. cit., p. 30.

2
L'Orange, Apotheosis. p. 82; Baity, J.#"Un proto­
type offlcxei dans 1 6xconugraphle de SeptiseSevere,”
loc. cit., p. 108, n. 1 .
3
See below, pp. 92 and 246.
Sattingly, B.M.C. . V, p. LXXXVII, #63, p. 30, pi.
7, 3.
5 Platnauer, op. cit., p. 147.
^Gnecchi, P. X medaalloni romanl. Milan, 1912,
I, pi. 152, 6 . See our photo ^11.
7Por "Dea Caelestis" see Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p.
CXLIX, and #333, p. 218, pi. 35, #12 (A.D. 201-210).
For "Saeculum Frugiferum" see Ibid.,p. LXXXIII,
and #4, p. 20,pi. 5, #18 (A.D. 193).
 41
hero, Hannibal, was also venerated by the emperor.1 In
the East, Septimlus also took part In the erection of the
grand temple at Baalbek to the eastern Jupiter Dollchenus
2
who figures prominently In the inscriptions of the time.
While interest in eastern cults is not new, the evidence
indicates that they received increased stimulation from
3
the imperial patronage of Septimlus and Julia Donna.
The empress herself was worshipped as Caelestls,
the patron goddess of Carthage, and her cult was first
4
introduced into Rome at this time. Julia Domna is
further identified with the great mother goddess, Cybele,
in an evident attempt to magnify her position as Queen
5
Mother of the new dynasty. The worship of Cybele her-
g
self, however, has a long earlier tradition. The empress
was also worshipped in Greece as Demeter and Hera, and a
7
temple of Demeter was built to her at Aphrodisias. There

^L'Orange, Apotheosis, p. 81.

2
Platnauer, op. cit., p. 151.
3
See our discussion above, p. 32 and L'Orange,
Apotheosis. pp. 79-86 and n. 46, p. 143 for further bib­
liography”on the prominent place held by the Serapis cult
during the Severan Age. Unfortunately J. Reville's book
on La religion _a Rome sous les Severes. Paris, 1886, cited
by L*Orange, was not available to me.
4 L fOrange, Apotheosis. p. 81 and Latte, "Roraische
Religionsgeschichte,” loc. cit., p. 346.
^Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. CXXXIII.
^Seyffert, 0. Dictionary of-Classical Antiquities,
Cleveland and New York, 1^61,' pp. 542-543; Latte, "Roraische
Religionsgeschichte," loc. cit.. pp. 258-262,
7
Platnauer, o p . cit., p. 144.
 42
is further evidence of her especially elevated position
in contrast to earlier empresses. Inscriptional evidence,
particularly from Athens and Asia Minor, indicate that
she was divinized during her lifetime and enjoyed honors
even above that of her husband. 1
Other inscriptional evidence indicates that
Septimlus was the first emperor to be commonly called
2
"dominus noster" and his house the "domus divina." Al­
though these titles are not new in Imperial inscriptions,
for the first time they evidently became an established
rule during the reign of Septimlus. The established use
of these titles is significant for it suggests a now
accepted concept of the relation between the ruler and
those ruled. Septimlus is recognized not only as an
earthly king but also as a divine saviour. The extent
to which the traditional Antonine view of the emperor
as a "philosopher-king" and the later third century view
3
of the emperor as a "ruler-deity" were adopted by
SepLiaii'us and reflected in his portraiture in the round
presents a fascinating problem for consideration.

^Taeger, P. Charisma. Studlen zur Geschichte des

antiken Herrscherkultes. Stuttgart. 1957-1960, II,pp.
4ll-4lT, 422. Compare Williams, "Studies in the Lives of
Roman Empresses. I. Julia Domna," loc. cit., pp. 259-305
(especially pp. 303-304).
2
Murphy, op. cit., pp. 102-103. He gives evidence
that "as a customary and recurrent appelatlon 'dominus'
is first linked with Septimlus Severus" (p. 102). Compare
Taeger, op. cit.. pp. 407-42 7.
3
L'Orange, Apotheosis. pp. 86 ff.; Hadzl, op. cit.
 Previous studies have indicated that the idea
itself of the emperor as divine is not new to Roman
thinking,'1’ but never before had the concept taken such
a firm hold. Divinized portrait types occurred early
in the empire and constantly reoccurred In imperial
portraiture. The use of a divinized type by previous
emperors, however, occurred at the end of their reigns
and never dominated their entire portraiture to the
extent of Septimlus1 Serapis type. For example, Nero
and Domitian both adopt Alexander's god-like wreath of
2
locks but only in the later years of their reigns.
Marcus Aurelius' Jupiter-like type is also apparently
his only symbolic portrait type and is the last in the
3
series. Even Commodus, whose extended association with
Hercules is well documented, did not adopt the symbolism
to his essential portrait iconography until the last five
years of his reign.4 In contrast to his predecessors,
evidence is cited in this study that Septimlus' allusions
to Serapis and probably also to Jupiter occur early in
his reign. 5 The preserved Serapis portraits alone constitute

^For the history of this concept see Lily Ross Tay­

lor's book on the Divinity of the Roman Emperor (American
Philological Association. Philological Monographs. I ).
Middletown,Connecticut, 1931, and L*Orange, Apotheosis.
2
L*Orange, Apotheosis, p. 58, 63.
3
Ibid., p. 6 6 ; Wegner, op. cit., pp. 46-47.
4
L'Orange, Apotheosis. p. 68.
5
See below, p. 105 and p. 245.
 44
approximately half of our material.1 Septimius' symbolic
portraiture, taken as a whole, constitutes approximately
nine-tenths of our material. 2 In conclusion, the evidence
shows that Septimius extended the use of symbolic allusion
in his portraiture and particulsurly popularized a divin­
ized type. This extended use of imitative portraiture
would appear to establish a precedent for the later third
century. 3
Indications of this changing concept of the ruler
under Septimius can be seen in the representations of the
emperor in the Roman historical reliefs. Mrs. Ryberg in
her book on the Rites of the Roman State Religion An
Roman Art. points out that in the reliefs on the arch of
the Argentarii, Septimius and Julia, who are turned
frontally to the viewer, actually receive the sacrifice
rather than offer it as in earlier imperial sacrifice
scenes.4 Mrs. Ryberg states that this is the first
example of its kind in Roman art. Further indications

1Our catalogue identifies ninety-two portraits with

Septimius, forty-six of which are of the Serapis type.
2
In our catalogue of ninety-two portraits, eighty-
four have been associated with a symbolic reference to
either a divinity or one of Septimius* adopted Roman
ancestors.
3
See Hadzi, op. cit.. p. 17, where Septimius*
Serapis type is cited as a precedent for the use of sym­
bolic portraiture by Gallienus. I am greatly indebted to
Mrs. Hadzi*s study for its approach to the interpretation
of imperial portraiture which has been applied in many of
its aspects here.
4 M.A.A.R.. XXII, 1955, pp. 138-140.
 45
of the changing ruler concept can be seen in the estab­
lishment for the first time In the Severan Age of the
theme of "Sol Invlctus" as a fundamental Idea In the
Imperial propaganda scheme. On the reverse of a coin
of Geta, struck In A,D. 200-202, Caracalla Is shown
with the crown of Sol, raising his right hand In an
attitude of divine blessing with the accompanying legend
"SEVER! INVICTI AUG PII FIL."1 L'Orange also notes that
It Is from the Severan Age onwards that the emperor and
his divinity, whether It be Sol or Serapis, become in a
very special way united through this up-raised gesture
of the hand, which expresses the idea that the power of
the emperor comes from the god. The gesture is a sign
of both power and salvation, and it finds its origin in
2
Oriental cults.
The famous philosophic circle of Julia Domna
appears to also have been oriented towards eastern

1Mattlngly, B.M.C.. V, #244, p. 199, pi. 32, 18;

Brilliant, R. “Gestures and Rank lit RuMtan Ait," Kewwirs
of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, February,
XXV, 1963, p. 210, n. 75 and fig. 47T?9. He writes: "It
is worthy of notice that the Severan period is not only
one of important stylistic development but, also, of great
changes in Roman iconography, among which the Introduction
of the theme of "Sol Invlctus" established a fundamental
aspect of 3rd century Imperial propaganda." (p. 210, n. 76)
For other iconographic changes which occur under
Septimius, note particularly Brilliant's discussions on
pp. 178, 201-202.
2
L'Orange, Studies. pp. 154-157.
 46
astrology.1 Julia commissioned the Greek philosopher,
Philostratus, to write the memoirs of Apollonius of
Tyana, a hero of pagan hagiology, in an effort perhaps
2
to counter propaganda from subversive gospels. The
extent of this remarkable woman's influence upon
Septimius needs further evaluation as well as a more
3
extensive study of her portraits. It can be supposed
that her eastern religious heritage was not without its
influence upon Septimius and his sons, as scholars have
4
already indicated.
What becomes immediately clear from this dls-
i
cussion is the purposeful programming of Septimius1
imperial propagandists themes and the wide range of
their origins in his background in Lepcis Magna, in
eastern religious ideas, and in his Roman heritage. His
allusions to his great Roman past are also diverse, coming
from all periods of its history, although his alliance

1 Philostratus, The Lives of the Sophists. London,

Loeb Classical Library, trans. W. C. Wright, 1922, bk.
11.622,01.
For an account of the circle see Platnauer, op.
cit., pp. 144—148 and Parker, op. cit., pp. 132-133.
2
Bidez, op. cit.. p. 612.
3
For evidence of the special honors bestowed upon
Julia, see our discussion above, p. 42 and n. 1 and the
recent study by H. W. Benario, "Julia Domna-Mater Senatus
et Patriae," The Phoenix. The Journal of the Classical
Association of" Canada. XII, 1958, pp. "S7-70.
For a study of her portraits see; Williams, "Studies
in the Lives of Roman Empresses. I. Julia Domna," loc.
cit., pp. 259-305.
4
For example, see Barker, op. cit.. pp. 348-350.
with the previous Antonine house was the domlnent theme.
Once his power was established over his rival in the
East, Pescennius Niger, in the Battle of Issus in A.O.
195,3 and his rival in the West, Clodius Albinus, in the
battle of Lugdunum in A.D. 197, Septimius returned
immediately to the East to a new conquest over the
2
Parthians in A.0. 198, He remained in the East until
A.D. 202 when he returned to Rome. Xt would appear that
during these years from A.D, 198 to A.D. 202 a wider base
for his imperial, propagandistic structure was laid, so
that during his period of rule in Rome from A.D. 202 to
A.D. 208 he could in truth rule as Cosmocrator in his
palace hall in the Septizonium. In his adoption of the
role of Cosmocrator, he could also embrace a variety of
allusions to divine protectors. The last years of his
life, from A.D. 208-211, were spent in Great Britain in
a war evidently initiated by him, though sick and aging,
partly in the hope of drawing together his mutually
antagonistic sons.*' Part of these fruitless hopes are

For conflicting views on the date of the battle,

see Platnauer, op. cit.. pp. 89-91, who dates it in A.D.
194, and Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pp. LXXX-LXXXI, who dates
the battle in A. D. 195, celebrated in his title MIMP V.,r
The later dating is the one accepted here.
2
Platnauer, op. cit., pp. 116-118.
3 Herodian, ojd. cit., bk. Ill, XVI, 1-2} Cassius
Dio, op. cit.. epitome of bk. LXXVII, 11.1.
For an interpretation of the material similar to
the one used here see Parker, op. cit., p. 78.
 48
seen in his establishment of Geta as a third Augustus
during the last three years of his reign, a ruling
triumvirate that had had no imperial precedent.
The main historical outlines of Septimius* reign
have been stated and his dominant propagandists themes.
The extent to which this ideological program affects both
the style and iconography of Septimius* portraits in the
round is a question to be kept in mind for our later dis­
cussion.
To the art historian, the reign of Septimius Severus
has also been cited as a turning point. In a recent study
of iconographic motifs in later Roman art, Budde concludes
that it is precisely during the reign of Septimius that
the crucial change towards a Late Antique style of frontal,
hieratic and symbolic forms occurs. 1 Budde states that
it is during the reign of Septimius that East and West
are again brought together and it is the eastern world
which gives impetus to the new forms. The importance of
oriental symbolism during the reign of Septimius has
earlier been pointed out by Hans Peter L*Orange in his
2
Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship and
3
Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture.

^Budde, L. Die Entstehunq des Antiken Reprasenta-

tionsbildes. Berlin, 195'J1.
2 0slo, 1953, pp. 35-36.
30 £>. cit., pp. 73-86.
 49
Other scholars have further marked the Severan Age
as a turning point. The late Karl Lehmann in a lecture
on "Space and Time in Some Late Roman Works of Art" cites
the reliefs on the arch of Septimius in the Roman Forum
as the first preserved example in monumental art of a
new "discrete style with discrepancy of time and space.
The classical naturalistic unity of time and space has
been dissolved. More recently, Axel Boethius uses the
2
reliefs as a starting point for the Late Antique style.
In a study of the Dionysiac sarcophagi in Baltimore,
Lehmann in collaboration with Erling C. Olsen notes
stylistic changes in the Severan Age which again are
3
crucial for the formation of a new, non-classical style.
There occurs an intensified use of the drill, greater
monumentality in size, and a disregard for organic pro­
portions in the sarcophagi reliefs of the Baltimore group
dated between A.D. 200-210. Abstract space now more
radically replaces spatial recession and establishes a
hieratic and direct relationship between the spectator
and the figures of the representation. Changes in the
numismatic style have also been noted for this time and
attributed to the import of artists from Asia Minor into

1A.J.A.. XLI, 1937, p. 115.

2
Roman Archi tec ture from its Classicistic to its
Late Imperial Phase. Goeteborg, 1941, pp. 9-10,
3
Dionysiac Sarcophagi in Baltimore. 1942, pp.
70-72.
 50

Rome during the Severan Age.* This suggestion has also

found support in reference to relief sculpture. In a
study on the "peopled scrolls" of antiquity by J. B. Ward
Perkins and J. M. C. Toynbee evidence is cited that the
new, two-dimensional relief style introduced into Rome
in the Severan Age had its origin in the workshops of
2
Aphrodisias. Evidence of a stylistic link between the
sculptures at Lepcis Magna and Aphrodisias has also been
3
noted by scholars. Ward Perkins, in a series of articles
on Tripolitania, cites further evidence for the presence

Vermeule, Cornelius. "Maximianus Herculeus and the

Cubist Style in the Late Roman Empire," Bulletin. Boston
Museum of Fine Arts. LX, #319, 1962, p. 14; Vermeule,
Cornelius. "Eastern Influences in Roman Numismatic Art,"
Berytus. 12, 1956-1957, p. 98; Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p.
CXXVIII.
2
Toynbee, J. M. C., and J. B. Ward Perkins. "Peopled
Scrolls: a Hellenistic Motif in Imperial Art," Papers of
the British School at Rome. XVIII, new series, V, 1^50,
pp. 1-43. They show evidence that the new style is the
result of "the impact on the capital of models drawn from
the Roman east and, specifically, from Asia Minor. From
the point of view of the traditions of relief-sculpture
established in the capital during the latter part of the
second century, the new, two-dimensional, black-and-white—
treatment of relief, which these east-Roman models embodied,
appears as something of a stylistic revolution. Viewed in
its own context at Aphrodisias, it is seen to be the
product of a process of evolution, achieved gradually dur­
ing the course of the preceding century" (pp. 42-43).
There is also inscriptional evidence that artists
from Aphrodisias existed in Rome at this time. (Ward
Perkins, J. B. "Tripolitania and the Marble Trade," J.R.s..
XLI, 1951, p. 101 and n. 106 for further bibliography on
this point. )
3
Toynbee and Ward Perkins, "Peopled Scrolls: a
Hellenistic Motif in Imperial Art," loc. cit.. pp. 37-43;
Squarciapino, M. F. La scuola di Afrod'lsia (Studl ji
material1 del Museo dT Roma. 3T7 1943,' p . 8 8 .
 51
of sculptors from both Greece and Asia Minor in the
building and decoration of the Severan architecture and
reliefs at Lepcis which show a mixture of classical
forms and new artistic principles of composition and tech-
niques. Miss Toynbee also analyzes the relief style on
the arch at Lepcis and draws similar conclusions. She
notes the Mstrikingly hieratic frontality of many of the
2
figures and especially of the imperial figures." She
concludes that:

The work, or at least the inspiration, of

artists derived from the eastern provinces, who had
studied the effects produced by frontality in the
art of regions lying just outside the Empire's
eastern frontiers. It is a frontality far more
fully developed than that which confronts us in
late-Antonine and Severan metropolitan relief-
sculpture. The Aphrodisian authorship of these

Ward Perkins, J. B. "Severan Art and Architecture

at Lepcis Magna," J.R.S.. XXXVIII, 1948, pp. 59-80;
"Tripolitania and the Marble Trade," loc. cit.. pp. 89-
104; "The Art of the Severan Age in the Light of Trlpoll-
tanlan Discoveries," Proceedings of the British Academy.
XXXVII, 1951, pp. 269-365; "Excavations in the Severan
Basilica at Lepcis Magna," Papers of the British School
at home. XX, new series Vxx, x»o^, pp. xxx-xci; “The
Hlppolytus Sarcophagus from Trinquetallle," J.R.S.. XLVI,
1956, p. 14.
2 ‘
Toynbee, J. M. C. "Some Notes on Artists in the
Roman World," Collection Latomus« VI, 1951, p. 32. The
frontality of the figures in the reliefs at Lepcis is
also a point stressed by Brilliant in his iconographlc
study, op. cit.. p. 178. It is also the thesis of Budde*s
recent book on Die Entstehung des antlken Representations-
blldes (Berlin,~X§5iJ that the impetus for the hieratic
frontality of Late Antique art comes from the eastern Roman
provinces, and he cites pertinent evidence from the monu­
ments of Greece, Asia Minor, and Syria in support of his
point. He concludes: "Kiinstler aus diesen ostlichen
Berelchen des Inperiums raiissen es gewesen sein, die das
Neue in der monumentalen Kunst der Stadt Rom unter den
Severern ermoglicht haben" (p. 16).
 52

Lepcis sculpture would seem to have significant

implications* If Greek artists of eastern
provincial provenance were employed on great pub­
lic buildings in Africa, the same could be true of
Roman.historical monuments elsewhere, including
Rome.

In a summary of the Severan style as a whole, which bears

relevance to the stylistic conclusions formed in this
study, Hiss Toynbee and Ward Perkins conclude:

It is a diversity which confronts the student

in other fields of Severan official art. Hieratic
frontality, conscious denaturalisation, panoramic
pictorial effects, and straightforward classical
naturalism, all find their place on the contemporary
historical reliefs and mythological sarcophagi,not
only of Rome itself but in provincial Africa too,
on the Severan arch at Lepcis Hagna, most startingly
combined within the limits of a single monument.

The question of the origin and time span of the

3
so-called "Late Antique1' style is beyond the scope of
this present study and, Indeed, has been one of the most
crucial topics discussed by scholars of this century
without agreement.4 In any case, an increased impetus

1 Toynbee, "Some Notes on Artists in the Roman World,"

loc. cit., p. 32.
2
Toynbee and Ward Perkins, "Peopled Scrolls: a
Hellenistic Hotif in Imperial Art," loc. cit., p. 19.
3
The term was first used by A. Riegl in the early
part of this century (Die spatromische Kunstindustrie.
Vienna, 1901),
4
For a summary of the scholarly positions see Otto
Brendel, "Prolegomena to a Book on Roman Art," M.A.A.R..
XXI, 1953, pp. 9-73.
For a particularly clear summary with recent
bibliography on the eastern position as presented by
 53
for these stylistic trends during the reign of Septimius
is evident in the various scholarly studies discussed above.
To what extent these stylistic tendencies nay be reflected
in the portraiture of Septimius is a question to be con­
sidered, as well as an evaluation of the relationship of
the imperial portraits to the evolution of Roman art as
a whole.
Although we have already used the coinage and
medallions in our brief historical and ideological recon­
struction of Septimius' reign, a more detailed discussion
is necessary for a study of the imperial portrait types.
The obverse portraits of Septimius on the coins give us
our largest and most accurate representations of the emperor
in a dated context. The use. of the numismatic portraits in
the dating of the imperial portraits in the round is a
method which has already been widely employed by scholars. 1

J. Strzygowskl in his classic study, Orient oder Rom: Beltraqe

zur Geschichte der spatantiken und fruhchrTst1lchen Kunst
(Leipzig, l$6 l), see Ward Perkins' discussion in his article
on "The Italian Element in Late Roman anu Laxly Rculeval
Architecture," Proceedings of the British Academy. XXXXIX,
1947, pp. 163-16?. For a recent statement of the Roman
position see: Swift, E. H. Roman Sources of Christian Art.
Hew York, 1951 and review by Karl Lehmann, Art Bulletin.
XXXVI, March, 1954, pp. 69-74.
To this writer's mind, it is well to follow Ward
Perkins' warning "that to treat of the art or architecture
of the Empire as the product of two contrasting elements—
whether it be Rome and the Orient, the Eastern and Western
Empires, Rome and Constantinople, or Romanism and Hellenism—
any such antithesis is to invite trouble. A story so complex
cannot without distortion be pressed into such a simple
mould." ("The Italian Element in Late Roman and Early
Medieval Architecture," loc. cit.. pp. 181-182.)
Brendel, Otto. Ikonoqraphle des Kaisers Augustus.
Niirnberg, 1931; Weqner. op. cit.; Gross. W. H. Bildnisse
 54

The particular importance of the medallion portraits as

copies of actual sculptural prototypes has been more
recently pointed out by Miss Toynbee1 and Mrs. Hadzi in
2
her study of the portraits of Gallienus. It is supposed
that the coins In turn are more cursory reflections of the
same sculptural prototypes. 3 In Mrs. Hadzi's study, sound
evidence is presented that the medallion artists and the
artists of the imperial portraits in the round were both
working from common "imagines” of the emperor. It is
Mrs. Hadzi*s hypothesis that the imperial iconography of
Gallienus was entrusted to a group of court sculptors in
close contact with the imperial wishes who embodied their
ideas in a series of three-dimensional models used for both
the medallions and the sculptures. Style as well as
iconography was probably determined by these "imagines."
It does not always follow, however, that every medallion
type is repeated in the sculptural portraits which remain
to us. Although these premises have not been proved for

Tralans (Das romlsche Herrscherbild. II, 2), Berlin, 1940;

Budde, Juqendblldnisse des Caracalla und Geta.
1 Toynbee, Roman Medallions. pp. 223-224.
2 Hadzi, op. cit., pp. 20-22.
3 0n
this point H. Mattingly and E. A. Sydenham write:
"The method of executing the obverse dies was probably as
follows. A plaster or clay bust of the personage to be
represented was made by a sculptor, probably from life. . .
The bust served as the model from which other artists made
reduced bas-relief copies, taken in profile, in some plas­
tic substance, such as wax. From these the die-cutters
carved intaglio reproductions on the metal dies." (The
Roman Imperial Coinage. London, 1923, I, p. 21.) Also see:
Mad-Inaiv. B.H.C.. V. P. XXX.
 55
Septimius1 reign, it seems highly likely that the same
practices were in use. Thus, the hypothesis has been
used in this study of the obverse portraits on the coinage
where particular attention will be drawn to the medallion
portraits of any year, whenever they are extant.
The coinage of Septimius Severus may be divided
roughly into three chronological periods for the basis
of our discussion: that of the "Wars of Succession" from
A.D. 193-197, the joint reign with Caracalla from A.D.
198-209 during which Geta bears the title of Caesar, and
the final period in Britain during which time Geta also
rules with his father and brother as Augustus from A.D.
209-211. A study of the portraits of the obverses of the
coins and medallions of these years reveals progressive
changes in the iconography of the imperial image which can
be roughly associated with each period mentioned, although
year by year changes in beard and hair style are not al­
ways consistent and early portrait types continue to be
used cr* later coinage. The prefile view or. the coins
also at times makes it difficult to evaluate the complex
problem of the presence or absence of low hanging frontal
curls, the distinctive feature of the most popular Serapis
portrait type of the emperor. Thus, the coin portraits
must be studied with care and with the recognition of
their two-dimensional limitations. Furthermore, coins
for illustration will be drawn from the Roman mints unless
 56
the coinage of the eastern mints, active only from A.D.
193-202, has revealed varying evidence. Further refer­
ences to portrait types on the eastern coins differing
from those in Rome will be indicated with reference to
individual sculptures in the round in the following chap­
ters.
During the first period of his reign fro* A.D, 193-
197, Septimlus was forced to establish his military strength
over his three rival claimants to the throne, the rich
senator Didius Julianus who was the actual ruler in Rome
in A.D. 193, having bought his imperial title from the
praetorian guards, Pescenhlus Niger, the favorite of the
Roman people who was proclaimed Augustus by his troops
in the East in A.D. 193, and Clodius Albinus, who was like­
wise a native of Africa and evidently was acclaimed "imperator"
by his own legions in Britain. He was the favorite of the
2
senate due to his noble birth. After Septimius* acclama­
tion as emperor by his legions at Carnuntum in April of 193,
he quickly marched on Rome, having assumed the position of
Pertinax's avenger, reflected in his title which appeared
on the coin legends of the year A.D. 193,'IMP CAES L SEP
SEV PERT AUG.” We have already noted that he kept this
title only until A.D, 198 when his victories in the East
gained him the title "PARTHICUS MAXIMUS." Upon Septimius'

■‘•Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p. LXXXII, n. 3.

2 S.H.A.. "Clodius Albinus," I, 3.
 57
arrival In Rome In A.D. 193 he quickly was acclaimed
emperor by the Senate. Dldlus Julianus was killed and
Clodius Albinus accepted the role of Caesar under Septimlus.
The new emperor Immediately set off to the East to conquer
his remaining rival. The coinage of these first two years
of his power reflected the loyalty of his legions In the
legend "FIDEI LEG" 1 and images of the legionary standards 2
3
and Victoria. The native birthplaces of both Septimius
and Albinus were also commemorated by the honoring of
Hercules, Liber, and "Saeculum Frugiferum," local gods of
4
Lepcis Magna and Hadrumetum. Special coins honoring the
Divus Pertinax were also issued upon Septimius' deification
of him after his arrival in Rome. One of these bears a
5
strong resemblance to the portraits of Septimius.
The main portrait type of Septimius, however, seen
on the Roman coins of the first year of his reign in A.D.
193 shows very individual features. The portraits do not
show a borrowing from any predecessor which is sometimes
the case during the first years of a new reign, when por­
trait models of the new emperor might not yet be available

•‘■Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, #5, p. 20, pi. 5, 1.

2 Ibid.. pi. 5, 3-15.
3 Ibid.. pi. 6 , 1 -2 .
4
See above, p. 38 and Mattingly, B.M.C., V, pp.
LXXXXXI—LXXXXV, LXXXVII.
5Mattinqlv. B.M.C.. V, p. LXXVII, pi. 6 , 6-7.
to the die cutters. 1 The typical features of Septimius
are seen in the short beard which is held in a mass of
curls brushed forward and his short, curly hair is brushed
across the top of his forehead in a triangular pattern.
His brow is broad and sometimes furrowed, with special
emphasis given to his prominent temples. He wears a
moustache, and has a broad neck and straight nose. It is
the image of the forceful military ruler with perhaps a
mixture of Punic, Berber, and Roman blood in his veins
2
which we have already encountered in the literary sources.
The portrait of the emperor on some of the Roman
coins of the following year of his reign in A.D. 194 shows
3
a variation in the profile. The nose is thicker and more
irregular in outline, and the beard is fuller, covering
more of the upper cheek. The hair curls are also more
plastically rendered. There is an emphasis on the bulging,
furrowed brow and the planes of the cheeks are modeled
rather than smooth. However, the hair and beard length
hava remained approximately the sarse as on the earlier
coins as well as the proportions of the face. Thus, a

1For precedent in the portraits of Nerva see: Gotze,

H. rtEin neues Bildnis des Nerva," Mittellunqen des deutschen
archaoloqischen Instltuts. I, 1948, pp. 145-146. For
precedent in the portraits of Trajan see: Gross, op. cit..
p. 16. Also on this point note Mattingly and Sydenham,
The Roman Imperial Coinage. I, p. 22,
2 Mattlngly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 5, #1-20; pi. 6, #1-4;
pi. 15, #6-10, and our photos #127 and #128.
^See our photo #129
 59
variation upon the first portrait type rather than the
creation of an entirely new type would appear to have
taken place. This variation which emphasizes three-
dimensional form continues in use in the Roman mint until
A.D. 196-197,1 and perhaps has an even longer life in the
eastern Roman provinces. 2
Although this is the usual picture of Septimius
on the coinage of the time, another type appears on a
medallion of A.D. 194 which shows an idealization of
features suggesting a similarity to medallion images of
3
Antoninus Pius. The nose of Septimius is here straighter
and the bushy beard forms smaller, unforked curls.
A crucial problem for our study is the relationship
of Septimius' coinage of the years A.D. 193-194 to that
of his western rival Clodius Albinus. We know that
Septimius had coins of Clodius struck during these years
4
in Rome, honoring him as Caesar. There is often a striking

^See below, p. 118.

2
Note, for example, our photo #130, a coin from
Perperene in Mysia (Wroth, W. Catalogue of the Greek Coins
of Mysia. British Museum, London, 1892, pi. XXXIV,' #4,
p. 169, #9), and a coin from Aphrodisias (Head, B. V.
Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Carla. Cos. Rhodes. British
Museum, London, 1897, pi. VII, #5, p. 43, # 1 1 1 ) . These
coins are not specifically dated, but they must be placed
before A.D. 202 when the eastern mints ceased with Septimius*
return to Rome.
3
Gnecchi, op. cit.. II, pi. 92, 8 . Compare with
the medallion of Antoninus Plus, ibid.. pi. 51, 2. See
our photos #3 and #4.
4 Herodian, op. cit.. II, ch. XV, 5.
 60
similarity in the iconography of the two portraits as they
appear on both the coins and the medallions. 1 However,
Clodius also strikes a varying and distinctive portrait
of his own with a short, fuller, unforked beard and the
hair arranged in broad, flat curls which are brushed
towards the face. His moustache in these portraits is
bushier than Septimius', giving Albinus a very distinctive
profile. His forehead Is also broader and his curls do
not come down as low on his forehead as in the typical
2
portrait types of Septimius during this time. This con­
fusion in the coin images of the two African military
rivals suggests the possibility that portraits in the
round of Clodius Albinus bearing a close likeness to those
3
of Septimius might also have existed. The coinage of
Septimius* other rival, Pescennius Niger, which was minted
solely in the East, shows, by contrast, a very different
image of an older man with a straight, stringy beard,

Compare medallions of Clodius Albinus, Gnecchl,

op. cit.. XI, pi. 92, 2, 3 with those of Septimius, ibid..
II, pi. 92, 7-10.
^Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 8 , 6 ; pi. 23, 2; also
see our photo #2 .
3
The literary sources may also document the erec­
tion of statues of Clodius Albinus, depending on the
translation of Herodian, op. cit.. XX, ch. XV, 5. Since
the possessive pronoun is not repeated with the noun
"iuvSpca.v'Cujv," the statues could refer to either Clodius
or Septimius from the Greek reading of the text (see K.
Stavenhagen, ed., H W A U W q Y jJ& * £ & ANIPkoV QAHAEI4*.
IITOPIAi.. Leipzig and Berlin, 1922, p. 731 Bernoulli,
op. citT. p. 18, uses this passage as evidence that statues
of Albinus were erected.
 61
eliminating at least a third source of confusion.*
During the next year from the end of A.D. 194 to
the end of A.D. 195, before Clodius declared himself
Augustus in Gaul and in the Vest, Septimius was accepted
over the whole empire after his victory over Niger in the
2
autumn of A.D. 195. Septimius now took the titles
"PARTHICUS ARABICUS" and "PARTHICUS ADIABENICUS." The
coinage of this time expressed his military accomplish­
ments represented in the images of Mars, Minerva, Victory,
3
and Fortune. The soldier facial type continues for the
obverse portraits of Septimius on the Roman coinage with
no significant changes. However, a new and important
medallion type appears at this time which is particularly
popular with Septimius and is used in commemoration of his
claim of adoption by Marcus Aurelius in A.D. 195. This
new type shows the emperor nude, seen from the back,
4
carrying a shield and lance. The features are again
more aquiline, as in the medallion cited earlier with
reference to Antoninus Pius. This group of aadalliGiis is

■^Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 14, #1-7. See our

photo # 6 .
2
See above, p. 47.
3 Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p. 16, #1-20 (A.D. 194);
pi. 17, #1-12 (A.D. l54T, #13-16 (A.D. 195); pi. 18,
#11-20 (A.D. 194).
4 Hirmer, Max. Romlsche Kalserportrats 1m Miinzblld.
Munich, 1961, pi. 30; Gnecchl ."op. c'lt. . II. pi. 93,
10. Also our photo #7. The type evidently originated in
the second century A. D., but it is with Septimlus that it
became popular. (Toynbee, Roman Medallions. p. 115. )
 62
unique In the fine, plastic modeling of the torso.
Septimius here allies himself with the classical heroes
of the past in his divine nudity.
In A.D. 195 with the announcement of Clodius
Albinus' intentions in the West, Septimius assumed the
title of the brother of Commodus, "the son of Divus
Marcus the Good," and established Caracalla as Caesar in
A.D. 196. After the death of Albinus, in A.D. 197, he
broke with the Senate and deified Commodus, a particular
blow to the senatorial class. The reverse images on the
coinage of these years often show Pax1, an attempt to
hold out the hope of peace to a people now tired by war.
Coins represent Septimius ruling over the state with wis-
2
dom, "PROVIDENTIA AUG," and also supplying the people
with "LIBERALITAS" and "MUNIFICENTIA" in the form of games
which evidently took place on his way through Rome to
3
conquer Albinus in A.D. 197.
The obverse portrait of Septimlus on the coins of
the Renan mints during this final stage of the "Wars of
Succession" from A.D. 195 to A.D. 197 shows an evolution
in the length of the beard. A longer beard appears
4
occasionally in the coins and medallions of A.D. 195 and

Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p. 44, #142, pi. 9, #4.

2 Ibid., p. 48, #173, pi. 9, #17.
3 Ibid.■ p. 47, #166-169, pi. 9, #14-15.
4 Gnecchi, oja. cit., II, pi. 93, #1. See our
photo # 8 .
by A.D. 197 the longer beard, which now forms three dis­
tinct forks, is the rule.1 Too,, on some of the coins at
least the forehead curls appear to be lower and separated,
rather than appearing as a mass across the upper forehead
o
as in the earlier coins. Clodius Albinus* coinage at
this time is now minted at Lugdunum and shows a very dis­
tinctive style and iconography. His beard remains bushy
and undivided, and peculiar to this mint is the upward
tilt of the face and direction of the eyes. The new
profile of Albinus with the full beard may be compared
with images of Hercules, also a god of Hadrumetum, Clodius'
3
home city.
On the coins of Septimius minted in the East during
these years a further portrait type appears which does not
occur on the contemporary coins of the Roman mints. 4 This
portrait type shows a longer faciei form with a pointed
nose and longer beard which tends to be held into a mass,
rather than being divided. Some of the coins at least

^Por example, Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 10, #16-19.

2
See above, p. 58 and n. 2.
3
Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 12. Compare the profiles
of Hercules on coins, for example, a coin from Galatia il­
lustrated in Wroth, W. Catalogue of the Greek Coins of
Galhtia, Cappadocla. and Syria. London. 1899, pi. I,“"W5.
4 Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 19, #12-14, and #17-
20, coins of Laodicea ad Mare and an uncertain eastern
mint dated A.D. 196-197. See our discussion below,
Chapter V.
 64
show the hair distinctly swept up off the forehead and
often the deep-set eyes look upward. It will be found
that this change in form is conditioned by an allusion
to the portraiture of Marcus Aurelius and the type con­
tinues on the eastern coins until the cessation of their
mints with Septimius' return to Rome in A.D. 202.
During these first five years of Septimius' reign,
we have traced a progressive development from his position
as "avenger," wherein truth he is a usurper rivalling
for power, to a son in the divine Antonine line of rulers.
Finally, in A.D. 198, he establishes his own, new dynasty,
naming his sons Caracalla and Geta, Augustus and Caesar
respectively in A.D. 198. During this time there appear
to have been four different portrait types in use. The
earliest shows a short-bearded, realistic soldier portrait
which has a varying form with an irregular nose, fuller
beard and more plastic surfaces of the face. This soldier
type is followed by a more idealized type with the beard
divided into three distinct forked curls cuid the hair
arranged over the forehead in lower, separated curls.
Finally, at least one other idealized portrait type allud­
ing to the Antonine house was found. A study of the coins
of the eastern mints further revealed the presence of
another portrait type, specifically alluding to Marcus
Aurelius, Septimius' adopted father.
 65
Xu the following years from A.D. 198-202, Septimius
remains in the East and his coinage from the earlier part
of this period is concerned with the celebration of his
victories, his virtue, and his good fortune. The tradi­
tional figures of Aequitas and Moneta also appear on the
reverses indicating the soundness of finance and the mint.
"LIBERTAS AUGG" and "PROVID. AUGG" speak Of Septimius*
respect for Roman liberty and the wiedom of his policies.^
During the later part of this period, from A.D. 200-201,
the main concern is with the permanency of the new dynasty.
Probably at the same time as Septimius took the title of
"IMP XX," after his victory over the Parthians late in
A.D. 198, Caracalla was also acclaimed Augustus and added
"IMP" to his title.2 The legend "AETERNIT IMPERI" in­
dicates the hope of the new imperial house. Septimlus is
now represented as the "FUNDATOR PACXS" in the civil robe
3
of peace, holding the magistrate*s roll in his hand.
He is also represented sacrificing with the accompanying
I ts g c U u , "R E S T IT u iG R U R E I S ," i n d i e ; a t l u g c u e i t s —e s i a b l l s i u H t s u t
4
of Rome on a new basis. In A.D. 201 Septimius drops the
title "PARTHICUS MAXIMUS" taken in A.D. 198 and shortens

1 Ibid., P. CXXXVIII.
2 Ibid., P. CXXX.
3 Ibid.. P- 192, #189, pi. 31, #13
4 Ibid.. P. 194, #201, pi. 32, #1.
 66
his form to "SEVERUS PIUS AUG. " 1
The portrait of the emperor during this tine on
the Ronan coins shows the lengthened beard, with the three
pointed divisions the rule. In some of the coins at
3
least forehead curls appear to be represented. Septimius’
face tends to be idealized, not yet showing the signs of
age in his niddle fifties. A medallion portrait from
Zagreb, dated by Miss Toynbee in the years A.D. 200-201
and probably struck at the time of the "Birthday of Rome"
celebrations, particularly illustrates the trend towards
4
an idealization of forms apparent at this time. The
beard is divided into three long forked curls with a bushy
moustache protruding, and the expression is soft and
generalized. High curls appear over the forehead. Gone
is the direct and forceful glance of the soldier emperor
of the earlier portraits with their hardened and more
individual forms. Septimius is now the restorer of peace
and the idealized, plus expression is in keeping with the
new image u£ h l mael l as a descendant of the geed Antcninc
emperors.

1 Ibid., p. 202, #253, pi. 33, #5.

2 Ibid.. pi. 29, #17-20 (A.D. 198-200); pi. 30,
#1-9 (A.D. 198-200); pi. 31, #7-20 (A.D. 200-201); pi. 32,
#1-5 (A.D. 200-201); pi. 33, #4-7 (A.D. 201).
3 Ibid. , pi. 31, #20.
A
Toynbee, Roman Medallions. pi. XVII, #7, pp. 102-
103. See our photo #10.
 Also during this tine from A.D. 200-201 the coins
indicate a new symbolic reference. The enperor is repre­
sented with the aegis of Jupiter and Minerva.1 Indeed,
the uniqueness of the new dynasty in which peace was
restored and during which the boundaries of the empire
were extended, is seen in its use of a variety of artistic
motifs which reflect the broad ideological basis indicated
earlier of a new world empire. The Severan Age forms its
own unique synthesis of traditional western and eastern
ideas aimed at supporting the extended and varied empire.
The impact of Septimius' own forceful personality in the
formation of this new era is seen in his portrayal as the
"Restitutor Urbis,” the son of the divine and good Marcus
and the founder of the new, eternal dynasty.
In A.D. 202 Septimius returned to Rome and remained
there until the time of his campaign in Britain in A.D.
208. His "Adventus” into Rome by land and sea is recorded
2
on the coins. Magnificent games described in the ancient
sources celebrate his return which initiated a special
reverse coin type, showing the ship constructed in the
arena filled with 700 wild animals which issued forth at

^Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 31, #16.

2 Ibld.. p. 230, first two coins of the year A.D. 202,
unillustrated.
 68
at a given signal. 1 Also in A.D. 202 the celebrations
of Septimius* "Decennalia" in commemoration of the first
ten years of his reign evidently took place one year
2
early in combination with the celebrations of his return.
One would suppose that a special "Decennalia" portrait
type was created for this occasion, as has previously been
3
suggested by scholars. A new symbolic allusion appears
in a medallion portrait of Septimius of A.D. 202 which
celebrates on its reverse the marriage of Carac&lla to
Plautilla, the daughter of Septimius' influential prefect
from North Africa.4 Septimius is represented on the
obverse in the guise of Hercules with the lion-skin hood
over his head. Hercules and Liber, the "Di Auspices" of
Septimius and the patron gods of his native city, are
known to have received special rites in the ceremonies
connected with the Secular Games held in A.D. 204.5 We

Ibid., pi. 35, #19. This reverse type also appears

on the coins of Caracalla, ibid., pi. 34, #4. See our
photo #12. Also see Cassius Dio, op. cit., epitome of bk.
LXXVII, I, and Herodian, og. cit., bk. Ill, ch. 10, 1-2.
2
For discussion of the date of the "Decennalia"
see Platnauer, op. cit.. p. 125; Grant, op. cit., p. 10;
Miller, op. cit., p. 19; and Cassius Dio, op. cit.. epitome
of bk. LXXVII, 1.
3
Baityf "Un prototype officiel dans 1'iconographie
de Septime Severe," loc. cit.. p. 108, n. 1 (on p. 109);
Braemer, "Les portraits antiques trouves Marthas Tolosane,"
loc. cit.. pp. 145-146 (Septime-Severe II); also see our
discussion, p. 14 and n. 2.
4
See our photo #11. The marriage is also celebrated
on the coinage of Caracalla, Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, #390,
p. 233, pi. 37, #12.
5 Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. CL, n. 1.
 69
also know from the literature that Septimius erected a
1
temple of "huge size" to them on the Palatine. An
association with Hercules on the part of the Roman rulers
2
has its heritage in Alexander the Great, and it appears
likely that Septimius' choice of a reference to Hercules
at the time of his own triumphant return from conquests
in the East was intended to recall his Hellenistic
predecessor. However, the Hercules cult had already a
long history on Italian soil and was not new to Imperial
3
circles. The cult was particularly popular under Commodus
whom Septimius recognized as brother through his claim of
adoption by Marcus Aurelius.4 In A.D. 197, Septimius
5
further honored Commodus by deification. In his own
lifetime, Commodus had himself represented as Hercules
in both sculpture in the round and on the medallions where

^Cassius Dio, op. cit.. epitome of bk. LXXVII, 16,

3; Platnauer, op. cit.. p. 147, n. 5.
2
L*Orange, Apotheosis. p. 28; Anderson, A. R.
"Hercules and His Successors,- Harvard Studies in Classical
Philology. XXXIX, 1928, pp. 12-JT.
■^Winter, J. G. "The Myth of Hercules at Rome,"
University of Michigan Studies. Humanistic Series. IV.
Roman History and Mythology. New York. 1901. p p . 171-273;
Wissowa, G. "Religion und Kultus der Romer," Handbuch der
klassischen Altertums-tflssenschaft. V, part 4, 1912;Bayet,
J. "Les orlgines de l'Hercule Romain," Bibliotheoue des
ecoles frangaises d'Athenes et de Rome, vol. 13*!, Paris,
1926; Latte, rikdmische RellgTonsgeschlchte," loc. cit.,
pp. 213-221.
A
Cassius Dio, op. cit.. epitome of bk. LXXVI, 7.4.
5 S.H.A.. "Severus," XII, 8.
 70
it is a particularly popular type.1 A symbolic allusion
to Hercules by Septimius in the light of this background
is not surprising and the dual Intention of a reference
to both Alexander and Commodus seems very likely in the
final meaning of the type. A deeper meaningt however, was
probably also intended, A study of the Hercules mythologi­
cal tradition shows the hero in the dual role of both a
|| , £^^ '4^
world-ruler ( Kaafrx&kffcZu*? ) and a protector of man-kind
(ctoE^p1*).^ The later role links him with the Christian
saviour tradition. Therefore, an allusion to Hercules by
Septimius can also be interpreted as part of the Saviour-
King symbolism which appears to form the basis of his
Serapis and perhaps also the Marcus Aurelius portrait
types. The actual portrait face used on the medallion
of A.D. 202, however, is different from any predecessors'
and, in fact, from any one of the other portrait types
used by Septimius. The profile with the straight nose
is reminiscent of the medallion portrait of A.D. 194
. .i-s if ^i *j
3
X - ^ r»4 -i_
v>^ i

1For photograph of the famous portrait in the round

in the Palazzo del Conservator! see Heintze, Helga von.
Romlsche Portrat-Plastik. Stuttgart, 1961, pi. 21.
For medallions see Gnecchi, op. cit., XI, pi. 77,
#2; pi. 79, #5-10; pi. 80, #1-7.
2
Anderson, "Hercules and His Successors," loc. cit.,
p. 9.
3
See our photo #3 and above, p. 59.
 71
divided beard and drooping moustache are closer to the
Serapls portrait type, although the forehead curls appear
to be lacking In the medallion. This particular portrait
type used on the medallion of A.D. 202 has not been
Identified with any portrait of Septimius In the round,
nor has any portrait In the round been found with the
emperor wearing the lion-skln hood of Hercules. It would
seem from this evidence that the new portrait type was
celebrated only on a medallion which was not an unusual
practice. 1 Of course, the possibility of Its sculptural
version now being lost must also be kept In mind. However,
the type with the llon-skin hood has been shown to belong
to an entirely numismatic tradition going back to the time
2
of Hadrian. Thus, we may conclude that the artist of the
medallion portrait was probably not working from a sculptured
"Imago," as was the usual practice, but was commissioned to
make an independent medallion design in commemoration of
the "Decennalia".
u wi •» . 1«. cue iiu u u i o a C ii u i dtxpv.LU4.LUS -LU
3
the Roman Forum is represented and Carthage again receives

^For an example of a portrait type celebrated only

on a medallion, see Hadzi, op. cit.. pp. 78-80, a "Decennalia"
portrait of Gallienus represented in the guise of Hercules-
Augustus.
2 Ibid., pp. 79-80.
3Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, #320, p. 216, pi. 35, 5 and
p. CXLIX.
 72
special honors, 1 This coin evidence coupled with epigraphi-
cal evidence seems to indicate an imperial visit to North
Africa during this year and is used by scholars in the
2
dating of the arch of Septimius at Lepcis Magna.
With the exception of the medallion portrait repre­
senting Septimius as Hercules, the coin portraits of the
emperor of these years A.D. 202-203 show a continuation
of the longer-bearded type of the previous period with the
presence of curls high on the forehead, distinctive at
3
least in some of the images. The beard is now parted into
either three or four long curls. The tendency toward
idealized features is continued, although some of the
profiles suggest heavier, more realistic forms, indicating
the probable existence of more than one portrait prototype
for this time.4
In A.D. 204 Septimius held the Secular games, also
5
commemorated on the coinage. In A.D. 205, the downfall
of the ambitious Plautianus, who had done much to eclipse
Julia Domna's prestige during these years in Rome because

1 Ibid., p. CXLIX, and p. 218, #333, pi. 35, #12.

2
L'Orange, Apotheosis. p. 76 and n. 15; Murphy,
op. cit., p. 33.
3Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 37, #5-10 (A.D. 202);
pi. 38, #12-13 (A.D. 203).
4 Ibld.. pi. 38, #13.
^Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p. 222, unillustrated. For
a discussion of the date of the games see above t P* 32 and
n. 1 .
of his own desire for power, was brought about by Caracalla.
Plautilla and her brother were removed by Septimius for
safety to Sicily.* The coinage of A.D. 207 indicates
2
another probable imperial visit to North Africa. The
eastern deity Sol is the symbol of the emperor as "PACATOR
3
ORBIS" on the coin issues of A.D. 208. On a reverse type
Septimius himself is represented seated on a magistrate's
chair resting his elbow on a crouching figure interpreted
by Mattingly as possibly Atlas. As bearer of the world,
Atlas would indicate the all-pervading power of the emperor
as a true Cosraocrator. Also in the year A.D. 208,
Septimius turned again to war, this time with Britain.
Septimius' profile on the obverses of the coins
struck between A.D. 204-206 continues the long bearded,
idealized type with the beard division of three parts the
most usual. High curls on the forehead are indicated on
some. 5 By A.D. 207-208, however, the beard has become
distinctly lengthened and a division into four forked
g
CUl'lii is U l e iU i e . Tlic IcalujLcS aiTc S c i l l

1
Platnauer, op. cit., pp. 132-133.
^Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p. CLI.
3 Ibid., p. CLII.
4 Ibid.. #371. p. 224. pi. 36, #18. See our photo
#15.
5 Ibid.. pi. 39, #14, 16-19 (A.D. 204-205); pi. 40,
#6-10 (A.D. 206).
6 Ibid.. pi. 41, #10-14 (A.D. 207); pi. 42, #3-6
 74
and some show an upward tilt of the head and glance of the
eyes.1 A new portrait prototype for the emperor is indicated
here.
The last period of Septimius' reign from A.D, 209-
211 was spent in Britain and he died in York on February
2
fourth. In A.D. 209 Geta was made Augustus with his
father and brother, and all three add "BRITANNICUS" to
their titles. The themes on the coins are again those of
war with the hope of victory and in A.D. 210-211 the hope
3
of a return to Rome. The breach with the Senate during
Septimius* middle period of office was healed, indicated
by the renewed activity of the "AES” coinage.
The imperial portraits on the coins struck during
the last three years of Septimius' reign show a new por­
trait type which may possibly originate earlier but in
any case is now the popular one used and replaces the
4
Serapis-Septimius type on the Divus issues of the emperor.
This new type is distinguished by the lack of low hanging
Curls OVciT iwi'clicoii aiiu CiiC a i i ' d i i ^ B M c u L U i Lite h a i r

(A.D. 208). For medallion of A.D. 208, see Gnecchi, op.

cit.. II, pi. 94, #1. For medallion of A.D. 207, Ibid..
I, pi. 22, #2.
Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 41, #12.
2
Platnauer, op. cit., p. 13 7.
3Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. CLXXXIII.
4
See below, p. 336 and our photos #19 and #20.
 75
curls which are now brushed forward around the face In
flatter curls rather than ringlets. The face Is also
strongly Idealized with the planes smooth. The Serapls
2
type does also continue In use but the new, Idealized
type Is clearly now the popular one and Its portrait al­
lusion will be discussed. Furthermore, on a bronze medal­
lion of A.D, 211, formerly In the Bachofen Collection In
Vienna, a different, non-ldeallzed portrait using the same
hair and beard style has been found. The profile on this
particular medallion shows an uneven, thickened nose and
older sagging cheeks which suggest a strong resemblance
3
to the profile portraits of Pertlnax. One might expect
this allusion earlier In Septimius' reign. However, on
none of the coins dating from A.D. 193-198, when Septimius
was using the name of his successor in his title, has
this longer bearded, realistic type without the frontal
curls been found.
In conclusion, the evidence from the coins and
medallions indicates that there were at least six numismatic
portrait types used during the reign of Septimius. Their

■•■Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 57, #3-8 (A.D. 210);

pi. 58, #1-4.
2 Ibid.. pi. 53, #1-4 (A.D. 209) and pi. 53, #15-17
(A.D. 2l5TT“
3
Voetter, Otto. Sammlung Bachofen von Echt.
Romlsche Miinzen und Medallions. Vienna. 1903. pi. 34,
#1607r. Compare to medallion of Pertlnax, Gnecchi, op.
cit.. II, pi. 91, 10. See our photos #16 and #17.
general chronological development has been suggested, al­
though the exact dating of any one type must be considered
somewhat relative for discrepancies In the length of the
beard and forehead curls have been found to exist on
Individual coins and an Idealizing and more realistic
portrait style side by side. Nevertheless, a brief
summary of the evidence found will be useful in the dis­
cussion of the portraits in the round. First, an early,
realistic portrait type appeared which was distinctive
from any of the later forms. It showed the emperor with
a short beard which already tended to be forked and brushed
forward, distinguishing it from the contemporary coin por­
traits of Clodius Albinus. The hair was short and curly,
framing the forehead, and the hair line high, parted on
the side or cut straight across. The broad brow was
furrowed and the temples were often prominent. The moustache
was long and hid the upper lip. The direct glance indicated
a confident soldier emperor who was now in his late forties.
This type also showed some variation in its form during the
following years of its use until A.D. 196-197 when it was
replaced on the Roman coins by a new type. This new type
was characterized by a longer beard, divided into three
pointed curls. On some of these coins at least hanging,
separated curls were distinguished. This type continued
in popular use on the Roman coins until about A.D. 209
when it was replaced by a longer-bearded, idealized type
 77
without forehead curls. Just previous to this tine, a
lengthening of the beard was noted with a division into
four parted curls.
Allusions to both historical and mythological
prototypes were also found. In an early medallion por­
trait of A.D. 194 a possible reference to the Antonine
house and more specifically Antoninus Pius was observed.
The eastern coins of the years A.D. 196/197-202 revealed
a varying portrait type alluding to Marcus Aurelius. In
the years A.D. 200-202, Septimius associated himself with
the gods themselves, with Jupiter, Hercules, and Sol. He
was also represented with Atlas as a true Cosmocrator.
During Septimius* reign, his allusions fluctuate
between these historical and divine prototypes. Septimius*
becomes associated with historical prototypes in the
Antonine house during the period of the t'Wars of Succession"
when he establishes his claim to the throne over the other
pretenders. After his conquest in the East, he tabes on
the role or the woria-ruier, the Cosmocrator or the
Septizonium hall. Hence deification is indicated through
association with the gods of the heavens, Jupiter and Sol,
and with the Egyptian god of the lower world, Serapis.
Septimius is the "RESTITUTOR URBIS," the "FUNDATOR PACIS"
who establishes a new dynastic order which will insure the
"Eternity of the Empire." The essential message to the
Roman people is a promise of salvation, a king who would
 78
restore their trust In the Roman state after Its misuse
under Commodus and the praetorian guards. In the later
years of this reign we will find evidence that Septimius
returned again to an allusion to his Roman ancestors. 1
Septimius thus draws upon both his heritage in Roman im­
perial history and upon his eastern associations in his
concept of a divinized Saviour-Klng. His search for eter­
nal values for his new dynasty includes elements from both
Roman rationalism and eastern mysticism. The East and the
West are perhaps most embracingly combined in the image
of a new world Cosmocrator who has his ultimate origin in
the Eastern world.
The reign of Septimius Severus from A.D. 193 to
A.D. 211 stands between two eras: the era of the humanistic
and philosophic Antonine emperors and the Saviour-King
rulers who dominate the Late Antique Age of the third and
fourth centuries. Septimius' peculiar position between
the two periods is part of the particular fascination for
Ui« »LuUtu.L wl Lis ispcricl portraits. His reign, however*
cannot in any way be considered merely a transitional one.
Through the force of his own particular personality and
the determination acquired through the seeking of a prized
and ambitious goal, Septimius managed not only to seize the
imperial office but to give it new life through a new and
broadened ideological program, a feat which his immediate

^ e e below, pp. 326 ff.

 79
unsuccessful predecessors had been unable to accomplish.
He was able to synthesize within his program the varied
forces which were moving the complex and rapidly changing
empire of his day. Septimius took pains to ally himself
witti the great Roman political and religious traditions
of the past, but in his new concept of a centralized
power, he laid the foundations for the political and
ideological structure of the Late Antique Age of the
future. The unifying force behind his program is the
image of the Cosmocrator, allied to both the heavens
above and to the lowest world beneath. Septimius became
a "Saviour-King," but his personality never became com­
pletely absorbed with the divine, as with emperors to
i
follow. His watchword to his soldiers, "laboremus,"
expresses a man oriented to the real world of his day.
One feels a very human sympathy with the man who said
in his old age when troubled by sickness and the antagon­
ism of his sons left to carry on his rule, one of whom
even sought his father's death, "Omnia . . . fui et nihil
expedit. " 2
A realization of the broadened nature of Septimius'
theoretical basis of rule is important for the complex
study of the identification of the imperial portraits in
the round which, in their diversity, have embraced many

1 S.H.A.. "Severus," XXXIX, 4.

2Ibid. . XVIII, 11.
 80
long-bearded philosopher types. There has not been agree­
ment among scholars as to a basis for Identification In
Roman portraiture. There are those who maintain that all
portraits of one man must essentially appear alike,^ while
others hold that this theory of realistic portraiture is
2
not valid for the third century at least. The method
followed here has been first to evaluate the historical
evidence obtained from a study of the coins and medallion
types. A basis for a broadened interpretation of the
imperial portraits in the round has been suggested, indicat­
ing that representational consistency is not the primary
goal of the portraits to be considered. To what extent
these sculptures reveal the varied pictures found on the
coinage of Septimius as both a soldier, philosopher, and
Saviour-King is a problem yet to be considered, as well
as the complex issue of whether a diversity in iconography
3
is necessarily accompanied by a diversity in style. These

Bovini, G. "Gallieno: le sua iconografia e i

riflessi in ossa dcilc viccr.dc ctcrichc c cultural! del
tempo," Atti della Reale Accademia d ’Italia: memorie delle
classe dl sclenze morali e storiche. ser. VII, vol. 2,
fasc. 1, 1^41, pp. 115-166T, (particularly pp. 135-141).
For a discussion and criticism of Bovini*s premises see
Hadzi, op. cit., pp. 1-2.
2
See the comprehensive and basic study of the third
century portraits by L 1Orange, H. P. "Studien zur Geschichte
des spatantiken Portrats," op. cit.. and Hadzi's more
recent study, op. cit., pp. 1-7.
3
For a study of stylistic revivals in the third
century see: Schweitzer, B. "Altroemische Traditions-
elemente in der Bildniskunst des dritten Nachchr1stlichen
Jahrhunderst," Nederlands Kunsthistorlsch Jaarboek. Bussum,
 81
issues will be discussed again after an evaluation of the
historical evidence is completed by the study of the por­
traits of Septimius on the gems and historical reliefs.1

V, 1954, pp. 173-190, Although Schweitzer's study is

primarily a stylistic one, he also indicates that with the
revival of a late Republican portrait style in the second
quarter of the third century, the portrait types of
Republican art are also revived (p. 185).
^For the evidence found in this study for the rela­
tionship between a revival in iconography and style, see
pp. 358-360.
 CHAPTER TWO
THE EVIDENCE OF THE GEMS AND THE HISTORICAL RELIEFS
 CHAPTER TWO
THE EVIDENCE OF THE GEMS AND THE HISTORICAL RELIEFS

Several carved gens have played a role In the prob­

lem of the identification and chronology of Septimius'
portrait types. The most famous of these is the carved
sardonyx-cameo in the Cabinet des Medailles in the
Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. 1 It shows Septimius
with the radiate crown of Sol. Low, separated curls fall
2
down over the forehead, and the beard of medium length
Is brushed forward into four distinct curls. Julia Domna,
wearing the diadem, is placed behind him and opposite are
his two young sons, Caracalla and Geta. Of the two,
Caracalla alone wears the laureate wreath, indicating
that the cameo must have been carved between the years
A.D. 198-209, the time of Caracalla's joint reign with
Septimius. L'Orange specifically dates the gem to the

et modernes de la Bibllotheoue Nationale. Paris, 1897, i,

p. 156, #300. 'See our photo #2 1 .
2
Although curls do not appear quite clearly in our
photograph, #2 1 t a careful direct examination of the gem
in the Bibliotheque Nationale revealed the presence of curls.
This evidence is also supported by L*Orange who uses the
gem as an example of the Serapis type but offers a differ­
ent date for it. (Apotheosis, p. 76. "A cameo in Paris
dating from the time Immediately before 209 A.D. shows, on
the other hand, the locks hanging far down over the fore­
head and temples • . .**)
Miss Toynbee also noted the presence of Serapis curls
on the Paris cameo. ("Ruler-Apotheosis in Ancient Rome,"
loc. cit., p. 146.)
83
 84
time immediately before A.D. 209 on the basis of the ages
of the two boys.^ This date would malce Caracalla either
twenty-one or-twenty-three years of age, depending on when
2
one places the disputed date of his birth and Geta either
nineteen or twenty, again depending on whether one places
3
his birth in A.D. 189 or A.D. 190. The age of the two
boys represented in the cameo, however, is clearly younger,
and on the basis of a careful comparison of the cameo with
the coin portraits of the youths, evidence for a date any­
where between the years A.D. 198—A.D. 204 has been found
4
possible.

^L*0range, Apotheosis. p. 76 and n. 13 for further

bibliography.
2
See Hammond, "Septimius Severus, Roman Bureaucrat,"
loc. cit., pp. 160-162. Hammond cites more convincing
evidence for a date in A.D. 188. His view is the one
accepted in this study. Parker (op. cit.. p. 6 6 ) also
accepts a date in A.D. 188 for Caracalla*s birth. For a
summary of the evidence on both sides see Platnauer, op.
cit.. pp. 48-53.
3
Hammond, "Septimius Severus, Roman Bureaucrat,"
loc. cit., pp. 160-162.
4
For the coin type used by Caracalla between the
years A.D. 198-204 see our photo #120. For other examples
see Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 29, #9-12 (A.D. 198); pi. 30,
#15-17 (A.D. 19§); pi. 33, #9-10 (A.D. 201); pi. 37, #11-
16 (A.D. 202); pi. 38, #14 (A.D. 203); pi. 51, #2-3 (A.D.
204).
The portrait type of these years shows a young boy
with smooth, rounded cheeks and loose locks of hair
swirled to the side of the forehead. It is this portrait
type which is found on the Paris cameo.
On some of the coins of A.D. 202-204, however, a
new portrait type appears (Budde, Juaendbildnisse des
Caracalla und Geta. pi. 2e, p. 19; Mattingly and Sydenham,
 85
A date in this period would make Caracalla ten to sixteen
years old, using the date of A.D. 188 for his birthday,
and Geta nine to fifteen, using the most widely accepted
date of A.D. 189 for his birthday.

The Roman Imperial Coinage, pi. XII, #8 ). The child's face

has beenchanged to thatof an older boy. The face has
been lengthened and the hair is cut short with the curls
arranged straight across the forehead. By A.D. 205-206
this portrait type has become the rule and continued in
use until A.D. 209. For an example of this second youth­
ful portrait type see our photo #121 and Mattingly, B.M.C.,
V, pi. 40, #4-5 (A.D. 205-207); pi. 40, #11-12 (A.D. 266);
pi. 41, #1-9 (A.D. 206-210); pi. 51, #5 (A.D. 206).
Although side-burns may appear in the coin portraits
of Caracalla in the years A.D. 208-210 (ibid.. pi. 42, #11),
a chin beard does not appear until A.D. 209 (ibid.. pi. 53,
#5-7) to become the rule in A.D. 210. (See our photo #122
and ibid.. pi. 53, #18-20; pi. 54, #1-2; pi. 58, #5-9).
This analysis <£ the youthful coin portraits of
Caracalla agrees essentially with that given by Budde in
his study, Juoendbildnisse des Caracalla und Geta (pp. 19-
20). However, Budde's account i's slightly misleading for
he speaks of the beginning of "beard growth" in the por­
traits on the coins of A.D. 202-206. On the coin of A.D.
202-204, however, which he used to illustrate this group
(ibid.. pi. 2, e) both cheeks and chin are smooth. Further­
more, it is evident from his discussion that the coins really
only show "ein leichter Backenbart." (ibid.. p. 19) It is
thus on the coins of A.D. 209-211 that a true beard appears
(ibid., p. 2 0 ), conclusions also reached in this study.
The portrait type used by Geta on the coins of A.D.
198-203 closely resemble that of his brother. See our
photo #123 and Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 30, #10-13 (A.D.
198-200); pi. 48, #1 (A.D. 198-200); pi. 32, #6-20 (A.D.
200-202); pi. 33, #1-3 (A.D. 200-202).
On the coins dated between A.D. 203-208 an older
facial type appears which Is thick-set and has shorter
hair. See our photo #124 and ibid.. pi. 39, #6-13 (A.D.
203-208); pi. 50, #4-7 (A.D. 277577 On some of the coins
of A.D. 209 a chin beard appears (ibid.. pi. 42, #12-13)
while on others of this year only side-burns are used.
See our photo #125. On the coins of A.D. 210, as with
Caracalla, the chin beard now becomes the rule. See our
photo #126 and ibid•, pi. 54, #3-7; pi. 59, #1-8.
This analysis again essentially agrees with that
given by Budde (Juoendbildnisse des Caracalla und Geta.
 86
The portrait type used by Septimius on the Paris
cameo with the longer beard divided Into four forked curls
would also be possible at this time, although we have noted
that the division of the beard into three curls is the more
usual. Budde has suggested that the occasion for the
execution of the luxurious cameo was the celebration of
2
Septimius' "Decennalia." However, a different portrait
type has been suggested here for the commemoration of
Septimius' "Decennalia." The cameo rather finds its
closest association with a coin of Caracalla dated A.D.
201 which bears on its reverse the image of Septimius and
4
Julia with the same attributes of Sol and Luna. The same
type is used again in A.D. 202 on another coin of Caracalla5
but is not popular again. 5 One would suppose that the cameo

pp. 20-21). Budde, however, notes the beginning of "beard

growth” in the coin portraits of A.D. 203-208, although the
coin he uses for illustration (ibid., pi. 2 , 1 ) shows the
cheeks and chin smooth. Later in his discussion it is
apparent that he is again speaking of hair only on the
cheeks: "Schon 205 trltt gelegenlich ein kleiner Wangenbart
auf. • ." (ibid.. p. 21). It is on the coins of A.D. 210-
* +* * * r * Jf ___ 1. - ^ « J / -f V - l J _ 1 ^ *_ *
U i a u lie uaieb a uiaXaa jjcoau v P-i-• ^ 9 J•
These conclusions are in keeping with our study.
1For example, see Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 32, #3
(A.D. 200-201); pi. 35, #4-4 (A.D. 202). Note also our
discussion pp. 65-66.
2
Budde, Juoendbildnisse des Caracalla und Geta. p. 16.
3See above, pp. 68-71
^Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 33, #8 } our photo #120.
5 Ibid.. pi. 37, #11.
5This evidence is based on a study of Mattingly's
B.M.C., V. The double profile portraits of Septimius with
was also created at the tine when this particular symbolism
was in use. The portrait face of Caracalla found on the
coins of A.D. 201 and A.D. 202 is the same type as that
found on the cameo. In conclusion, a study of the coinage
has indicated that the portrait types used on the Paris
cameo for Septimius and his sons are possible anywhere
in the range of years between A.D. 198 and A.D. 204.
L*Orange's dating of the commencement of the Serapis type
in A.D. 204 cannot thus be considered conclusive. The
connection of the cameo with the coins of A.D. 201-202
further suggests the strong possibility of a specific date
for the cameo which would necessitate at least altering
L'Orange's dating of the Serapis type by two or three years.
Further evidence for a dating of the Paris cameo
before A.D. 204 is found on a Carnelian ringstone in the
Metropolitan Museum in New York where the portraits of
Septimius and his family also appear.1 The portrait of
Septimius is similar, with low curls hanging over the fore­
head. However, the beard appears tc be divided into three
sections and is somewhat longer in comparison with the
Paris cameo. The gem in the Metropolitan Museum also shows

the radiate crown of Sol and Julia with the crescent moon
are found only on the coins of Caracalla of the years
A.D. 201-202. (Our photo #120.)
■'■Richter, G. M. A. Catalogue of Engraved Gems.
Greek, Etruscan, and Roman. Rome. 19?<>, p. 493. #497, pi.
LX, Budde. JugendbTTdnisse des Caracalla und Geta. pi.
111a, and p. lS. Our photo #22.
 88
only Caracalla wearing the laurel wreath, indicating a
date between A. D. 198-209. However, in the ringstone
the faces of the sons are distinctly older and Caracalla
wears a short chin beard which we have noted does not
appear in the coin portraits before A.D. 209.1 Miss Richter
dates the stone in the years A.D. 208-209. If the artist
of the ringstone closely followed the portrait types in
current use as presumed, the coins Indicate that the date
of the gem can be further narrowed to the time before Geta
2
became Augustus after the summer campaign of A.D. 209.
A third gem in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris,
although of poorer quality than the above two mentioned
and possibly a provincial piece, should also be considered
with regard to the chronology of the Serapis-Septimlus
portrait type. Babelon describes the cameo showing
Septimius sacrificing over an altar with his two sons
beside him being crowned by victories. He identifies
the boy on the left sacrificing with his father as
Caracalla and notes a diadem on his head. Geta on the
right he describes as bare-headed. On a close, direct
examination of the gem, however, it appears that the boy
on the right wears a laurel wreath, although the small
i
See above, p. 84, n. 4.
^Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. CUCXVI.
Babelon, op. cit., pi. 157, #301. Our photo #23.
 89
size of the image coupled with Its crude workmanship
leaves a margin of doubt. Septimius* hair, however, is
clearly cut straight across the forehead with no indica­
tion of separated, hanging curls, and he wears a long
beard. The dedication in the exergue Is to the "Victory
of the Emperors," The boys both appear young and un­
bearded. To what victory this gem refers is a problem.
If both boys wear diadem or laurel wreath, the time in
Britain when all three were emperors between A.D. 209-211
would be indicated. If this be the case, the absence of
the hanging curls over Septimius* forehead is significant,
for it correlates with the coin evidence and indicates
that the Serapis portrait type was not the only one used
for later portraits of the emperor, which has hitherto
been the opinion held by scholars.
A fourth gem in the British Museum1 shows Septimius
in a cuirass with a short beard and unseparated locks
falling high across the forehead. The portrait can be
r e i a i e u to the o f the e e T l y j c m S o f Septliwlus'

reign, between A.D. 192-195, when the realistic, soldier

2
image dominates.

^Walters, H. B. Catalogue of the Engraved Gems and

Cameos. Greek. Etruscan, and Roman in the British MuTeum.
London, lMe", #2 6 2 !, pi.“5Kv.
2
Other gems which have been identified with
Septimius in the literature are: Walters, op. cit.. #2022,
p. 212; #4073, p. 383; #3242, p. 308. SwoSoda, Erich von.
Carnuntum: seine Geschichte und seine Denknaler. Vienna,
1949, pi. VIII, 41g. la, p. 3S (now lost). Bernoulli,
 90

Besides the gens, a small tondo painting of Septimius

and his family, originally from Egypt and now in the Staat-
llche Museum in West Berlin1 has also been used in the
dating of the portrait types. In this representation,
Septimius and Julia are turned toward the spectator, and
the emperor's eyes glance slightly upward and to his right.
Their crowns are decorated with elaborate jewels and they
are clothed in white robes trimmed with gold— all suggest­
ing the richness of a true eastern monarch. Septimius*
beard is of medium length, parted in the middle. There is
a difference of opinion regarding the presence of hanging,
corkscrew curls on Septimius' upper forehead which has now
been somewhat obliterated. L*Orange is of the opinion
that there are none, eliminating the painting from his

op. cit.. 5 . 29, c and Chabouillet, M. Catalogue general

et raTsonnc des camees et plerres gravees de la Bib-
TTothSaue Imperiale7 PairTsT n.d. . p. 2^3, ¥2l0fr. Bernoulli,
p. 29 e(Bernoulli does not accept the identification with
Septimius). Vermeule, C. Cameo and Intaglio Engraved Gems
from the g*M— »rvine Collection. University Museum,
Philadelphia, #289 and plateon frontispiece. The identi­
fication suggested by vermeule of Septimius for this rrag-
mentary piece seems most doubtful. The beard is unforked
and the idealized features suggest identification with a
god.
1Museum inv. 31.329. Measurements: diameter,
0.30 m.; height of head of Septimius, crown to end of
beard, 0.13 m. Neugebauer, K. A. "Die Famllie des
Septimius Severus," Die Antike. XII, 1936, pp. 155-172;
L*Orange, Apotheosis. p. 76, n. 12; Budde, JugendbHdnl_ss_e
des Caracalla und Geta. pp. 5—8, pi. 5. See our photo
¥27; Goethert,“T 7 W. "Die Sohne des Septimius Severus auf
dem Berliner Familienblld," Meue Beltrane zur klassischen
Altertumswlsaenschaft. Festschrift zun 60. Geburtstag von
R»rnhard Schweitzer.Stuttgart, 1954,pp. 361-363, pi. 81.
 91
discussion of the Serapis type. 1 Mrs. Baityt however,
following Neugebauer, Budde and other scholars, believes
there are curls and uses the tondo painting as evidence
for the dating of the commencement of the Serapis portrait
2
type. Careful, close scrutiny of the original by this
writer has also lead to the conviction that corkscrew
curls do exist on the mdallion portrait. The circular
3
spirals can also be seen in a new detailed photograph*
Geta and Caracalla, both crowned, are placed hieratically
in front of Septlsiius and Julia Domna. The head of the
boy on the left has been erased, evidently in ancient times.
Goethert in a recent article cites new, convincing evidence
4
for the identification of the missing face with Caracalla,
against the more popular, earlier view that Geta's head
had been erased in connection with his "dannatio memoriae. " 5

Apotheosis. p. 76 and n. 12. Diether Thimme agrees

with L»Orange and suggests that the reading might be upswept
hair.
2
Balty,"Un prototype officiel dans 1'lconographie
de Septlme severe," loc. ext.. p. 106, u. 1.
On the existence o^ hanging curls Budde writes:
"Schon Neugebauer a.O. 169 hatte die in die Stirn fallenden
Locken erwahnt. Anf guten Photos wie aur unserer Abbildung
1st die Rlchtigkeit dieser Beobachtung festzustellen. . . •
Vie durch das Berliner Medallion der Serapistyp bereits in
Jahre 199 belegt 1st. • •" (Juaendblldnisse des Caracalla
und Gejbe, p. 43, n. 3 ).
Miss Toynbee has also cited the presence of Serapis
curls in the painting tRuler-Apotheosis in Ancient Rome,”
loc. cit.. p. 146).
See our photo #24.
4 Goethert, "Die Sohne des Septimius Severus auf dem
Berliner Fanilienbild," loc. cit.. pp. 361-363.
5
Budde, Juaendblldnisse des Caracalla und Geta. p.
7 with reference to earlier bibliography.
 92
In any case, since the outline of a crown reaains, a date
after Geta became Caesar in A.D. 198 is indicated. The
young face of the crowned prince regaining has led scholars
to date the tondo painting in the years directly following
Geta's Caesarship, in A.D. 199-200.1 On the other hand,
Mrs. Baity gives a date of A.D. 202-203 for the Berlin
tondo in an attempt to adhere to L*Orange's dating of the
Serapis portrait type believed to have been initiated
after Septiaius' visit to Egypt, which occurred, however,
in A.D. 199. She justifies her later dating of the
medallion by concluding that the Serapis portrait type
was only created after Septiaius* return to Roae in
A.D. 202 and, in fact, associates the new type with the
celebration of the "Decennalia" which she dates in A.D.
2
203. The portrait of Septiaius on the Berlin tondo with

L*Orange, Apotheosis. p. 76, n. 12 with further

bibliography; Budde. Juqendb'ildnisse des Caracalla und
Geta. p. 7; Toynbee, "Ruler-Apotheosis in Ancient Rome,**
loc. cit., p. 146.
2
—< ^ w W ^ 'v W M _ U ^w
de Septiae Severe," loc. cit., p. 108, n. 1 (on p. 109);
"Me pourrait-on supposer avec suffisaaaent de vraiseablance
que c*est justeaent lors de son preaier contact approfondi
avec la religion de Serapis, en Egypte aeae, que Septiae
Severe a pour la premiere fois manifesto son desir de se
voir represente avec^les caracteristiques de son dieu
favori? Plus tard, a son retour a Roae et au aoaent de la
celebration des 'decennalia,* il aurait repris et generalise
une idee qui n'avait ete d'abord que le fruit de circon-
stances particulieres. Le medallion peint du Musee de Ber­
lin ne serait(ides lors que l*ancetre lointain, 1 'acconciateur,
du portrait *a Baches', recree en 204 et, par la suite,
repandu dans tout I'eapire.”
For her date of the "Decennalia" see also: Baity,
"Un nouveau portrait roaain de Septiae Severe," loc. cit.,
p. 196, n. 1. Compare our discussion above, p. 6 (J and n. 2.
 93
its spiral curls, the distinctive feature of the Serapis
type, is thus considered an "ancestor” or "announcer” of
the Serapis type. Concerning the youthful age of the
prince Mrs. Baity suggests that the artist of a snail,
decorative medallion would not have closely followed a
portrait model.
In conclusion, there does not appear to be con­
clusive evidence for a specific date for the Berlin tondo
painting. Judging from the coin portraits of Geta,
Goethert's identification of the tondo portrait is accepted
here, a date anywhere between the years A.D. 198 and A.D.
203 would be possible.1 However, other points may also
be mentioned which favor the dating of the medallion in
the years A.D. 199-200, The portrait face of Septimius
is free of any signs of age which, we will later note,
appear in some of his Serapi3 portraits in A.D. 202 and
2
later. The earlier suggestion that the tondo painting
was created during Septimius* stay in Egypt in A.D. 199-
•>
2 0 0 " still seems the most likely moment tor its creation.

We thus have further evidence that the Serapis portrait

type probably existed as early as A.D. 199 and even a
date in A.D. 203 necessitates a re-evaluation of the

^■See above, p. 84, n. 4.

2
See below, p. 253 and n. 2,
3
See above, p. 39. Also see L*Orange, Apotheosis.
p. 142, n. 12.
 94
usually accepted dating of the commencement of the Serapis
portrait type in A.D. 204.*
The representations of Septimius in the Roman his­
torical reliefs form the last pieces of external evidence
that can be brought to bear upon the Identification and
dating of the imperial portraits in the round. Only two
of the remaining Severan historical reliefs have safely
attributed portraits of Septimius: the arch of Septimius
at Lepcis Magna, the reliefs of which are now in the
Archaeological Museum in Tripoli, and the arch of the
Argentarii in Rome. The arch at Lepcis will be considered
first, since it is the earlier of the two in the opinion
of most scholars. The date of erection commonly accepted
is A.D. 203, in commemoration of a conjectured visit of
2
Septimius to Lepcis at this time. However, it must also
be noted that the coins indicate a probable visit to North
Africa also in A.D. 207. There is no remaining inscription

A portrait of Septimius in the crown of a flamen

represented in a. wosaic in Aquilclc has beer, suggested
by Rostovtzeff, op. cit., p. 598, n. 13, and represented
by Brusin, G. "Aquileia," Notizle deqll scavi di antlchita
communlcate alia R, Accademi'a Nazionale del' Lincel. 192^,
p. 227, and accompanying plate, fig. b. However, the
image is so small and the available photograph so poor
that it has been excluded from our present study.
2
Bartoccini, R. "L'arco quadrlfonte del Sever! a
Lepcis," Africa Italiana. IV, 1931, p. 152; Townsend, "The
Significance of the Arch of the Sever! at Lepcis," loc.
cit.. p. 522; L*0range, Apotheosis. p. 76; Ryberg, op.
cit., p. 160; Ward Perkins, "The Art of the Severan Age
in the Light of Tripolitanian Discoveries,” loc. cit..
p. 281.
to fix conclusively the date of the arch, and scholars
base their arguments mainly upon the interpretation of
the reliefs themselves. Significant to these arguments
are the presence of "tropaea" with captives in Persian
dress which seem to indicate a time after the Parthian
wears in the East from A.D. 197-202. However, Miss Townsend
connects the battle scenes with the history of Lepcis it­
self and notes that in A.D. 203 the Roman communities of
the area were attacked by desert tribes. She believes it
was this threat which initiated Septimius* trip to North
Africa and it is this particular imperial victory which
is commemorated on the arch. Mrs. Bober offers a varying
interpretation of the reliefs in an unpublished master's
thesis and supports a date of A.D. 203 or A.D. 204 for the
arch,*" If the arch dates as late as A.D. 204, however, it
would be contemporary with the arch of the Argentarii in
2
Rome. The suggestion has also been made by Miss Toynbee
that the arch could have been erected after Septimius*
death, namely between A.D. 211 and A.D. 212, on the basis
3
of the dominance of Caracalla in the relief scenes. This

1 Bober, Phyllis Pray. The Sculptures of the Arch of

Septimius Severua at Leptis Magna (unpub1ishe? Master's
Thesis, New York University, May, 1943), pp. 4-8.
2
See above, p. 11.
3
Lecture by Miss Toynbee at the University of
Munster in 1948, cited by Budde, Juoendbildnlsse des
Caracalla und Geta. p. 9 and n. 11.
 96
suggests that the date of A.D. 203-204 for the arch Is
not as fixed a point In the chronology of Septimius'
portraits as the present literature would lead us to be­
lieve, and the problem In Itself needs a separate study.
Such a task would Involve a complete re-evaluation
of all the possible archaeological evidence available on
the site of Lepcis Magna itself, in the Archaeological
Museum in Tripoli, and in the previous excavational
records. This was beyond the scope of the present study.
However, a summary of the evidence presently available
and the conclusions which can be drawn from it will be
presented here. If a conclusive date for the arch at
Lepcis Magna could be established, it would give at least
a date "ante quern” for the origin of the various imperial
portrait types represented. Such a conclusive date does
not appear possible, however, from the evidence presently
available, but a tentative re-dating of the arch appears
necessary and will be suggested here, subject to later
anu Mule extensive Xeyedicu. Wiiii this iu miuu, the ditu
at Lepcis Magna will not be used in our study as evidence
for the dating of any of the portrait types represented.
The arch still has importance for our study, however, be­
cause it at least gives visual evidence of a number of
portrait types which were evidently in contemporary use.
This evidence has been supported in our study of the portrait
 97
types and speaks against Mrs. Baity*s strict chronological
divisions of the portrait types.3.
To sunnarize the iconographic evidence which has
been used in the dating of the arch, a "teruinus post
quem” date for the arch can be established by the repre­
sentation of Parthian captives in several of the sculptures
and trophy reliefs. It is concluded that the arch must
have been erected after the conclusion of the Parthian
campaigns in A.D. 202. A Mterminus ante quern” date of
A.D. 211 can be established by the lack of any element
of apotheosis in the relief scenes as well as the inclu­
sion of Geta, who was murdered by his brother in A.D. 212.
There is evidence from coins and inscriptions of a visit
to Horth Africa by Septimius in A.D. 203-2042 which has
led scholars to suppose an actual visit of Septimius to
his native city and to interpret the relief scenes in
this light. However, it has already been noted there is
evidence from the coins of a second visit of Septimius to
* /--j _ n r\ •» 3 T*---4-T, ,-- „ * n OA7
X U A . U a X W U X W / ( X XXX U t b X M W X V. , x l i

Septimius commemorated the quarter millenary of the plan

1See above, pp. 13-15.

2
Murphy, op. cit.. p. 33; Hasebroek, op. cit.. pp.
132 ff.
3
See above, p. 73 and Mattingly, B.M.C., V, pp.
CLI, CLIX.
 98
to colonize Carthage, the capital city of North Africa.1
The account of Septimius' reign in the Scrintores Historlae
Auorustae also Indicates that Tripoli was freed from attack
2
during the later years of Septimius' reign. In conclu­
sion, while the reliefs commemorate in part a military
3
victory of Septimius, what victory this is cannot be
definitely ascertained. Thus, it appears that the date
of the arch cannot be settled on the basis of the
iconographic evidence alone.
The style of the reliefs has also been used as
evidence for a date in A.D. 203-204. Mrs. Bober cites
decorative affiliations with the Basilica Severiana and
the arch of the Argentarii in Rome. 4 However, other
scholars link the style of the reliefs to Asia Minor and
more specifically to Aphrodisias.^ In any case, advanced
Late Antique tendencies in the relief style such as the
hieratic frontality of some of the compositional groups
and the schematized use of the drill which is used to
form abstract patterns rather than to model plastic form,

^rant, op. cit. , p. 121.

2 "Severus," XVIII, 3.
3
Townsend, "The Significance of the Arch of the
Severl at Lepcis," loc. cit.. p. 514.
4
Bober, op. cit.. p. 6 .
5
See our discussion above, p. 50,
 99
have been noted by many.*1 Our study Ua3 revealed that
these particular tendencies become more apparent in
2
Septimius' later portraits, dating after A.D. 202.
Allowing for the possibility of regional differences in
style, the arch still appears closer to stylistic trends
in the later Severan period.
More concrete evidence obtained from a study of the
portrait types can be brought to bear on the problem of
the dating of the arch at Lepcis Magna. It has been noted
that both Caracalla and Geta appear without beards and this
fact has been used to support a date in A.D. 203-204 for
the arch. However, our study of the coin evidence has
indicated that chin beards do not appear on either youth
3
before A.D. 209 and do not become the rule until A.D. 210.
It was also noted that Caracalla*s boyish portrait with
the rounded face and loose lodes was replaced on some of
the coins of A.D. 202-204 by a new type which becomes
common on the coins of A.D. 205-206 and continues in use

Ward Perkins, "The Art of the Severan Age in the

Light of Tripolitanian Discoveries," loc. cit., pp. 289-
290; Brilliant, op. cit., p. 178; Ryberg, op. cit.. p. 160
and n. 56.
For these tendencies in style note particularly the
scenes of the Triumphal Procession where the emperor is
represented for the first time in the chariot in a strictly
frontal position and the scene of the Triumphal Sacrifice
where the drill creates a particularly bold, linear, non-
organlc pattern over the surface of the relief. (For
photographs see: German Archaeological Institute, Rome,
neg. 61.1695 and Archaeological Museum, Tripoli, neg.
Serie B 966.)
2
See below, pp. 253-263.
3See above, p. 84, n. 4.
 100
until A.D. 209.* The new type has lost its baby round­
ness and the hair Is now short and cut straight across
the upper forehead. It Is this type which is used for
2
the portraits of the prince on the arch at Lepcis Magna.
Also characteristic of the portrait type used in these
years between A.D. 202 and A.D. 209 is a short curl which
3
cones forward over the upper left cheek bone. This curl
can also be found In the portraits of Caracalla on the
arch.
Geta's portrait from the scene of the "Dextrarum
Iunctio" on the arch at Lepcis Magna also shows the shorter
hair style of his second portrait type which appears on his
4
coinage between the years A.D. 203-208. Thus, the evidence
of the coin portraits of the boys indicates the possibility
of a dating for the arch anywherebetween A.D. 203 and
A.D. 209. Caracalla at this time would be between fifteen
and twenty-one years old and Geta between fourteen and
twenty. These ages would still be appropriate to the relief
representations. The Interpretation of relief scales

*See above, p. 84, n. 4, and our photo #121.

2
Budde, Juaendblldnisse des Caracalla und Geta. pi.
6 and pp. 8-13.
3
See Mattingly and Syndenham, The Roman Imperial
Coinage, pi. XII, #3-4 (A.D. 206 and A.D. 2b7);“an3
Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 40, #18 (A.D. 206-210). See our
photo #1 2 1 , where the curl, however, is not quite so clear.
4See above, p. 84, n. 4 and Budde, Juqendbildnisse
des Caracalla und Geta. pi. 7. Note our photo #1^4.
 101
themselves, however, would seem to favor a date before
Geta's elevation to Augustus at the end of the summer
campaign In Britain in A.D. 209.1 The relief scenes
apparently show no indication of an elevated position in
keeping with Geta's new rank. In fact, Caracalla clearly
dominates the scene of the "Dextrarum Iunctio" while Geta
appears smaller and protected by his two seniors on either
side.^
Our study of the portrait types of Septimius has
also yielded new evidence which supports a later dating
for the arch at Lepcis Magna. The portrait type used by
Septimius in the scene of the "Dextrarum Iunctio" will
3
be identified as that of our "Nerva-Septiraius" type.
This portrait type cannot be dated earlier than A.D. 207
4
on the basis of the coin evidence. This evidence con­
flicts with the hitherto accepted date of A.D. 203-204
for the arch. On the basis of our study, it thus seems
possible that the monument should be dated, contrary to
generally held opinion, between the years A.D. 207 anu
A.D. 209. However, it is again cautioned that this date
is offered here only as an hypothesis to be verified when

Mattingly, B.M.C. , V, p. CLXXVI.

2
I am grateful to Dlether Thlmme for this particular
observation.
3See below, pp. 326-327.
4See below, [p. 32 6r*328.
 102
a complete re-study of the arch is possible.
On the arch at Lepcis Magna, Septimius appears in
seven of the remaining scenes, four of which have the
complete head preserved and another the outline of the
head and lower beard.^ Bartocinnl also connects an un­
attached, crowned and bearded head with the reliefs from
2
the arch, giving us six heads for consideration. The
best preserved of the portraits is the head from the scene
3
representing a "Dextrarum Iunctio." This portrait shows
an idealized face with a long beard, divided in the middle
and a bushy moustache cleft by a triangle to reveal the
center of the upper lip. The hair dips down over the
upper forehead in unseparated curls and is brushed inward
toward the temples. The face is long with the high fore­
head accented by the prominent temples, a characteristic
feature of Septimius noted in the portraits on the coins.
In profile, the relief portrait shows a three-parted
division of the long beard, while the hair on the upper

^For the two scenes which originally contained

portraits of Septimius, now lacking, see Bartocinnl,
"L’arco quadrifonte del Sever! a Lepcis," loc. cit., fig.
47 (Archaeological Museum, Tripoli, neg. B 1Js09) ; and
photo, Archaeological Museum, Tripoli, neg. D.L.M. 1196.
2
Bartocinnl, "L'arco quadrifonte del Sever! a
Lepcis," loc. cit.. fig. 64, p. 92, and our photo #31.
3
For interpretation of this scene see Townsend,
"The Significance of the Arch of the Sever! at Lepcis,"
loc. cit.. p. 518; photograph in Bartocinnl, "L’arco
quadrifonte del Sever! a Lepcis," loc. cit.. fig. 82, and
our photo #25.
 103
sides of the cheeks is rolled forward into a decorative
spiral curl. A comparison with the coin and medallion
portraits shows a close similarity of the relief portrait
with the new portrait type observed popular in the last
years of Septimius* reign, from A.D, 209-211. The curls
brushed toward the face, the lack of hanging curls over
the forehead, the long beard and idealized expression
can be closely related. The identification of the proto­
type for this new portrait form will be discussed in rela­
tion to the portraits in the round identified with this
type. 1
A relief from one of the pillars repeats the same
2
essential portrait type, although in a different style.
Here Septimius wears the dress of a priest with the toga
drawn over his head. Standing beside him are Hercules
and Caracalla and the sacrifice scene takes place in front
of a temple, perhaps at Lepcis. The nature of the scene
has not been fully identified. The head of Septimius,
with the long beard sectioned on each side into three
pointed curls, is much more crudely worked with the drill
than the head from the scene of the *'Dextrarum Iunctio"

1See Chapter VII. For discussion of related por­

traits in the round to this type and a varying date see
Baity, "Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime Severe,"
loc. cit., pp. 195-196.
2
Bartocinnl, "L'arco quadrifonte dei Sever! a
Lepcis," loc. cit.. fig. 45, and our photo #26.
 104
and the feattires are less well preserved.
On the facade of the arch, Septimius, flanked by
his two sons, appears In a triumphal chariot.^ Here a
different prototype is used for the emperor who is
crowned with the laurel wreath of victory, decorated by
hanging fillets. The hair is clearly brushed away from
the temples and rises above the forehead. The ears are
uncovered and the hair falls low on the back of the neck.
One cannot reconstruct the pattern of the curls of the
beard from the destroyed condition of the surface, but
it is not as long as that of the preceding type and the
curls are held into a mass, rather than being widely
separated as in the previous type. The side-burns, how­
ever, are waved forward, suggesting a relationship to the
previously described type. The upswept hair style of the
portrait in the relief suggests a relationship to the
later portraits of Marcus Aurelius which L'Orange relates
2
to Jupiter images. Furthermore, the coins revealed por­
traits* Septimius wearing the aegis of Jupiter in a, l>.

200-201. Moreover, a comparison of the profile of Septimius

in the triumphal scene with the head of Marcus Aurelius
from one of the reliefs in the Palazzo Conservator! show­
ing a sacrifice scene in front of the temple of Jupiter

1 Bartocinnl, "L'arco quadrifonte dei Severi a

Lepcis," loc. cit.. pp. 94-114, fig. 75, and our photo #27.
2
Apotheosis. pp. 6 6 -6 8 .
3
See above, p. 67.
f

105
Optimus Maximus In Rone reveals close similarities.* The
sane upswept hair, typical of Marcus Aurelius' later por­
traits, is seen in both, but particularly significant is the
similar pattern of the beard which is pulled under the chin
and forns separated curls only on the sides. Although the
head of Septimius in the relief is badly worn, nevertheless,
the pattern is the same and the reference to Marcus Aurelius
would explain the lack of separated beard curls distinc­
tive of Septimius. It would seem that we have here a
definite portrait allusion to Marcus Aurelius, and more
specifically to the divinely enhanced Jupiter-like Marcus
of his later years. This particular portrait type has
been found represented only on the eastern coins and one
must conclude that the type originated in the East after
A.D. 195, the date of Septimius* claim to adoption. One
would expect that this "Marcus Aurelius-Jupiter" type
might appear in the portraits in the round.
Septimius also appears with the Jupiter-like
v
tf w w w t*
4-V»
I— h+t*. w WAH-A *4t i W
-■
Q U ALi
-i j.t-
M 4 . U 4
-
CL

great mane of god-like hair which falls down to his

shoulders in another sacrifice scene on the north face
2
of the arch. The sacrifice here must be connected with

^egner, oj>. cit. , pi. 28, upper right and our

photo #28.
2
Bartocinnl, "L'arco quadrifonte del Severi a
Lepcis," loc. cit.. fig. 100, pp. 132 ff.; Townsend, "The
Significance of the Arch of the Severi at Lepcis," loc.
cit.. p. 521, and our photo #30.
 106
the triumphal ceremonies when the emperor traditionally
paid vows to Jupiter. Mrs. Ryberg, in her interpretation
of the scene, indicates that Septimius is the actual
recipient of the sacrifice rather than participating in
it, which could account for his more god-like interpreta­
tion with the lengthened hair.1 Septimius' beard is shown
in the full and bushy form of the previous portrait. Al­
though the surface of the beard is badly worn, the general
form which is pulled under the chin and held in a mass
rather than dividing into separate curls can be observed.
It would seem that Septimius' choice of the late
Marcus Aurelius portrait type rather than an earlier type
was conceived with dual intent. The inscriptions indicate
2
that Septimius was now the son of the "Divinized Marcus"
and thus, logically Septimius would choose the divinized
portrait form of the emperor. He could then simultaneously
be portrayed as both Marcus Aurelius and Jupiter and
therefore, divine in his own right. The interpretation
Oi Lite i c l l o l s c e iie s a t L e p c is b y K rs . R y L c rg d e c

ports this interpretation.

This long-haired Jupiter portrait type is also the
one used for the single head Bartocinnl identifies with
Septimius and associates with the arch. The individual
features of Septimius here appear to have been completely

^Ryberg, op. cit.. p. 161.

2
See above, pp. 29-30.
3
See above, p. 102, n. 2.
 107
Identified with those of the god. It must be noted this
Jupiter type with the long hair has not been found in the
existing coinage. It Is possible that the artist of the
relief received his inspiration for the particular por­
trait type chosen from an existing model in the round.
It does not necessarily follow, however, that we will be
fortunate enough to have examples remaining of each of the
portrait types found represented on the coinage and reliefs.
The last remaining head of Septimius on the arch
at Lepcis is preserved in outline only, but the complete body
of the emperor remains. The seated figure in the center
of the Capitoline Triad relief has already been discussed
and identified with its statuary prototype, Bryaxis' image
of Serapis.1 L*Orange states that there are no portraits
of the Serapis type with the hanging curls on the arch at
Lepcis, although he convincingly associates the statuary
type of the Capitoline Triad with Serapis. Although the
head here is apparently lacking, the natural conclusion
of the statuary reference is the restoration of the por­
trait of Septimius with the hanging Serapis curls, which
appears in so many of his portraits in the round and is
visible also on the coins and gems.
It is the Serapis portrait type with four distinct
hanging curls that is used for the image of Septimius on

1Bartocinni, ,,L ,arco quadrifonte del Severi a

Lepcis," loc. cit., fig. 48, and above, p. 37. Our
photo #32.
2
See above, p. 37, n. 5.
 108
the arch of the Argentarii In Rome.* The date of Its
erection is securely placed between December 10, A.D. 203
and December 9, A.D. 204 by the dedicatory inscription on
2
the attic. The arch was erected by the Silversmiths
guild, evidently in appreciation for the re-establishment
of fair trade laws under the Severan administration, an
indication of Septimius* judicial concerns. It is also
during Septimius' administration, under the leadership
of the great jurists, Ulpian, Papinian and Paul, that
Roman law was greatly enriched and strengthened in its
3
humanitarian tendencies. The largest portrait of Septimius
on the arch is found on one of the passage way reliefs
where he is represented with Julia Domna and probably
Geta4 (now erased) mafcing a libation over the fruits of
the "Dii Penates." Mrs. Ryberg again believes that the
object of worship here is the "divina domus" itself and
that Septimius, turned frontally toward the viewer, plays
the double role of both Pontifex Maximus, chief priest of
the state religion, and of divine ruler.^ ihis interpreta­
tion of the scene is strengthened by Septimius' association

^Haynes, D. E. L. and P. E. D. Hirst. Porta

Argentariorun (Supplementary Paper. British School, Rome),
London, l£i£, fig. 6, and our photo #33.
2
Ibid., pp. 3-13.
3
For discussion of the importance of Severan law for
later Roman law, see Hammond, "Septimius Severus, Roman
Bureaucrat," loc. cit., pp. 151-152.
4Budde, Entstehunq des antlken Representations-
bildes, p. 6, pi. 6.
5
Ryberg, op. cit., pp. 138-140.
with the god Serapis through the portrait type. He Is
shown with the toga drawn over his head in the official
robe of the priest, while four god-like, Serapis curls
fall low over his forehead. The beard is long and divided
in the middle with the full lips seen beneath the moustache.
A triangular cleft of the upper moustache, a frequent
feature in Septimius* iconography, is again visible. The
facial type is square rather than long. The cheeks are
broad and the eyes wide and staring, befitting a divinely
enhanced being. The cutting of the beard is crude with
coarse drill work used to outline the main forms of both
the hair and beard. The portrait is an important one for
the study of the imperial portraits for it is the first
surely identified portrait of the emperor alluding to
Serapis that we have in a conclusively dated context.
Thus, the date of the arch in A.D. 204 has been used by
L*Orange and followed by later scholars as a dividing point
in the imperial iconography for the establishment of the
main Serapis portrait type. In so doing, the date of the
Berlin tondo painting and the fine cameo In the Bibliotheque
Nationale where Serapis curls are also indicated are definite
stumbling blocks. Also the compiled evidence from the coins
given here indicates an earlier existence for the portrait
type,^ and the arch of the Argentarii cannot, therefore, be
considered any longer as a neat dividing point for the
establishment of the type. Rather, the arch only fixes a

XSee above, pp, 34-36.

 110

date when the type must already have been In popular use.1
The arch of the Argentarli and the triumphal arch at
Lepcis Magna give us the only safely attributed portraits
of the emperor in historical reliefs. On the monumental
arch of Septimius erected in A.D. 203 at the western end of
2
the Forum Romanum after Septimius' victories in the East,
no portrait heads of the emperor remain today, although he
3
originally appeared in a number of the crowded scenes.
Likewise, the portrait of Septimius in the relief in the
4
Palazzo Sacchetti in Rome is now lacking its head.

There are also two other small portrait heads of

Septimius on the arch, appearing in the praetorian
standards decorating the pilasters of the west and east
piers. (Haynes and Hirst, op. cit., figs. 2223, pp. 38-
39; Budde, Juaendblldnisse des Caracalla und Geta. pp.
13-14, pi. I d The portraits show the same Serapis type,
indicating the popularity of the form for the portraits
of the emperor made at this time.
2The date of its erection is fixed by the attic
inscription. See C.l.L.. VI, 1033.
3Thls evidence has been confirmed by Professor
Richard Brilliant of the University of Pennsylvania who
is presently working on a publication of the arch.
^Por the dating of the reliefs in A.D. 205 and
their interpretation see Budde, L. "Severisches Relief
in Palazzo Sacchetti,” J.D.A.I., 1955, pp. 1-71, and
especially p. 55. For a more recent discussion of the
portrait identifications see Budde, Juqendbildnisse des
Caracalla und Geta. pp. 14 ff.
Bernoulli mentions another Severan relief formerly
in the Palazzo Rondinini in Rome which contains a portrait
of Septimius (p. 28, #86). G. A. Guattani illustrates
the relief in an engraving of 1786 (Monument! antichi
inediti owero notizle sulle antichlta _e belle artl di
Roma. 1784-1786. pi. I, p. XXXII).The picture of the
seated, bearded figure in the engraving is so generalized,
however, that it cannot be used in an evaluation of the
imperial portraits. The present location of the relief
is unknown to this writer. One can only hope that it will
 Ill
There have been two other portraits from reliefs
Identified with Septiaius in recent literature. One is
fron a sacrifice scene decorating the central niche of
the "scaenae frons" of the great theatre at Sabratha in
North Africa. Septiaius has been identified as the figure
to the left of the altar extending a patera to a caaillus
at his left.1 The features of the face are now completely
destroyed. All one can really observe is that it is a
bearded head, lacking hanging curls on the forehead. The
bearded figure at his right, however, who has been tenta­
tively identified as Plautianus, does appear to have remains
of low hanging curls over the forehead. The logical posi­
tion in a sacrifice scene for the emperor is beside the
altar. However, the scene at the immediate right end of
the relief has been interpreted by Mrs. Ryberg as an oath
of loyalty by the array at Sabratha to the ruling city of
Rome. The scene on the left might then be interpreted as
a civil oath, the act of sacrifice being performed by a
city official while the emperor stands beside him. It is
also a question whether Septimius' Serapis hair style with
the hanging curls was ever adopted for private use, in
2
which case neither figure need necessarily be Septimius.

come to light in the future and its significance can be

evaluated for the study of the portraits of Septimius.
^Ryberg, op. cit., p. 136 and n. 52 for earlier
bibliography; Caputo, G. II teatro dl Sabratha £
1 *archltettura teatrale afrlcana. Rome, 1^59, pp. 19-20,
pi. 40, fig. 71. See our photo #34.
2
Hanging curls have been found in one private
 X12
In any case, the portrait heads of both the bearded
figures are too destroyed to be of any real significance.
In the area of Aphrodisias in Asia Minor a snail
pediment relief has recently been found which contains
a bearded portrait on a draped bust whose lower edge is
encircled with acanthus leaves.^ The relief is now in
the museum in the Culture Park at Izmir (Nr. 1200). Jucker
notes that the round face and hair style are different
from any other Identified portraits of Septimius Severus.
However, he concludes because of the paludamentum and the
place of finding near an important building, that the
portrait must be an imperial one. He places the style
In the early Severan age and thus concludes that it must
be a "unique" portrait of Septimius, an original creation,
by a provincial artist from Aphrodisias.
The man represented in the relief bust at Izmir
with his thin, long locks wreathing the whole forehead
and his short, curly, undivided beard is indeed very dif­
ferent from any portraits of Septimius identified here.

portrait from the Athenian Agora which has sometimes been

attributed to Septimius on the basis of its hair style.
Miss Harrison, however, in her publication of the portraits
of the Agora, suggests an identification with some Roman
official of the early Antonine period who was honored by
the Athenians. Her evidence of the dating of the head on
stylistic grounds is convincing. The hanging forehead curls
also tend to be held in a mass rather than separated as in
the Serapis iconography (Harrison, E. B. The Athenian
Agora. Vol. I, Portrait Sculpture. Princeton, New Jersey,
1951, #28, pp. 38-40, pi. 19).
^Jucker, op. cit., pp. 102-104, pi. 42. See our
photo #35. I am in debt to Miss Rosenbaum of the British
Archaeological Institute in Ankara, Turky, for our photograph.
 113
Furthermore, the paludamentum was a badge of a general
as well as an emperor until the third century. Dr. Helga
von Heintze of the German Archaeological Institute in
Rome in a forthcoming review of Jucker*s book in Gymnasium
dates the piece in the second century and believes it is
a portrait of a private individual.1 A date at the end
of the second century when the drill is still used to
define the shape and plasticity of the individual curls
of the hair and beard as illustrated in the head in Izmir
would appear most appropriate. The iconography of the
portrait clearly separates it from Septimius. The pos­
sibility that it is an idealized and "Hellenized" portrait
of Septimius must also be rejected, for it cannot be
associated with any of the symbolic portrait types of the
emperor. Perhaps it is a portrait of one of Septimius'
generals from his eastern campaigns. A number are men­
tioned in the sources as playing an important role, particu-
2
larly Laetus who was especially beloved by his soldiers.
In these first two chapters, the literary sources,
coins and medallions, gems, painting, and historical re­
liefs have been examined for knowledge of portraits of
Septimius which can be identified on external grounds.
Various portrait types have been identified and their
chronology indicated as far as the evidence will allow.

1I am particularly grateful to Dr. Heintze for

allowing me to read her forthcoming review in proof form.
2
Cassius Dio, op. cit., epitome of bk. LXXV, 10, 3.
The question remains, to what extent do the coin, gem, and
relief portrait prototypes overlap? The realistic, soldier
type found on the early coins and the idealized type, al­
luding to Antoninus Pius, were not found illustrated in.
the reliefs. The type with the medium length, divided
beard with hanging, separated forehead curls found on the
coins of Septimius' middle period of rule and also illus­
trated in the cameo in Paris and the tondo in Berlin, must
be associated with the Serapis type on the arch of the
Argentarii. The long-bearded, idealized portrait type with
hair combed inwards toward the temples and lacking separated
curls on the forehead, used for the portrait of Septimius
in the "Dextrarum Iunctio" scene on the arch at Lepcis,
was related to the late coins of Septimius. The type
is continued for the Divus portraits of Septimius appearing
on the coins of A.D. 211. The Marcus Aurelius portrait type
appears only on eastern coins and the Jupiter type with the
long hair found on the arch at Lepcis was not found on the
coinage. From the evidence remaining, there would appear
to have been in existence at least a half a dozen different
portrait models for Septimius, with their respective stylis­
tic variations.
Since we have in these first two chapters dealt with
the dated evidence, one portrait in the round should be in­
cluded in our framework. It is the only portrait remaining
which can be definitely dated and identified with Septimius
on the basis of independent, external evidence. This portrait
 115
is a posthumous, colossal head found In the temple at
Djemila In Algeria which was dedicated to the "Gens Septimla"
by Alexander Severus In A.D. 229.* The bearded head was
found with a colossal female portrait bearing the charac­
teristics of Julia Domna. The male head shows the long,
divided beard so characteristic for Septimius, and the broad
forehead is framed by the hair swept upward. This posthumous
portrait of the emperor cannot be associated in all its de­
tails with any one of the portrait types found, although the
long beard and upswept hair connect it most closely with the
Marcus Aurelius-Septimius portrait type. The drastically
schematized style of the colossal head in Djemila which shows
an advanced use of the drill in long, linear channels in the
beard and hair, has Completely altered the original prototype.
The increased hieratic frontality and domination of the
colossal, upward staring eyes carries the super-human con­
cept of the emperor to new heights. This portrait will be
discussed again in the following study of the sculptural
portrait types." The fixed date of the head from Djemlla
will also be helpful in dating other posthumous portraits
in the round of the emperor, and thus can be used with the
coins, gems, and historical reliefs as evidence in the
reconstruction of Septimius* portrait chronology.

*Leschi, L. Djemila, antique Cuicul, Alger, 1949,

fig. 1, and p. 31. 1 am especially grateful to Mr. David
Maxwell for the photographs of the portrait used here, #36.
2
See below, p. 214.
 CHAPTER THREE
THE EARLIEST OFFICIAL IMPERIAL PORTRAIT TYPE
 CHAPTER THREE
THE EARLIEST OFFICIAL IMPERIAL PORTRAIT TYPE

The first portraits on the coins minted by Septimius

in Rome in A.D. 1931 show little dependence on any predeces­
sor. The portrait is an individualized one and of all the
portrait types found, it may be considered the closest
in the representation of Septimius' idiosyncratic features.
The face is that of a young soldier and the reverse legends
with their predominantly military themes indicate the suit-
2
ability of the type. Septimius Is represented with a
short, curly beard which tends to come forward beyond the
line of the chin. The hair is also short and curly and
reveals the rounded form of the skull. The curls over the
upper forehead sure arranged in a curved triangle which
leaves the temples bare. The forehead itself is broad and
high and sometimes furrowed. The nose is straight and the
upper lip is covered by a bushy moustache which juts out­
ward characteristically. The eyes are directed confidently

1There is no evidence that coins of Septimius were

struck in Pannonia during the first months of his reign.
(Mattingly, H. "The Coinage of Septimius Severus and His
Times," Hum. Chr.. 1932, p. 187.
^Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 6, #1, Rome; pi. 20,
#1-6, Rome; pi. 15, #<>-10, Emesa (?); pi. 14, #9-16,
Alexandria (7). Also see our photos #127 and #128.
117
 118
ahead and the planes of the face are smooth and broad.
No portraits In the round have been definitely associated
with the coin portraits of A.D. 193.
This earliest portrait type is used on the coinage
until the years A.D. 196-197.1 Some variation of the
type, however, occurs on a number of the Roman coins of
2
A. D. 194. In these portraits of the emperor the bulge
of the brow is increasingly stressed, and the beard is
fuller with the hair curls more plastically indicated.
The straight nose is replaced by a thickened and more
irregular one. The planes of the cheeks show an increase
in plastic modeling. However, the hair and beard length
remain essentially unchanged, as well as the proportions
of the facial type. This would seem to indicate the
occurrence of a "sub-type" rather than the creation of
an entirely new type, based on a new "imago." This "sub-
type," designated in the catalogue under "A," is the
3
popular one in use on the Roman coins until A.D. 196-197
«mu is f u a u u uu tiie easttsJuu c u i u b e v c u luuybi'. ^

These varying features which stress an increased Interest

XIbid.. pi. 9, #1-6, Rome (A.D. 196); pi. 17, #1-17,

Emesa (A.D. 194-196).
2
See our photo #129.
^Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 25, #9, Rome (A.D. 196-
197).
4
See above, p. 59, n. 2.
 119
In plastic fora are especially narked on sone of the coins
ninted in Asia Minor. For example, a coin fron Perperene
in Mysla bears a particularly powerful portrait of
Septiaius with the new, heavier profile.3*
The question naturally arises, why did such varia­
tions on the original prototype occur? Some scholars
would lead us to believe that they were the result of
nature, the personal taste of the emperor, or the differ-
2
ence in style of the executing artists. Others claim
that a deeper meaning may be found through a comparative,
3
iconographic study. This interesting question cannot be
fully answered in relation to this particular portrait
type of Septimius from the evidence which is now available.
However, there is some evidence for the later view that a
deliberate symbolic allusion was intended in this variation
of the portrait type illustrated on some of the Roman and
eastern coins.
Typical to the representations of the classical
Heru, Hercules, are a full, tightly curled beard, some­
times parted in the middle, short, curly hair, and a swell­
ing, dominating, furrowed brow. This bearded Hercules type
enjoyed great popularity in Rome, and it is thus perhaps

1See our photo #130.

2
Toynbee, "Ruler-Apotheosis in Ancient Rome,** loc.
cit., p. 145.
^L'Orange, Apotheosis. pp. 54 ff.; Hadzi, op. cit..
pp. 1-4.
 120
More than coincidence that Septimius' altered portrait
i
forn eMphasizes just these features. Septimius' special

association with the hero-god has previously been Men­

tioned in connection with the Medallion of A.D. 202 where

2
Septinius is shown wearing Hercules' lion-skin hood.
The portrait used on the nedallion shows a longer, divided
beard and a straight nose which distinguishes it fron the
first official portrait type of the emperor, and, in fact,
fron any of the other sculptural portraits of Septinius.
Moreover, no portrait of Septimius wearing the lion-skin
hood has been found on the earlier coins or Medallions.
However, a special honoring of Hercules and Liber as the
"Di Auspices'1 of Septimius and the patron gods of his native
3
city occurs on the coinage of A.D. 194.
Further reasons for associating Septimius with
Hercules have already been discussed in relation to the
medallion portrait, as well as precedents for the use of
the attributes of Hercules.4 There is also imperial

^Particularly popular in Roman art is the "Hercules

Farnese" type which has been attributed to Lyslppos. See
Johnson, F. P. Lvsippos. Durham, N.C., 1927, pp. 197-200
for a list of replicas and discussions by Bieber, op. cit.,
p. 37 and Brunn, H. and F. Bruckmann, Denkmaler grTechlscher
und romischer Sculptur, Munich, 1888-1947, pi. 28S.
Compare profile views of our portrait in Los Angeles
(photo #44) with the head of Hercules from a statue in the
Vatican (our photo #132) or with the head of Hercules in
Boston (our photo #131).
2
See above, p. 68.
3
See our photo #34.
4
See above, pp. 68-71.
 121
precedent for an alteration of the essential portrait
iconography with reference to images of the hero-god.
it has been noted that the later coin portraits of
Commodus show an adaptation of Hercules' fe.atures such as
the massive beard and broader facial type.1 The source
of the Hercules allusion for the Roean world was Alexander
2
the Great, and it is significant to note that the coins
of Hercules during Alexander's lifetime assume the features
of the ruler. It is also true that on the coins of his
successors the head of Hercules is often replaced by that
of Alexander.* Thus, an allusion to Hercules could also
incorporate a reference to the great conqueror of the East.
Such a portrait allusion to Hercules-Alexander would be
appropriate for Septimius during this time of his own
eastern campaigns.
The similarity of this portrait type used by
Septimius with the images of Hercules has caused some con­
fusion in the identification of the portraits of the emperor
in Uio round. Dr. Caputc hac recently identified a bearded

^L'Orange, Apotheosis. pp. 68-70 and fig. 43. For

other coin portraits of Commodus note Mattingly, B.M.C.,
IV, pi. 96, #14 (A.D. 186-189); pi. 108, #7 (A.D. 188-189).
2
Anderson, "Hercules and His Successors," loc. cit..
pp. 7-58.
3
Ibid., p. 28. Compare also coins of Alexander and
Hercules, Babelon, J. and J. Roubier, Great Coins and
Medals. London, 1959, pis. 15-16.
4
Anderson, "Hercules and His Successors," loc. cit.,
p. 28.
 122
head found In the theatre at Lepcls Magna and now In the
Archaeological Museum in Tripoli with Septinius.^ However,
the upswept hair, large curls of the beard, and narrower,
bulging brow find their exact parallel in the images of
the god, and the head cannot be related to any of the other
portraits of Septimius. Its significance for our study
lies only in the possibility that it illustrates the type
of Hercules model which may have given inspiration to the
imperial portrait type.
There are, however, a group of portraits in the
round which can be identified with the coin portraits of
Septimius1 first imperial type. But this group of por­
traits, the finest example of which are in the Palazzo
2 3
Braschl in Rome and in a private collection in Los Angeles,
has also been the source of confusion. They have been
variously attributed to both Septimius and to his rival,
4
Clodius Albinus. Consequently, the whole group of
attributions to Clodius Albinus have been reconsidered in
a_* ^ ^ ^ H-o. L. »<» W W h v W w ■■ W

those portraits from this group which can be most probably

^See our photo #46. For discussion, see Caputo, G.

^Ritratto leptitano di Settimlo Severo-Ercole," Hommaqes
a Albert Grenier. Collection Latomus. LVIII, part IT, 1$62,
pp. 3#l-3d5, pi. LXXkviII-XC.
2See our photos #40 and #42.
3
See our photos #41 and #44.
4
See above, p. 7.
 123
identified with Clodius Albinus. The similarity of
Clodius Albinus' iconography with the first official por­
trait type used by Septimius has caused confusion among
scholars. Clodius Albinus himself also claimed associa­
tion with Hercules who extended his patronage to Albinus'
African home city of Hadrumetum.1 Recognizing the
similarities in the iconography of both the sculptural
and numismatic portraits of the two emperors, an attempt
has been made to identify the unique and distinguishing
features of Clodius Albinus. There is one portrait in
the Museo Capitolino which bears these distinguishing
features and has been attributed here to the rival emperor
who as Septimius' Caesar fro* A.D. 193-195 must have
enjoyed portrait honorings in Rome and in the provinces.
Six other portraits can be closely related to the por­
trait in the Capitoline and form the bulk of our attribu­
tions. The evidence for the particular attributions will
be included in the discussion of the individual portraits
In iiie catalogue.
The style of the portraits of the first imperial
type considered as a whole shows a continuation of the
Antonine style of the previous era. The broad, smooth
forms are contrasted with the lively and impressionistic
treatment of the beard and hair. The heads are powerfully
conceived in natural three-dimension3, and the expression

^See above, p. 63 and n. 3.

 124
is that of the confident soldier-hero who rules with force
and dynamic power.
Two portraits in the round from Egypt may be related
to this first official portrait type but they show common
variations in both style and iconography which indicate
that they derive from a different, sculptural prototype
of their own. Both the Palazzo Braschi group and the two
portraits from Egypt show the emperor as a young, energetic
soldier, and the hair and beard are rendered in the same
short curls held in a mass. However, the two portraits
from Egypt, the one attached to a statue now in the British
Museum,1 the other formerly on the Cairo art market (present
2
location unknown), both show a shorter beard and a facial
type which is squatter in its proportions. The hair is
also cut shorter in both and the curls fall in a similar,
flat, half-circle across the upper forehead. Because of
these variations from the first official portrait type,
the two closely related portraits from Egypt have been
designated as another "sub-type." This "sub-type",
designated as "Bn in the catalogue, can be closely related
to the portraits of the emperor on the coins of the Syrian
city of Laodicea ad Mare, minted in the years A.D. 194-196.^

■^See our photo #37.

2
See our photo #39.
3
See our photo #38 and Mattingly, B.M.C., V, pi.
19, #1-2.
 125
This city was to play an Important role In the period
of Septinius' eastern campaigns.1 This particular coin
type with the clear, geometrical outline of the skull
has not been found on any of the Roman coins. One thus
presumes that this particular "sub-type B" had its origin
in the East, and judging fron the provenience of the two
remaining replicas, enjoyed its popularity there.
The two portraits from Egypt also share stylistic
similarities. The portrait statue in the British Huseun
and the lost head from the Cairo art narket share a con­
cern for abstraction in their simplified planes and their
emphasis on the cubic structure of the skull which is
clearly revealed beneath the closely cropped hair curls.
Both portraits renounce the coloristic use of the drill
in the beard and hair which is so typical of Antonine art.
The head in the British Museum, however, shows an advanced
schematization in the patterning of the short drill channels
used in the beard and hair while the head from Cairo aban­
dons the drill completely. The particular power or expres­
sion in the later head comes from the domination of the
large eyes which are deeply drilled by means of large,
single holes. The resultant fixed expression of the por­
trait gives the Impression to the observer of removal from
2
the natural emotional world.

1Ibid., pp. CXXII-CXXIV.

2
Miss Harrison has also noted in the head from
Cairo: "the greater emphasis on the eyes with their wide,
 126
Related to the two portraits fro* Egypt Is a bronze
portrait fron Brescia In northern Italy which has been
identified with Septinius.1 It shares with then the sane
short hair style with the flat, half-circle of curls fall­
ing over the forehead. The planes of the face are also
simplified, and a geonetric, cubic structure of the skull
is stressed. However, the beard in the bronze head is
longer and the pointed curls relate the head to the later
2
portraits of Septinius. Indeed, the portrait from Brescia
cannot be considered a replica of any one of Septinius'
portrait types nor has a replica been found of it. Thus,
it has been listed in the catalogue as an independent
variation of the first official portrait type.
The varying iconography of the portrait in Brescia
has led to scholarly debate concerning its identity. Ber­
noulli1 and Lehmann4 identify the head with the ill-fated
Didius Julianus. The coin portraits of Dldius Julianus,
however, show a much different profile. The beard of the
older man is long and bushy and the nose iu Im s ■ straight

shallow pupils" and "an almost geometrical organization

in to simple planes and lines." (o p . cit.. p. 40, n. 3)
1See our photo #43, catalogue #8.
2
Compare the bronze head from Cyprus, our photos
#67 and #69.
3
Bernoulli, op. cit., p. 11.
4
Kluge, K. and K. Lehmann-Hartleben, Die antiken
Grossbronzen, Berlin and Leipzig, 1927, II, pp. 46-42,
fig. T.
5Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 4, #1.
 12 7
line with the forehead, rather than breaking at the bridge,
a distinctive feature of the bead In Brescia. Poulsen
was the first to Identify the head with Septinius Severus
and compares It to the early portraits of the emperor with­
out the frontal curls.* His identification has been upheld
2
by succeeding scholars and is the one accepted here. Host
recently Jucker calls the portrait in Brescia a provincial
version of L*Orange*s "Leptis" type without the frontal
3
curls.
The head in Brescia, however, shows distinctly dif­
ferent iconographic features from L'Orange’s "Leptis" type,
represented in the portrait of Septimius in the relief of
4
a "Dextrarum lunctio" on the arch from Lepcls Magna. In
the relief portrait from the arch, Septimius is represented
with a long beard, divided into six long, hanging curls
and the side whiskers are arranged in a decorative role
hanging from the ears. Moreover, the decided forward
direction of the curls around the face is lacking in the

^Poulsen, F. "Portraitstudien in Norditalienslchen

Provinzmuseen.**loc. cit., p. 27, pi. XXXI, figs. 50-51.
2
Baity,^"Un prototype officiel dans 11iconographie
de Septime Severe," loc. cit., p. 101, n. 2; Jucker, op.
cit.. p. 104, n. 9; Braemer, F. L 1art dans 1 ♦Occident
romaln. Tresors d 1arqenterle. sculptures de bronze et de
pierre. Catalogue Exhibition Louvre, July35ctober, 196*57
p. 43, #150.
3Jucker.op. cit.. p. 104, n. 9.

4See our photo #25.

 128
head In Brescia, as well as the long facial type.
The style of the bronze portrait fron Brescia in
the context of Septinius* portraiture is also puzzling.
The tendency towards cubic forn, lack of rounded organic
foms, and schenatic patterning of individual details such
as the eyebrows go beyond even Septinius* latest portraits1
and are stylistic trends which would hardly seen to be
explained by nere provincialisn. The style of the head
finds its closest conparison with the later third century
bronze portraits of Claudius XX (A.D. 268-270) and Probus
2
(A.D. 276-282) which were also found in Brescia. Even
such details as the rendering of the beard in flat, linear
curls can be found in the portrait of Probus. The render­
ing of the eyebrows in short schenatized lines also finds
its parallel in the portrait of Claudius XI. This particu­
lar rendering of the eyebrows has not been found in earlier,
imperial portraiture. Even such a provincial piece as the

Compare the other bronze portraits of Septimius in

Cyprus (our photo #67), in the Vatican (our photo #64), and
in Brussels.(our photo #87). For a late portrait of
Septimius, compare, for example, the marble head in Munich
(our photo #101) which still shows an interest in plasticity
and the rendering of natural forms.
2
Kluge and Lehmann (op. cit.. XX, pp. 49-50, figs.
5-8) identify the portraits as the four Tetrarchs. Poulsen,
however, identifies the heads as Claudius XI and Probus
on the basis of the coin portraits of these emperors.
(Portratstudien in Norditalienischen Provinzmuseen," loc.
cit.. pp. 30-31) Claudius XX and Probus were each honored
in Brescia by double portraits. This identification is the
one accepted here, for it is clear that two individual
portrait types are repeated in the four related bronze
heads.
 129
gold bust of Marcus Aurelius from Avenches still shows
the eyebrows sketched in a naturalistic pattern.1 Because
of the great similarity in style between the three por­
traits in Brescia, it seems possible that they might have
come from the same local workshop and have been executed
at the same time. It is thus suggested that the portrait
of Septimius in Brescia is a posthumous one, and perhaps
the occasion for its erection was in connection with the
joint honoring of Claudius II and Probus.
Certain portraits in the round share lconographic
features of both the Palazzo Braschi group and the two
varying heads from Egypt. The portrait of Septimius in
2
the Museo Nuovo and the bronze portrait from Rome, now
3
in a private collection in Sweden, are such examples.
Their styles, however, may be linked to the Antonlne
tradition continued by the Palazzo Braschi group rather
than to the more simplified, abstract forms of the two
portraits from Egypt. Thus they will be placed with group
“A” in the catalogue. This first official portrait type
with its sub-types and variations illustrates the range
of stylistic currents which were active during the changing
era of the Severan Age.

Hfegner, op. cit., pi. 27, p. 169, and McCann neg.

63.37. The little head was also studied at first hand in
the exhibition in the Louvre, July-October, 1963, of Roman
provincial art. (Braemer, F. L'art dans 1 *Occident romain.
Treaors d *arqenterle. sculptures de bronze et de pierre.
Catalogue Exhibition Louvre, July-October, 1963.)
2
See our catalogue #4.
3
See our catalogue #5.
 130
EARLIEST OFFICIAL PORTRAIT TYPE

Group A

1. Roue. Palazzo Braschi. (Formerly Rome, Huseo

Capitolino.) Figs. 40, 42
Armored bust with paludamenturn over 1. shoulder,
from Porto d'Anzo. (Bernoulli)
Greek marble. Total H., excluding foot,
0.71 m.; H., crown to end of beard, 0.32 m.; W.
0.24 m.
Head and bust in one piece, foot separate.
Tip of nose, rims of both ears, ends of three fore­
head curls restored. Bust cracked through, diagonally
from upper 1. shoulder to lower r. Surface been
heavily cleaned, perhaps oiled, giving marble
greyish tone.
Armellinl, F. Le sculture del Campidoallo.
Rome, 1843—1845, III, pi. 274, 1, p. 9; Bernoulli,
p. 23, #3; Jones, Huseo Capitolino. p. 137, #62,
pi. 32; Paribeni, II rltratto. pi. CCLXXXVII.
Photographs: Alinari #11745; Anderson #1625;
McCann, neg. 63.68.
The head is turned to the right, and the
glance is to the right. Curls are massed high on
the forehead and the hair is short and curly, tend­
ing to wave away from the face. The beard is short
 131
with the curls parted in the middle, and the emperor
wears a short Moustache, also cleft in the center.
Below the lower lip is a short growth of straight
hair. The drill is used extensively in both the
beard and hair in short, deep channels which follow
the organic movement of the curls and is combined
with finely worked strokes of the chisel. The back
of the head is undrllled. The pupils of the eyes
are rendered by a shallow, double drill hole with
the iris outlined. The eyes are heavy-lidded with
the eye-brow hairs finely indicated. A double
frown is shown at the bridge of the nose and two
linear furrows accent the broad forehead. The
large ears are placed high and are uncovered. The
paludamentum is fastened by a clasp at the right
shoulder and the fastening strap of the cuirass ends
in a lion's head.
The bust is a fine and carefully worked piece,
although now somewhat warred by the heavy reworking
of the surface. The portrait interprets the emperor
as the forceful, direct soldier of his.early years
in power. Bernoulli raises doubts as to its identifi­
cation with Septinius, although he Includes it in the
list of his imperial portraits. Jones identifies
the bust as Clodius Albinus on the basis of the coin
portraits, which, however, as has been noted here,
more closely correspond to those of Septimius. The
portrait type Is almost exactly similar to the bust
now In a private collection In Los Angeles (our #2).

Los Anoeles. private collection. figs. 41, 44

Armored bust with paludamentum over 1. shoulder,
formerly on the Roman art market.
Fine crystalline marble. Total H. 0.69 m.
Head and bust in one piece, In excellent
state of preservation. Earth stains.on forehead
and bust.
Langlotz, E. Pie Weltkunst. XXII, Nr. 11,
June, 1952, p. 2, with accompanying illustration.
Photographs: Kindness of Nr. H. Barsanti,
Rome.
The portrait head is closely related in
all its details to the portrait in the Palazzo
Braschi in Rome (our #1). In the head in Los
Angeles, however, the drill is used somewhat more
schematically In deeper channels which create a
bolder pattern of light and shadow in the beard and
hair. The glance is slightly upward, giving a more
dramatized expression to the portrait in Los Angeles.
The bust also differs in certain small de­
tails from that in the Palazzo Braschi. The
paludamentum is fringed and the shoulder strap
revealed on the right chest ends in a simple knot
In the Los Angeles bust.
The above portrait is known to se only through
photographs. Its fine state of preservation and
polished surface raised possible doubts as to its
authenticity. However, Langlotz publishes the head
as antique on the basis of an examination of the
marble.

Rome. Vatican Museum. Sala del Busti.

Armored bust with paludamentum over 1. shoulder,
found in Otricoli between 1777-1778. Inv. 710.
Italian marble. Total H., excluding foot,
0.67 m.; H., crown of head to end of beard, 0.30 m.;
W. of head, 0.25 m.
Head and bust are unbroken. Foot does not
belong. Restored are: nose, lower part of 1. ear,
fragment of 1. eyebrow, pieces of frontal curls
auu biuo , euutt of the two frcntol curlc cf
the beard, pieces of the drapery folds, 1. side of
r. shoulder strap, and Medusa's nose and tale of
snake on breast plate. The surface shows heavy
cleaning and the bust was restored after its dis­
covery by the sculptor Sibilla, accounting for the
polished surface and classicistic, hardened impres­
sion of the bust as a whole.
 134
Massi Cesenate, Pasquale. Indlcazlone
antlquarla del Pontificio Museo Pio-Clementino in
Vaticano. Rome, 1792, p. 58, #17; Visconti, E, Q.
II Museo Pio-Clementino. Milan, 1821, VI, pp. 214-
216; Bernoulli, p. 23, #8, pi. XII; Amelung, W.
Die Sculpturen des Vaticanischen Museums. Berlin,
1908, II, p. 486, #291, pi. 64; Pietrangeli, C.
Otriculum, Italia Romana: Municipi £ Colonie. series
I, vol. VII, Rome, 1948, pp. 93-94, pi. XIII, fig. b.
Photographs: Anderson, #3949; Vatican neg.
XXVIII.2.127.
The head is turned to the right and the eyes
glance in thesame direction and upwards. The curly
hair is brushed away from the face and curls are
scattered across the upper forehead. The beard is
of medium short length with the curls tending to
separate in the center. The short, bushy moustache
slightly divides in the center and completely hides
the upper lip. Scattered tufts of hair appear below
the lower lip. The face is broad and the wide
forehead is accented by two linear furrows. The
horizontal curve of the eyebrows is stressed and the
eyebrow hairs are finely etched in with the chisel.
The hair and beard are drilled by means of round
holes used at the ends and centers of the curls.
Fine chisel strokes indicate individual hairs. This
 135
still organic use of the drill to accent the plas­
tic form of the curls, combined with the fine chisel
work Is typical of the techniques used In the por­
traits of Commodus.1
The bust Is decorated with a Medusa head
and the right shoulder strap bears a lightening
bolt. Bernoulli originally included the portrait
in his list of the lnperial portraits o f .Septinius,
but did not feel certain about Its identity. He
compared it to both our portrait in the Palazzo
Braschi, identified here with Septimius, and to the
portrait in the Capitoline Museum which we identify
with Clodius Albinus (our #a). The portrait in the
Vatican, however, bears the closest resemblance to
the bust in the Palazzo Braschi with its broad
facial type, wide forehead accented by the strongly
horizontal brow, and the curly hair brushed away
from the temples. The glance which is directed
sligu'dy upward, gxvrug a wora dr ouMatizad cffuCt ti

the whole, is closer to the bust in Los Angeles (our

#2), The head in the Vatican thus may be considered
a third example of the same type, here interpreted
slightly more freely and more dramatically as seen
in the increasing movement of the hair curls across

^Compare to head of Commodus in Capitoline Museum,

Jones. Museo Capitollno. #34; Capitoline neg. C 516.
the forehead which varies it from the other portraits
in the group.

Rome. Museo Muovo.

Head, broken at lower neck, found in Rome, Via
dell'Impero. Inv. 2309.
Greek marble. Total H., 0.38 m.; H., crown
to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W. 0.25 m.
End of nose, rims of both ears, and pieces
of curls on r. side of head and 1. side of fore­
head missing. Eyebrows, moustache, beard and hair
are worn, otherwise surface in good condition.
Marble now greyed with age and dust.
Mustilli, op. cit.. pp. 149-150, #3, pi.
XCII, 342, 343; Barreca, "Un nuovo ritratto di
Settimio Severo," loc. cit.. p. 62.
Photographs: German Archaeological Institute,
Rome, neg. 34.1725-26.
The head is turned slightly to the right with
the glance in the same direction. The hair falls
high over the upper forehead and is waved away from
the temples. The full, bushy beard is short and a
separation in the center is indicated. The short
moustache hides the upper lip, and a part in the
center is also seen, although the surface is damaged.
A series of chisel strokes under the lower lip appear
 137
to Indicate the tuft of hair typical of Septimius.
Mustilli notes evidence of drapery at the nape of
the neck, indicating that the head was originally
part of a draped bust or statue. This evidence
could not be verified because of the present loca­
tion of the head on a high support against the
museum wall.
The drill is used coarsely in deep, short
channels scattered throughout the beard and hair
which follow the movement of the curls and give a
"honey-combed” effect to the surface as in the por­
trait of Clodius Albinus in the Museo Capitolino
(our #a). The pupils are drilled by two shallow
drill holes in each eye and the irises are outlined.
Details as the eyebrow hairs are not Indicated, al­
though a double furrow is modeled between the brows,
and one linear furrow divides the broad brow.
Mustilli identifies the head as Septimius
tteverus on the basis of comparisons with taeualllwii
portraits of the emperor and its relation to a group
of eight other portraits. Two of his portraits re­
ferred to, however, clearly represent different
types: the portrait in Naples (our #87) and the por­
trait in Toulouse (our #10).1 The portrait type

*The other portrait in Toulouse cited by Mustilli

as Esperandieu #967 must be an incorrect reference to #963.
The head cited in the Museo Nazlonale from Heleler, A.
Greek and Roman Portraits. New York, 1912, p. 267b, is
actually in Copenhagen, Poulsen, Catalogue. #721.
can be related to the bast in the Palaszo Braschi
Identified here as Septimius. The head In the
Huseo Nuovo, however, Is of much coarser workman­
ship and shows a more realistic Interpretation of
the emperor, seen In the fleshier forms of the
cheeks.

Sweden. Dlursholm: private collection of Hr. Henning

Throne-Hois t.
Colossal bronze head said to have been found In the
Tiber In Rome, formerly Jacob Hlrsch collection.
Gilded bronze. H. to break In neck under
beard, 0.44 m.j W. 0.32 m.
The head Is broken off under the beard. Host
of the top of the head Is missing and a crack ex­
tends along the 1. side of the head behind the ear.
Cracks and small holes appear in the beard on the 1.
side and a crack In the r. side of the back of the
head. The hair and beard on the r. side are flat­
tened, evidently the result of a blow. The nose has
also been bent. The 1. side of the face is worn or
weathered and incrustations appear in the hair.
Part of the gilding remains. On the whole the head
is In good condition.
Vessberg, O. "Sculptures in the Throne-Holst
Collection,*' The Huseum of Mediterranean and Hear
 139
Eastern Antiquities. Medelhavsmuseet Bulletin.
Stockholm, 1962, #2, pp. 55-62, figs. 17-20.
The large bronze head is frontal with the
heavy-lidded eyes glancing slightly to the right.
Vessberg Identifies the portrait with Antoninus
Pius on the basis of its iconography. However,
he does admit that the small curly locks resemble
the portraits of Septimius Severus. Director Vagn
Poulsen of the Ny CarIsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen
first directed my attention to this fine head and
suggested a possible identification with Septimius
or Clodius Albinus. Although the narrower forehead
and short beard bear a resemblance to the portraits
of Antoninus Pius, there are distinct differences
in the iconography which speak more strongly against
this attribution. Hair style in particular has
been found to have significance in the creation of
a symbolic portrait type. In the head in Djursholm
the curly locks w hich rail in a curve over the fore­
head closely correspond to the portraits of the
first official portrait type. The bronze portrait
varies from the group, however, in its shorter
beard which is decoratively parted at the middle of
the chin. This particular decorative parting of
the beard, however, may be found in images of Hercules.*

*See our photo #46.

 140
The curved Moustache also corresponds to the Hercules
Iconography. Unfortunately the battered nose makes
profile comparisons with other portraits of Septimius
difficult. Although the narrower forehead is closer
to the portraits of Antoninus Pius, the heavy-lidded
eyes which mark the bronze portrait further relate
the head to the portraits in the Palazzo Braschi
and in Los Angeles. This particular feature is not
typical of the other portrait types used by Septimius
and one might propose here an allusion to Commodus,
which would be in keeping with the suggested symbolic
reference to Hercules.
In conclusion, an attribution to Septimius
is offered here for the portrait in Djursholm. Its
iconography can best be explained with reference
to the first official portrait type, although its
freer rendition of the forms which also draws upon
the contemporary Antoninus Pius portrait form sug­
gests a creative mingling of portrait models on the
part of an original artist. The fine quality, material,
size and style of the head in Djursholm Indicate an
imperial portrait of the period.
 141

Group B

6, London. British Museum. fig. 37

Head set on armored statue with military cloak
thrown over 1. shoulder, obtained in Alexandria,
1801. Inv. 1944.
Greek, large crystalline marble. Total
height of statue, including plinth which part of
same block, 2.17 m.; H. crown of head to break in
neck below beard, 0*35 m.
Head is broken off below beard, but appears
to belong to statue of same marble.^ Both lower
arms are missing, as well as rims of both ears and
fragments of the drapery folds. The upper torso
is cracked across the chest. The top of the nose
is restored and the back of the statue is flat
and unworked. The surface shows signs of weathering.
Smith. A. H. A Catalogue of Sculpture in the
Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities British
Museum. London, 1904, III, p. 175, #1944; Hinks, R. P.
Greek and Roman Portrait Sculpture. British Museum

1There is some confusion in the literature con­

cerning this statue in London. Breccia notes a statue
with a head of Septimius which does not belong (op. cit.,
p. 197, #3608). In his bibliography for the statue,
Breccia cites Reinach, Repertoire. Ill, 160, 3, which
is in truth the statue in the British Museum cited here
and acquired in 1801. The reference in Breccia must be
an error. The portrait of Septimius cited as #3608 in
Alexandria, I have not been able to identify thus far.
 142
London, 1935, p. 32.
Photographs: British Museum negs.: XXVII
C 19; LXXIV C 49 and 50; LC 22.
The head Is half turned to the left with
the level glance In the same direction. The em­
peror wears a simple cuirass, belted In the middle
and terminating in long flaps. A plain, long cloak
is fastened on the right shoulder. He wears panther
skin boots and a tree stump forms part of the plinth
at the right leg. The weight is on the right leg
and the left arm was originally bent forward.
The short hair clings to the shape of the
skull in tiny ringlets which are arranged in a flat
half circle over the upper forehead. The beard is
short and divided in the middle. The moustache
forms an unbroken, horizontal line across the upper
lip and bends inward at the corners. A parted tuft
of hair is visible below the lower lip. The face
w a cl Jf M O ii u w i. u a a u

wide forehead. Single, large drill holes indicate

the pupils of the eyes and the irises are outlined.
The drill is used in coarse, scattered holes through­
out the beard and hair. Behind the ears the head
is only roughly worked.
Smith did not identify the statue, but it
is cited in Hinks as a portrait of Septimius Severus.
 143
The closely cropped hair and short beard distin­
guish It from the portraits In the Palazzo Braschl
group. The head Is most closely associated with a
portrait formerly on the Cairo art market Identified
as Septimius Severus (our #2). The two heads are
strikingly similar in all their iconographlc fea­
tures, indicating the dependence of the two upon a
common prototype. This portrait type has been found
in the coins minted in the Syrian city of Laodicea
ad Mare between A.D. 194-196.1 In these particular
coins, the cubic form of the skull is more emphasized
than in the portraits of the emperor on contemporary
Roman coins, giving a squat, square shape to the
whole head. This same square form is found in the
portrait in the British Museum and the head formerly
on the Cairo art market. In the individual features,
the eastern coins also show the persistence of
rounded, Hellenistic contours in contrast to the
2
flatter surfaces of 11*e Rcsaon portraits. This
interest in rounded forms is also seen in the swell­
ing cheeks and curving forehead of the head in the
British Museum and the head from Cairo.

1See our photo #38.

2
Compare, for example, Mattingly, B.M.C., V, pi. 5;
pi. 6, #1-4.
 Thus, these two portraits are designated
as a "sub-type" of the earliest imperial portrait
type of Septimius. The "sub-type" has not been
found among any of the portraits of Septimius
originating in the West, and the simplified, cubic
style of the two portraits from Egypt separates
them from the portraits of the Palazzo Braschi
group. The one portrait from Brescia (our #8) which
shares certain iconographic features with the heads
in Britain and Cairo, cannot be considered a replica
of the same prototype.

Cairo. formerly on art market. fig. 39

Marble head, present location unknown.
White, large crystalline marble. H. 0.40 m.
The head, cut at the lower neck, indicates
its original insertion into a statue. End of nose
is chipped and rims of the ears.
Graindor, Paul. Bustes et statues-portraits
d»Eqypte romaine. Cairo, 1935, p. 62, #18, and pi.
XVXX; Harrison, op. cit., p. 40, n. 3.
The head is turned slightly to the left and
the large eyes drilled with one simple hole stare
in the same direction. The head may be compared
in all its basic iconographic features with the
portrait in the British Museum, #1944 (our #6).
 145
The head from Cairo does differ In style, however.
In the Cairo head the drill Is not used In either
the beard or hair. Fine chisel strokes outlining
the curls take the place of the crude drilling found
in the head in the British Museum. Graindor compares
the head to Attic works. Unfortunately, I have been
unable to trace the present location of the fine and
expressive portrait.

Independent Variation

8. Brescia. Museo Civlco. fig. 43

Gilded bronze head from Brescia.
Total H. of head and neck, 0.32 m.; H. crown
to end of beard, 0.25 m.; tf. 0.22 m.
The head was cut at the neck and apparently
originally fitted into a statue. Hole in r. lower
curl of beard, otherwise head in excellent condi­
tion. Traces of gilt in back of head, eyes and
cheeks. Surface corroded.
Diitschke, IV, p. 137, #342; Bernoulli, p. 11;
Kluge, Lehmann-Hartleben, op. clt.. II, pp. 40-42,
fig. 1; Poulsen, F. "Portratstudien in Nordltalienischen
Provinzmuseen," loc. clt.. p. 27, pi. XXXI, figs.
50-51; Jucker, op. clt.. p. 104, n. 9; Braemer,
L*art dans 1*Occident romaln. p. 43, #150.
 146
Photographs: Direzione musei a pinacoteca,
Brescia; McCann neg. 63.36.
The head is tilted slightly to the right
with the glance also to the right. The hair is
arranged in scattered ringlets clinging to the
skull and forming a horseshoe curve across the fore­
head. The beard is of medium length, divided in the
middle and ending in scattered, pointed curls in the
frontal view. From the profile view, the beard ap­
pears as a mass of curls which are swept forward
into a point under the chin. In the profile view
the cubic, block form of the head is apparent and
the nose is long and straight with a distinct indenta­
tion at its bridge. The top of the head is flat and
the forehead and cheeks broad. The moustache is
parted in the center. The lower lip is thin and
the beard whiskers begin immediately below it. A
suggestion of the fleshy folds of the cheeks is
rendered by two assymetrical, diagonal lines running
from the nose to the beard. The eyebrow hairs are
indicated by a curious double row of short lines
arranged in two schematic arches across the brow.
The beard and hair curls are indicated by sketchy
linear strokes with only a suggestion of plastic
life.
 For a discussion of the problem of the
identification and the date of the portrait,
the text above, pp. 126-128.
 148
APPENDIX

Clodlus Albinus

a. Rote. Museo Capltollno. Salla degll Imperatorl.

figs, 47, 48
Mailed bust with paludamentum over 1. shoulder,
found In ruins of Antlum (Porto d'Anzlo), from the
Albanl Collection, Inv. 463.
Italian marble. Total H., excluding foot,
0.64 m.; H., crown of head to end of beard, 0.27 m.;
W. of head, 0.23 m.
Head and bust unbroken, foot added. Re­
stored: tip of nose, folds of drapery over 1.
shoulder, Gorgon's nose on breastplate, and lion's
head on r. breast strap. Frontal curls are worn
and bits of the lower beard are broken. Surface
of face has been cleaned but marble shows ancient
fiber roots and bust as whole In excellent condition.
rttil T 4 TO 09 4^9 9 9* « A
^ J r t* * — ^ | “ P ♦* — p » p kw p -* - «

Roman Sculpture from Augustus to Constantine. London,

1907, p. 376; Jones, Museo Capitollno. p. 203, #50,
with earlier bibliography, and pi. 47; Helblg, W.
and w. Amelung, E. Relsch, F. tfeege. Fiihrer durch
die offentllchen Sa— ilunqen klasslscher Alterturner
In Rom. Leipzig, 1913, I, 2, p. 315; Parlbenl, II
rltratto. pi. CCLXXXIX.
 149
Photographs: Anderson, 1624, McCann, neg.
63.67.
This fine bust shows the head turned to the
right with the glance firmly in the same direction
and slightly upward. The mailed cuirass is
decorated with a gorgon's head and the strap over
the right shoulder ends In a lion's head. The
forehead is rounded rather than broad and closely
cropped curls fall over the high forehead, receding
at the sides. The beard is short and unparted, and
the curls tend to hold in to the chin and neck rather
than curling forward, as in the portraits identified
here with Septimius. The short, full moustache
hides the upper lip and a wide tuft of hair appears
under the lower lip. Particularly characteristic
for the iconography of Albinus is the pattern of
the curls of the hair which lie close to the head
and are combed forward in a distinct scale-like
pattern. It is this hulr pattern which is costed
inward around the temples in contrast to Septimius*
more bushy, scattered curls that is one of Albinus'
distinguishing features on the medallions and coins.1
The drill is used extensively throughout the
beard and hair in short, deep channels joined by
connecting bridges. The whole surface is broken up

^See our photograph #2.

 150
into a "honey-combed" pattern of light and shadow,
1
a heritage from late Antonine art. The pupils
of the eyes are accented by shallow drill holes
with the irises outlined.
The portrait has been variously identified
by scholars as either Septimius or Clodius Albinus.
Bernoulli includes the bust in his list of the por­
traits of Septimius but suggests the possibility of
an identification with Clodius Albinus. Jones
identifies the portrait with Clodius Albinus on
the basis of comparisons with the coin portraits.
This later opinion is the one upheld here on the
basis of a close comparison with the portraits of
Clodius Albinus on his medallions. The portrait
in the Capitoline is the closest one found to
those portraits of Albinus which can be distinguished
from Septimius on the coinage.

b. Jdioominqton■ Indiana: Indiana University Art Museum

figs. 49, 50
Armored bust with fringed paludamenturn draped over 1.
shoulder and across chest, formerly on the Roman
art market and probably originally from Rome. Inv.
62.99.

^Compare portrait of Commodus in the Museo

Capitolino, Jones, Museo Capitolino. #34, pi. 51; Capitoline
neg. C516.
 151
Greek, large crystalline marble. Total H.
0.63 a.; H., crown of head to end of beard, 0.27 m.;
W. of head, 0.25 m.
Head and bust are unbroken. End of nose
restored. Hissing are: 1. side of moustache with
part of lip, pieces of frontal curls of hair and
curls on r. side of head, lower curls of beard, rim
of r. ear, lower half of 1. ear, lower half of broach,
and pieces of folds of the cloak. Some of the breaks
look modern.
Raccolta privata di oqgetti di scavo. medio
evo, rlnasciaento. Exposition, November 16-18, 1951,
Sale, Noveaber 19-24, 1951, S. A. Arte Antica, Rome,
1951, p. 7, #90, pi. Ill, #90 (mistakenly referred
to as #89).
Photographs: Indiana University Art Museum;
McCann, neg. 64.95.
The head is turned to the right with the
glance in the same direction and upwards. Pointed
locks of hair dip in a semi-circle down over the
upper forehead and the closely cut curls are brushed
inwards toward the temples. In the profile view
the forward moving pattern of the flattened locks,
typical of the portrait identified with Clodius
Albinus in the Capitoline Museum (our #a), is seen.
The beard is short and undivided and in the profile
 152
view Is moulded to the shape of the neck and chin,
rather than jutting forward. The curls of the beard
also tend to be In longer, pointed locks In contrast
to the more kinky curls seen In the portrait identi­
fied here with Septljalus In the Palazzo Braschl
(our #1). The drill is used in long, crudely cut
channels in the beard and hair, combined with rough
chisel strokes which outline the individual sections
of the curls. Snail round drill holes sure also used
to accent the wide tuft of hair under the lower lip
and ends of the curls on the left side of moustache.
The use of the drill in long channels which outline
the Individual clumps of curls and raise them in re­
lief is reminiscent of metal technique and it is
suggested that perhaps this mediocre artist was copy­
ing from a bronze prototype.
The eyes are deep-set with the brows curved
distinctly upward. The pupils are drilled by shallow
holes in the curved shape ox a kidney b e a n and the

pupils are crudely outlined. Individual, realistic

details as the eyebrow hairs are lacking but the
fleshy folds of the rounded cheeks are indicated.
A frown is visible between the brows and a linear
furrow cuts across the lower brow.
The portrait is identified in the Arte Antica
sales catalogue as that of Clodius Albinus. The
 153
Indiana University Art Museum labels it Septimius
Severus. It does bear resemblances to the portraits
identified here with both Septimius and Albinus.
The broader, squarer facial type links it more
closely to the first official portrait type. How­
ever, the flattened curls of the hair which are
combed forward and inwards around the face, the
beard which is unparted and held into the chin
leaving a bare section around the lower ear, cause
this writer to suggest an identification with Clodius
Albinus. It finds its closest comparison to the bust
in the Capitoline Museum (our #a), except for its
broader forehead and facial form. The head in
Indiana, however, is less fine in quality and the
advanced, schematic outlining of the drill technique
suggests a comparison with later works.*

c. Rome. Vatican Museum. Sale del Busti.

Head attached to modern marble breastpiece. Inv.
682.
Greek marble, with large crystals. H. of
ancient head and neck, 0.36 m.; H., crown of head
to end of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.22 m.

■'‘Compare posthumous portrait of Septimius in

Djemila, our photo #36.
 154
Ancient head was broken at base of neck.
Restored are: the whole noset pieces of upper and
lower r. eyelids and r. cheek. Both eyebrows are
badly worn and the ancient surface has now been
completely destroyed.
Bernoulli, p. 23, #9; Amelung, Die Sculpturen
des Vaticanischen Museums. XX, #322, pi. 72.
Photograph: Vatican neg. XXVXXX.2.41.
The head is turned slightly to the right and
the glance is to the right. The ends of four locks
of hair swing in a semi-circle over the upper fore­
head. The hair is closely cut and the curls wave
inwards around the temples. The beard is short with
a suggestion of a part below the chin. The drill is
used in short strokes, to accent the ends of the
curls of the beard and is combined with the chisel.
The pupils were drilled and the irises outlined. A
tuft of hair is seen below the lower lip and the
sides—
burns arts wavetu furwoxu di. iiie i>iueb(

Bernoulli includes the portrait in his list

for Septimius but has doubts concerning his identifi­
cation. Amelung suggests an identification with
Clodius Albinus. Xts closest comparison is with
the portrait in Indiana, identified here as probably
Clodius Albinus (our head #b). The longer facial
type and domed forehead link the head in the Vatican
In turn with the portrait of Albinus in the
Capitoline Museum (our #a). The head is in such
poor condition that its value here is purely an
iconographic one.

Madrid. Prado Museum. fig. 52

Head attached to bust with paludamentum over 1.
shoulder, original provenience unknown. Prom
Alcazar. Inv. #187 E.
White marble with fine crystals. Total H.
1.42 m.
Head has been attached to bust, to which it
appears to belong. Restored are: nose, mouth, and
part of the ear lobes. The lower beard has been
worn away and has been reworked.
Blanco, A. Museo del Prado. Cataloqo de la
escultura. Madrid, 1957, p. 105, #187-E, pi. LXV
(with further bibliography).
i Prado Hcscufi, jisg #107 E
The head is turned slightly to his right and
the eyes gaze pensively dn the same direction.
Traces of four short locks appear on the upper fore­
head and the curls are waved inwards toward the tem­
ples. The beard is now too destroyed to see its
original form, but remnants of a wide tuft of hair
can be seen under the lower lip and waved side burns
 156
on the cheeks. The drill Is used in short, deep
channels which reveal the plastic form of the curls
of the hair and produce a "honey-combed" pattern of
light and dark, reminiscent of late Antonine art.
The horizontal structure of the brow Is emphasized
and two horizontal lines break up the smooth surface
of the forehead.
Blanco suggests an identification with Clodius
Albinus, on the basis of a comparison of its profile
to that of a portrait attached to an armored statue
in the Vatican, identified by Amelung as Clodius
Albinus.'*' Although Amelung*s identification of the
Vatican statue is not acceptable to this writer, the

Amelung, Die Sculpturen des Vaticanischen Museums.

IX, p. 405-407, #248, pi. 45. Tfte portrait head, which
is attached to a statue dated by its armor decoration in
the second half of the first century A. D., was identified
by Amelung as Clodius Albinus on the basis of the coin
portraits and portraits in the round which he does not
specify. A comparison with the coins, however, shows an
entirely different facial type (see our photo #2), as does
the portrait in the Capitoline Museum (our #a), which is
our closest comparison in iue round Lo individual
medallion portraits of Albinus. Typical features, as
tuft of hair under the lower lip and the scale-like pat­
tern of the curls which are brushed toward the face and
the curls over the forehead, are lacking in the portrait
in the Vatican. The profuse use of the drill in deep
holes throughout the beard and hair speaks for an earlier
date for the portrait. Compare the use of the drill in
the late portrait of Marcus Aurelius in the reliefs in the
Palazzo del Conservetori (our photo #28). The facial type
with the heavy-lidded eyes, thin lips and high forehead
bears a resemblance to Commodus. (Amelung, Die Sculpturen
des Vaticanlschen Museums. II, #287; Vegner, op. cit..
pi. T571
relationship of the head In the Prado to Clodius
Albinus can be confined by a comparison of the
essential iconography with another head in the
Vatican, Amelung*s #322, identified here as Albinus
(our #c).

Mantua. Palazzo Dueale.

Antique head attached to modem, armored bust.
Xnv. 6916.
Greek marble. H. of ancient head and neck,
0.37 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.33 m.;
W. of head, 0.25 m.
Head was broken at lower neck. End of nose
restored and pieces of beard and hair curls and rim
of r. ear missing. Surface of beard and hair are
completely worn away.
Dutschke, XV, #734; Bernoulli, p. 25, #42
and p. 33; Levi, A. Sculture qreche e, romane del
£dla<bibW SuColc HCwC, 1931 f wl1
!? v p. 60,
Photographs: "Calzolari," Mantua; McCann,
neg. 63.18.
The head is turned to the right and glances
to the right. The hair is short and curly with
short locks falling flat across the upper forehead.
The pattern of the curls is so destroyed it is dif­
ficult to draw conclusions as to their original
 158
pattern, although the direction of the drill holes
appears to move forward, a typical iconographic
feature of Albinus. The beard is longer than the
other portraits identified here with Albinus, but
it Is unparted, as is the bushy moustache which
hides the upper lip. The drill is used throughout
the beard and hair in short, scattered drill holes,
typical of late Antonine and early Severan tech­
niques.
Dutschke identified the portrait with Septimius
and Bernoulli includes it in his list for the emperor,
but with hesitation. Levi suggests an identification
with Clodius Albinus. The deep-set eyes and high
arching curve of the brows with the high, rounded
forehead can be closely compared with the portrait
of Clodius Albinus in the Capitoline Museum (our #a).
The beard, however, is longer. On the coins of
Albinus minted at Lugdunum after he had declared
himself Augustus, a distinctly longer Leerued por­
trait type is shown which differs from any of the
earlier portraits of Albinus on the coins minted by
Septimius while he was Caesar between A.D. 193-195.
Particularly characteristic also for the Lugdunum
mint are the deep-set, upward turned eyes.1 The

■^Mattingly, B.M.C. . V, pi. 12.

 159
portrait In Mantua may well be the only preserved
example of Clodius Albinus1 imperial portrait typev
made between A.D. 195-197 during his short period
of rule in the West, and thus the portrait is im­
portant despite its very battered condition.

f. England. Sussex. Petworth Collection.

Head attached to ancient bust with paludamentum over
chest and 1. shoulder. Nr. 39.
Greek marble. Total H. with bust and foot,
0,84 m.; H. crown of head to tip of beard, 0.28 m.;
W. 0.24 m.
Head is broken off under beard and attached
to an ancient bust which includes the foot. End of
nose and patch on 1. side of neck are restored.
The surface has been polished.
Michaelis, A. Ancient Marbles in Great Britain.
Cambridge, 1882, p. 611, #37;* Bernoulli, p. 20
W b U Uhl irw ^ 4 f p

tlon of Greek and Roman Antiquities in the Possession

of Lord Leconfield. London, 1915, p. 64, #39; Vermeule,
C. Ancient Marbles in Great Britain, unpublished
manuscript, Ann Arbor, 1954, "Petworth," #39.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.54.

*For confusion in Michaelis' numbering see Wyndham,

, p. 55.
 160
The head faces forward and the eyes look up­
ward. The hair is arranged in round curls which in
the profile view move toward the back of the head
and fall horizontally across the upper forehead.
The beard is short and divided and the moustache is
parted in the center to reveal a triangular section
of the upper lip. Short drill holes are used in
combination with chisel strokes in the beard but
the front of the hair is undrilled. A few round
drill holes appear in the side curls below the ears.
The face is long with an emphasis on the rounded
forehead and upward curve of the eyes.
Bernoulli doubts an identification with
Albinus, but Wyndham concludes that it is a "less
faithful likeness” of Albinus. The iconography of
the portrait does not conclusively belong with either
of our early portrait type of Septimius or Albinus.
Despite the varying pattern of the hair and beard,
the longer face with the rounded forehead and brows
and the moustache which tends to form a horseshoe
curve rather than a more diagonal one as in the early
portraits of Septimius, link the Petworth head more
closely with those portraits associated with Albinus
in this thesis. The lack of drill work in the hair
suggests the possibility that the portrait was un­
finished.
 161
g. England. Sussex. Petworth Collection. fig. 51
Head attached to Modem breastpiece, Nr. 37.
Greek marble. H. of ancient head, 0.30 m.;
W. 0.23 m.
Head is broken off under beard. Restored
are: section of 1. half of forehead with topmost
frontal curls, including 1. eyebrow; nose; 1. frontal
section of beard; lower half of 1. ear; bust. Miss­
ing is rim of r. ear. Upper lip is damaged. The
surface shows signs of cleaning.
Michaelis, op. clt.. p. 611, no. 38;1
Bernoulli, p. 19; Wyndham, op. cit.. p. 62, #37 with
plate; Maj, Museo Nazionale. #252, p. 128.
Photograph; McCann, neg. 63.57.
The head is turned to the right with the eyes
glancing slightly upwards in the same direction.
The hair is short and arranged in locks which are
brushed forward from the back of the head and held
closely down across the upper forehead, xtic beard
is of medium short length, unparted and the full
moustache is arranged in a horseshoe curve around
the mouth. Remains of small bunches of hair
separate the lower lip from the beard. The eyes

^For confusion in Michaelis* numbering see Wyndham,

op. clt., p. 55. I would like to here thank the Petworth
Tamily and Miss D. Beatrice Harris for their kindness in
allowing me to take photographs and study the collection
at length.
 162
ace deep-set and curved upwards. The facial type
Is long with accent on the rounded forehead. The
drill is used in short channels, raising the curls
on the sides of the beard in relief. The curls of
the beard and hair are worn from cleaning.
Bernoulli and Wyndham both identify the por­
trait as Clodius Albinus while Dr. Felletti MaJ
includes the head with her list of portraits of
Septimius. The head in the Petworth Collection can
be closely related to the portrait of Clodius Albinus
in the Capitoline Museum (our #a) and to the por­
trait in Indiana (our #b). The high domed forehead
connects it with the portrait in the Capitoline, as
well as the upturned curve of the eyes, horseshoe
form of the moustache and forward pattern of the
curls of the hair which are flat and held into the
skull. A comparison of the profile views with the
portrait in Indiana reveals striking similarities.
The individual pattern of the curls of the beard can
be exactly matched. For example, in the left profile
the forward curls of the side-burns and the long,
large curl at the jaw bone are exactly parallel.
Despite the poor state of preservation of the por­
trait in the Petworth Collection, it is evident that
both artists worked from a common prototype.
 CHAPTER FOUR
THE ANTONINUS PIUS-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT TOPES
 CHAPTER FOUR
THE ANTONINUS PIUS-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT TYPES

In the discussion of the coin evidence in Chapter

One the similarity of Septimius' profile used on medallions
struck in A.D. 194 to that of Antoninus Pius was noted.1
It is in this same year that Grant recognizes a commemora­
tion by Septimius of the half-centenary of particular coin
2
Issues and medallions issued by Antoninus Pius. In his
honoring of Antoninus Pius early in his reign, Septimius
followed the example of Pertinax whom he also honored by
3
deification and special celebrations. In A.D. 196 after
already claiming adoption for himself into the great
Antonine house, Septimius renamed his elder son after both
Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius. On the coins of
Caracalla struck in A.D. 196-197 the name "M. AUR. ANTONINUS"
now appeared.4 Geta was also given the surname of Antoninus,
and Spartianus in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae tells
us that the name was given in honor of both Marcus Aurelius
5
and Antoninus Pius. Spartianus further writes that
n
See above, p. 59 and our photos #3 and #4.
2
Grant, op. cit., p. 115.
3Ibid. , p. 116, n. 2.
4Mattingly, B.M.C., V, pp. XCII and 150.
5"Geta," II, 2.
164
 165
Septimius honored Antoninus Plus because It was Antoninus
himself who gave Septimius his first post In public office.1
In A.D. 201 Septimius shortened his title to its most sim­
plified form, "SEVERUS PIUS AUG,” a fora which he used
until his death. The shortened fora is paralleled by
Caracalla's simplification of his title in the same year
to ”ANTONINUS PIUS AUG."2
In the later years of Septiaius' reign Antoninus
Pius did not receive any particular honors, although
there is some indication of a continued association within
Septimius' imperial program. In A.D. 207 Septimius issued
coinage celebrating the half-millenary anniversary of the
god Aesculapius honored by Antoninus just fifty years
3
earlier. However, this particular dedication would ap­
pear to be associated with Septimius* ill health in his
later years rather than with a wish to honor Antoninus.
Septimius also continued in the later part of his reign
to celebrate the anniversaries of the great Republican
tc~plce by ccisncncrstive coin issues in isitotion of
a
Antoninus.
It is not surprising in the light of the background
briefly sketched above that a study of the possible prototypes

1Ibld., II, 3-5.

2Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p. CXXX.
3
Grant, op. cit., p. 119.
4Ibid., p. 122.
 166
for Septimius* portrait sculpture has revealed a group
of portraits whose Iconography and style can be associated
with the great Antoninus Plus. This symbolic allusion
would appear to be contemporary with the first official
portrait type previously discussed. The medallion which
shows a profile resembling that of Antoninus Pius is
dated in A,D, 194. In contrast to the contemporary coin
portraits showing the early soldier type, Septimius*
features on the medallion are idealized. The nose is
long and straight and the planes of the face are smooth.
The beard is not brushed forward into pointed curls but
tends to cling to the contours of the face and the curls
are smaller and straighter, not unlike those on the early
medallions of Antoninus Pius.1 The hair over Septimius*
upper forehead also appears to be arranged in small curls
like those on the medallion of Antoninus Pius. This
idealized portrait type is found alongside the more
realistic, heavy-featured soldier type during the years
9
A.D. 194—1 9 5 although the soldier portrait type is the
more popular one. By A.D. 196-197 we have already noted
that a different portrait type with a divided beard and
3
lower curls over the forehead has become popular.

^See our photo #4. Gnecchi does not give a specific

date for this medallion, but he places it between dated
medallions of the years A.D. 145-152 (op. clt.. p. 18,
pi. 51, #2).
2Hattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 22, #11-12 (A.D. 194);
pi. 23, #9 (A.D. 19571
3
See above, p. 35.
 167
The symbolic portrait reference to Antoninus Plus
begins a series of historical allusions to the great
emperors of the past whom Septimius claimed as ancestors.
This first use of symbolic portraiture appears to be con­
ditioned by Septimius* need to legitimize and to give
permanent meaning to his Imperial office. The allusion
to Antoninus Pius is particularly significant to the
early years of Septimius* reign when the theme of his
adoption into the Antonine house was stressed. After
Septimius* return to Rome in A.D. 202 his dynastic claim
was established. The promise of the new established
dynasty was for a renewed Golden Age of peace and harmony,
and this led to new Imperial propagandists themes. Other
portrait types more useful to the increasingly broadened
ideological program had already emerged, and these now
took the place of the Antoninus Plus portrait types.
The style of the portraits associated with Antoninus
Plus supports a dating of the group in the earlier years of
Septimius' reign. Although a variety of styles can be
observed among the some sixteen portraits found, there
is a relative homogeneity among them in contrast to the
later Serapis-Septimius portrait group. The style on the
whole is an idealizing and conservative one which continues
the stylistic traditions of the early Antonine age. While
our study has not found a strictly uniform and consistent
stylistic development throughout Septimius' reign, there
 168
has been found a general trend away from the Antonine
tradition which still adheres to the classical heritage
of organic form. This heritage still lingers on in the
portraits dated before A.D. 202.1 Another classicizing
style appears in the last years of Septimius* reign in
the portraits of the Nerva-Septimius type. This later
revival of a classicizing style, however, is of a dif­
ferent nature than that observed in the Antoninus Pius
2
portrait group. This later style shows an interest in
3
abstract structure and more hardened forms which is in
contrast to the softly idealizing style of the portraits
4
alluding to Antoninus Pius. In the portraits of the
Nerva-Septimius type the use of the drill in the beard
and hair is often almost abandoned while in the portraits
of the Antoninus Pius group an extensive coloristic use
of the drill in the Antonine tradition is still used. The
feeling for a geometric structure of the head found in the
portraits of the Nerva-Septimius type is also lacking in
the earlier Antoninus Pius portrait gxoup. In Lhls later
group the shape of the head is still conceived as an organic

^See portraits of the Marcus Aurelius-Septimius type

(below, p. 215) and the earlier portraits of the Serapis-
Septimlus type (below, p. 250).
2
See discussion below, Chapter VIZ.
3See below, p. 335. Also compare our photos #112
and #115.
4Compare our photos #53 and #54. Also note the
head in Leningrad, our catalogue #9.
 168
has been found a general trend away from the Antonine
tradition which still adheres to the classical heritage
of organic fora. This heritage still lingers on in the
portraits dated before A.D. 202.1 Another classicizing
style appears in the last years of Septimius' reign in
the portraits of the Nerva-Septimius type. This later
revival of a classicizing style, however, is of a dif­
ferent nature than that observed in the Antoninus Pius
2
portrait group. This later style shows an interest in
3
abstract structure and more hardened forms which is in
contrast to the softly idealizing style of the portraits
A
alluding to Antoninus Pius. In the portraits of the
Nerva-Septimius type the use of the drill in the beard
and hair is often almost abandoned while in the portraits
of the Antoninus Pius group an extensive coloristic use
of the drill in the Antonine tradition is still used. The
feeling for a geometric structure of the head found in the
portraits of the Nerva-Septimius type is also lacking in
the earlier Antoninus Pius portrait group. In this lucw*:

group the shape of the head is still conceived as an organic

^See portraits of the Marcus Aurelius-Septimius type

(below, p. 215) and the earlier portraits of the Serapis-
Septimius type (below, p. 250).
2
See discussion below, Chapter VII.
3See below, p. 335. Also compare our photos #112
and #115.
4
Compare our photos #53 and #54. Also note the
head in Leningrad, our catalogue #9.
structure and the face retains the soft, idealizing ex­
pression typical to the portraits of Antoninus Pius.3,
This mild, psychological expression is in contrast to
the energetic glance of the contemporary soldier type
and would appear to be inherited from the Antoninus Pius
prototypes. With the exception of the portraits in
Istanbul 2 and Hadrian's Villa, 3 Septimius' face has not
yet taken on signs of age or the spiritualized expression
of the latest Serapis-Septimius portraits.4 The interest
in surface realism and a consolidation of the plastic form
which appears in the Serapis-Septimius portraits after the
year A.D. 202 is also not found.® In conclusion, the coin
evidence indicates the existence of an Antoninus Pius
portrait type in the years A.D. 194-195. It is possible
that the symbolic allusion may have continued in use for
a longer period of time, as the number and variations
among the portrait types identified below would seem to
indicate. The use of a medium length beard, however, also
precludes a late dating for the group and in the light of

our entire study, the style of the portraits alluding to

Antoninus Pius supports a relative date for their execution

^Compare our photos #55 and #58.

2
Our photo $64, catalogue #19.
^Our photo #5 7, catalogue #17.
4
See, for example, the head in Munich (our photo
#101) or the bust in Toulouse (our photo #103).
5See below, pp. 253-263.
 170
between the years A.D. 194 and A.D. 202.
While a study of the coinage of Septinius revealed
only one portrait type alluding to Antoninus Plus, the
portraits in the round associated with this symbolic
reference show variations in iconography which divide
them into four different groups. They share certain
features common to the coin type as the straight nose,
Idealized forms, longer facial type, and short beard, but
they differ mainly in their arrangement of the hair locks.
These different hair styles in turn can be related to four
portrait types used by Antoninus Pius himself. Thus, the
sixteen portraits of Septimius in the round which can be
associated with Antoninus Pius are divided in the catalogue
below into four groups which are based on four different
prototypes of Antoninus Pius. We will thus speak of four
different Antoninus Pius-Septimius portrait types.
The first group of four portraits, designated as
type "A" in the catalogue, can be closely related to the
- . . ., . _.
earliest: portrait type usea Joy Jtntomnus n u s .
1 iney snow

the hair curls combed inwards around the face and the
forehead locks arranged in a unified group. The short
moustache curves inward at the ends of the mouth, and the
medium length beard is held in a mass. This portrait type
most closely reflects the portrait on the medallion

^Wegner, op. cit., pi. 3, pp. 23-24, and our

photo #55.
 171
mentioned above.1 With the exception of the portrait in
2
Tripoli, the group shows a remarkably homogeneous,
strongly classicizing style which is also in keeping
with the lingering Hadrlanic classicism observed in the
early portraits of Antoninus Pius. The smoothed and
3
sharpened planes of the portraits in Leningrad and
4
Toulouse particularly Illustrate a consciously retro­
spective, classicistic style.
A second group of portraits (t,Bw) based on a dif­
ferent prototype shows a greater variety of style and is
distinguished by the use of scattered locks across the
forehead, a form which can be correlated with the second
portrait type used by Antoninus Pius in the later half
of his reign as identified by Wegner.5 The portraits
from Dresden and Woburn Abbey from this series share
with group "A" a strongly classicizing style and a
softened and idealized expression. The drill technique
in the beard of the portrait in Dresden with Its stress
on the definition of the plastic mass of the curls through
deep channels which hold the light and shadow shows a

1See above, p. 59.

20ur photo #62.
3
See the catalogue #9.
4See catalogue #10.
5
Wegner, Die Herrscherblldnisse in antoninlscher
Zeit, op. cit., pi. 4, portrait in the Vatican, Croce
Greca ?595, pp. 22-24, 80. Also see our photo #58 for
portrait of same type in Prado Museum.
 172
continuation of the Antonine tradition. The head in
Dresden is the best preserved of the group and the profile
view which shows the hair combed forward in the manner of
Antoninus Pius secures the identification of the portrait
prototype.1 The colossal head in the Palazzo dei Con­
servator! now badly destroyed by weathering, but illus-
2
trated here in an earlier photograph, shows an interest
in surface realism in the portrayal of the fleshy forms of
the cheeks and a greater solidity in the massive form than
the other portraits in the group. These stylistic trends
appear in the portraits of the Serapis-Septimius group
3
around A.D. 201-202. Consequently 1 would suggest a late
dating of the head in the Palazzo del Conservator! within
our series. Indeed, the long hair lock which falls over
the forehead might suggest its inclusion with the Serapis
type. However, the Serapis curls are straight and usually
grouped in a clear unit of four. The forehead locks in
group "B" of our series are scattered and vary in number
and cannot be considered within the Serapis Iconography.
4
The also badly destroyed portrait from Hadrian's villa
in the same series likewise reveals abstracting tendencies
in its solidification of the mass and a spiritualization in

^See our photo #53.

2
See our photo #56.
^See below, p. 253 and n. 2.
4Our photo #57.
 173
the upward glance of the eyes which ally it to the later
portraits in the Serapis series.
A third group of portraits stem from yet a differ­
ent prototype. This group "C" is characterized by a
block of horizontal locks which are combed over the center
of the upper forehead, illustrated by the laureate head in
Istanbul.1 This hair style is found in a portrait of
Antoninus Pius in the Athens National Museum which Wegner
believes is an isolated portrait of the emperor created by
2
a Greek artist. The use of the form in the portrait of
Septimius in Istanbul suggests that the Athens portrait
of Antoninus may have been known also in other replicas
which were circulated in the eastern part of the empire
at least. The head in Istanbul in its profile view re­
veals the forward wave of the curls characteristic of
Antoninus and also his shorter beard style. In fact, an
identification of the portrait with Antoninus himself has
also been considered and rejected because of the presence
of the high furrowed brow, fleshy cheeks, and curly beard
which are particularly distinguishing characteristics of
Septimius.
The identification of the Istanbul head is made
secure by the clear use of this particular Antoninus Pius
model for the portrait of Septimius in the Palazzo Colonna

^See our photo #64.

2
See our photo #65. Wegner, op. cit., p. 18.
 174
In Rone.1 The sane block of curls is seen over the fore­
head and the longer, divided beard clearly Identifies the
portrait with Septimius. The portraits in Tebessa in
Algeria2 and the portrait fomerly in Poznan, Poland, 3
known to ne only in poor photographs, can be nost closely
associated with the portrait in the Palazzo Colonna. The
portrait in the Palazzo Colonna shows the softened and
classicizing style of the early Serapis portraits of
Septimius.
Finally, two portraits stemming from a fourth
prototype form group "D” in the series and can be related
in their iconography to the last and perhaps posthumous
portrait type used by Antoninus Pius, identified by
Wegner and represented by the portrait in the Vatican,
Sala del Bust! #284.4 This particular portrait type
used by Antoninus Pius shows the hair as a unified plas­
tic cap of curls which are held together over the fore­
head and form two distinct bunches on either side of the
hc^d. Thic fern; mey else be seer. ir. the portrait of
5
Antoninus in the Palatine Museum, which bears a particularly

*See our photo #66.

2
See our catalogue #21.
3
See our catalogue #22.
4Wegner, op. cit., pi. 6, p. 24.
5Ibid., pi. 8, p. 25. Wegner believes the portrait
is a free variation of his second portrait type represented
in the portrait in the Vatican #595. However, its hair
style is closer to the portraits of his last group illus­
trated by the head in the Vatican, #284. See also our
photo #60.
 175
strong resemblance to the portrait In Venice Identified
with Septimius.1 However, the longer, divided beard
identifies the Venice head with our emperor. The schematic
use of the drill In the Venice head and the emphasis on
realistic surface modeling in the portrait in Mantua
related to it cause me to place them at the end of the
Antoninus Pius-Septimlus series.
Two portraits are Included in an appendix to this
chapter. They are to be considered as individual pieces
which bear a closer relationship to each other than to
any of the portrait types used by Septimius. They are
included at this point in the thesis because their
particular hair style, showing a consolidation of the
curls over the upper forehead, relates them to the por­
traits in group "D" of the Antoninus Plus series, and
their style places them within the chronological limits
of this chapter. The bronze portrait statue of Septimius
from Cyprus is by far one of the most outstanding por­
traits of the emperor and its portrait type can be related
2
to the eastern coinage of the year A.D. 197. One observes
in this fine bronze portrait of the emperor a relation to
the eastern variation of the earliest portrait type found
on the coins of Laodoceia ad Mare and in the two portraits

^See our photo #61.

2
See our photos #67 and #69. For coin from Laodoceia
ad Mare, see photo #68.
 176
from Egypt.* As with Septimius' first official portrait
type, no specific portrait allusion has been identified
with it. The expressive portrait head thus brings us
closer to the individual man who is represented here as
the hardened and forceful soldier-emperor and the statuary
type which has been convincingly associated with the war
2
god, Mars, is a suitable one.
3
The portrait bust in Ostia is of lesser quality.
Its long, divided beard and formation of the curls over
the forehead relate it to the portrait in Cyprus. How­
ever, the brushing of the curls away from the forehead
suggests a relationship to our Marcus Aurelius-Septimius
portrait type. The fleshy cheeks and flattening of the
forms suggest a date after A.D. 200 for the portrait in
the context of Septimius* entire portraiture. It appears
to be a free variation made by an artist who had knowledge
of both the Antoninus Plus-Septlmius portrait types and
the contemporary Marcus Aurelius-Septimius portraits to
be discussed in bue £uliu«li^ chapter.

*See our photos #37, #38, and #39.

2
See the discussion in our catalogue, p. 199
3
See our photo #63.
 177
THE ANTONINUS PIPS-SEPTIM1US PORTRAIT TYPES

Group A

9. Leningrad. Hermitage.
Head attached to bust, provenience unknown. Inv.
A 318.
Marble. Total H. of head with bust 0.66 m.;
H. of head to break In neck, 0.29 m.; H. crown to
end of beard, 0.25 m. ; W. of head, 0.19 a.
The end of the nose Is restored and a snail
piece of the r. eyebrow. The head Is broken at
the neck and placed on a restored (7), naked bust.
The portrait Is known to me only by a photograph.
Photograph: Hermitage, #318.
The head is turned to the right and the level
glance is in the same direction. The eyes are drilled
by large drill holes which fill the upper part of the
pupil. The head has not been examined personally
by the writer. However, it appears ancient in work­
manship judging from the photographs, but it is at­
tached to a naked, probably modern bust, the form of
which is not apparent from the photographs. Its
classicizing style is discussed above in our text.
 178
l-O* Toulouse. Musee Saint Raymond.
Head found at Martres Toloaane in 19th century.
Inv. 30.157.
Italian marble. Total H. of head and neck,
0.31 m.; H., crown to end of beard, 0.28 a.; W.
0.24 a.
Head is broken off at lower neck. Nose
missing. Surface is smoothed and well preserved.
Sharp line of eyebrows, and frown in fora of "v"
at bridge of nose must be evidence of reworking.
Esperandleu, XI, p. 68, #963, with pi.;
Poulsen, Catalogue. p. 502; Braeaer, "Les portraits
antiques trouves a Martres Tolosane," loc. cit..
pp. 143*146 with earlier bibliography.
The head is turned slightly to the right
and the eyes glance upward in that direction. The
mass of curly hair is arranged in scattered curls
around the face with short, loose locks falling over
the forehead, in the profile view the locks fora a
distinct graduated pattern which moves towards the
back of the head. The beard is short and brushed
forward in the profile view. A center division is
suggested by two separated frontal curls, the ends
of which are broken off. The drill is used in short,
deep drill channels which serve to outline the plas­
tic fora of the curls. The workmanship is hard and
 179
the surfaces sharpened, noticed particularly In the
curve of the eyebrows and odd forked division between
the brows, a Bannered form not common to Roman por­
traiture. This classicizing style at first raises
doubts as to the antiquity of the head. However,
its provenience, the ancient city of Martres
Tolosane on the left bank of the Garonne, presupposes
its antiquity. Furthermore, its hardened classicis­
tic style can be explained in the light of its de­
pendence upon an early Antoninus Pius prototype.
We have already noted that the early portraits of
Antoninus Pius show a continuation of the classicizing
Hadrianic style which has also been transferred to
the portrait in Toulouse. Here is positive evidence
in support of Schweitzer*s theory that in the third
century the style as well as the iconography of the
original model influenced new artistic forms.^
The head is included in Poulsen's list of the
portraits of Septimius Severus and Dr. Braeiaer dates

the head in A.D. 194 on the basis of a comparison

with the early coin portraits of Septimius. Its
closest comparison in sculpture in the round is with
the portrait of Septimius in Leningrad. In fact,
the hair curls around the face and the arrangement
of the beard curls can be exactly compared, indicating
1
See above, p. 80, n. 3.
 180
the use of a common model

11. Alexandria. Greco-Roman Museum.

Head from Alexandria. Inv. 33 71.
White marble. H. to break In neck, 0.42 m.
The end of the nose Is broken and the ends
of the beard curls look worn. The head Is broken
off under the beard at the lower neck. The head
has not been studied directly by the writer and Is
known to me only In the poor photograph In Breccia.
Breccia, op. clt.. pp. 185-186, #55, fig. 94.
The head is turned slightly to the right
and the glance is in the same direction. The facial
type is longer and narrower than that found in the
portraits in Toulouse and Leningrad, but it shares
with them the same basic iconography and classiciz­
ing style.

12. xripoli. Archaeological nuseua. fig. 62

Head crowned with oak wreath with center diadem,
from Hadrianic Terme at Lepcis Magna. Inv. 455.
Greyish marble now yellowed with age. H. to
break in neck under beard, 0.33 m.; W. 0.32 m.
The head is broken off directly under the
beard. The nose is missing and the whole surface
 181
of the head Is badly worn and corroded. Part of
the r. and 1. ears are also missing.
The head Is unpublished. Dr. Squarciaplno
Is presently working on a catalogue of the sculptures
In the museum.
Photographs: Archaeological Museum, Tripoli,
D. L. M. 1239, 1240, 1241; German Archaeological
Institute, Rome, neg. 61.1791; McCann, neg. 63.12.
The head is frontal and the eyes stare for­
ward, The heavy oak wreath gives a top-heavy Im­
pression to the small, flattened face. Although the
iconography of the head corresponds to the other
portraits in group "A,” its flattened and abstract­
ing style is very different. Rather than the smoothed
surfaces found in the other portraits, the fleshy
cheeks of an older man are indicated. The curls
are plastically conceived but the drill work is
coarse and lacking in the impressionistic effects
cf the ncwuiit portraits. However, in comparison
with the other portraits of Septimius from North
Africa, the head in Tripoli is less abstract in its
drill technique and form, which indicates a probable
date before A.D. 202.

/
 182
Group B

13. Dresden. Staatllche Kunstsammlunqen (Albertinum).

fig. 53
Head mounted on modern (?) neck piece. #393.
Marble. H. to break in neck below beard,
0,32 m.; W. 0.26 m.
The head appears from the photographs to be
broken off under the beard and mounted on a modern
neck piece. The tip of the nose is restored and
the lower frontal curls of the beard. The head
has not been examined directly by the writer, but
the surface appears in good condition, judging from
the photographs.
Becker, W. G. Augusteum Dresden’s Antike
Denkmaler Enthalten. Leipzig, 1804, I, pp. 60-61
and pi. CXL; Verzeichniss der alten und neuen Blld-
werke und iibriqen Alterthumer in den Salen der Kql.
Antikensammlunq zu Dresden. Dresden, 1833, p. 75,
#244; Hettner, H. Die Bildwerke der Koniqlichen
Antikensammlunq zu Dresden. Dresden, 1869, p. 59,
#244; Bernoulli, p. 27, #75.
Photographs: Staatllche Kunstsammlungen,
#393.
The head is turned slightly to the left and
the glance is to the left. For a discussion of its
style and iconography see our text above.
 183
14. Vienna. Kunathistorlsches Museum.
Head attached to modern bust, formerly in the
Gastello at Catalo, In the Veneto. Inv. I 1294.
White marble. Total H. of head and re­
stored bust, 0.65 m.; H. crown of head to break in
neck, 0.31 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard,
0.20 m.; W. of head 0.22 m.
The bust and nose are restored and also
parts of the eyebrows (?). The beard and hair
curls are very worn, and the frontal locks of the
beard appear to have been broken off. The head has
not been examined personally by the writer.
Diitschke, V, #482; Bernoulli, p. 25, #44.
Photographs: Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum,
IX 4425; German Archaeological Institute, Rome,
63.1764.
The head is turned slightly to the right and
the glance is to the right. The hair and beard are
so badly worn it is dixxicuit to reconstruct the
original iconography. The curls over the forehead
are scattered, however, relating the portrait to
group "B” in the Antoninus Pius series rather than
to the Serapis type, although the distinction is
difficult to make in this particular case. The eyes
are deeply drilled by double holes which fill the
pupils. The eyebrow hairs are Indicated by deep
 184
chisel strokes and are highly arched In a manner
very different from Septimius' usual forms. Al­
though the museum does not Indicate a restoration
of the eyebrows, they would seem to have been re­
worked. Dr. Calza raises some doubt as to the
antiquity of the head, but from close study of
the photographs the beard and hair drilling would
appear ancient. Unfortunately the head was not
available for study at the time of my visit to
the museum.

15. Bedfordshire. Woburn Abbey. fig. 54

Head attached to modern armored bust. #63.
Marble head broken at neck under beard. H.
of head, 0.31 m.
The nose and chin are restored and the fore­
head locks are damaged. The beard and hair curls
are worn. The head has not been examined personally
by the v:r±ter.
Bernoulli, p. 27, #70; Michaelis, op. cit.,
p. 726, #77; Arndt-Amelung, Elnzelaufnahmen. #3143;
Vermeule, Ancient Marbles in Great Britain. "Woburn
Abbey," #63; Vermeule, C. "Notes on a New Edition
of Michaelis. Ancient Marbles in Great Britain,"
A.J.A.. LX, 1956, p. 348.
Photograph: German Archaeological Institute,
Rome, neg. 62.1503.
 185
The head Is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. The scattered curls over the fore­
head relate the portrait to our group ”BM and
particularly to the portrait in Vienna, #14. The
eyes are drilled by two snail, shallow holes and
the eyebrow hairs are indicated.

16. Rome. Palazzo dei Conservatorl. garden. fig. 56

Colossal head attached to modern breastpiece. Inv.
1286.
Italian marble. H. from crown to break in
neck under beard, 0.48 m.; W. 0.40 m.
The head is broken at the neck under the
beard and attached to a modem breastpiece. The
nose is restored. Broken away are the 1. eyebrow,
pieces of lower curls of beard and piece of fore­
head with 1. hanging curl. The whole surface is
now completely worn away and a heavy crustation of
moss covers the face.
Platner, E., c. Bunsen, E. Gerhard, W. Rostell.
Beschrelbunq der Stadt Rom. 1830-42, III, i, p. 116;
Bernoulli, p. 23, #5; Jones, Pal, d. Conservatorl.
p. 252, #109, pi. 98.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.65.
The colossal head is frontal and the glance
is directed slightly to the right. The long beard
 186
Is divided In the middle and three or four locks
are scattered across the forehead which are now
partly destroyed but can be reconstructed from
the earlier photograph Illustrated here. The
moustache Is long In comparison with the other
portraits already discussed In group B. The tuft
of hair under the lower lip, typical of Septimius,
is still visible.
The eyes are drilled by large double drill
holes and the pupils outlined. The drill was used
in short scattered channels in the beard and in
longer, deeper channels in the hair. The lines of
the drill still follow the organic movement of the
curls. Septimius appears here as an older man, and
an interest in surface realism is seen in the indica­
tion of the sagging flesh of the cheeks. The flat­
tened form of the head also indicates a late date
for the portrait within the group. For the rela­
tionship of its style to the other portraits in group
"B" see our discussion above.

17. Tivoli. Hadrian's Villa. Museum. fig. 57

Head, from Hadrian's Villa, Inv. 527.
White marble, now yellowed with age, of fine
crystalline structure. Total H. of preserved head,
0.32 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.29 m.;
 187
V. 0.24 m.
The head Is broken at the lower neck and Is
split through at the middle of the face. The crack
extends from the 1. eye across the nose and cheek.
A triangular piece of the r. cheek and section of
the back of the head are missing. Host of the nose
Is worn away and the curls of the beard and hair
are badly worn. The surface of the face Is also
completely worn away.
Aurigemma, S. "Lavorl nel Canopo dl Villa
Adriana-III." Bollettlno d«arte. XLI, 1954, series
IV, p. 63.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 64.80.
The head Is frontal with the eyes turned up­
ward to the right. The drill was used extensively
in deep channels throughout the beard and hair. The
use of the drill, the upward glance and the consoli­
dation of the plastic form suggest a date after A.D,
200 foi. the head. In style it is more closely re­
lated to the colossal head In the Palazzo del
Conservatorl than to the classicizing style of the
other portraits In group "B," It can also be related
to the later portraits of Septimius In the Serapis
series; however, the Iconography of the hair curls
Identify the head with the Antoninus Pius group.
That the artist must have had a knowledge of
 188
contemporary Serapis-Septimius portraits is also
seen In the longer form of the moustache.

18. London. British Museum. fig. 59

Small bronze laureate bust, draped in paludamentum
fastened on r, shoulder. Castellan!, 1873, formerly
in Hertz Collection (?). Inv. B.M. 513.
Bronze. Total H. of bust, 0.11 m.j H. of
head to end of beard, 0.05 m.; V. of head 0.05 m.
The little bust is in excellent condition,
and shows a dark green patina which appears to be
ancient. The back of the bust is hollowed out.
Walters, H. B. Catalogue of the Bronzes Greek.
Roman and Etruscan in the Department of Greek and
Roman Antiquities. British Museum, London, 1899,
p. 151, #838, pi. XXVI, with earlier bibliography.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.50.
The little bust faces forward and the glance
is frontal. The Load is crowned with a 1aural wraacii
from which decorative fillets hang down and decorate
the upper shoulders. The beard is long and divided,
and the hair locks are scattered across the forehead.
Although the piece is small and crude in workmanship,
the basic iconography can be connected with Septimius
and more specifically with the Antoninus Pius type
MB."
 169
The bust type Is very similar to the por­
trait of a young boy who has been identified as
both Caracalla and Geta on a bronze plaque showing
an inscription of the fourth cohort of the Vigiles
in the Capitoline Museum, dated in A.D. 203.^ A
female head decorated the upper left corner of the
tablet and an empty center boss indicates the former
presence of a third bust. The plaque was originally
published with a bust of Septimius on it, which ac­
cording to Professor Pietrangeli is known to have
been attached to the plaque in 1775. Platner records
the inscription in 1837 with the busts of Septimius,
Caracalla and Julia. The inscription is again pub­
lished in the C.I.L. in 1876 with portraits of
Septimius, Geta and Caracalla. There is evidently
some confusion here in the identification of the
other two busts. In any case, the portrait of
Septimius disappeared at an early date from the
whoaccords.
The little bronze in the British Museum bears
a close relationship in bust form and style to that
of Caracalla still remaining on the plaque in the
Capitoline. Although the size of the bust in London

^"Platner, Beschrelbunq. Ill, i, p. 184, #38;

C.I.L. VI, #220; Hubner, E^ "Caracalla. Rundes Erzrelief
des Berliner Museum," Archaoloqische Zeltunq. XXXVI,
1878, p. 29; Bernoulli, p. 28, #87; Pietrangeli, C.
Musee Capitolini. Gulda breve. Rome, 1963, p. 45, #54.
 190
is slightly larger, as the central figure decorat­
ing the tablet an Increase in size would not be
out of keeping. The evidence suggests the pos­
sibility of an identification of the bronze bust
now in the British Museum with the lost portrait
on the plaque in the Capitoline.

Group C

19. Istanbul. Archaeological Museum. fig. 64

Head with oak crown. Perhaps from Beirut. Inv. 46.
White, fine grained marble. H. to break in
neck under beard, 0.39 m.
The head is broken off under the beard. The
nose is missing and the lower forehead and lower
beard curls are damaged. The crown is partly de­
tachable. The surface was originally polished.
The head has not been personally examined by the
writer.
Mendel, G. Catalogue des sculptures arecques.
romaines. et bvzantlnes. Musees Imperiaux Ottomans.
Constantinople, XI, 1912-1914, pp. 320-321, #587;
Schede, M. Mels terwerke der Tiirkischen Museen zu
Konstantinopel. vol. I, Griechische und romische
Skulpturen des Antikenmuseums. Berlin and Leipzig,
1928, pp. 20-21, pi. 42, #587.
 191
The head Is frontal and the eyes stare out­
ward In the same direction. The drill is used
sparingly in the beard and hair, and the pupils
of the eyes are drilled by a deep central hole.
Mendel in his catalogue of the Istanbul collection
suggested an identification with Clodius Albinus
or Pescennius Niger. Schede identifies the por­
trait with Septinius on the basis of its similarity
with coin portraits and the portrait on the arch
of the Argentarii. The identification with
Septimius and the style of the portrait are dis­
cussed in our text. The head shows the mixture
of stylistic trends to be expected in the East.
The classical heritage of plastic life is still
felt in the rounded curls of the hair and beard.
However, the face Itself shows strong abstracting
tendencies apparent in its flattened form and the
parallel, linear furrows which accent the broad,
flat brow. l;ne fixity of expression is also
anti-classical and relates the Istanbul portrait
to later antique art. The head may be a posthumous
work; however, abstracting tendencies were noted in
the early portraits of Septimius from the East and
the head in Istanbul rather appears to indicate
the progressive development of these trends In the
East during the first half of Septimius' reign.
 192
20. Rowe. Palazzo Colonna. fig. 66
Armored bast with paludamentum draped on 1. shoulder.
Probably Greek marble, now yellowed with
age. Total H. of bust with foot, 0.72 ra.; H. top
of head to end of beard, 0.30 m. ; W. of head 0.25 m.
The head and foot are unbroken from the bust
which is decorated with a Medussa head and a band
knotted across the lower chest. Restored are: the
nose, both end curls of frontal beard, part of 1.
shoulder, and fragments of drapery folds. The
upper part of the foot is chipped. The eyebrows
are worn and center curls are worn but ancient.
R. eyeball scratched and parts of curls on r. side
of beard are broken off. The entire surface shows
signs of heavy cleaning.
Matz, F. and F. von Duhn. Antike Bildwerke
in Rom. Leipzig, I, 1881, #1881; Bernoulli, p. 23,
#14; Corti, G. Galleria Colonna. Rome, 1937, p. 82,
-u-i 22 .
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.76.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. Across the center of the upper
forehead appears the block of waved curls which
characterized the head in Istanbul. The classicizing
style and softened expression of the head in the
 193
Palazzo Colonna, however, are very different and
relate the portrait particularly to early portraits
of Septimius of the Serapis type, as the head In
the Louvre, #1117 (our photo #90).
The portrait Is an Important one for Its
Iconography and because of the preservation of the
bust. The workmanship, however, is only of fair
quality and illustrates the standardized repetition
of the imperial portraits.

21. Tebessa (Algeria). Musee du Temple Paien.

Head found near Basilica in Tebessa.
Marble. H. of head to break in neck under
beard, 0.22 m.
The head is broken off under the beard.
Gsell notes evidence of a mantel. Nose is damaged
and 1. eyebrow. The head is known to me only in
a poor photograph.
S. Lc H usee de Tebessa. rtusees et
collections archeologiaues de 1 1Algerle et de la
Tunisia, Paris, X, 1902, p. 42, pi. XV, 1; Souville,
G. "Statues imperiales du Musee de Guelma," Libvca.
XX, 1954, p. 149, and n. 3.
The head is turned to the right and the
glance is to the right. The block of curls dis­
tinctive for this portrait group appear on the
 194
forehead, but they are more Isolated than In the
previous examples noted In group ”C." The softened
expression relates the portrait to the one in the
Palazzo Colonna. The lack of drill work in the
beard, with its soft rendering of the forms of the
curls connects the head in style with some of the
other portraits of Septimius from North Africa.1

22. Poland. Castle in Poznan.

Head attached to modern bust, formerly in Berlin,
#381, and given to Poznan in 1930's. Originally
in Polignac collection and from Sanssoucl. Inv.
3121.
White marble. Total H. with bust 0.64 m.
Head is broken at lower neck and attached to
modern bust. Restored are: nose, ends of frontal
curls of beard and part of 1. and part of r. ear.
Damage on 1. eyebrow, forehead and hair curls. The
hcuu i s known to Kc only in a poor photograph.
Conze, A. Beschreibunq der antiken Skulpturen
mit Ausshluss der Perqamenischen Fundstiicke. Konig-
liche Museen zu Berlin, Berlin, 1891, p. 154, #381;
Bernoulli, p. 2 7, #76; Bienkowski, P. O Popiersiach

^Compare the head in Guelma from Khamissa, our

photo #93. Other portraits from North Africa, however,
of seemingly contemporary date show an advance use of the
drill, as the portrait of Septimius in Tripoli of this
type (see our photo #62).
 195
Cezarow Rzvmskich na Zamku w Poznanlu. Poznan,
1923, p. 17, pi. V, fig. XII.
The head is turned to the right and the
glance is to the right. The characteristic block
of waved curls can be made out on the forehead
which connects the portrait with our group "C."
The photograph is too poor to make stylistic
judgments about the head. However, the odd,
long drill channels used in the beard and hair,
separating the individual locks of hair, do not
look like ancient workmanship. Blumel doubts the
antiquity of the head in a penciled notation in
Conze's original catalogue.

Group D

23. Venice. Museo Archeoloqico. fig. 61

Head on restored bust, formerly in Grimani Collec­
tion, 1586, Inv. 54.
Marble. Total H. 0.70 m.; W. of bust, 0.55 m.
The head is broken at the neck under the
beard. The nose and bust are restored. The head
is known to me only in photographs, but the surface
appears to have been cleaned.
Diitschke, V., #85; Bernoulli, p. 25, #47;
Anti, C, IJL Reqio Museo Archeoloqico nel Palazzo
Reale di Venezia. Rome, 1930, p. 126, #41,
 196
Photographs: Museo Archeologico, negs,
1514-1516.
The head Is turned to the right and the
glance Is to the right. For a comparison of Its
Iconography with the latest portrait type used by
Antoninus Pius see our text above. Unusual in the
style of the portrait is the advanced schematiza-
tlon of the short drill channels which are used to
outline the plastic clumps of curls. The eyebrows
also are rendered in short chisel strobes which
form an abstract pattern. There is some question
in the writer's mind concerning the antiquity of
the head, but final judgment is suspended until
the head can be studied at first hand.

24, Mantua. Palazzo Ducale.

Head attached to modern bust, from Sabbioneta.
Inv. 6913.
Italian marble. II. of head to break in
neck, 0.35 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard,
0. 30 m.
The neck is cut to set into a bust. The
nose, and large sectionof 1. side of beard are
restored, as well as section of beard below lower
lip, including portion of r. beard curls. The two
lower frontal curls of the beard, however, are
ancient. The curls on the upper forehead and top
of the head have been badly damaged and the sur­
face heavily cleaned. Traces of ancient polish,
however, remain.
Dutschke, IV, #778; Bernoulli, p. 24, #39;
Levi, A. Sculture qreche £ romane del Palazzo Dueale
Mantova. Rome, 1931, #145.
Photographs: '•Calzolari," Mantua; McCann,
neg. 63.17.
The head is turned to the right and the
glance is to the right. The frontal locks are so
damaged that it is difficult to identify this por­
trait securely with a definite group. However,
the pattern which remains is closest to the framing
pattern of locks seen in the head in Venice. The
style of the Mantua portrait, however, is very dif­
ferent. The surface planes are not smooth but are
modulated and the short drill channels of the
bcsrd and hair create a flickering pattern cf
light and shadow over the surface in the more
traditional Antonine impressionistic manner. The
head is a poor work and badly destroyed which makes
stylistic discussion limited. The soft expression
and long facial type connect it with earlier por­
traits in the Serapis group, such as the portrait
in the Museo Torlonia, #566 (our photo #94).
 198
APPENDIX

25. Cyprus. Nicosia. Cyprus Museum. figs. 67, 69

Bronze, nude statue found In 1928 near Kythrea
(the ancient Chytri).
Bronze. Total H. of statue, 2.08 m.
The statue was found in many pieces. The
head and upper torso were restored in 1929 and in
1940 the whole statue was reassembled. Head
originally broken behind the ears and at neck.
Face originally in one piece. R. foot, 1. foot
(except for upraised heel), and piece of r. hand
and wrist restored. Upper shoulders and back
show patching. Deep, dark green patina. Surface
of head in excellent condition.
Goethert, F. W. "Archaologische Funde auf
Cypern," A.A.. 1934, XLIX, p. 99, fig. 13; Levi,
"La Statua bronzea dl Settlaio Severo a Cipro,"
loc. cit., pp. 3-9; Dikaios, P. "The Bronze Statue
of Septimius Severus in the Cyprus Museum,"
Archaeology. 1948, I, #3, pp. 146-147; Vessberg, O.
"Roman Portrait Art in Cyprus," Opuscula Romana.
I, 1954, p. 164; Vermeule, C. review of "Opuscula
Romana, vol. I," A.J.A.. vol. 59, 1955, p. 351;
Vessberg, O. "The Hellenistic and Roman Periods
in Cyprus," Swedish Cyprus Expedition. IV, 3,
Stockholm, 1956, p. 104, pis. XXI-XXII; Baity,
 199
"tJn prototype officlel dans 1 •iconographie de
Septime Severe," loc. cit.. p. 107 and n. 2, pi.
110, n. 4, pi. V, fig. 2; Dikaios, P. A Guide to
the Cyprus Museum. Nicosia, 1961, p. 111.
Photographs: Cyprus Museum negs. C 985,
C 2938, C 5604, F 29, G 1872; McCann, neg. 63.7.
The statue stands with the weight on the
right leg, the right arm stretched forward and the
left arm bent and held high. The head is turned
to the emperor's left, and the glance is in the
same direction. The pose was originally inter­
preted by scholars as an "adlocutio" motif but
recently Vermeule convincingly identifies the pose
with the Republican and Augustan cult figure of
Mars Victor, restoring a spear in the right hand
and a small trophy in the left. The magnificent
statue was originally identified with Septimius
on the basis of its iconography. Excavation at
the actual site of discovery has not revealed wlici'c

the statue was originally erected or for what

occasion. The Severan period in Cyprus was marked
by considerable building activity,'1' and it is
speculated that perhaps the statue was erected on
the occasion of the erection of an aqueduct from

■^Hill, Sir George. A History of Cyprus. Cambridge,

1940, p. 233.
Kythrea to Salamis.
The powerful head can be closely related In
Its iconography to the portraits of Septimius. The
brow is broad and here unfurrowed with stress on
the horizontal eyebrows. The facial type tends to
be broad and square and the beard is of medium length,
divided in the center. The bushy moustache is parted
in the middle and a short tuft of hair appears below
the lower lip. In the profile view the curls of
the beard are held into one mass which juts for­
ward beyond the chin. The hair is scattered in
round, plastic ringlets over the head and a mass
of curls falls in a horseshoe curve over the upper
forehead. The broad, square facial type, divided
beard and horizontal brows clearly distinguish the
portrait from that of his rival, Clodius Albinus.
(Compare bust in Capitoline Museum, our photo #47.)
Also details in the iconography of the portrait in
Cyprus distinguish it front Albinus wiiu shows a.

diagonally parted tuft of hair below the lower lip

and a distinct inward curve to the ends of the
moustache as well as flatter hair curls. The only
point in similarity is the treatment of the hair
over the forehead in the portrait in Cyprus.
Levi's dating of the statue as an "inter­
mediate” type between those portraits of Septimius
 201

which show hanging curls and those without has

already been mentioned as well as the relationship
of the sculptural style to the Hellenistic tradi­
tion in Asia Minor.1 Although Levi does not assign
a definite date to the statue, he believes it is
the portrait of an older man and thus would
evidently assign it later in Septimius* second
eastern campaign. Vermeule, more recently, would
like to date the statue in A.D. 202 when Septimius
could point, as Mars Victor, to the parallel
triumphs of Augustus over the Parthians in 20 B.C.
However, the hair style and facial type of the
Cyprus head can be related to the two early por­
traits of Septimius from Egypt (see our #6 and #7).
The beard, however, is longer in the Cyprus head.
The closest comparison with the coin portraits of
Septimius has been found on a denarius of A. D. 197,
most probably minted in the Syrian city of Laodoceia
ad Karc, Immediately across from Cyprus on the
2
coast. This coin type also bears a dedication to
nMARTI VICTORI** on the reverse with Mars standing
3
holding shield and spear. The portrait type used

^See above, p. 8.
2
See our photo #68.
3Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. 117.
 202

on the coins shows the heard curls held together

and swept forward into a point. The hair comes
down over the high forehead in a half-circle with
short ringlets clinging to the skull as in the por­
trait from Cyprus. Contemporary coinage in Rome
shows a different, broader facial type with the
beard already parted into three sections.
Exact replicas of the portrait from Cyprus
have not been found among the identified portraits
of Septimius. The arrangement of the forehead
curls links the statue with group "D" of the
Antoninus Pius-Septimius type. However, its
strongly Hellenizing style is very different from
any of the portraits in the series, nor can it be
considered within the context of a symbolic allusion
to Antoninus. Rather, the image is that of Septimius
as Mars Victor. There seems no reason, however, to
date the statue as late as Vermeule's suggestion
of A.D, 202 on the ha*is of the historical evidence.
Septimius as Mars Victor could equally well commemorate
the victory over Clodius Albinus in A.D. 197, an
event which established Septimius as sole ruler of
both the eastern and western parts of the empire.
Also his early victories over the Parthians, as the
fall of Ctesiphon in about A.D. 198 could be con­
sidered. This particular victory also gained
 203
Septimius a new imperial salutation as previously
awarded to Trajan.1
The fine portrait statue from Cyprus would
appear to be a single commemorative portrait of the
emperor originating in the Roman east. The connec­
tion of the portrait with the coins of Laodoceia ad
Mare suggests that the artist may have come from
this nearby city which received special honor for
its loyalty to Septimius. It was also made the
capital of Syria in place of Antioch and was pro­
moted to the rank of a branch of the Roman mint
2
about A.D. 197. One can imagine there a flourish­
ing group of artists, one of whom might well have
been given the commission for an impressive por­
trait of the emperor from the neighboring island.

26. Ostia. Museum. fig. 61

Armored bust from excavations at Ostia, Isola Sacra.
JtO O
TT*~ ^ •

Italian marble. Total H. with bust and foot,

0.75 m.; W. of bust, 0.61 m.; H. crown of head to
end of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of head 0.25 m.
The head, bust and foot are unbroken. Nose
and parts of both ears are missing. Frontal curls

^Platnauer, op. clt., pp. 116-117.

^Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. CXXIV.
 204
are damaged and surfaces of beard and hair are worn.
The lower part of the bust is scratched and chipped.
Surface worn.
Ricci, G. "Sculture rinvenute nell'lsola
Sacra," Atti della Reale Accademia Nazionale dei
Lincei, notizie deqll scavi di antichita, XV, 1939,
series 6, pp. 59-61; Calza G. La necropoll del Porto
di Roma nell'lsola Sacra. Rome, 1940, p. 247, fig.
147; Calza, R. and M. F. Squarclapino, Museo Ostiense,
Rome, 1962, p. 57, #15 (39); Baity, "Un prototype
officiel dans 1'iconographie de Septime Severe,"
loc. cit.. p. 108, n. 1.
Photographs: Ostia museum #29; Gabinetto
Fotografico Nazionale, F 5723, 5724.
The bust is frontal with the head turned
slightly to the left and the glance to the left and
upward. The simple cuirass is decorated with a
Medusa head. The beard is long and divided in the
niddla and the curls fell in e flet scrr.i-circle over
the upper forehead. The side curls are brushed away
from the face. The face itself is broad and long
and the plastic forms have been flattened. The
ears are also large and distorted, placed high in
the head and pulled forward to emphasize the frontal
view. The forehead is smooth but the fleshy, soft
folds of the cheeks are indicated.
 This combination of an interest in surface
realism seen in the rendering of the sagging flesh
of the cheeks and advanced geometrization of the
structure seen in the flattened and block-like form
of the head relates the portrait to the later por­
traits of Septimius in the Serapis and Marcus
2
Aurelius series. Mrs. Baity has compared the
head in Ostia to the portrait on the "Dextrarum
Xunctio" relief from the arch at Lepcis Magna.
She concludes, however, that the Ostia portrait
is representative of a varying type. The longer
divided beard does relate the portrait to the por­
trait in the relief from Lepcis and our Nerva series.
However, the hair style is different and cannot be
definitively placed in any one of our groups. The
portrait in Ostia shows a free variation based on
several of Septimius' portrait types which would
have been available to an artist working in the
later part cf hie rcigr.. The works',anship is
cursory and suggests the hand of a lesser artist
at work.

7
See head in Mantua, our photo #96 (catalogue #64,
p. 294 and bust in Toulouse, #75 (catalogue #31, p. 225).
 CHAPTER FIVE
THE MARCUS AURELIUS-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT TYPE
 CHAPTER FIVE
THE MARCUS AURELIUS-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT TYPE

We know from the coins and the Inscriptions that

in A.D. 195, while Septimius was still in the East, he
claimed Marcus Aurelius had adopted him, legitimizing
his claim to the throne, and took the title, "the son
of Dlvus Marcus the Good," Undoubtedly, this further
alliance with the Antonine house was aimed at obtaining
support for his new campaign against his western rival
for power, Clodius Albinus, who had declared himself
Augustus in Gaul and Britain in A.D. 195 and found strong
1
support from the Roman senatorial class. Such a specific
claim appears to have been a bold and judiciously calcu­
lated move on Septimius' part, and it is natural to suppose
that a portrait type would exist which would visually por­
tray to the Roman people this new symbolic association.
It might also be supposed that the intent of the original
"imago" would not primarily be to represent Septimius'
individual physiognomy, but to give symbolic form to his
new claim to imperial power.
A distinctly new portrait type appears on the
eastern coins of Laodocela ad Mare and on an uncertain

^See above, p. 29, and p. 56, n. 2.

207
 208
eastern mint of A.D. 196-197 which is very different
from the previous portrait types discussed.1 A study of
its iconography has revealed strong similarities with the
portraits of Marcus Aurelius. The new portrait type has
not been found on the Roman coins which suggests that the
type must have originated in the Cast, as the historical
situation indicates. Previous to this date coins of
Laodoceia ad Mare had struck a squat, square-faced profile
with a broad nose which we have already related to the
2
earliest portrait type used by the emperor. In the
later portrait type, the face becomes distinctly narrower
and longer. The nose is thin and pointed and the firm,
military, forward glance of the earlier soldier type has
been replaced by an arched brow with deeply set eyes which
look upward. The beard is distinctly longer and brushed
forward. The curls are divided into two or three sections
which tend to be held in a mass with the back curl rolled
forward. Forehead curls seem to appear in some profiles
but on others the hair is brushed distinctly upwards,
3
leaving the forehead bare. The hair brushed off the

Mattingly, B.M.C. .V,pi. 19, #12-14, and #17-19,

pp. 113, 116.
2See above, p. 124, n. 3.
^Mattingly, B.M.C.,V,pi. 19, #17.
That this is not the only portrait type occurring on
the eastern coinage at this time is seen by the portrait on
a coin of Laodoceia ad Mare minted in A.D. 197 which was
previously related to the single bronze statue of the
emperor in Cyprus. This particular coin portrait shows
the beard undivided and the hair curls brushed in a half
 209
forehead, the thin, pointed nose, and the upward glance
of the eyes relate this portrait type to the late coin
portraits of Marcus Aurelius.^* While Marcus Aurelius*
beard hangs straight down rather than waved forward, the
close relationship in other respects suggests the pos­
sibility that the change in Septimius* features appearing
on the eastern coins just one year after his claim to
adoption was intended as a symbolic allusion to Marcus
Aurelius himself.
Definite proof of an association with Marcus
Aurelius is found on the coins of Antioch where the ob­
verse portrait clearly draws on the image of his adopted
father used on earlier coins of the same city. The
reverse form adopts the same design of an eagle resting
2
on the leg and thigh of an animal. The Antioch coins
are dated by their inscription, **C0S III," in the year
A.D. 202. A different portrait type occurs on other
eastern coins of an uncertain Asian mint in the years
3
A.D. 198-202. These coins show a shortened facial type

circle over the forehead with the eyes glancing straight

ahead. See our discussion above, pp. 201-202 and our
photo #68.
Hfegner, op. cit. . pi. 60, e-1 (A.D. 168-179).
2
Wroth, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Galatia.
Cappadocia. and Syria. pi. XXIII, #7, #9. Compare with
the coin of Marcus Aurelius, ibid.. pi. XXIII, #5. See
our photos #76, #77.
3Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p. 304, #758, pi. 67, #1.
See our photo #70. Mattingly suggests that the mint may
be identified with Cappadocia (ibid.. p. CLXVIII).
 210

with a shorter heard and the mass of hair curls brushed

higher up off the forehead. The nose is straight hut
the glance is directed forward rather than upward. The
hair style and the short beard length suggest a possible
relationship with an early portrait type of Marcus
Aurelius. On coins dated between A.D. 158-160, Marcus
Aurelius' hair forms a similar mass of curls and the
rounded forehead is bare.1 The facial type and beard
length are also shorter in comparison with the later por­
trait type. This comparison suggests the possibility
that more than one Marcus Aurelius-Septimius portrait
type may have been in existence.
That the Marcus Aurelius portrait type continued
in use after Septimius* return to Rome in A.D. 202 is
proved by its appearance on the arch of Septimius at
Lepcis Magna. We have already noted that the portrait
2
of Septimius from the scene of the Triumphal Procession
can be related to the latest Jupiter-like portrait type
of Marcus Aurelius. This particular portrait type of
Marcus Aurelius is dated by Wegner on the basis of the
3
coinage about A.D, 169 or later. A second allusion to

^Gnecchi, op. cit.. II, pi. 62, #6 (A.D. 159).

See our photo #71. For coins of A.D. 158-160, see Wegner,
op. cit., pi. 59, k, 1, m.
2
See our photo #27.
3
Wegner, oj>. cit., pp. 45-47, 194, and pi, 60e.
The portrait of Marcus Aurelius does not significantly
change on the coinage issued from A.D. 168-169 up until
 211
Jupiter In the portraits of Septimius on the arch appears
in the large sacrifice relief^* and it is also used for
the single portrait head which has also been associated
2
with the arch. In these portraits Septimius adopts the
long, shoulder length hair style of Jupiter himself. A
claim to outright deification would seem to be indicated
by the Iconography and Is also supported by the inter-
3
pretation of the relief scene as a whole. This portrait
type with the long hair has not been identified in the
portraits of the emperor in the round. One would suppose
that this divine type is later than the Marcus Aurelius
portrait type alluding to Jupiter and probably evolved
from it.
There is thus evidence from both the historical
reliefs and the coins that Septimius used visual symbolism
to embody his historical association with the philosophic
Marcus Aurelius. For the Marcus Aurelius portrait type
used by Septimius a "terminus post quern" date is established

his death in A.D. 180. During the last ten years of his
reign, the emperor was in Rome only twice, once during
the year A.D. 169 and for a stay in the years A.D. 176-
178. The rest of his time was spent on the Danube front.
Probably, the original model for this latest portrait type
originated in Rome and the evidence from the coinage in­
dicates the probable time to be that of his first stay in
A.D. 169.
1
See our photo #30.
2
See our photo #31, and above, p. 102, n. 2.
3
See above, p. 106.
 212
by the historical fact of Septimius' claim to adoption
In A.D. 195. The eastern coins showing an allusion to
Marcus Aurelius can be dated between A.D. 196-202. That
it was a popular type continuing in use beyond these
years is seen by the representations on the arch at
Lepcis Magna and in the posthumous portrait of Septimius
in Djemila.1 Septimius continued to honor Marcus Aurelius
during his reign as can be seen by his repetition of an
2
anniversary issue of Marcus Aurelius in A.D. 207. Un­
doubtedly over such a long period of time, newer por­
trait types must also have been created and in use which
might have had influence upon the older existing portrait
forms. Thus, caution must be exercised for only a relative
chronological development of the imperial portrait types
can be established here and the possibility that a new
portrait type is created while replicas of an older type
are still being made must be kept in mind. The main
period of popularity of the Marcus Aurelius type, however,
can be established by the disappearance of the eastern
coins in A.D. 202.
L*Orange, in his study on apotheosis states that
this iconographic group under discussion forms an inter­
mediate link between his "Leptis" type without the hang­
ing frontal curls and the "Serapis" type whose origin he
1
See our photo #36.
2
Grant, op. cit., pp. 116, 119.
 213
dates in A.D. 204. He groups together the head in Copen­
hagen, #721, the bust in Toulouse, and the colossal head
i
in Djemila in his intermediate series. More recently
Frederik Poulsen in his Catalogue of Ancient Sculpture in
2
the Ny CarIsberg Glyptotek suggests that the head in
Copenhagen, the bust in Toulouse, and the head from Hannover
form a separate type. Mrs. Baity in her study in the
Collection Latomus in 1962 groups together a series of
nine portraits which she feels all go back to one common
prototype. She terms the group "un type intermediaire"
and following L'Orange's chronology would date the execu­
tion of all the portraits in her series to the years A.D.
203-204, limited by the dates of the arch at Lepcis and
the arch of the Argentarii in Rome. She does not include
the head in Hannover mentioned by Poulsen in her series.
Other portraits which our study has shown may be associated
with the type, which have not previously been mentioned
5
in this connection, are the three portraits in the Louvre
6
and the statue in the Boboli gardens in Florence. These

1Apotheosis, p. 141.
2p. 501.
*3

"Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime Severe,"

loc. cit., pp. 193-194, p. 196.
4
See our catalogue, #36.
5
See our photos #79, #80, and #81.
®See our photos #82, #83.
 214
portraits all show the sane upswept hair style and beard
style which connect then with the other portraits of the
group. Mrs. Baity further rejects the portrait in
Djemila and calls it a unique type which was executed
after Septimius1 death.^ Its posthumous dating has al-
2
ready been discussed here. The Djemila portrait, how­
ever, despite its much more advanced Late Antique style,
still shows the upswept hair and divided beard held to­
gether into one mass typical of the Marcus Aurelius
portrait type. Thus, I include this portrait from Djemila
in the Marcus Aurelius group, and it is of special interest
because it shows the continuing transformation process in
the life of this popular imperial portrait type which
becomes infused with new life in beeping with a new age.
The type has become frozen into a frontal view and the
large dominating eyes stare upward into space.
The coin evidence has indicated that the model
for the Marcus Aurelius type must have originated in the
LaL. Huwiivei, Hit: provonlonco whon kuowu foi the por­
traits in the round associated with the type, with the
exception of the Djemila head, is Italy. A model might
have been sent back to the capital which was in use only
in the sculpture workshops since the type does not appear
1
Baity, "Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime
Severe," loc. cit., p. 194, n. 1.
2
See above, pp. 114-115.
 215
on Roman coinage.^ The coins gave evidence of the pos­
sible use of more than one model alluding to Marcus
Aurelius. The arch at Lepcis indicated a further trans­
formation of the type as well as the portrait in Djemila
which has special significance for Late Antique art. The
process revealed is thus not a static one for growth of
an individual portrait type occurs. Transformation and
variation of the basic form takes place. In any dating
of the following portraits one must also take into account
the possibility of a progressive and more traditional
artist working side by side.
The popularity of the Marcus Aurelius type is
indicated by the number of portraits in the round which
can be identified with it. The following catalogue dis­
tinguishes between two groups of portraits in the round.
A broader and shorter facial type with a soft, idealizing
expression and shorter, less obviously divided beard are
the main characteristics of the portraits grouped around
„
tha bust in the Teiiic: Museum In Ruwe 2 and designated here

under "A." It is assumed that this type is the earlier

one and closer to the original "imago" since the facial

^For a discussion of the distribution of Roman

imperial portraits see: Swift, E. H. "Imagines in Imperial
Portraiture." A.J.A.. XXVII, 1923, pp. 286-301, and Stuart,
M. "How were imperial portraits distributed throughout the
Roman empire?". A.J.A.. XLIII, 1939, pp. 601-617. The
whole problem oTthe distribution of imperial portraits
needs re-evaluation in the light of more recent studies.
2
See our photo #72.
 216
form can be related to the earlier "soldier*1 portrait
type of Septiroius. The longer faced and longer bearded
portraits form a "sub-type," listed in the catalogue as
group "B.1,1
Falling somewhere between the two groups, the fine
bust in the Blblioteca del Pontificio Ateneo Antoniano
2 3
in Rome and the bust in Toulouse are more closely re­
lated to each other in their more animated expression and
turn of the head and glance to the left. The bust in the
Blblioteca shows a strongly classicizing style in the
broad, smooth planes of the face and plasticity of the
fuller hair curls. Related also to these two portraits
4
is a head in Mantua, where, however, the style is very
different. The modulate surfaces and exaggerated expres­
sion obtained from the contorted brow and upward curve
of the eyes show a very "Baroque" interpretation of the
type, a style which also would lead one to suspect its
antiquity. The longer beard and facial type of the Mantua
5
portrait do relate it to the portraits.in the Louvre,
g
Hannover, and the very destroyed portrait In the Museo

1See our photos #78-83.

2
See our photo #74.
3
See our photo #75.
4
See our photo #78.
5See our photos #79, #80, #81.
6Our catalogue #36.
 217
Chlaramonti In the Vatican.^
Despite these differences, all the portraits in
the series share basic iconographic features which can
be closely related to portraits of Marcus Aurelius in the
round. The bushy hair is brushed away from the temples
in sweeping curls and raised above the forehead as in
2
the later portraits of Marcus Aurelius. The beard,
although divided in the center, tends to be held into a
mass around the chin and brushed forward at the sides.
The upper whiskers show the same short curls typical of
the portraits of Marcus Aurelius. The ears in this type
are partially covered by the hair curls which are arranged
in large clumps of curls waved toward the back of the
head. The pattern is clearly taken from the late Jupiter
portrait type used by Marcus Aurelius and further confirms
the intended relationship between the two. The moustache
which forms a horizontal line over the upper lip and
drops abruptly at either end rather than curving gradually
downwards as in the earlier soldier type is also closer
to Maraus Aurelius' iconography.
The whole group of portraits is further united by
a common interest in late Antonine illusionistic effects

10ur catalogue #37.

2
For example, compare the head of Marcus Aurelius
in the Capltoline Museum, #38 (tfegner, op. clt.. pi. 25)
or the head in the Terme Museum, #688 (our photo #29).
seen in the rich drill treatment of the hair and beard
which contrasts with the smooth planes of the face.
Since these stylistic concerns are common to the por­
traits in both groups, it is probable that their style
was also taken from the original model. Where individual
variations occur toward a more classicizing style, as in
the case of the portrait in the Biblioteca del Pontificio
Ateneo Antoniano in Rome, or towards a more Baroque style,
as in the portrait in Mantua, one would suppose that they
were the addition of the particular executing artist.
In conclusion, it would appear that a revival or continua­
tion of the Antonine style with its stress on coloristic
effects accompanies the new iconographic type based on
Marcus Aurelius himself. Any further individual varia­
tions in style or iconography will be incorporated in
the discussion of the individual portraits in the follow-
catalogue below.
 219
THE MARCUS AURELIUS-SEPT1MIUS PORTRAIT TYPE

Group A

2 7. Rome. Museo Nazlonale. fig. 72

Armored bust with paludamenturn over 1. shoulder,
from Ostia. Inv. 345.
Greek marble. Total H. of bust, 0.69 m. ;
H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of
head, 0.26 m.
Head is unbroken from the bust. Missing
are the nose, ends of the curls of the beard and
hair locks, piece of upper lip with fragment of
the moustache, 1. portion of gorgon's head on
breastplate and edges oj£ palud amenturn and brooch.
L. eyebrow bruised and 1. forehead.
Bernoulli, p. 24, #2 7 C?);1 Paribeni, R.
Le Terroe di Dlocleziano _e 11 Museo Nazlonale Romano.

The identification of this bust in Bernoulli^

list has recently been discussed by Mrs. Baity in her
article "Deux portraits 'perdus' de Septime Severe,"
Revue beige de philoloqie et d'histoire. XL, 1962, #1,
pp. 6 2 - 9 . She wishes to identify this bust in the Terme
with Bernoulli's lost portrait from Ostia, indicated as
#30 in his list. However, Bernoulli specifically states
that the lost portrait is a "head" and since he is care­
ful to differentiate busts and heads in his listing, the
evidence for an identification with #30 is not conclusive
to thle writer's mind. For Bernoulli's #2 7, Mrs. Baity
identifies a bust of Septimius from the Kircheriano now lost
from the Terme Museum and published in Gauckler, P. Le
sanctualre Syrien du Janicule. Paris, 1912, pp. 289-THK),
pi. LVII.. The present museum inventory card for the lost
bust from the Kircheriano indicates that the head, although
 220

Rome, 1932, p. 248, #743; Maj, Museo Nazionale.

pp. 127-128, #252; Baity, ”Un nouveau portrait
roraain de Septiiae Severe,” loc. clt.. pp. 188 ff.,
figs. 2, 4, 6; Baity, ”Deux portraits 'perdus*
de Septime Severe,” loc. cit., pp. 82-89.
Photographs: Mr. J. Felbermeyer, American
Academy, Rome; Gabinetto Fotografico Nazionale,
Rome, negs. E 44533, 44534.
The head is turned slightly to the right
with the eyes glancing in the same direction and
slightly upward. The emperor wears a cuirass
decorated with a Medusa head. The paludamentum
is fastened by a brooch on the left shoulder, and
the metal hasp over the right shoulder is decorated
by a finely carved Nike. The whole bust is of good
workmanship, although the folds of the paludamentum
are still and cursorily worked.
The facial type is broad and square, with
the forehead slightly narrowing above the v.’ide
cheek bones. The beard is of medium length with
the drill used sparingly, in both short, round drill

broken at the neck, belonged to the bust. Bernoulli

lists only two portraits of Septimius in the Terme Museum,
while today there are five indicated in Dr. Fellettl Maj *s
catalogue. Dr. Maj identifies the bust discussed above
(Xnv. 345) as number #27 in Bernoulli's list and this
identification is followed here, although it is possible
that #27 may also refer to the lost bust from Kircheriano.
 221
holes at the center of curls and In longer channels
to outline them. This use of the drill allies the
portrait with late Antonine art and suggests that
it is one of the earliest of the group in date. The
eyebrow hairs are indicated by short chisel strokes.
Otherwise the surfaces of the face are smoother and
idealized, with only a suggestion of Septimius1
fleshy cheeks.

28. Copenhagen. Nv Carlsberg Glvptotek. fig. 73

Head acquired at Rome 1893 from the estate of the
art dealer Scalambrini. Inv. 802.
White, coarse grained marble now yellowed
with age and shows vegetable fibre on the surface.
Total remaining H. to cut at neck, 0.37 m.; H.
crown to end of beard, 0.28 m.; W. 0.25 m.
Head is shaped for insertion into a statue
or bust. Missing are end of nose, lower section
of frontal beard, ends of hair curls and mOSl. of

1. ear. Chip in bridge of nose and 1. upper brow.

Eye balls are damaged and frontal curls, although
their original pattern remains. The surface is
weathered.
Hekler, op. cit., fig. 276b (erroneously
labeled in the Terme Museum); L*Orange, Apotheosis,
p. 141, n. 11; Poulsen, Catalogue, pp. 500-501, #721;
 222
Baity, J,, "Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime
Severe," loc. cit., pp. 192 ff. , fig. 13.
Photographs: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, #721;
German Archaeological Institute, Rome, negs. 63.1756,
63.1767; McCann, neg. 63.45 and 63.46.
The head most closely corresponds to the
portrait In the Museo Nazionale. The head Is of
poorer workmanship, however, and the drill Is used
more extensively In the beard and hair, often digging
Into the surface In a schematic way rather than fol­
lowing the organic curve of the curls. This more
progressive use of the drill is typical of later
Severan art. Thus, I would place the date of the
execution of the head after the head In the Terme
Museum. Also a later characteristic Is the distinct
assymetry of the forms themselves. The mouth tilts
downward to the left, contrasting with the bend of
the head to the right. The hair Is also much bushier
*-» A-Vi1^ r* r*i-s «■**"• +***4 r* ^ ***■» 4 4*

also be due to the hand of a less gifted artist.

The expression is also less forceful than that found
In either the head in the Terme Museum or the
Blblioteca del Pontlficio.

29. Bonn. Rhelnlsches Landesmuseum.

Head, found in Roman legionary camp in area of
tflchelshofes on Rhine. Inv. U 215.
 Carrara marble. Total H. 0.39 m,; H. crown
to end of beard, 0.32 m.
The head is preserved with the neck which
shows a piece of drapery on the r. shoulder, in­
dicating that the head was originally part of a
draped bust or statue. Back is well preserved but
face is badly destroyed, with nose, upper lip, and
lower beard broken away. Entire surface is damaged.
Lehner, H. "Sin romischer Marmorkopf aus
Schwarzrheindorf," Bonner Jahrbiicher. CXVIII, 1909,
pp. 135-137 with earlier bibliography, pi. V, figs.
1-4; Lehner, H. Die antiken Stelndenkmaler des
Provinzialmuseums in Bonn. Bonn, 1918, p. 9, #14;
Maj, Museo Capitollno. p. 128; Baity, "Un nouveau
portrait romain de Septime Severe," loc. cit.. p.
191, figs. 11, 12.
Photograph: Rheinisches Landesmuseum, U 215.
Despite the very poor condition of the head
the main iconographfc features of Lite naicus Auraliu
type are visible. The broad facial type and turn of
the head to the right relate it to the bust in the
Terme Museum which Dr. Felletti Maj also mentions
in her catalogue.
 224
30. Rome, Blblioteca del Pontiflcio Ateneo Antonlano.
fig. 74
Armored bust with paludamentum draped across chest
and 1. shoulder. Found on the site of the Blblioteca
del Pontlflclo on the Via Merulana, 124.1
Greek marble. Total H. Including foot, 0.79 m.;
W. of bust across shoulders, 0.69 m.; H. crown of
head to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m.
Head, bust and foot belong together. Entire
bust cracked vertically through at r. of neck. Nose
of mantle and r. edge of brooch also broken off.
R. ear shows ancient break and reworking, probably
by the original sculptor, who left it unfinished.
Surface unpolished and in excellent condition with
the exception of minor scratches.
Baity, "Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime
Severe," loc. cit.. pp. 187-196, figs. 1, 2, 3, 5.
Photographs: Mr. J. Felbermeyer, American
Academy.

The portrait closely corresponds to that in

the Terme Museum of this type. Different, however,
is the turn of .the head to the left in the bust

^1 am particularly grateful to Mr. Felbermeyer of

the American Academy in Rome for the photographs and notes
on measurements and condition of the bust. I would like
to thank Father Amore, Dean of the Faculty, and Father
Weyenborg for allowing the portrait to be studied and
photographed.
 225

from the Blblioteca del Pontiflcio which relates

it to the portrait in'Toulouse, The glance is
directed firmly outwards to the left and the forms
of the curls and cheeks are more rounded than in
the other examples of this type. The bust is of
excellent workmanship and the classicizing style
of this particular group of portraits finds its
finest expression here. The smooth forms of the
face contrast even more dramatically with the
deeply drilled surfaces of the hair and beard. The
patterns of the drill channels themselves are also
simplified and clarified, tending to form parallel,
bold lines which hold the light and shadow. That
the head was closely patterned, however, from the
same prototype as the portrait in the Terme is seen
by the close correspondence of the overall pattern
of the curls in both the front and back views of the
two heads. That a classicizing style can be in­
fused with life and power in the hands of a skilled
artist is proved by this fine portrait of Septlmius
in the Blblioteca del Pontiflcio.

31. Toulouse. Musee Saint Raymond. fig. 75

Armored bust with paludamentum fastened on 1.
shoulder, found at Martres Tolosane in 19th century.
Inv. 30.113.
 226
Fine grained, white marble. Total H, with
foot, 0,70 m.; H. crown ofhead to end of beard,
0.32 m,; W, of head, 0.26 m.
Head has been broken under the beard and is
attached to bust to which it appears to belong.
Missing are: nose, piece of 1. eyebrow, r. front,
end curl of beard, edges of drapery folds, and nose
of Medusa head on breastplate. R. eyebrow is worn
and curls on 1. side. Other ends of beard and hair
curls chipped. Surface of1. cheek scratched and
upper r. cheekworn and discolored. Rest of sur­
face in good condition. Back of head only roughly
worked,
Bernoulli, p. 26, #57; Esperandieu, IX, #981 j
pp. 79-80; L'Orange, Apotheosis. p. 141, n. 11;
Braemer, **Les portraits antiques trouves a Martres
Tolosane,” loc. cit., p. 145; Maj, Museo Nazionale.
p. 128; Baity, "Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime
< ; ™ rr tt ■»r- r 4 i on o in

Photographs: Le Musee Saint Raymond, kindness

of Dr. Mesuret; McCann, negs. 63.38, 63.39, 63.40.
The turn of the head to the left and the
glance to the left (and here slightly upward) con­
nect this portrait most closely with the one in the
Biblioteca del Pontificio in Rome. The chisel is
also used extensively in the beard and hair to outline
 227
the locks in contrast to the reliance on plastic
modeling and bold, deep drill channels in the treat­
ment of the hair and beard in the Roman portrait.
In the head in Toulouse the drill is used in short
channels for accents only with the fine linear pat­
tern of the chisel strokes remaining visible. Either
a provincial artist is here at work or perhaps the
linear technique of the beard work suggests an artist
accustomed to working in metal. The more flattened
profile view and the stress on the upward glance of
the eyes are characteristics which relate the head
to later antique stylistic trends. Dr, Braemer
dates the portrait in A.D. 202 or later and desig­
nates it as the "Decennalia" type. The evidence pre­
sented here, however, proves £n earlier existence of
the type. Because of the more advanced stylistic
elements seen in the portrait I would date the por­
trait later within the group.

Group B

32. Mantua. Palazzo Dueale. fig. 78

Ancient (?) head, attached to modern bust, from
Sabbloneta. Inv. 6732.
Greek marble. H. to break in lower neck,
0.36 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.32 m.;
If. 0.25 m.
 228
Head broken under beard. End of nose is re­
stored. Chips in 1. eyebrow and 1. cheek, frontal
curls and ends of beard curls. Surface badly worn
and perhaps cleaned. The heavily modulated surfaces
and Baroque expressionism of the glance cause me to
doubt the head's antiquity. However, the use of
the drill in the hair and beard appears ancient to
me, in which case the dramatized expression of the
head must be the work of a modern restorer.1
Dutschke, IV, p. 335, #742; Bernoulli, p. 25,
#41; Levi, Sculture areche £ romane del Palazzo
Ducale di Mantova. p. 68, #146 with earlier bibliog­
raphy; Baity, "Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime
Severe," loc. cit., pp. 190-191, fig. 7.
Photographs; "Calzolari," Mantua; McCann,
neg. 63.16.
The head is turned slightly to the left and
the glance is to the left and somewhat upward, con­
necting the portrait with the hast iu ToUioWiSe.
The longer facial type and longer beard, however,
connect the portrait head with those in the Louvre
cited below. What separates the head radically
from all of them are the contorted brows and in­
creased realism of the fleshier cheeks which, if

^Dr. von Heintze and Professor L*Orange also doubt

the antiquity of the head.
 229
the bust is ancient, *ust be due to a heavy rework­
ing of the surface*.

33. Paris. Louvre. fig. 81

Head attached to bust with fringed mantle draped
across chest and gathered at r. shoulder by brooch.
Inv. 1113. From Collection Borghese, Rome.
Head of Greek marble. Bust of different
marble and does not belong with head. H. of bust
and head, excluding foot, 0.68 m.; H. crown of head
to break in neck, 0.33 m.; W. of head 0.25 m.
Head is broken under beard. Restored are
nose, lower sections of frontal curls of beard and
ends of side curls of beard, upper frontal curls of
hair, and piece in neck on r. side. Surface is
discolored and has been cleaned.
Clarac, Feu M. de. Husee de sculpture antique
et moderne. Paris, 1853, VI, #3316 D, p. 190, pi.
1101; Bernoulli, p. 25, #52; Paris, Husee national
du Louvre. Department des antlqultes grecques et
romaines. Catalogue sommaire des marbres antiques.
Paris, 1922, p. 64, #1113; Budde, Die Entstehunq
des antlken Reprasentationsbildes. fig. 49, pi. 43;
Baity, "Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime Severe,"
loc. cit., p. 192, cited Incorrectly in n. 3 as
Louvre, #1115.
 230
Photographs: A, Giraudon, Paris, #1336;
McCann, neg. 63.27.
The head is turned to the right with the
glance to the right. The slight downward tilt of
the mouth and assymetry of the eyes connect the head
with the portrait in Copenhagen. However, the longer
facial type and longer beard with its prominent
triangular part at the center relate the portrait
to the other heads in the Louvre of this type and
suggest the existence of a second, common model
which represents a variation of the original proto­
type.
Chisel strokes are combined with short drill
channels in the beard and longer channels in the
hair. The moustache is undrilled, and the eyebrows
are lightly etched in with the chisel. The planes
of the face are smooth and the high forehead
dominates. The expression is bland and the style
iucaiik>cua The litaavy restorations and only fair
execution of the piece render the portrait inter­
esting mainly as an example of a variation of the
original iconographic type.

34* Paris. Louvre. fig. 80

Head attached to bust with paludamentum draped
across chest and 1. shoulder. Rome, Collection
 231
Borghese. Inv. 1115. Modern (?).
White| fine grained marble. Bust of coarser
grained marble and does not belong. Total H. of
bust and head, excluding foot, 0.68 m. ; H. crown
of head to break in neck under beard, 0.32 m.; W.
of head 0.25 m.
R. end curl of beard broken. Surface highly
polished and head in excellent condition.
Clarac, 0 £. cit.. 1853, VI, pi. 1100, 3316 B;
Bernoulli, p. 25, #51; Paris, Musee National du
Louvre. Department des antiquites grecques et
romaines, op. cit.. p. 63, #1115.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.29.
The iconographic type is that of #1113 in
the Louvre. The shiny surface of the head, the
erratic use of the drill in the beard and hair and
the squared, rather than rounded form of the fore­
head, all give the impression of modern workmanship.

35. Paris. Louvre. fig. 79

Bust with paludamentum draped across chest and 1.
shoulder. Collection Albanl, Rome. Inv. 1114.
Modern (7).
Head and bust of white, coarse grained
marble. Total H., excluding foot, 0.77 m.; H. crown
of head to end of beard, 0.35 m.; W. of head 0.28 m.
 232
Head and bust appear unbroken. Entire nose
restored and ends of two frontal curls. Ends of
curls on r. and 1. sidesv piece of 1. eyebrow, and
pieces of drapery also restored. L. side curls of
hair damaged and r. eyebrow and both eyeballs. Sur­
face in excellent condition.
Clarac, op. cit.. 1853, VX, pi. 1101; Bernoulli,
p. 25, #53; Paris. Musee National du Louvre. Department
des antiquites grecques et romaines, op. cit., p. 64,
#114.
Photographs: McCann, neg. 63.27, 63.28.
The longer facial type and long, triangular
parted beard connect this head with #1113 in the
Louvre. The slightly furrowed brow and modulation
of the planes of the cheeks relate the portrait to
that in Mantua. The technique of the careful drill
work in the hair and beard, and its artificial ex­
pression coupled with its fine preservation cause
oie to doubt its antiquity.

36. Germany. Hannover. Kestner-Museum.

Head attached to ancient bust with paludamentum
over chest and 1. shoulder. Inv. 1.37.
Marble. Total H. of head and bust 0.78 m.
Head is broken under beard and attached to
ancient bust to which it does not belong. Restored:
 233
nosev neck and back of head, 1. section of frontal
beard, pieces of the paludamentum and the base.
Hair and beard curls worn and surface looks cleaned
from photographs. Head has not been examined at
first hand by the writer but it appears from the
photograph to be ancient.
Bernoulli, p. 27, #79; Kiithmann, Carl.
Katalog der antlken Skulpturen und kuns taewerblichen
Gerate. Provinzial-Museum Hannover, 1914,pp. 63-
64, #37, pi. on p. 63; Poulsen, Catalogue, p. 501.
Photographs: Kestner-Museum, 1.37.
The longer facial type with the longer beard
relate the portrait to #1113 in the Louvre. The
planes of the face sure also smooth and the expres­
sion bland. Eyebrow hairs are etched in and pupils
drilled by double drill holes with irises outlined.
The drill is used in short, deep channels throughout
the beard and hair and only chisel marks are visible
now around the chin. The channels tend to form a
schematized pattern, suggesting a date of execution
after portrait #1113 in the Louvre on the basis of
its style. The portrait shows only mediocre work­
manship.
 234

3?* Rome* Vatican. Museo Chiaramonti.

Head attached to nodern breastplece, Inv. 1685.
Greek Island marble. H. crown of head to
break In neck at end of beard, 0.32 m.; W. 0.24 m.
Head Is broken off just under the end of
the beard and attached to a modern breastplece.
Restored: lower part of forehead with eyebrows,
nose, and all of sides and front of beard from the
chin down. The undivided beard piece looks like
ancient marble, however, and probably belonged to
another ancient statue. The lower lip is badly
damaged and the surface very worn.
Bernoulli, p. 23, #7; Amelung, Die Sculpturen
des Vaticanischen Museums. II, p. 596, #437; Baity,
"Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime Severe," loc.
cit.. p. 192 and n. 4, fig. 14.
The head is tilted slightly to the right
and despite its very restored condition the some­
what L U i a n d longer facial type relates the
portrait to #1113 in the Louvre. The pupils are
drilled by large double holes with the ireses out­
lined. The hair is drilled in long, deep channels
which are crudely worked and form a schematized
pattern on either side of the forehead. The upper,
ancient part of the beard is roughly worked with
the chisel and shallow, round drill holes dig into
 235
the surface. The Moustache is crudely indicated by
straight chisel strokes. The advanced and destruc­
tive use of the drill in the hair places the por­
trait stylistically late in the group, although its
poor workmanship nay account for sone of its seemingly
progressive traits. Its very restored condition ex­
cludes the head from any stylistic analysis.

38. Florence. Bobili Gardens. figs. 82, 83

Statue, clothed in toga, veil drawn over head.
White, large crystalline narble. Over life-
sized.
Head originally incorrectly published by
Diitschke as modern and corrected by Arndt. Restored:
1. hand and r. lower arm. Part of veil on 1. side
appears restored and pieces of drapery. Surface
weathered but statue as a whole in good condition.
Plinth belongs. Back flattened but worked. Tree
W £* W. V WW V —
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-«
■V* „

Dutschke, II, p. 41, #81 (as Marcus Aurelius);

Bernoulli, p. 24, #37; Arndt-Anelung, Einzelaufnahnen.
XII, 1931, #3429.
Photographs: German Archaeological Institute,
Rome, neg. 62.1505; McCann, neg. 63.62.
The fact that this statue was originally
confused with Marcus Aurelius is a further confirmation
 236
for the existence of the Marcus Aurelius-Septimius
portrait type. The head shows the longer face and
beard which relate it to the later versions of the
type which more closely corresponds to the portrait
on the arch at Lepcis Magna. The forehead curls
are not distinctly upswept in this portrait but
it bears the other iconographic features of the
group. The face in profile is very flat and the
beard deeply drilled, but the channels still follow
the organic movement of the curls. The statue is
meant to be seen from the frontal view for the back
is flat and in profile, completely lacking in three-
dimensional form. The artist of the statue in the
Bobo11 gardens has copied a traditional statuary
type but has rendered it as essentially a two-
dimensional form. These stylistic characteristics
relate the work to Late Antique art, although the
naturalism of the beard curls and handling of the
^ A ^ (
<lr a ! a* p r L4 1 1 —. t J •*1

classical tradition. The Severan age is a turning

point stylistically and this statue, although of only
fair execution and preservation, is interesting as
a reflection of the two stylistic components of
the age. The abstract elements are still held in
balance by the long classical tradition of organic
life which here, however, has already become only
 237
a frontal, and empty shell

39. Williamstown. Williams College Museum of Art.

Head placed on statue in military tunic, formerly
in the Palazzo Giustiniani, Rome. Hodern (?)•
Marble. Total H. of statue, 2.13 m.
The head, according to Hatz-Duhn, is modem
and does not belong to the statue. Mrs. Baity
favors the antiquity of the portrait on the basis
of its relationship to her other types. The head
has not been studied directly by the writer for it
is not accessible to view. I am doubtful of both
the antiquity of the statue and the head. The drill
work in the hair and certain realism in the modeling
of the face lead me to this opinion which would have
to be verified by a direct study of the statue it­
self. More recent restorations noted are the end
of nose, lower frontal curls of the beard, large
curl on x. ear, r. arm, r. leg from knee, 1. leg
from middle of upper thigh and the base.
Clarac, op. cit.. XV, pp. 268-269, #2511;
Matz and Duhn, op. cit.. I, p. 374, #1313; Bernoulli,
p. 23, #16; Baity, "Un nouveau portrait remain de
Septime Severe," loc. cit.. p. 193, and n. 1, fig.
15.
Photographs: Williams College Art Museum;
German Archaeological Institute, neg. 56.1330.
 238
The head Is turned to the right and bears
the essential features of the Marcus Aurellus-
Septlmius type. The long facial form connects it
in iconography with the portrait on the arch at
Lepcis Magna. However, these arguments cannot be
used to prove its antiquity, for a modern artist
could equally well use the ancient type available
in many copies for his model.

Posthumous Variation

40. Algeria. Dlemila. Archaeological Museum. fig. 36

Colossal head, found in temple at Djemila dedicated
to "Gens Septimia" by Alexander Severus in A.D. 229.
Marble. Total preserved H. with neck, 1.10 m.;
H. crown to end of beard, 0.87 m.; W. 0.72 m.
Head cut at base of neck to fit into statue.
Found with foot and head of Julia Domna which formed
a companion piece. Missing are: nose, ends of
beard curls and piece in 1. side of forehead with
part of 1. brow. R. cheek appears worn from the
photographs. Lower neck damaged in front and in
back. The head has not been studied directly by
the writer, but the surface appears in good condi­
tion from the photographs.
Allais, Y. Djemila, Paris, 1938, pp. 22, 63-
64; L»Orange, Apotheosis. p. 141, n. 11; Leschi,
 239
op. cit.. fig. 1, p. 31; Hazard, J. and M. Leglay,
Les portraits antiques dp Musee Stephana Gsell
d 1apres les sculptures et les monnaies. Alger, 1958,
pp. 47-48, fig. 34; Baity, "Un buste inedit de
Septime Severe," loc. cit., p. 76, n. 3; Baity, "Un
nouveau portrait romain de Septime Severe," loc.
£it*, p. 194, n. 1.
Photographs: Kindness of David Maxwell,
McCann, neg. 64.98; New York: University, neg. C
10865.
The head faces frontally with the large
eyes directed heavenward. Although the iconographic
features of this type have been greatly simplified
the basic forms which connect the head with its
now distant prototype are still visible. The hair
is swept off the forehead and the characteristic
bunch of curls in front of each ear is visible. The
beard is long, parted in the middle and held into a
mass. Tim o<ut>, ItOwtivai:, in portrait iron
Djemila are completely uncovered. For the signifi­
cance of the portrait for Late Antique art see our
earlier discussion.1

*See above,pp. 114-115.

 CHAPTER SIX
THE SERAPIS-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT TYPE
 CHAPTER SIX
THE SERAPIS-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT TYPE

We have already discussed In our first two chapters

the validity of L'Orange's claim of a Serapis-Septimius
portrait type.* The association of the statuary type In
the "Capitoline Triad” scene on the arch at Lepcis Magna
with that of the cult Image of Serapis at Alexandria at-
trlbuted to Bryaxis 2 gives us proof of Septimius1 use of
a Serapis allusion. Unfortunately, no statues in the
round of Septimius using the cult statuary type remain.
Unique to the iconography of the Egyptian god of the
lower world are the thin, corkscrew curls which fall
straight down over the upper forehead in varying numbers,
ranging from three to five. Also typical is a long
moustache, cleft in the middle and dropping abruptly at
the corners of the mouth. A mass of long, stringy hair
frames the face, and the beard is long and divided in the
middle. The style of the replicas believed to most clearly
approximate the original model shows restrained modeling
of the surfaces, with an emphasis on the firm structure

*See above, pp. 11-16, 34-37,

2
For bibliography on Bryaxis, see above, p. 37, n. 4.
For a discussion of the transformation of the Serapis
statuary type see L'Orange, Studies, pp. 154-156.
241
 242
of the brows and the replicas share a serious, somewhat
Melancholy expression.
These iconographic features, with the exception of
the long hair, can be closely correlated with a large
group of portraits attributed to Septinius. This group
of over fifty portraits, the largest nunber in any one of
our series, is distinguished by four hanging curls over
the upper forehead and by a long beard divided in the
center. The hair is brushed away fron the tenples as in
the Marcus Aurelius-Septinius type; however, the pattern
around the forehead has been varied slightly in the Serapis
portrait type. The curls follow the line of the shull and
eaphasize the length of the forns rather than Moving
horizontally outwards as in the Marcus Aurelius type.
This enphasis on length is nore in keeping with the Serapis
hair style with its long curls which frame the face.
The relationship of the Serapis synbolisn to
Septinius' ideological structure has been previously dis­
cussed. ■* As the all-powerful cosmocrator, septinius is
represented in his palace anong the seven planetary gods.
Allied to the Ronan imperial traditions through his associa­
tion with the Antonine house, Septinius clalned to be a
"Restitutor Urbls." Through an association with Jupiter
on the reliefs at Lepcis and also probably in the Marcus

*See above, pp. 34 ff., 77-80.

 243
Aurelius-Septimius portrait type, he raised himself to
the supreme level of ruler of the eternal gods above.
Through his Serapis portrait type, Septinius furthered
his association with the gods, and linked hiaself to the
ruler of the lower world. Part of the Serapis cult's
special appeal was its proaise of a renewal of life and
hope of iaaortality for the initiated. The Serapis cult
ritual included a re-enactment of the death and resurrec­
tion of the god. By assuming the role of the underworld
god, Septimius could ensure eternal life for his new
dynasty. The popular coin legend "AETERNIT IMPERI" in
this context takes on new meaning.
Moreover, the promise of the new dynasty was for
a new Golden Age as can be seen from the many references
on the coinage throughout Septimius' reign.* Septimius*
ideological structure has now been broadened and deepened.
The Secular Games held after Septimius' return to Rome
commemorated the establishment of this new Golden Age.
Septimius celebrated for the third tiire li* the
the empire genuine Secular Games held in commemoration of
the founding of Rome in 753 B.C. The Golden Age myth it­
self represents the emperor as both a founder and a saviour.
This double role would be particularly fitting to Septimius*

^See Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p. 88, coins from Emesa,

A. D. 193; the theme receives special Impetus at the time
of Septimius' return to Rome and the holding of the Secular
Games, ibid., p. 325 (coins of A.D. 202).
 244
propagandists policies during the early years of his
reign.
The use of the Serapis portrait type is thus part
again of a bold and seemingly carefully calculated propa­
gandists program. Through Septimius the Serapis religion
was passed on to the new dynasty and the god became one of
the tutelary deities of the imperial family as formerly -
he was for the Ptolemies. Caracalla further strengthened
the association of the Severan house with the god by
erecting a temple to Isis-Serapis on the Quirinal, giving
a constitutional basis to the eastern cult which had long
flourished in Rome. The previous history of the Serapis
cult shows that it had enjoyed imperial favor since the
time of Caligula who built a temple of Isis, the consort
of Serapis, on the Campus Martius in A.D. 38. There is
further archaeological evidence that Serapis images existed
in Rome prior to the time of Septimius.^
Evidence for an early association of Septimius with
. . . . .. . ?
th« serapis cuxt has already oeen men-cionea. serapis
appears on the coinage of Alexandria after A.D. 195. The
god also appears on the eastern coinage of Julia Domna at
Pisidia, coins which must have been minted at least before

^Asnelung, "Le Serapis de Bryaxis ," loc. cit. , pp.

189-193, and note especially #12, p. 192 of Antonine date.
2
See above, pp. 34-40.
 \

245
A.D* 202,1 On the Ronan coins, the Serapis hanging curls
appear in the portraits of Septinius as early as A.D. 196-
2
197, and continue to be the nain portrait type used for
the emperor on the Roman coins until A.D. 209 when, al­
though still in use, its dominant position is replaced
3
by the Nerva-Septinius portrait type to be discussed.
It is this later type which is used on the Divus coin
issues of Septinius.
The first securely dated and identified frontal
portrait of Septinius as Serapis occurs on the reliefs
of the arch of the Argentarii in Rate, erected in A.D.
204, a date which is used by L*Orange and later scholars
as a "terminus ante quern** date for the origin of the por­
trait type. However, not only the coins but the other
evidence discussed from the gens and the Berlin tondo
painting indicate the necessity for abandoning this pre-
4
vious, popularly accepted chronology.
In conclusion, the evidence from many varied sources
Indicates an early appearance in Septinius: reiyn for tins
Serapis portrait type. It cannot be dated as late as

^Hill, G. F. Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lvcia.

Panohvlia. and Pisidia. Brltlsn Museum. London,1857, p.
225, pi' jooEv i , ¥6.
2
See above, pp. pp. 34-36.
3See below, Ch. VII.
4See above, pp. 83-94. See also pp. 36-3J for
references to scholars who have also differed with L'Oronge's
dating of the Serapis type.
A.D. 204 nor can it be identified with Septinius' "Decen-
nalia" as Mrs. Baity believes.^ The source then for the
inspiration of the type cannot be sought in Septinius1
trip to Egypt in A.D. 200 but must be recognized in sone
earlier affiliation with the cult which had previously
2
been established in Rone. Septinius* participation in
the ceremonies of the god at Alexandria nust be considered
the fruition of an already established association with
the religion available to hin fron many sources both in
the East and in the West, rather than the cause for its
initiation. It has been suggested that Julia Donna, who
played an unusually proninent role as consort to her hus­
band and was herself the daughter of a Syrian priest,
influenced the direction of Septinius* religious policies.
One wonders if perhaps the original inspiration for this
particularly eastern Saviour-King portrait type night have
3
cone fron this source. In any case, his victories in the
East, first over Pescennius Niger in A.D. 194 and later
wvtti ilie rdiUiloutt ftuin A.D. 197—2G2 Might have supplied
the particular stimulus. Septinius took the title of
"Parthicus" in A.D. 198, indicating that his doninance in

1Balty,^nUn prototype official dans 1 *iconographie

de Septine Severe," loc. cit.. p. 108, n. 1 (on p. 109).
2
See discussion above, p. 39, and n. 2.
3
Note especially Barker's discussion of Julia's
religious influence, op. cit., p. 348. Also see our dis­
cussion above, pp. 41-42.
 247
the East was already firmly established.
The wore likely moment for the initiation of the
new Serapis-Septinius portrait nodelt however, is in
connection with Septinius' unfolding dynastic plan. In
A.D. 196 Caracalls was designated Caesar in place of
Albinus. Later, in A.D. 198, Caracalla took the title
of Augustus and Geta became Caesar. The new dynasty was
now established and could offer a new and more persuasive
symbolism to the people by a "Saviour-Kin^' image. Septim­
ius and Julia were themselves identified with the theme
of "aeternitas." They appear with the attributes of the
sun and the moon on a new coin type initiated in Septimius'
reign with the inscription "CONCORDIAE AETERNAE."1 Coins
of Caracalla also indicate the blessings which will
accompany the new age. "IMPERII FELICITAS" is a popular
reverse inscription on the coins of the newly designated
2
Caesar in A.D. 196-198. The specific link of the Golden
Age theme with the Serapis cult itself is found on a coin
of Julia Donna where Isis, suckling the child Horus, is
seen on the reverse accompanied by the legend "SAECULI
FELICITAS."3

^Mattingly, B.H.C.. V, pi. 33, #8, coin of

Caracalla dated A.D. 201. See our photo #120.
2Ibid., p. 53, #201, pi. 10, #9, with legend,
"IMPERII FELICITAS."
3Ibid., p. 166, #74, pi. 28, #17 and p. CXXXIV.
 In turning to the some fifty portraits which illus­
trate the basic Serapis portrait type, a great variety of
style and some variation in the iconography have been
found* The evidence has shown the long duration and
popularity of the type which indicates replicas were
executed over a considerable period of tine. Variety in
style among the portraits listed in the catalogue is thus
not surprising. Some stylistic variations can be explained
in the light of developing stylistic trends and others by
regional differences. The individual styles of the execut­
ing artists of the replicas must also be kept in mind.
These possibilities make it difficult to give specific
dates for the execution of any particular replica. Thus,
the dating offered below for the Serapis-Septimius por­
traits must be considered a relative one. The chronology
suggested has been based upon a careful, comprehensive
study of Septimius* portraiture as a whole and upon an
evaluation of developing stylistic trends which have al­
ready been estaoiished cor tne :>everan age. a similar
method has been used by Lehmann and Olsen in their study
of Severan sarcophagi.1 They base their chronology upon
the occurrence of similar, progressive Late Antique ten­
dencies in style.

^Lehmann-Hartleben and Olsen, Dionvsiac Sarcophagi

in Baltimore, pp. 54-82. Also see our discussion above,
p. 49.
 249
A further problem to be considered in the dating
of the portraits of Septimius Is to what extent differ­
ences In style can be traced to the existence of a new
"Imago" and to what extent to the Individual styles of
the executing artists. This question must be evaluated
in the case of each individual work. In the light of
these problems, it must be cautioned that although a
general chronological development is indicated in the
catalogue below, the divisions between the portrait groups
must be considered relative for overlapping does occur.
A study of the portraits themselves reveals that
a basic Serapis-Septimius portrait type was created upon
which the whole series has its common origin. All of the
portraits found of the Serapis type share the basic icon­
ography of the original model in their hair and beard
style. Only slight variations in facial type, turn of
head and lengthening style of the beard occur. However,
the fifty-odd portraits can be arranged into several dis­
tinct stylistic groups which suggests that there ware In

existence a number of varying models created over the

years from the original prototype. These stylistic varia­
tions can be used to summarize the main stylistic currents
of Septimius' reign for the Serapis type appears to have
been in use almost over the whole period, at least from
A.D. 196-197 until his death in A.D. 211, as we have
 250
i
discussed previously. These variations in style will he
briefly summarized and the portraits will be arranged in
the catalogue accordingly.
One of the earliest portraits in the series would
appear to be the fine bronze head of Septinius in the
Vatican2 whose style carries on the traditions of Anbonine
art. The soft, idealizing expression of the face is reainis-
3
cent of the early portraits of Antoninus Pius. The im­
pressionistic style of the hair and beard and the bronze
technique with the absence of chasing have been conpared
by Lehaann and Kluge in their publication of Die antiken
Grossbronzen to the bronze equestrian portrait of Marcus
4
Aurelius on the Capitoline which has been dated between
5
the years A.D. 164-166. The soft modulation of the sur­
face of the cheeks in the Vatican head, however, betrays
a knowledge of later stylistic trends already found, for
exaaple, in the portrait of Marcus Aurelius in the Terae
Museua, #688, dated in the last years of his reign.6

1See above, pp. 34-36.

2Our photo #84.
For exaaple, compare the portrait in Naples (Wegner,
op. cit.. pi. 1, pp. 79-80) and the portrait in the
Metropolitan Museua, #33.11.3 (Museua neg. 95096; Richter,
G.M.A., Roman Portraits. Metropolitan Museua of Art, New
York, 194&, fig. 73i.
4II, pp. 40-42.
5Wegner, op. cit., p. 42.

6Ibid.. p. 46, pi. 29.

 251
The bronze portrait in the Vatican has been dated
by Lehmann and Kluge around the turn of the century.1
Helblg has dated It more specifically between the years
A.D. 196-201 on the basis of the representation of the
2
age of the emperor. A date during these years is in
keeping with the stylistic trends found in our study and
gives us an approximate date for the portraits in group
“A" which are closely related to the Vatican head in style.
3
Examples of this group are to be found in Copenhagen (#722),
4
Newby Hall in Yorkshire, and elsewhere. These portraits
also share with the Vatican bronze head the same broad
and squat facial type and medium length beard. The por­
trait in the Vatican, however, differs from the other por­
traits in group "A" in the arrangement of the four curls
on the forehead which are somewhat shorter and tend to be
held in a mass rather than separated. Exact replicas of
the bronze portrait in the Vatican have not been found for
the bronze head in the Palazzo Rosplgliosi must be con-
f-•>- ri ,— j— 5

^Die antiken Grossbronzen. II, p. 40.

2Helblg, W. e£ al. Fuhrer durch die offefttllchen
Sammlunaen klassiscEer Alterturner in“Rom. Die Paplichen
Sammlunoen in Vatlkan und Lateran. ed. by Hermine Speier,
Tubingen, l9?3, p. 3 73.
3
Our photo #88. Diether Thimme notes that the hair
rendering in this portrait is rather different.
4Our photo #89.
^Our photo #86.
 252
Closely associated with this first group is a
second series of portraits illustrated by the head #382
in Berlin. This group nBn varies, however, fron "A" in
its lengthened facial fora which suggests the existence
of a varying aodel. In the portraits of this series, the
face is long and thin and the high teaples of the fore­
head are prominent.
This saae facial type is used in the portraits of
group "C" which differ froa the Berlin group aalnly in
their style. A definite change occurs in the style of
the portraits in group ”C” which dlstinguishs then froa
previous portraits of Septimius. This raises the methodi­
cal question whether the stylistic differences are due to
the execution of the replicas or to the creation of a new
variant model. Since the stylistic changes are consis­
tently apparent in all the portraits of this particular
group and are also to be found on the coin portraits, one
would suppose that a new aodel, varying in style froa the
piwlwiypci, uatu lieeu Mauo fivM Muiuii tilts iww

series derives. For the first tine, Septimius is shown

as an older aan. There is a coaaon concern for the repre­
sentation of fleshy surface forms seen in the rendering
of the sagging cheeks as, for exaaple, in the portrait in
the Louvre, #1120, found near Herculaneum,1 and the head

^See our photo #95. These stylistic characteristics

mentioned are more apparent in the other photographs used
 253
In the Palazzo Dueale In Mantua.1 Indications of age
nake their appearance in the coin portraits of the Serapis
2
type in the years between A.D. 201-210. In these coin
portraits Septinius* fleshy cheeks are indicated, and his
nose is broader. The eyes are nore sunken and many of
the portraits show the glance directed upward. This last
feature is also found in the portraits in the round fron
3
group "C" as the bust in the Twonbly collection in Ro m
A
or the head in Castle Howard. The earlier, idealized
Serapis portrait type found on the coins fron A.D. 196-197
to A.D. 201 is also continued on the coinage of these later
5
years, alongside the nore realistic portrait type.
A fourth group, "D", shows yet a further advance
in stylistic trends which are also nore allied to future

in the study which unfortunately could not also be repro­

duced for the thesis. (Archives Photographlques neg.
5.1490.010. AE-1; Photographie Giraudon 15.852.)
^See our photo #96.
o
For exanple, see Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 35, #4,
#5 (A.D. 202); pi. 3b, *13 <A.i>. 205); pi. 35, *1G (A.D.
204); pi. 41, #12 (A.D. 207); pi. 53, #11 (A.D. 210).
The study of the coins in the B.M.C. has actually
not revealed exanples of this portrait change in A.D. 201.
However, the general dating of Mattingly's coin group has
been used here until this evidence can be verified by an
extensive study of 'all the coins available for the year
A.D. 201 fron other sources. Mattingly does not discuss
this change in portrait style.
3
See our photo #97,
A
Our catalogue #68,
5For exanple, see Mattingly, B.M.C., V, p. 38, #12
(A.D. 203). Cowpare our photos #15 and #19.
 254
stylistic developments than to the past Antonine era.
The laureate portraits in the Galeria delle Statue in
the Pitti Palace in Florence (#676)* and the head in the
Saint Raymond Museum in Toulouse (Inv. 30.114) 2 are ex­
amples of the series which show both a consolidation of
plastic form and an increased spiritualization through
an emphasis on the upward glance. All portraits of this
group have the head turned to the side. The particular
stylistic emphasis on a consolidated, block-like form
anticipates the portraits of Caracalla, and is a stylis­
tic factor which causes me to date this group towards the
end of Septimius1 reign.
The famous head in Munich, which is so often illus­
trated in the handbooks on Roman portraiture in an old
and misleading photograph may be related in its iconography
to the Serapis portrait type and in its style more speclfi-
3
cally to our group "D". The hair is waved away fron the
temples in a pattern similar to the other portraits of the
A
Serapis type. ' bikewa.se, the arrangement of the hair on
the sides in three distinct waves above the ears can be

*Our catalogue #76.

2Our photo #103.
3
Heintze, o p . cit., pi. 26. Compsure our photo #101.
A
Compare, for example, the portrait In the Louvre,
#1120, our photo #95.
 255
closely related to the Serapis-Septimius type,1 The beard
also has the decided cleft in the Middle typical of the
Serapis iconography. Different froa the usual Serapis-
SeptiMius iconography, however, is the arrangeaent of the
hair locks over the forehead into three plastic curls.
The ends of the moustache are also sonewhat shorter and
terminate in a distinct outward curve. Because of these
minor variations fron the usual Serapis iconography, Mrs.
Baity suggests that the head in Munich is one of the first
examples of the Serapis-Septimius portrait type and should
2
thus be dated, according to her chronology, in A.D. 204.
She also notes, however, the older age of the emperor
which would indeed appear to be nore advanced than in the
3
other portraits of the Serapis type. Furthermore, the
beard is longer and corresponds with the image of the
4
emperor on the coin portraits dated after A.D. 207.
The style of the portrait in Munich also goes beyond
anything in the Antonine tradition of art found in the
earlier portraits of Septimius. The wild, lion-like mane

^Compare, for example, the profile views of the

portraits in the Louvre, #1120, and in Mantua. (Archives
Photographlques neg. 5.1491.010.BE-1; "Calzolarl" neg.
#12240.)
2
Baity, "Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime
Severe," loc. cit., pp. 194-196. Compare Helntze, o p . cit.,
p. 19, who suggests a date of A.D. 200 for the portrait.
3
Compare, for example, the bronze portrait in the
Vatican (our photo #84), or the portraits in the Louvre,
#1117, or in the Petworth Collection, #36 (our photos #90
and #91).
4
See above, p. 73.
 256
of hair Is contrasted with the strongly classicistic nude
parts of the face. The consolidation of the plastic bloclc
of the head and the upward glance of the eyes relate the
portrait to our group "D”. The intensity of the expres­
sion anticipates the portraiture of Caracalla. The drill
work of the hair and beard, which is condensed into a
tightly organized pattern which denies illusionisn, is a
developnent which can also be dated late in the reign of
Septinius, judging from its appearance on sarcophagi reliefs
dated around A.D. 210.1 The head in Munich originally cane
into the collection fron the Palazzo Bevilacqua in Verona,
indicating a probable Italian origin for the portrait which
would elininate the possibility of a provincial source for
the style.
Closely related in iconography to the head in Munich
is a portrait in Guelna, Algeria. Because of the older age
of the nan represented, it has been suggested that the por-
trait represents the father of Septimius. 2 However, signs
ot age can ne noted in the Serapis—Septinius portraits
fron groups "C" and nDn, and the arrangenent of three curls
over the forehead and the nasslveness of the hair closely
relate the head to the portrait in Munich. Unfortunately,

^Lehnann »-Hartleben and Olsen, DionVslac Sarcophagi

In Baltinore. pi. 27, p. 78.
Pachterej F. G. de. Musee de Guelna. Husees et
collections archeoloaiques de l >Alqer'le et de la TunTsle.
Paris, 1909, p. 36, pl.VII, fig. 8; our photoT?102.
 257
the head in Guelna is only known to the writer in a poor
frontal photograph which limits stylistic discussion. The
iconographic similarity between the two heads suggests the
existence of a variant model. They shall be placed in the
catalogue, however, with the portraits in group nD" for
classification purposes, but they must be considered as
variations.
Another portrait appears to be a posthumous varia­
tion of our group nD". It is the portrait in the Boston
Museum of Fine Arts originally from Ostia or the region
of the Fortus. The slightly under life-sized head is
linked to the series by the turn of the head to the right
and by the dominating, upward glance of the eyes. How­
ever, its style is much more advanced than any of the
others in group MDH which causes me to suggest a posthumous
dating for the work.1 The upward curve of the eyebrows is
now extremely exaggerated and the flattened face has taken
on a mask-like expression. The large eyes completely
dominate the face and the drill holes almost rill the
pupils. The surface was originally polished which must
have enhanced the spiritualized effect of the portrait
through its translucent surface.

^Compare, for exanple, the head in Munich (our

photo #101) which shows more interest in organic life,
evident in the rounded fora of the cheeks.
 258
Finally, a fifth group, "E", has been distinguished
among the Serapis portraits of Septimius. These portraits
are separated from the previous group mainly by the frontal
orientation of the head. The longer facial type is also
continued and the forms show the same trend towards a
flattening and consolidating of the plastic mass. That
this particular portrait group probably extended over a
long period of time is seen by the fine portrait of
Septimius in the Capitoline Museum (Sala degli Imperatori,
#51) which still shows an alliance to the Antonine style
in the treatment of the beard and hair. The drill is used
to accent and highlight the plastic form of the curls.
The shiny surface, flattened profile view and upward eyes
relate it to the stylistic trends noted in other portraits
from group "E".
This frontal portrait form is popularly used for
portraits of Septimius which would appear to be posthumous
in date. The colossal head from Markouna, Algeria, now in
the n u s c c ueb Colonies in b'aris is especially expressive. “
Although abstracting tendencies have long been a part of
3
Roman art, the flattened, mask-like form and advanced,

^■Our photo #99.

^Our photo #107.
3
Compare, for example, the well-known portrait of
Trajan from Ostia (Heintze, op. cit.. pi. 18). This por­
trait reveals a concern for abstract symmetry seen in the
dominating, horizontal line of the eyebrows and the linear
 259
schematized use of the drill 90 beyond practices in earlier
Roman portraits or in the previously discussed portraits
of Septimius* One of course wonders to what extent these
tendencies in style may be due to provincialism, and how
much to the general evolutionary currents of Roman art as
a whole* A more thorough study of related provincial
sculpture is needed in order to evaluate the problem, a
task which is beyond the scope of this present study* In
any case, the abstracting tendencies noted in the head
from Markouna go beyond the portrait of Septimius from
Madauros, the later dated to the last years of Septimius*
reign. 1 The drill work also separates the portrait from
Markouna from the impressive portrait of Septimius in the
2
Bardo Museum in Tunis* In this head a softness of forms
still lingers on the surface of the block-like structure.
For dating purposes, the head from Markouna may. also be
compared with the portrait in Munich #357 which has been
3
dated here at the end of Septimius* reign. The Munich

pattern of the hair locks. However, these stereometric

interests are combined in the portrait of Trajan with a
lively interest in natural form which is apparent in the
swelling forms of the cheeks and lips and in the subtle
vitality of the surface obtained from the lustrous polish*
This relative balance between natural forms and abstract
patterns has been broken in the head from Markouna. The
artist now relies primarily on a distortion of natural
form seen in the elongated neck, flattened surfaces, and
enlarged eyes for expression. For further discussion of
these stylistic trends in relation to the Severan period,
see above, pp. 49-52, with accompanying bibliography*
^See below, p* 351 and photo #116.
^Our photos #100 and #108*
3
See above, p. 256.
 260
head still shows a sense for rounded organic forns seen
in the swelling cheeks which are lacking in the head fron
Markouna. In comparison, however, with the head of
Septinius in Djemila,1 -dated froa its archaeological con­
text in A.D. 229, the head froa Markouna suggests a faint
lingering of Antonine illusionistic effects seen in the
still separated, plastic cluaps of the hair and beard
curls. This observation suggests a date before A.D. 229
for the portrait froa Markouna.
It is interesting to note in this comparison of
some of the African portraits certain similarities in
style which link this particular group as a whole and
separate then froa contemporary Roman art. The portraits
discussed above share a certain mask-like expression, and
it is mainly through the abstract pattern of the forms
imposed upon their block-like surfaces that the portraits
find expression. This particular African group of por­
traits shares with the reliefs from Lepcis Magna a ten­
dency toward a schemacitation of the drill work which
beyond that observed in contemporary Roman portraiture.
Similar abstracting tendencies in a more conserva­
tive form can also be found in a provincial head, probably
originating in Greece. The frontal head is now in the
Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe in Hamburg. The large eyes
whose drill holes almost fill the pupils relate the head

*See above, p. 115 and our photo #36.

 261
to the portrait in.Boston. It is a nore crudely worked
portrait and the use of the chisel in short, straight
strokes which dig into the surface of the flesh suggests
a parallel with the portraiture of Alexander Severus.
In conclusion, five different variations of the
original Serapis "imago" have been indicated. At least
four portraits from the series can be dated posthumously
by their increased Late Antique tendencies in style.
Several general stylistic currents have also been noted
which can be used to summarize the relationship of
Septimius' portraiture to both its Antonine predecessors
and the art of the following Late Antique age. The two
earlier groups discussed can be related to the Antonine
style by their classicizing forms and the illusionistic
effects of the drill work. An attenuation of the facial
type was also noted in the second group which is a stylis­
tic tendency appearing in early Severan sarcophagi. 1
The execution of the portraits in these first two groups
dc therefore pieced mcirly before *_ D_ ?00i Arminrt a.n _
201-202, a realistic portrait of Septimius showing him
as an aging man appears on the coinage and continues until
A.D. 210. This stylistic trend has been noted in the por­
traits of the third group, "C", whose execution must fall

^Lehmann-Hartleben and Olsen, Dlonvsiac Sarcophagi

in Baltimore. figs. 9-10, pp. 72-77, sarcophagus with
ITTonysos and Adrladne dated on stylistic grounds A.D. 200-
205. These elongated forms are also found in the sarcoph­
agus showing the Triumph of Dionysos (figs. 7-8) dated
about A.D. 190.
 262
within the range of these years. Despite a resurgence of
realism, always dornant in Roman portraiture, the increased
tendency towards a block-like, unorganlc form beneath the
surface and the upward glance of the eyes link this group
already with Late Antique art. Groups "E” and "D" with
their consolidation of the mass, tendency towards flattened
surfaces, and increased spiritualization through the frontal
and upward gaze of the eyes carry this orientation even
further.
One wonders if the change towards an increased
abstraction of style around A.D. 201-202 at the moment of
Septimius' return to Rome might be the result of a change
in atelier personnel. 1 Budde has suggested that at this
time there was an influx of artists from the East who
2
followed the emperor back to Rome. Likewise, the sig­
nificant studies of Ward Perkins have recently indicated
that there was a greater exchange of artists as well as
materials along the many cross routes of the ancient world
J
..... _ .. . . .. . . 3
m a n nas m m e r c o oeen taxen xnco account oy scnoxars.
The evidence found here for a distinct change in style

^For a similar sudden change in imperial portrait

style attributed to a shift in the atelier personnel who
created the portrait types, see Mrs. Hadzi's study of the
portraits of Gallienus, o p . cit., p. 223.
2
Budde, Die Entstehunq des antiken Representations—
bildes, pp. 16 i'i. On this point also see Mattingly. B.H.C.,
V, p. CXXVII.
3
See above, pp. 50-52.
 263
toward Late Antique abstract tendencies at a specific
aoaent of known eastern contact is also suggestive.
That the East aade its lapact upon Roae in other areas
at this aoaent of Septiaius' reign is illustrated by the
introduction of exotic eastern aniaals at the great
festivals honoring Septiaius* returns.1 A study of the
court sculptors at work in the Severan age as well as
other eastern aonuaents would be fruitful lines for
further research to bring evidence to bear upon these
fascinating issues.

^Cassius Dio, epitoae of bk. LXXVXI, ch. 1.

 264
THE SERAPIS—SEPT1MIPS PORTRAIT TYPE

Group A

41* Rowe. Vatican Museum. fig. 84

Bronze head.
H. with neck, 0,41 m.; H. crown to end of
beard, 0.33 m.; W. 0.24 m.
Restored are the top and back of the head.
The cut runs across the top of the head and behind
both ears. The lower part of the hair in the back
with the neck is clearly ancient. Kluge and Lehmann
originally stated that the back and neck were modern,
a description which is also followed in the new
edition of Helbig. However, the cleaning and examina­
tion of the head for the photographs for this study
revealed the ancient line of the break.1 Restored
in gesso are: curl on upper r. side of head and 1.

end curl of beard. Patina is a dark, greenish

brown and the wax casting has been done without
added chasing.
Bernoulli, p. 23, #11; Kluge and Lehmann-
Hartleben, Die antiken Grossbronzen. II, pp. 40-42,
pi. XIII; Paribeni, II ritratto. pi. CCLXXXVIII;

^The line of the ancient break was also noted by

Hr. Johannes Felbermeyer of the American Academy to whom
I am greatly indebted for his experienced counsel and for
the fine photographs of the Vatican portrait used in this
study.
 265
Levi, D. "La statua bronzea di Settimio Severo a
Cipro,” loc. clt.. pp. 5-6, fig. 1; Helbig, 0 £. cit.,
rev. ed., 1963, pp. 372-373, #474.
Photographs: Mr. J. Felberneyer, American
Academy, Rome.
The head is tilted slightly to the right with
the glance directed outward to the right. The iris
of the eye is outlined and the pupils are rendered
by a single, round, deep drill hole. The eyes are
heavy-lidded and the upper lid overlaps the lower
at the corners, creating an expression of thought­
ful pathos found in some of the portraits of the
philosopher emperor, Marcus Aurelius. Kluge and
Lehmann coauient on the fine impressionistic handling
of the bronze technique where the forms of the hair
and beard are developed directly in the wax casting
process rather than from the cold work. The artist
has particularly tried to preserve the sketchy,
impressionistic forms of natural life and expression.
Kluge and Lehmann compare the style and technique of
the Vatican portrait to the equestrian portrait of
Marcus Aurelius on the Capitoline. In both, they
feel that the plastic style of the Hadrianic and
early Antonine bronze technique has given way to a
stronger accentuation on the metal surface itself.
Kluge and Lehmann thus date the portrait of Septimius
 266
in the Vatican at the turn of the second century, a
date which is in accord with the stylistic evolution
presented here. In comparison with the other bronze
portraits of Septimius, however, Kluge and Lehmann
place the head in Brescia (identified as Didius
Julianus) before the Vatican head and the head in
Brussels with its hard, academic style after the
Vatican portrait, a chronological sequence which
has not been found acceptable in this study. 1

42. Copenhagen. Nv Carlsberg Glyptotek. fig. 88

Head, acquired in 1893, at Rome. Inv. 803.

Coarse grained marble, originally white and
now yellowed with age. H. to break in neck under
beard, 0.28 m.; W. 0.21 m.
Head broken at neck under beard. Missing
are: nose, piece of 1. brow, lower curls of beard
in front and on r. side, and both ear lobes. Frontal
curls are damaged but ancient. Surface has been
cleaned but sane of ancient polished surface appears
to remain around eyes. Back of head flattened,
coarsely worked and undrilled.
Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Billedtavler til
Kataloqet over Antlke Kunstvaerker. Copenhagen,

^See above, pp. 126-129.

 267
1907t pi. LX, fig. 722; Poulsen, Catalogue, p.
501, #722.
Photographs: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, #722.
The head Is frontal with the eyes slightly
to the right. The fairly broad and squat facial
type relates the portrait to the bronze head in the
Vatican (our #41). Both chisel and drill are used
in the beard and hair in an impressionistic manner.
The brow is slightly swelling and there is some sug­
gestion of the fleshiness of the cheeks. The style
and general soft, pathetic expression are also re­
lated to the bronze head in the Vatican and the
head in Copenhagen must be considered close in
date. The portrait is a piece of fair quality.

43. Yorkshire. Newby Hall. fig. 89

Head attached to modern bust with paludamentum
across chest and 1. shoulder.
Nflite, icUL'^e yr«dlittu tuoiwle. n. Of
with neck, 0.33 m.; H. crown of head to end of
beard, 0.26 m.; W. 0.23 m.
Head is broken off at lower neck. Restored:
nose, four frontal curls, ends of curls on 1. and
r. side of beard and small piece in r. eyebrow.
Traces of ancient fibers in beard, hair and cheeks.
Surface now weathered but appears to have originally
 268
been polished.
Michaelis, op. cit.. p. 527, #19; Bernoulli,
p. 27, #67; Arndt-Amelung, Einzelaufnahmen. #3120;
Vermeule, Ancient Marbles in Great Britain. "Newby
Hall," #19; Vemeule, C. "Notes on a Mew Edition of
Michaelis. Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," A.J.A..
LXX, 1955, p. 143, #19.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.52.
The head is turned slightly to the right and
kthe glance is to the right. Although the four
Serapis curls are restored, the iconography in all
other respects can be correlated to the Serapis type
and the broad facial form and impressionistic use
of the drill relate the head to #722 in Copenhagen.
However, the modeling of the surface is somewhat
more idealized with its smooth brow than the head
in Copenhagen. The profile view shows a flattening
of the forms. The pupils are drilled with large
^ 4 A a 4 i**4 A 4 A a a ^ 4 m
« W W* i ■ >i» W W * W. * - ,

Because of these more abstracting qualities in the

head, I would date it stylistically somewhat later
than the head in Copenhagen. The head originally
was of good quality.

44. Florence. Palazzo Riccardi.

Head attached to armored bust with paludamentum
fastened on 1. shoulder. Nr. 18.
 269
White marble of large crystalline structure*
H. head to break in neck, 0.31 m.; H. top of head
to end of beard, 0.26 m.; W. of head 0.25 m.
Head and bust do not belong together. Head
Itself has been broken into three pieces. The face
has been divided in two by a horizontal break at
the middle point of the cheeks which cuts upward at
the hair line across the top of the head. The center
section of the back of the head has been broken, but
appears also to be ancient. Missing are a piece of
the upper lip on the r. side, and part of the r. ear
lobe. Entire nose is restored. Ends qf beard curls
have been worn off and frontal curls of hair are
damaged. Surface is now badly worn and shows heavy
signs of cleaning.
Dutschke, II, p. 65, #130; Bernoulli, p. 24,
#38; Baity, "Deux portraits inedit de Septime Severe,"
loc. clt.. pp. 77-78, pi. V, figs. 1-2.
The head is published by biitsciuce as "Marcus
Aurelius" but the portrait although badly destroyed,
is clearly that of the Serapis-Septimius type. The
head is turned to the right and the glance is to the
right. The facial type, impressionistic use of the
drill in the beard and hair, and the classicizing
style of the face with its soft expression relate
the head most closely to that in Newby Hall (our
#43). The head in the Palazzo Rlccardi, however, is
 270
of less fine workmanship. Mrs. Baity compares the
head to the portrait now In Mr. Twombly's private
collection In Rome, which because of the upward
glance of the eyes and turn of the head to the left
has been placed In group "C” of our division of
the Serapis portraits (see our #70). Dr. Tea
Martlnelll (formerly Coco) is now working on a
catalogue of the sculpture from the Palazzo Riccardi.

45. Rome. Villa Dorla Panphili. niche in second story

of garden fagade.
Head set In modern (7) draped breastpiece. Nr. 93.
Marble. Measurements were not attainable.
Head appears ancient, although its height
on the exterior of the building prevented close
examination. In good condition. No restorations
could be noted.
Matz and Duhn, op. cit., #1834; Bernoulli,
07 41*1 O
tor* m •

Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.72.

The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. Broad facial form and classicizing
style relate it to group "A.•* ' Drill is used in deep,
short drill channels which have begun to have a
schematic pattern of their own. Thus, I would place
the execution of this head fairly late in the group.
 271
46. Florence. Palazzo Pitti: Museo degll Argenti, Sala
di S. Giovanni.
Head attached to Modern draped bust. Xnv. 6770.
Head of Italian Marble. Tunic of bust In
white narble with red Marble Mantel. H. of head
to Inset at neck, 0.35 m .; H. crown to end of beard,
0.29 m .; W. 0.23 m .
Head broken at lower neck and adjusted to
fit Into bust to which It does not belong. Head
itself appears ancient. End of nose restored. Nick
in upper r. forehead and rln of 1. ear broken. Four
frontal curls ancient, although worn, as well as tips
of frontal beard curls. Surface well preserved and
unpolished.
Diitschke, II, p. 7, #10; Bernoullit p. 24,
#34.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.60.
The head is turned to the right with the
glance to the right and slightly upward. The broad
facial f o m and classicizing style of the nude parts
contrasted with the drilled hair relate the head to
the portrait in Newby Hall (our #43). The drill
work in the head in Florence, however, is used More
extensively and in shorter, More regular channels
which suggest a slightly later dating for its execu­
tion. The eyebrows are etched in with the chisel
 272
and a furrow between the brows is Indicated which
intensifies the otherwise idealized expression. A
work of good execution.

47, Liverpool. Walker Art Gallery.

Head attached to araored bust with paludamentum
draped across chest and 1. shoulder. Formerly in
collection at Inee Blundell Hall, #85, from Villa
Mattel, Rone.
Luna narble. H. 0.33 n. (presumably of
ancient head).
The portrait has not been personally studied
by the writer. Poulsen publishes the bust as nodern.
Restored: nose, part of 1. brow, edge of 1. ear.
L. point of beard is broken off and head is very
worn.
Michaelis, op. cit.. p. 359, #85; Bernoulli,
p. 27, #62; Poulsen, F. Greek and Rowan Portraits
in English Country Houses. Oxford, 1923, p. iUi, #95,
pi. 95; Ashmole, B. Catalogue of the Ancient Marbles
at Ince Blundell Hall. Oxford, 1929, p. 41, pi. 39,
with earlier bibliography; Harrison, op. cit., p.
40, n. 2; Vemeule, Ancient Marbles in Great Britain.
"Ince Blundell Hall," #85.
Photograph: Kindness of My Carlsberg museum,
Copenhagen.
 273
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. The shorter facial form and shorter
beard relate the portrait to group "A," However,
the style is less classicizing than the other heads.
The glance, with the drill holes in the center and
filling the pupils is more intense and there is a
suggestion of fleshy realism in the cheeks which re­
lates the portrait also to group "C." The drill is
used in long channels which hold the shadow and in
short round holes which accent the center of curls.
The chisel digs into the flesh of the cheeks. A
work of fair quality.

48. Vienna. Kunsthistorisches Museum.

Small sized head attached to modern (7) bust, known
in museum collection since 1818. Inv. X 111.
Carrara marble. H, of head with attached
bust, excluding foot, 0.28 m.; H. of crown of head
to end of heard, 0.14 m.; w. of head 0.13 n.
Head and bust do not belong together. The
head is broken under the beard but the lower part
of neck in front belongs with the head. Restored
are end of nose, and end curls of beard. Surface
polished and in good condition.
Sacken, Eduard Frieh von, and Friedrich
Kenner. Die Sasualunoen des K. K. Munz- und Antlken-
Cabinetes. Vienna, 1866, p. 57, pi. XXXL, 2;
 274
Bernoulli, p. 28, #80,
Photographs: Kunsthistorisches Museum, II
9066, 9067.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. The square facial type and im­
pressionistic style of the beard and hair relate
the little portrait to those in our group "A." The
eyes are drilled by double drill holes and the pupils
are outlined.

49. Toulouse. Husee Saint Raymond.

Head attached to armored bust, from Martres Tolosane,
Inv. 30.158.
Italian marble. Total H. with attached bust
and foot, 0.56 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard,
0.24 m.; W. of head 0.20 m.
Head is broken diagonally under the beard
and a large section of the neck is missing on the
1. side. The bust, decorated with a ncuu^a iwau,
has been cracked through at the shoulders. It ap­
parently belongs with the head. The top of the nose
is restored and lower frontal curls of beard are
broken off. The frontal locks over the forehead
are damaged. The surface preserves the ancient
polish.
Esperandieu, II, p. 74, #975; Braemer, "Les
portraits antiques trouves a Martres Tolosane," loc.
 275
cit., p. 146 (cited incorrectly as Esperandieu
#995); Budde, Die Entstehuna des antlken Reprasenta-
tionsbildes. p. 16, fig. 46.
Photographs: Bildarchiv Foto Marburg #32641;
courtesy of Musee Saint Raymond; McCann, neg. 63.40.
The head is turned to the left and the eyes
are to the left. The short facial fora and linger-
i
ing Antonine characteristics of style relate the
portrait to those in our Serapis group "A." Compare
particularly the small portrait head in Vienna (our
#48).

Group B

50. Berlin. Staatliche Museen.

Head attached to modern breastpiece, from the Royal
Collection. Inv. R 94.
White, coarse grained marble. H. of head to
break in neck under beard, 0.29 m.; W. 0.22 m.
Restored: 1. eye with eyebrow and piece of
forehead, nose, part of 1. side of moustache, 1.
lower frontal curls of beard and breastpiece. Chip
on lower r. curl of beard and frontal forehead curls
are worn but ancient.- Surface has been heavily
cleaned and marble is now yellowed with age, dis­
coloration especially noticeable on 1. cheek. Traces
of ancient surface indicate signs of polish.
 276
Conze, op. cit.. p. 155, #382; Bernoulli,
p. 27, #77; Blumel, C. Kataloo der Sammluna antiker
Slculpturen. Rdmische Bildnisse. Staatliche Huseen
zu Berlin, Berlin, 1933, p. 39, R 94, pi. 50.
Photograph: Staatliche Huseen, neg. 4632.
The head is turned slightly to the right and
the glance is to the right. The portrait differs
Mainly from those in our group "A" by the elonga­
tion of the facial type with its more rounded and
prominent forehead. A classicizing style with
impressionistic use of the drill in hair and beard
and a soft pathos of expression are continued. The
double drill holes fill the center of the pupils.
Realistic details as etching of eyebrow hairs are
omitted. There is some indication of the fleshy
forms of the cheeks. This trend towards an inter­
est in surface realism links the group of portraits
in group "B" to those in our following group "C."
The drill Is not used in the pack or on the top of
the head, in keeping with the usual Severan prac­
tice. The portrait was originally of fair quality.

51* Rome. Museo Nazionale. storerooms.

Small sized head attached to modern breastpiece.
Inv. 126280.
 277
Italian marble. H. with bust, 0.23 m.; H.
crown of head to break in neck under beard 0.16 m. ;
W. of head 0.12 n.
The head is broken at the neck under the
beard. The note is broken off and end of 1. ear.
The ends of the beard curls, eyebrows and upper lip
are worn away. The back of the head is unworked.
The whole surface is badly worn and the marble shows
spots of brown discoloration.
HaJ, Museo Nazionale. p. 168, #342.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 64.83.
The head is turned decidedly to the right and
the glance is in the sane direction. The eyes are
drilled by large double holes which almost fill the
pupils. The irises do not appear to have been out­
lined. The beard is drilled by short, scattered
channels while in the hair the channels are longer
and deeper. The small head originally was probably
part of a small bust as the little portrait lu Vieuua
(our #48). The facial type and style of the head in
the Museo Nazionale identify the head in our Serapis
group "B,” indicating that size was not a determining
factor in changes in iconography and style. Compare
especially the portrait head in Berlin (our #50) for
a corresponding facial type.
 278
52. Paris. Louvre. fig. 90
Head attached to modern (7) bust with paludamentum
«

draped across chest and 1. shoulder. Inv. 1117.

White, fine grained marble. H. of ancient
head to break under beard, 0.30 m.; W. 0.22 m.
Restored: end of nose, three frontal curls
on forehead, and ends of two frontal beard curls.
Missing: ends of curls above 1. ear. Surface now
grey and discolored but appears in good condition
and originally unpolished. Eyebrows worn and 1.
cheek.
Paris. Musee National du Louvre. Department
des antlquites grecques et romalnes, op. cit.. p.
62, #1117.
Photographs: McCann, neg. 63.27, 63.28.
The head is turned sharply to the right and
the glance is to the right. The long facial type
places it with portraits of group "B” of the
Serapis type. Xt is impussiultt to uisoeru
original number of curls over the forehead, but
it seems likely that four rather than three should
be restored in keeping with the iconography of the
Serapis type. Its style is smooth and classicizing
and continues the Antpnine tradition of impression­
istic drill work. A suggestion of fleshy cheeks
relates the portrait to the. head in Berlin, although
 279
the Paris head lacks the variations in surface
modulation. The back of the head is also drilled,
not a common practice at this time, A work of good
quality,

53, Vienna. Kunsthistorisches Museum.

Head on modern bust draped with paludamenturn, from
Hoftbibliothek, 1846. Inv. I 181.
Luna marble. Total H. with restored bust,
0.65 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W. 0.25 m.
Head is broken at neck under beard. Restored
are nose, patch over r. eyebrow, all of 1. half of
forehead with hanging curl and 1. eyebrow, ends of
side curls of hair and r. frontal hanging curl, part
of the neck on the 1. side, and all of 1. half of
frontal beard. The center of the lower lip is
chipped. The edge of the r. ear is broken off and
the rim of the 1. ear restored. Polish appears on
remaining nude parts.
Sacken, op. cit., p. 57; Bernoulli, p. 28,
#81.
Photographs: Kunsthistorisches Museum , IX
9068, 9069.
The head is turned to the left and the glance
is to the left. The long facial type relates the
portrait to our group "B." The furrowed brow and
fleshy realism of the cheeks relate the head also
 280
to our grotg> "C." The head In Vienna, however,
lacks the flattening and consolidation of the plas­
tic forms typical of that group. The use of the
drill is also in the Antonine tradition. For a
similar facial type, compare portrait #1117 in the
Louvre.

54. Sussex, Petworth House. fig. 91

Head attached to modern naked breastpiece. Inv. 36.
Italian marble. H. of head to break in neck,
0.31 m. ; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.28 m.;
W. 21 m.
Restored: tip of nose, lower lip, end of 1.
ear lobe, piece of moustache, ends of two center
hanging curls over forehead, back of head and breast­
piece. Surface in excellent condition and now highly
polished. Traces of ancient vegetable fibers over
1. eyebrow.
KichaGliG, C£. cit.. p. €11, £36; H-rnculli,
p. 27, 368; Wyndham, op. cit.. p. 61, #36; Vermeule,
Ancient Warbles in Great Britain. "Petworth House,"
#36.
Photographs: McCann, negs. 63.55, 63.56.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. The long facial type and longer
beard and moustache connect the portrait with those
 281
In group "B. ** The Petworth head Is the most clas­
sicizing of the group with its smooth planes and
highly polished surface. The hairs of the eyebrows
are indicated and double drill holes fill the pupils.
The drill is used extensively in short, shallow drill
channels throughout the beard, creating a less plas­
tic and more coloristic and pictorial effect to
the surface. If the surface polish be ancient, the
head bears a close relationship to the style of the
portraits of Commodus, suggesting an early date in
the reign of Septimius. The workmanship is of high
quality.

55. Brussels. Musees rovaux d*art et d^istoire. fig. 87

Bronze statue with attached head of Septimius Severus,
found in Castel S. Angelo. Formerly in Palazzo
Barberini and Palazzo Sciarra, acquired in 1904.
Statue and head do not belong together and
the bronze shows a different patina. H. of head
0.45 m.
Lehmann dates the nude statue, whose lower
body is draped in a mantle, in the middle of the
second century A.D. Furtwangler had previously
believed that the head was attached to the statue
in antiquity, an opinion shared by Lehmann and Kluge.
 282
The head is broken at the lower neck, but otherwise
is in excellent condition. Bridge of nose appears
dented.
Rossi, Domenico de. Raccolta di statue antiche
£ »oderne in luce sotto i. o lorlog1 auspld della
Santita di N. _S. Papa Clemente XI. Rone, 1704, pp.
84-85, pi. XCIX; Hatz and Duhn, op. cit.. #1332;
Bernoulli, p. 23, #23; Kluge and Lehmann-Hartleben,
Die antiken Grosabronzen■ II, p. 41 Uith n. 1, and
p. 99, III, pi. XXX.
Photographs: Institut royal du patrimolne,
neg. 81 C, 83 C, 84 C, 9445 B; McCann, neg. 63.42.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. The four corkscrew curls of the
Serapis type appear over the forehead and the beard
is of nediun length. The longer facial type and
saooth foms relate the head to the portraits in
group "B," Compare particularly the head in the
Petworth collection, #36 (our #54).
Lehmann and Kluge note the very academic
style of the head in contrast to the bronze head
of Septimius in the Vatican (our #41) and the
earlier bronze portrait in Breccia (our #3). In
time, they place the portrait in Brussels after the
head in the Vatican, although its more frozen and
academic handling of the material is less progressive.
 283
Indeed, the fine, linear pattern of the beard
with its emphasis on the decorative swirl of the
curls, the harshness of all the forms and. the
stilted expression reveal the hand of an academic
artist. In fact, if the provenience of the head
were different, one might doubt its antiquity. How­
ever, its academic style and long facial type are
not out of keeping with the portraits in group "B"
to which it must be related. This severer and more
frozen style is in contrast to the softened and
impressionistic style of the bronze Serapls-Septimius
portrait in the Vatican and indicates the variety of
stylistic esqpression possible in the capital city
at this time.

56* Leningrad. Hermitage.

Head attached to modem armored bust with paludamentum
over 1. shoulder, Palazzo Carpegna, formerly in col-
i.CW L i w a wx JUiWNUt as

Carrara marble. Total H. of head and bust,

0.83 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.29 m.;
W. of head 0.23 m.
The head is broken at the neck under the
beard and attached to a modern bust. The nose is
restored and the ends of the beard curls are worn
away. The head is only known to me in photographs
but they reveal the fine preservation of the glossy
 264
surface.
Leningrad, Emitazh. Mu-ieT* x:r£a»£* tmmh-
HT«|P<ii.. St. Petersburg, 1901, p. 110, #230; Wald-
hauer, O. P. Roaerske Portraetskulpturer £ Ermltaqen.
Petersburg, 1923, p. 74, fig. 27.
Photograph: Hermitage, A 57.
The head Is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. The long facial form and idealizing
style place the portrait head in our group ”B."
Compare especially the portrait in the Petworth
Collection, #36 (our #54). The handling of the
shiny surfaces and technique of the drill are so
similar that the possibility of the sane hand at
work in the two portraits is suggested. The eye­
brows are not etched in, however, in the portrait
in Leningrad in contrast to the Petworth head.
Waldhauer compares the style of the Leningrad por­
trait with its interest in brilliant surface ef­
fects wnich contrast to the chlarascura technique
of the beard and hair to the portraits of Lucius
Verus.

57, Florence. Pffizl Gallery.

Head attached to armored bust with paludamentum
fastened on r. shoulder. Inv. 1914, #210.
 285
Italian aarble. Total H. with bust, 0.62 a.;
H. crown of head to break in neck under beard,
0,27 a.; W. of head, 0.21 a.
Head is broken under the beard and attached
to an antique bust to which it does not belong. Re­
stored are nose and four frontal curls, although
ancient roots of curls reaain. The end curls of
the beard are worn and side curls of hair are very
sketchily executed. The surface was unpolished and
now in fair condition although covered with dirt.
Diitschke, III, #173; Bernoulli, p. 24, #32;
Hansuelli, G. A. Galleria deoli Ufflzi Le Sculture,
Rone, 1958, II, p. 112, #136.
Photographs: Gabinetto Fotografico della
Soprintendenza alle Gallerie, N. 10396, N. 10397.
The head is turned to the right and the
glance is to the right. Hansuelli rejects Diitschke's
earlier attribution to Septiaius and dates the por­
trait at the end of the second century. However, a
close exaaination of the head reveals the roots of
the four ancient Serapis curls beneath the restora­
tion and the long facial type and idealized style
place the poorly executed portrait in our group HB.”
Coupare especially the head in the Petworth Collec­
tion, #36 (our #54).
 286
58, Norfolk, Houghton Hall.
Armored bust with paludamentum over 1. shoulder
and fastened on r. Lady Cholmondeley believes the
portrait was acquired from Cardinal Albani in the
18th century.
White, fine grained marble. H. of bust,
0.69 m.; H. of head, 0.36 m.
Head and bust appear to belong together.
Nose and small parts of paludamentum restored. Sur­
face weathered but in fine condition.
Michaelis, op. cit. . p. 324, #5; Bernoulli,
p. 27, #64; Poulsen, Greek and Roman Portraits in
English Country Houses, p. 102, #96, pi. 96; Vermeule,
Ancient Marbles In Great Britain. "Houghton Hall,"
#5.
Photographs: Goodchild and Son, King's Lynn.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right and somewhat upward. The long facial
type connects the portrait with those In group "B.“
The cheeks are smooth and contrast with the deeply
drilled hair which tends to fall into a schematized
pattern. The eyes are deep—set and the brows bulge
forward with a furrow indicated between them. The
bust is one of the finest in group "B," and I am
particularly grateful to Lord and Lady Cholmondeley
for their kindness in allowing me to study and obtain
 287
photographs of it

59, Rons, Vatican Museum: Galleria delle Statue.

Head of Septimius attached to nude statue of an
athlete. Inv. 584.
Pentellic marble. H. of head to break; in
neck, 0.31 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard,
0.28 m.; W. 0.24 m.
Head cut at base of neck to fit into statue.
End of nose, r. eyebrow, piece of 1. cheek and part
of neck above 1. shoulder are restored. The surface
is worn and pitted and the rims of the ears are both
damaged. The head and statue do not belong together.
For a discussion of the statue see Amelung,
who relates it to a Polykleitan statuary type. This
interpretation is also followed by Helbig.
Bernoulli, p. 23, #10; Amelung, Die Sculpturen
des Vaticanischen Museums. II, pp. 583-584, #392, pi.

Photograph: German Archaeological Institute,

Rone, neg. 30.635.
The head is turned sharply to the right and
the glance is to the right and slightly upwards.
The high forehead and long beard, which here is not
so distinctly separated, relate the head to the
other Serapis portraits in group "B.n The pupils
are drilled by double holes which fill the center.
 286
The beard is drilled by short, deep channels which
break up the organic fora, rather than following
the natural direction of the curls. The hair is
drilled in longer channels which hold the light and
shadow. The planes of the face are smooth and con­
trast with the extensively drilled Basses of the
beard and hair. Because of the tendency toward
coarseness and abstraction in the drill work and
in the upward curve of the brows, X would date the
portrait late in the group. The very restored con­
dition of the head makes it difficult to fairly
judge the original quality of the work.

60. Rome. Museo Torlonia. fig. 92

Statue of Septimius, said to have been found in
the Porto. Inv. 136.
Upper torso and head in Greek marble. H. of
whole statue with plinth, 2.13 m.; H. crown of head
to end of beard, 0.33 m.; W. of head 0.30 m.
Head belongs with upper part of statue, which
is broken in two at the waist under belt. Lower
body and plinth restored. Also modem are r. arm
with cloak, upper back and 1. arm with all of lower
cloak, brooch on r. shoulder. Surface of face has
been heavily cleaned. Bernoulli originally inac­
curately published the head as separate from the
 289
body. Restored on face are nose and lower curls
of beard. Traces of plaster on moustache are per­
haps from a cast of head. Four frontal curls are
genuine, although worn. Curl on 1. of forehead
broken,
Matz and Duhn, op. cit.. #1351; Visconti,
P. E. Catalogue of the Torlonia Museum of Ancient
Sculpture. Rome, 1883, p. 78, #136, pi. XXXIV,
#36; Bernoulli, p. 24, #25.
Head is turned to the right with the glance
to the right and slightly upward. The drill is used
in the beard in hair in deep, long drill channels
which tend to have a schematic pattern of their own.
The planes of the face sure smooth, with only a sug­
gestion of the fleshiness of the cheeks. The long
facial type and classicizing style place the por­
trait with those of group "B," The pupils of the
eyes are drilled in odd "V" shaped holes which ap­
pear to be ancient. A work of fair quality.

61. Algeria. Guelma. Museo des Antlgultes. fig. 93

Head, found in the baths near the "Forum novum" at
Khamissa (Thubursicum Numidarum).
Marble. H. to break in neck, 0.40 m.
The head is broken at the lower neck and ap­
pears to have been cut to fit into a bust or statue.
 290
Mo restorations are noted in the literature. The
head has not been personally examined by the writer.
Pachtere, op. cit.. p. 35, pi. VII, fig. 7;
Souville, G. "Statues imperiales du Musee de Guelma,"
Libvca. XI, 1954, p. 149; Hazard, and Leglay, op.
cit., pp. 47-48, fig. 36 (incorrectly labeled as
from Madauros); Baity, "Un buste inedit de Septime
Severe," loc. cit.. p. 76, n. 3.
The head is turned to the right with the
glance to the right. Souville calls the head a
copy of the portrait of Septimius in the Capitoline
Museum, #51. The Capitoline head, however, faces
forward and shows a shorter beard and upward glance
Of the eyes. The long facial type, and classicizing
style, place the head from Khamissa with our group
"B." Of particular interest is the linear treat­
ment of the beard and hair where the drill is not
used. This softness of effect may be compared to
CQ 6 h e w i X IU H V > iM U U U ~ Q l* * S iib L d u x ii d ie S m u w n u b c u iti

which is, however, much more advanced in abstract­

ing tendencies (our #84).
The eyebrow hairs are etched in and the drill
holes of the pupils are small and placed close to
the upper eyelids. In comparison with the other
heads of Septimius from Africa, the head from Khamissa
shows a soft and idealizing style which is in harmony
with the other portraits in group "B" and must be
 291
dated in the period before A.D. 200.

62, Rone, Museo Torlonla. fig. 94

Head attached to armored modern bust with paluda-
mentum fastened on r. shoulder. Inv. 566,
Head of Greek marble. H. crown of head to
break In beard under neck, 0.30 m.; W. 0.26 m.
Head attached to modem bust at neck under
beard.Restored: nose, piece of lower lip, 1. eye­
brow, frontal curls of lower beard, side curls of
hair around forehead, and part of 1. ear. Curls
of hair In back of r. ear and curl on r. forehead
broken off. The surface has been cleaned.
Visconti, Catalogue of the Torlonla Museum
of Ancient Sculpture, p. 295, #566, pi. CXLVI;
Bernoulli, p. 24, #26.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is outward In the same direction. The long facial
type and Impressionistic use of the drill In the
beard and hair relate the portrait to group "B.”
The modeling of the surface with the emphasis in
the diagonal lines of the cheeks relates the por­
trait to those in group ”C." The drill holes fill
the pupils. Because of its more conservative style
as a whole, despite the interest in surface realism,
the portrait is placed here with those of group "B. ”
 292
The Moustache shows fine chisel work and the por­
trait was originally a fine one.

Group C

63. Paris. Louvre. fig. 95

Armored bust with paludamentum fastened on r.
shoulder and draped over 1., found in the surround­
ings of Herculaneum. From Campana Collection. Xnv.
1120 .
White, fine grained marble. H. of head and
bust, excluding foot, 0.69 m.; H. crown to end of
beard, 0.31 n.; W. of head, 0.26 n.
Head and bust are unbroken. Foot does not
belong. Restored: end of nose, lower lip, piece of
1. eyebrow with part of forehead, part of rim of
1. ear, folds of drapery over 1. shoulder, part of
brooch and fragments of drapery folds in center of
bust. End of 1. frontal curl of beard broken and
ends of hair curls on either side. Frontal curls
worn but ancient. Pieces of drapery folds missing.
Surface well preserved, although hair and beard grey
and discolored.
Bernoulli, p. 26, #55} Paris, Husee National
du Louvre. Department des antiquites grecques et
romaines, op. cit.. p. 64, #1120.
 293
Photographs: Archives Photographiques, neg.
5.1490.010.BE.If 5.1490.G10.AE.1. McCann, neg.
63.31, 63.32.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right and slightly upward. The paludamen-
tum is fringed and the hasp over the right shoulder
ends in a lion's head. The portrait continues the
long facial type typical of group "B," but the por­
trait in the Louvre shows a different style. In
place of the late Antonine classicizing style with
impressionistic treatment of the hair and beard, the
portrait in the Louvre reveals the realistic, sagging
cheeks of an older man. The eyes are drilled by
means of curious round sunken disks (originally for
an insert?) which show a fixidity of expression in
place of the soft, melancholy glance of the earlier
portraits of Septimius. The hair and beard are more
extensively drilled. The drill holes of the beard
axe ahwxL deep, covering the surface and creat­
ing a honey-combed pattern. The channels of the
hair are longer and form a distinct pattern of
parallel lines on either side of the face. The
structure of the head itself is block-like and the
surface realism does not reveal an organic struc­
ture beneath. The origin of this particular varia­
tion of the Serapis type we have dated from the
 294
coinage about A.D. 201-202

64. Mantua. Palazzo Dueale. fig. 96

Head. Inv. 12240.
Italian Marble. H. to break in neck under
beard 0.26 n.
The nose is Missing. The head is cut under
the neck and the ends of the beard curls are worn.
Unfortunately the head was not on exhibition at the
tiMe of My visit to the Palazzo Ducale and could not
be studied at first hand by the writer. The surface
of the head froM the photographs appears to be in
good condition.
Borsa, M. Museo della Reale Accadenia di
Mantova. Mantua, 1790, p. 72; Diitschke, IV, p. 329,
#727; Bernoulli, p. 25, #43 (cited as bust); Levi,
A* Sculture oreche _e ronane del Palazzo Ducale
Mantova. p. 67, #144.
JTA tW

The head is turned to the right and the eyes

glance to the right and slightly upward. The style
with its interest in surface realise connects the
head with #1120 in the Louvre. The chisel strokes
and drill work in the beard and hair only suggest
the organic direction of the curls. The short, deep
holes crudely worked, dig into the surface of the
 295
block-like fora which now only renders organic life
on its surfaces. The chisel strokes of the aoustache
and eyebrows have also becoae acre scheaatically
rendered. The two saall drill holes of the pupils
are placed high beneath the upper eyelid stressing
the upward glance. The Increased abstraction and
expressionisn of the style relate the portrait to
Late Antique art which here is finding fora within
the new empty shell of the Antonine classical tradi­
tion of organic fora. The portraits of Septimius in
group "C" particularly reveal this turning point in
artistic directions and as such they have special
interest in an analysis of the stylistic contribu­
tions of the period.

65. London. British Museua.

Head attached to bust draped with paludaaentua
across chest and 1. shoulder. Found in 1776 on
the Falatiue u«« ^i.wuuuo of the 7112c. Mcgccni.
Inv. 1916.
Greek aarble. Total H. of bust, excluding
foot, 0.66 a.; H. crown of head to end of beard,
0.31 a.; V. of head 0.22 a.
Head is broken froa the bust at the lower
neck but appears to belong with the bust. Restored:
nose, all of frontal beard froa chin down, r. shoulder,
 296
and parts of drapery folds. Frontal curls danaged
but original. Surface of 1. cheek, r. lower eyelid
and r. brow are danaged. Otherwise the surface in
good condition and shows traces of original polish
on the r. cheek.
Snith, op . cit.. p. 166, #1916; Bernoulli,
p. 26, #60; Hinks, o p . cit.. p. 32, pi. 44a;
Pietrangeli, C, Scavi £ scoperte di antichlta sotto
11 pontificato di Pio VI. Rone, 1958, p. 74; Baity,
”Un buste inedit de Septine Severe," loc. cit., p.
78, n. 1.
Photographs: British Museun, LXXIIX C 21;
LXX1V C 42.
The interest in surface realisn seen in the
indication of the aging flesh of the cheeks relates
this portrait to those in group "C.** However, the
portrait in London shows a lingering of the Antonine
style in its snoother, polished surfaces and impres­
sionistic treatment of the heir end beardt The
shallow double drill holes fill the pupils and the
irises are raised and outlined. A portrait of fine
quality.

66. Copenhagen. Ny Carlsbero Glvptotek. fig. 98

Head attached to bust, acquired in Rnne in 1900.
Inv. 1768.
 297
Head of Greek Marble, bust of Italian, Total
H. of bust and head, 0.64 n.; H. crown to break in
lower neck, 0,36 m.; H. crown to end of beard,
0,29 m . ; W. of head 0.24 m.

Head and bust do not belong together, al­

though the bust appears ancient. The nose, ends
of frontal beard curls, ends of hair curls of r.
side, part of 1, ear lobe and part of back of the
head are missing. Frontal curls, r. cheek, and
surface of forehead worn. Parts of original sur­
face polish still visible.
Poulsen, Catalogue. pp. 501-502, #723; Ny
Carlsberg Glyptotek. Bllledtavler til Kataloqet
over Antike Kunstvaerker. pi. LX.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right and upward. The flattened, block
form of the face with the indication of the age of
the enperor seen in the fleshy handling of the sur­
face forms relate the put.txait Lo U'*gsg in group "C. ”
The drill is used sparingly in the beard and hair
in comparison with the other portraits in the group,
and an interest in surface forms is seen in the fine,
regularized combing work of the chisel in the beard
and hair. The tendency toward abstraction is also
seen in the increased geometrization of the form of
the moustache which frames the mouth in a neat
 298
trapezoid rather than carving around it as in #1916
in the British Museum. These stylistic trends sug­
gest a date late in the group, despite the more
conservative handling of the beard and hair. The
portrait was originally a piece of good quality.

67. Rowe. Huseo Canitolino.

Head attached to modern breastpiece. Inv. 364.
Italian marble. H. crown of head to break in
lower neck, 0.35 m.; H. crown of head to end of
beard, 0.29 m.; tf. 0.25 m.
The head is broken off at the lower neck and
attached to a modern breastpiece. The whole top
of the head together with the four curls are restored.
Also the tip of the nose, piece of 1. cheek, lower 1.
brow, 1. end curl of beard, and curls of hair on 1.
side of face are restored. The surface is badly
worn and the marble discolored. Upper portion of r.
cheek and r. side of forehead, however, still indicate
ancient surface polish. The r. ear is only roughly
worked and set lower than on the corresponding side.
Platner, op. cit.. Ill, i, p. 189, #92;
Armellini, op. cit.. II, p. 135, #2 (as Marcus
Aurelius); Bernoulli, p. 23, #4, p. 31; Jones,
Museo Capitollno. pp. 148-149, #23, pi. 36.
Photographs McCann, neg. 63.66.
 The head Is turned to the right and the glance
Is to the right and slightly upward. The fleshy
fonts of the cheeks and the upward curve of the
brows relate the poorly preserved portrait to our
group "C." Although the frontal curls are restored,
the rest of the hair style, beard and Moustache are
of the Serapis type. Coapare particularly the head
in Copenhagen, #723 (our #66).

Yorkshire. Castle Howard.

Head attached to modem breastpiece.
White, coarse grained aarble. H. of head
and neck, 0.34 a.; H. of crown of head to end of
beard 0.27 a.; W. 0.24 a.
Restored: nose, piece of r. eyebrow, piece
of upper 1. cheek, parts of four hanging frontal
curls and bust. The whole surface is badly worn.
Michaelis, op. cit.« p. 329, #39; Bernoulli,
p. 27, #65; Arodt-Aaelung, Einzelaufnahaen. #3u2y;
Veraeule, Ancient Marbles in Great Britain. "Castle
Howard," #39.
Photographs: McCann, negs. 63,52, 63.53j
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is upward and to the right. The tendency toward
abstraction seen in the block-like structure of the
face and the flattened, trapezoidal fora of the
 300
aoustache relate the portrait to #723 in Copenhagen
(oar #66), The drill, however, was used nore ex­
tensively In short, deep holes throughout the beard
and hair In the portrait In Castle Howard. The head
was originally one of good quality as seen by the
working of the beard curls under the chin.

69. Munich. Glvntothek.

Head attached to ancient araored statue, acquired
In Rone in 1815, from the Villa Albani. Inc. 331.
Head of Italian narble. H. of head and
statue, without plinth, 1.98 n.
Head and statue do not belong together. For
date of ancient statue see Furtwangler's discussion.
Restored are the ends of the beard, end of nose and
neck. The portrait Is now lost, and known to ne
only through old photographs.
Bernoulli, p. 27, #71; Furtwangler, Beschrei-
punq der UiYPtoihek Konij Luawi^s, I au ncmcheu.

Munich, 1910, p. 350, #331, with earlier bibliography.

Photograph: Glyptothek, Nr. 435.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right and slightly upward. Judging from
the poor photograph available, which indicates a
fleshy handling of the cheeks, I have placed the
portrait in group MC." However, the drill work of
 301
the beard and hair which is combined with chisel
work and still emphasizes the organic movement of
the curls and the longer, less geometric form of
the face relate the portrait also to those in
group "B." I would thus suggest an early date,
just after A.D. 201 for the lost portrait.

70. Rome. Collection of Mr. L. Twomblv. fig. 97

Head attached to armored bust with paludamentum at­
tached at r. shoulder, formerly on Roman art market.
Head and bust of white, coarse grained marble.
Total H. with foot, 0.80 m.; H. of head to break in
lower neck, 0.32 m. ; H. of head to end of beard,
0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.26 m.
The head is broken at the lower neck but would
appear to belong with the ancient bust which includes
ancient foot. Restored ares the nose, piece of r.
eyebrow with cheek, frontal curls (evidence for one
c m c lc « t r o o t u»), and lower edge of cuirass.
Broken are: lower curls of frontal beard, piece of
1. eyebrow, both ears, pieces of the drapery folds,
and end of hasp over r. breast. The surface has been
totally destroyed by weathering.
Baity, nUn buste inedit de Septime Severe,"
loc. cit., pp. 72-78, pis. II-V.
 302
Photographs: McCann, neg s. 63.70, 63.71.
The head is turned to the left and the glance
is to the left and upward. The block-like form of
the face and the indication of the vertical folds
of the cheeks relate the portrait to group *C.”
The surface realise is not as pronounced, however,
and the upward glance and increased consolidation
of the plastic form as well as the turn of the head
to the left relate the portrait to those of group
"D.” Mrs. Baity compares the head to the portrait
of Septimius in the Bardo whose frontal and abstract
style are very different from the head in the
Twombly Collection. The eyes are drilled by double
holes at the top of the pupils and scattered, short,
deep drill holes are used throughout the beard and
hair. Plastic life is felt in the rounded forms of
the lips and full moustache. The drill is used in
short, deep channels throughout the beard and hair
which do not yet have a pattern or their u«u. The
head, now badly destroyed, was originally a good
piece and is interesting stylistically because of
the mingling of naturalism and abstraction which
makes it difficult to place this portrait in any
one of our portrait groups.
 303
71. West Norfolk. Holkhae Hall.
Head attached to toga statue.
Head of white Marble, body of white Marble
with grey velnlng. Total H. of statue 2.13 m . ; H.

crown of head to end of beard, 0.30 n.; W. 0.25 n.

The head Is broken at the lower neck and
joined to the statue by a restored collar of Marble
at the base of the neck. The head and statue are
published as belonging together but the difference
in Marble between the two parts also suggests that
the head Must be considered separately. Restored
are the end of the nose, riM of 1. ear, and r. and
1. hands. The statue is set into Modern plinth.
The surface has been cleaned.
Clarac, op. cit., pi. 966, #2481A; Michaelis,
op. cit., p. 302; Bernoulli, p. 27, #63; Vemeule,
C. "Notes on a New Edition of Hichaelis, Ancient
Marbles in Great Britain," A.J.A.. LXIXX, 1959, p.
153.
Photographs: McCann, neg. 63.49.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right and slightly upward. The facial type
is long and the interest in a realistic surface
Modeling of the fores connects the portrait with
group "C." The work is of Mediocre quality.
 304

72« Venice. Museo Archeoloqico.

Head attached to draped modern bust, froe Grimani
Collection, 1593. Inv. 40.
Marble. Total H. with bust 0.69 a.
The head is cut at the lower neck to fit
into a bust. Missing are lower curls of beard on
both sides, nose and part of neck. The portrait
is known to me only in photographs butthe surface
appears heavily reworked. Indeed, theportrait may
be modern, but the style of the drilling appears to
be ancient and the large, single drill holes fill­
ing the pupils of the eyes suggest a later reworking.
Dutschke, V, p. 135, #350; Bernoulli, p. 32,
p. 34; Anti, op. cit.. p. 126, #40.
Photographs: Museo Archeologico, negs.1511-
1513 .
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. The consolidation of the block
form of the face coupled with the rendering of the
folds of the heavy cheeks relate the portrait to
our group ”C,M

73. Rome. Museo Hazionale. storerooms.

Small sized head from Tiber. Inv. 12230.
Italian marble. Total H. 0.28 m.; H. crown
of head to end of beard, 0.22 m.; W. 0.18 m.
 305
Head Is cut at base of neck probably to fit
into statue or possibly a relief. The end of the
nose is aissing and the r. forehead curl is worn
away. The back of the head was flattened and is now
worn smooth. The whole frontal surface has also
been worn completely away, although the basic
iconography is still visible. Heavy incrustation
appears in the drill channels and the back of the
head.
Maj, Museo Nazionale. p. 167, #341.
The small head is turned to the right and
the glance is to the right. The eyes are drilled
by double drill holes and the irises are outlined.
The drill was used carelessly in long channels in
the beard and hair. The consolidated plastic form
combined with an interest in surface realism, still
visible in the forms of the cheeks despite its poor
condition, relates the little head to portraits in
group ::C :: or our Serapis—Septimius portrait type.

Compare particularly the head in Copenhagen (our

#66 ).

74- Rome. Palazzo Lancelottl.

Small sized marble head on red porphory bust.
Italian marble. Total H. of bust, excluding
foot, 0.41 m,; H. crown to end of beard, 0.17 a.;
W. of head 0.15 m.
 306
Head and bust appear to belong together.
The foot Is separate. The surface of the head is
now caked with dirt which made observations diffi­
cult. The portrait appears to be ancient and no
restorations could be observed,
Matz and Duhn, op. cit.. #1899; Bernoulli,
p. 23, #17.
Photographs: McCann, neg. 64.85.
The head is turned slightly to the right and
the eyes are to the right and upward. The flattened
frontal view of the small head and the Interest in
the fleshy realism of the surface modeling relate
the portrait to those in our group "C." The piece
is of crude workmanship.

Group D.

75. Toulouse. Musee Saint Raymond. fig. 103

Head attached to armored bust with paludamentum
fastened on r. shoulder, from Martres Tolosane
(excavations 1826-1830). Inv. 30.114.
Head of Italian marble, now yellowed with
age. Total H., excluding foot, 0.74 m.; H, of head
to break in lower neck, 0.40 m.; H. crown to end
of beard, 0.30 m.; H. of head, 0.33 m.
Esperandieu publishes the head and bust
together. However, the head appears too large for
 307
the bust, and I aa not sure that they belong together,
although the bust appears ancient. Foot and bust are
separate. Hissing are nose, lower r. curls of beard,
and rim of 1. ear. The surface is badly worn.
Esperandieu, II, p. 75, #976; Braemer, "Les
portraits antiques trouves a Martres Tolosane," loc.
cit., p. 146.
Photographs: Musee Saint Raymond, and McCann,
neg. 63.41.
The head is crowned with an oak wreath and
is turned to the left with the eyes directed upward.
The portrait shows an increase in abstraction and
spiritualization over the portraits in group nC."
The face is now extremely flattened, and although
there are still indications of the folds of the
cheeks, the plastic form has become consolidated
and organic proportions ignored. The neck has be­
come elongated and the ears are large and placed
tclcw the heir line. The enpharis is upon the up­
ward eyes which now are framed by the flattened
upward curve of the eyebrows. The drill is used
in deep schematic channels in the beard and hair.
Braemer dates the work posthumously. How­
ever, the drill work which still suggests the direc­
tion of the hair curls, the lack of frontality, and
lingering suggestion of three dimensional form in
 308
the cheeks and lips place the portrait at least
earlier than the other posthumously dated portraits
indicated here, A trend toward increased abstraction
and spiritualization has been indicated in the por­
traits of Septimius from the second half of his
reign which are developing trends in keeping with
the style of the portrait in Toulouse. The upward
eyes do occur in portraits of the emperor during
his lifetime, and 1 would thus suggest a date near
the close of his reign or just following his death
for the portrait, which illustrates a varying
Serapis prototype.

76. Florence. Palazzo Pitti.

Crowned head attached to draped bust with fringed
mantel fastened on r. shoulder. Inv. 676.
Head is of white, large crystalline marble
now yellowed with age. Bust appears of different
WitLUXB Oiiu yiuwauxjr uuca uwi. wci.wu^ uCuu.

Total H, of head and bust, 0.62 m.; H. crown of

head to break in neck, 0.34 m.; H. crown of head
to end of beard, 0.31 m.; V. of head, 0.25.m.
The head is broken at the lower neck. Re­
stored are: nose, 1. frontal curl of beard and
frontal section of laurel crown, but corkscrew curls
are ancient. Broken off are rim of r. ear and ends
 309
of hair curls. Eyebrows are worn and side curls of
hair. On bust parts of drapery are broken off, and
bottom of bust appears to have been cut. Surface
has been cleaned and is now badly worn.
Diitschke, II, pp. 8-9, #14; Bernoulli, p.
24, #35.
Photographs: McCann, neg. 63.59.
The head is turned to the right and the eyes
are directed upward and to the right. The head is
crowned with a laurel wreath. The consolidation of
the plastic form which now shows very little of the
surface realism found in the portraits from group
"C" and the decided upward curve of the brows relate
this portrait to the crowned portrait in Toulouse.
The form, however, is not quite so flattened and
the chisel is used in the beard to outline the still
plastic clumps of the curls. I would thus suggest,
on the basis of stylistic evolutionary trends which
have been observed, that the portrait in the Palazzo
Pitti is slightly earlier in date than the portrait
in Toulouse. The head was originally of fair execu­
tion.
 310
77. Rone, Palazzo Altierl.
Head of Septimius attached to armored statue.
Head and middle part of torso with victories
appear to be of Greek marble while remaining parts
of statue in fine grained Italian marble. Total H.
of statue with plinth, 2.09 m.; H. of head to break
in neck at end of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.24 m.
Matz-Duhn originally recognized the portrait
as that of Septimius and published the head and
statue together. However, the head is broken at
the neck and attached to an upper cuirassed torso
(originally a bust?) of different marble. The mid­
dle part of the torso, however, with the two victories
appears to be of the same marble as the head. Lower
torso with legs and plinth are restored as well as
arms. Matz-Duhn publishes the upper part of the
armor also as restored. It is difficult from the
very patched condition of the statue as well as froa
vuiry condition today to the oxitl^olty
of the upper torso. The wreath of the victories ap­
pears restored but the upper drapery may be ancient.
Restored on face are: nose, two end curls of beard,
rim of r. ear, part of r. eyebrow, and lower rim of
1. ear. The original surface has been cleaned and
the surface of beard and hair are now very worn and
caked with dust.
 311
Rossi, op . cit.. pi. CX, p. 103; Matz and
Buhn, op. cit.,1, pp. 386-387, #1345; Bernoulli,
p. 23, #12.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 64.78.
The head Is turned to the right and the
glance Is to the right and upward. The statue Is
restored with the right arm outstretched and the
left arm bent and holding a sword. The armor is
decorated with two facing victories holding high a
wreath above their heads. A mantle is draped across
the chest and left shoulder.
Because of the heavy restoration of the statue
which makes the relationship to the head doubtful,
the portrait itself must be our main concern. The
upward glance of the eyes and the consolidation of
the plastic form relate the portrait to those in
group nD." The forms are not as advanced in abstract*
ing tendencies as those in the head in Toulouse, and
, ^ ..». - _ ,r* 1 j, ^ ______ , . » , J ___ ___ ^ J j.
I
earlier than the portrait in the Pltti Palace in
Florence for the same reason.

78. Munich. Glvptothek. fig. 101

Read from collection in Palazzo Bevilacqua, Verona.
Inv. 357.
White, fine grained marble, now yellowed
with age. H. of preserved head and neck, 0.39 m.;
H. crown to end of beard, 0.35 m. ; W. 0,28 m.
Head cut to fit into armored bust or statue.
Square plaque, presumably belonging to the edge of
the cuirass, remains attached at the back of the
neck. Hissing are: the nose, end curls of beard
and pieces of curls on left side. A circular hole
mars the center of the r. forehead. The head was
originally attached to a bust which is known today
from the older photographs. Today the restorations
have been removed which greatly alter the character
of the head.
Bernoulli, p. 27, #72, pi. XIV; Lehner, "Ein
romischer Harmorkopf aus Schwarzrheindorf," loc. cit
p. 136, pis. 3-5; Furtwangler, Beschreibunq der
Glvntothek Koniq Ludwig's I zu Miinchen. p. 361, #357
Barreca, "Un nuovo ritratto di Settimio Severo," loc
cit., p. 62; Heintze, on. cit., pi. 26, p. 19; Baity
"Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime Severe," loc.
‘ * 1 - ■v

Photographs: Glyptothek, #357 (127); McCann,

neg. 63.24.
The head is turned slightly to the right and
the glance is distinctly upward and to the right.
For an analysis of the style and date of this ex­
cellent piece see our discussion in the text.
 313
79. Algeria. Guelua. Musee des Antiouites. fig. 102
Head from Khamissa.
White marble. H. 0,33 m.
The head Is broken at the neck under the
beard. The nose, and lower curls of the beard In
the front and on the 1. side are broken away. The
frontal curls are damaged and the surface appears
worn. The head is only known to me in a photograph.
Pachtere, op. cit.. p. 36, pi. VII, fig. 8;
Souville, "Statues Imperiales du Musee de Guelma,"
loc. cit., pp. 150-151.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right and distinctly upward. The face is
that of an older man with sagging cheeks and heavy-
lidded eyes. Pachtere suggests an identification
with the father of Septimius because of the old age
of the man represented, despite the similarity to
the portraits with Septimius. He notes Bernoulli's
statement that no portraits of Septimius as an oioer
man remain. However, in our group "C" we have noted
the signs of old age appearing. The identification
of the idealizing Nerva-Septimlus portrait type at
the end of Septimius * reign explains the lack of
portraits of the emperor showing his increasing age.
The iconography can be so closely related to that of
Septimius that I believe an identification with this
 3X4
emperor is most probable. The wild sane of hair
and three curls rather than four over the forehead
connect the head in iconography with the portrait in
Munich (our #78), which must also have been executed
very near the end of his reign.

80. Boston. Museum of Fine Arts. fig. 105

Head, from Ostia or the Portus. Inv. 60.928.
Greek marble (?). Slightly under life-sized.
Head is cut at neck probably to fit into
draped statue, judging from the line of the curve
which is low in front and high in the back. Missing
are: the nose, left hand curl on forehead, 1. ear
lobe and pieces of curls of beard and hair. The
eyebrows are worn as are surfaces of moustache and
parts of beard and hair curls. The original high
polish is still visible on the neck and parts of
the face.
Vermeuie, C. "A Hellenistic: Portrait Rmadc
as Severus Alexander (A. D, 222-235). Roman Emperor
and King of Egypt,” Bulletin. Museum of Fine Arts.
Boston. LVIII, 1960, #311, pp. 22-25, figs. 12, 13,
14.
Photographs: Courtesy of Boston Museum of
Fine Arts, 19758.
 315
The head Is turned to the right and the eyes
look upward to the right. For a discussion of Its
style and suggested posthumous date, see text.

81. Rome. Vatican Museum: Muaeo Chlaramontl.

Head. Inv. 1293.
Italian marble. H. of ancient piece with
neck, 0.38 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard,
0.28 m.; W. 0.22 m.
Head was cut to be Inserted Into bust or
statue. Restored are: lower part of nose, three
right hand curls on forehead, lower lip, r. eye
with part of brow and cheek, half of 1. ear, rim
of r. ear, parts of hair curls on r. side, large
part of center of back of head, parts of beard
curls, and foot with Index tablet. Roots of four
forehead curls are ancient as well as all of
farthest curl on 1. Surfaces of beard and hair
are worn.
Bernoulli, p. 23, #6; Arnelung, Die Sculoturen
des Vaticanischen Museums. I, p. 332, #26, pi. 35;
L'Orange, Apotheosis. p. 75, fig. 50.
Photograph: German Archaeological Institute,
Rone, neg. 29.571.
The head is turned slightly to the right with
the glance directed to the right and clearly upward.
 316
Th« emphasis on the upward glance of the eyes with
the small drill holes placed near the upper eyelids
and the lack of organic life in the forms relate
the head to group "D." The drill Is still used to
accent the general organic movement of the curls in
the beard and hair to a degree. The sad pathos of
expression and conservative technique relate the
portrait also to our earlier groups, and I would
thus suggest an early date within group "D" for
the head. Its almost frontal position of the head,
however, relates the portrait to group "E," sug­
gesting that there may be here at work a conserva­
tive artist, trained in the Antonine tradition who
is working in the later years of Septimius' reign
when tradition is giving way to new forms of ex­
pression. The head is only fair in quality and its
restored condition necessitates caution in forming
stylistic conclusions.

Group E

82. Rome. Museo Capltollno. fig. 99

Read attached to green alabaster bust. Presented
by Cardinal- Albani to Benedict XIV. Inv. 461.
Head of Greek marble. H. of head to break
in lower neck, 0.34 m.; H. crown to end of beard,
 317
0.30 m. ; W. of head, 0.25 a.
Head la broken at lower neck and attached
to green alabaster bust to which It does not belong.
Restored: both ears with section of hair above and
behind on each side, and piece of 1. brow. The
nose Is ancient but chipped. Surface is now flecked
with spots of discoloration but otherwise is in
good condition.
Bernoulli, p. 22, #1, pi. X; Strong, Ronan
Sculpture. p. 376; Jones, Museo Capitolino. p. 203,
#51, with earlier bibliography, and pi. 47; L'Orange,
Apotheosis, pp. 75, 79, fig. 56; Budde, Die Entstehunq
des antiken Reprasentatlonsblldes. p. 16, fig. 47;
Veraeule, ”A Hellenistic Portrait Remade as Severus
Alexander (A.O. 222-235) Roman Emperor and King of
Egypt,n loc. cit. , p. 23, fig. 4; Baity, "tin buste
inedit de Sep time Severe, ** loc. cit.. p. 75, n. 1.
Photographs: Oscar Savio, negs. C 498, C 505.
The head is frontal with the eyes directed
upward. Large double drill holes are placed high
in the pupils, emphasizing the spiritualized orienta­
tion. The beard is drilled in short, deep channels
which are combined with chisel strokes to outline
the direction of the curls. In the front of the
beard, the channels tend to form a schematic pattern
but the plastic life of the curls is still felt in
 318
comparison with a late portrait of Septimius as the
head #357 in Munich* In the profile view, the face
is flattened and there is only a suggestion of the
fleshy forms of the cheeks. The head is of fine
quality. For discussion of date of work, see text
above, p. 258.

83. Munich. Glvotothek.

Head from collection in Palazzo Bevilacqua, Verona,
and probably acquired in 1815 from Prince Kaunitz
in Vienna. Inv. .401,
Fine grained marble, now greyed with age.
H. of existing head to break in neck under beard,
0.28 m.; W. 0.21 m.
The nose, 1. ear, and end curls of beard are
now missing. Parts of both eyebrows are restored.
The whole surface is badly worn. Portion of 1.
cheek may show ancient polish.
Bernoulli, p. 2 7, 3 73; Furtwangler, bescnrci-
bung der Glyptothek Koniq Ludwig*s X zu Munchen.
p. 377.
Photographs: McCann, neg. 63.22.
The head is frontal with the glance upward
and slightly to the right. The eyes are deep-set
and the lips are full and rounded. There is some
feeling for the fleshy forms of the cheeks lingering
 319
still but the general depression of the head Is
that of a firmly consolidated mass. The drill is
used in short, schematic channels throughout the
beard and hair, and I would date the head close to
#35 7 in Munich at the very end of Septimius' reign.
Xt must have originally been an impressive portrait,
for despite its destroyed condition a power of ex­
pression remains in the heavenward gaze of the eyes
and in the sheer solidity of the form itself.

84. Tunis, Bardo Museum. figs. 100, 108

Head from Chaoud-el-Batton. Inv. C 73.
White marble. H. with preserved neck, 0.44 m.;
H. crown to end of beard, 0.35 m.; W. 0.28 m.
Head was originally cut to fit into a bust
or statue. Missing are the nose, lower curls of
beard, and pieces of curls on upper r. side of fore­
head. The frontal curls are worn but ancient and
the r. eyebrow and eyelid are damaged. A deep,
linear cut appears on the surface above the 1. eye­
brow. The sides and back of the head are only
roughly worked. The surface of the nude parts is
scratched but well preserved. The lower lip and
r. cheek show that the ancient surface was polished.
La Blanchere, Feu du Coudray and P. Gauckler.
Catalogue du Musee Alaoui. Paris, 1897, p. 56, #73,
 320
pi. XXV; Gsell, o£. cit.. p. 42, n. 6; Hoffmann, H.
"Portrait des Kaisers Septimius Severus," Sonderdruck
aus dem Jahrbuch der Hamburger Kunsts ammlunqen.
vol. 7, 1962, p. 227; Baity, "Un buste inedit de
Septime Severe," loc. cit.. pp. 74-78, p. 74, n. 3
for further bibliography.
Photographs: Bardo Museum, C 73; German
Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 61.631; McCann,
negs. 63.13, 63.14, 63.15.
The slightly over life-sized head faces
rigidly to the front with the eyes staring directly
forward. The shape of the marble block is adhered
to on all four sides and the face itself has become
a flattened mass whose power of expression comes
from the life of the abstract forms and the intensity
of the frontal gaze. Upon this hard, block—like core
is imposed a soft, surface naturalism observed in
the fleshy folds of the cheeks, in the rounded lower
lip, and m tne soft textured surface of U*a Laard
which is lacking in drill work. This interest in a
softened surface treatment can be found in other
portraits from North Africa, and would seem to be
a particular provincialism of style not found in
Roman works of the period. The consolidation of

Paribeni, E. Cataloqo delle sculture dl Cirene.

Rome, 1959, pi. 104, &L82, head of Zeus, dated as either
Augustan or Hadrianic.
 321

the plastic forms, however, which foreshadows the

portraits of Caracalla brings us to the stylistic
developments observed in the portraits of the last
years of Septimius' reign. Indeed, the extreme
mask-like character of the face and the adherence
to the block form suggest the possibilities of a
posthumous dating. However, the lingering surface
realism which is lacking in the posthumous portraits
of Septimius from Djemila and Markouna relates the
portrait in the Bardo to the earlier portraits of
Septimius in group "C." The portrait also does
not show the contortion of the surface forms typi­
cal of many portraits of Caracalla. In conclusion,
the execution of the expressive, provincial por­
trait fits best within the evolutionary trends ob­
served in the later years of Septimius' reign.

85. Hamburg. Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe. fig. 106

Head, formerly on Roman art market, aiiu probably
from Greece. Inv. 1961.287.
Greek marble. H. 0.27m.
The head is broken off under the beard. Nose
is missing. Surface in good condition with excep­
tion of damage to eyebrows and scratches on cheeks.
The portrait has not been examined at first hand by
the writer.
 322
Hoffmann, "Portrat des Kaisers Septimius
Severus," loc. cit.. pp. 224-227 with accompanying
plates.
Photographs: Kindness of Hr. Barsanti.
The head is frontal with the dominating eyes
looking upwards and slightly to the right. Hoffmann
compares the portrait to the head in the Bardo
Museum. The two portraits do share a mask-like
quality with an accompanying consolidation of plas­
tic form. However, the portrait in Hamburg is lack­
ing in an interest in surface realism and shows a
spiritualization of expression in the upward glance
of the eyes. The chisel is also used more schematically
in the beard of the head in Hamburg, which is also
lacking in the use of the drill. I thus suggest
here a posthumous dating of the portrait which is
discussed at further length in the text.

86. Paris. Huaee des coxonees. fig. 107

Colossal head from Markouna (Algeria), formerly
in the Louvre. Inv. 1119.
Coarse grained marble, now yellowed with
age. Total preserved H. 0.64 m.; H. crown to end
of beard, 0.43 m.j W. 0.36 m.
The head was cut at the lower neck to fit
into a statue or bust. The nose and both lips are
 323
restored. The two r. corkscrew curls on the fore­
head are missing as well as the end curls of the
beasrd and rim of r. ear. A small patch on the r.
cheek is restored. The surface is worn and now
greyed with dirt and age.
Bernoulli, p. 26, #56, fig. 2; Heron de
Villefosse, A. Musees et collections archeoloqiaues
de 1♦Algeria et de la Tunisee. Vol. XXV. Musee
Africain, Paris, 1921, p. 20, #266; Paris, Musee
National du Louvre, Department des antiquites
grecques et romaines, op. cit., p. 64, #1119; Lugand,
R. "£tude de quelques monuments inedits du Musee
de Lambese," Melanges d *archeoloole et d *historic.
Ecole franqaise de Rome, XLXV, 1927, p. 138, p. 147;
L*Orange, Apotheosis. pp. 79, 84, fig. 58; Baity,
”Un buste inedit de Septime Severe,” loc. cit., p.
76, n. 3,
Photographs: German Archaeological Institute,
Rome, neg. 40.j 44| Hccaiua, ^ C j .w ..

The colossal head is placed frontally with

the large eyes looking upward and slightly to the
right. The eyes are drilled by small, half-moon
holes which are placed at the top of the pupils.
The drill is used in short, deep drill holes which
form a schematized pattern of their own in the beard
and hair. For a discussion of the posthumous date
of the portrait and its expressive style, see our
text, pp. 258-260.
 CHAPTER SEVEN
THE NERVA—SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT TYPE
 CHAPTER SEVEN
THE NERVA-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT TYPE

A distinctly different portrait type from any of

the others thus far studied is found in a group of six
portraits which can be identified with Septimius from
historical evidence. Unique to this portrait group,
illustrated by the head in Naples,1 are the flat, pointed
curls which point inward towards the forehead. The long
Serapis curls have vanished, and the hair is waved in a
flat half circle over the top of the forehead. The
simplified, loosely waved hair style is very different
from Septimius' naturally curly, scattered ringlets. It
is, therefore, natural to suspect a symbolic reference
for this new iconographic type. The particular classicizing
style common to the portraits of this group with their
sense for tectonic structure and hardened, decorative
forms is also very different from earlier stylistic trends
in Septimius' portraiture. Indeed, if there was not con­
clusive historical evidence from the arch at Lepcls Magna
that this particular portrait type can be associated with
Septimius, one might doubt its attribution to the emperor.
The "Dextrarum Iunctio" scene from the reliefs on
the arch of Septimius at Lepcis Magna supplies a portrait

10ur photos #109 and #112.

326
of the emperor which corresponds In all Its detail to the
portrait In Naples.^ The style of the relief head, how­
ever, Is more frozen and the face and beard lengthened.
The beard Is also now clearly divided Into three sections
on each side. L fOrange has given the name of the "Leptis
type” to this particular portrait form and his terminology
has been adopted by later scholars. Mrs. Baity would
further like to identify the original "Imago” for this
portrait type with the presumed sculptural model in the
round for the portrait In the relief. The longer beard
found in the portrait in the relief in comparison with
the portrait in Naples, however, suggests that the por­
trait type used in the scene of the "Dextrarum Iunctlo"
cannot be considered the prototype for the group but a
later variation of it. Mrs. Baity relates a group of
about eight portraits to the portrait in the relief and
dates the group between A.D. 202 and A.D. 204 on the basis
of a date of A.D. 203-204 for the arch at Lepcis and the
_ 2
documented date of the arch of the Argentarii in A. l*. 204.
A careful study of the coinage of Septimius has
already revealed new evidence for a possible later date
for the "Dextrarum Iunctlo" portrait type, and consequently
also raised doubts concerning the hitherto accepted date of

■^See our photo #25.

2
Baity,^"Un prototype officlel dans 1 *iconographie
de Septlme Severe," loc. cit., pp. 101-113.
 328
A.D. 203-204 for the arch at Lepcis.1 The Imperial por­
trait type used in the scene of the "Dextrarum iunctlo"
and in the head in Naples does not exist on the coins of
Septimius before A.D. 207. On an isolated coin of that
2
year it may appear with an image of Africa on the reverse.
The type with the pointed curls waved forward around the
face also may appear on an isolated "As" coin of A.D. 208
3
which shows an odd pointed nose. The type, however, is
clearly Identified on an aureus with the unusual left
4
facing profile of the year A.D. 209. This type becomes
the popular one used on the larger coins struck in A.D.
210,5 although the curly-haired Serapis portrait type is
still in use.® On the basis of this evidence, as well as
a reconsideration of the previous arguments used by scholars
in the dating of the arch at Lepcis, a redating of the
monument between the years A.D. 207 and A.D. 209 has been
7
suggested earlier in this study.
The probability that another symbolic allusion is
intended for the new portrait type rather than an actual

^See above, pp. 74-75 and pp. 94-102.

2Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, p. 262, #530, pi. 41, #11.
30ur photo #113.
4Our photo #110.
50ur photo #18.
6Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 54, #8-14 (A.D. 201-211).
7See above, pp. 9 4 -1 0 2 .
 329
likeness of the emperor has already heen mentioned. Un­
usual to this particular portrait type and atypical of
Septimius* natural form is the simplified hair style
which is combed forward around the face with the flat
curls pointed in towards the forehead. The frontal curls
are arranged in a flat semicircle over the upper forehead.
Hair combed forward around the face is a popular hair
style in Roman private portraits since the reign of
Domitian.* In these portraits, however, a wreath of
undivided curls arranged in a continuous circle around
the face is typical rather than the pattern found in
5eptimius' portraits where the center curls form a separate
unit.
This particular hair style used by Septimius in
his new portrait type is not unlike some of the Greek
philosopher portraits of the Hellenistic age. One of
the closer comparisons found was with the portraits of
2
Metrodorus, a pupil of Epicurus. Some of his portraits
have frontal locks arranged in a circular pattern <icrot>£>
the forehead. A close comparison, however, with the por­
traits of Septimius reveals significant differences in
details. For example, the curls on the right side of the

*For example, see West, R. Roraische Portratplastik.

Munich, 1941, pi. VI, #17, pi. XVI, #55; pi. XLVII, #166.
2Bieber, ofc. cit., figs. 167-170, 172-174, pp.
56-5 7.
 330
forehead are not pointed inward in the philosopher por­
trait but waved back towards the ear,^ Also the forehead
curls in the portraits of Metrodorus are arranged in bangs
of two layers in contrast to the diagonal pattern of the
curls found in Septimius* portraits. Furthermore, the
philosopher portraits lack the separated, forward curl
above the right ear and the reverse curls in front of the
left ear which are particularly distinctive of this por­
trait type of Septimius. While the simplified beard
style, parted in the middle, used by Septimius for this
portrait type can be found in many Greek philosopher
2
portraits, the differences in the hair styles prevent
an identification with a Greek philosopher for a symbolic
prototype.
Pertinent to this discussion is a small-sized por­
trait in the private collection of Dr. Ward Perkin3 in
Rome who suggested to this writer that the head might be
3
an idealized philosopher portrait of Septimius. It can
be related in its iconography to the portraits of Septimius
4
in our group, particularly to the portraits in Naples and

1Ibid., fig. 168.

2
Ibid.. figs. 160, 171, portraits of Epicurus.
3
See our photo #114. I am especially grateful to
Dr. Ward Perkins for allowing me to study and photograph
his fine little head.
^See our photos #109, #112.
 331
Mantua.'* The hair, which Is brushed Into pointed curls
around the forehead, the circular pattern of the curls
at the top of the forehead, the long divided beard, and
the cleft moustache are all features shared with the
portraits of Septimius from our group. The accent on
the rounded temples relates the small-slzed head particu-
larly to the portraits In Munich2 and Guelma3 which we
date late In the series. 4 A close comparison of details,
however, reveals again significant differences. In the
hair style, the side curls noted above as peculiar to
this particular portrait type of Septimius are lacking.
The curls over the forehead in the small-sized head are
also waved diagonally to the right rather than to the
left as in the portraits of Septimius.'* The layered
pattern of the hair curls which radiates from a center
point at the back of the head Is also much closer to the
hair style of the Greek philosopher portraits of Epicurus
or Metrodorus. The simplified, continuous waves of the
hair alvuy U*a sides in tbs miniature portrait car. further
be compared to the hair style of Epicurus in contrast to
that of Septimius whose hair is divided Into several shorter

*“See our catalogue, #88.

2
See our photo #115.
3
See our photo #116.
4
See below, p. 348 and p. 351.
^Compare, for example, the portrait of Septimius
In Munich, our photo #115.
 332
waves at the sides. Moreover, the finely nodeled features
of the snail portrait with the thin, aquiline nose, and
slightly sunken cheeks speak against an Identification
with Septinius and are rather typical characteristics of
Greek philosopher portraits.1
The style of the portrait in Dr. Ward Perkins'
collection also suggests to this writer a date previous
to the Severan Age* The absence of drill work in the
2
eyes, beard and hair would be unusual for this period,
although one nust consider the possibility of differences
in technique due to a snaller scale. The other snail-
sized busts of Septinius, however, all show drilling of
the eyes and beard and while some variation has been found
3
in relief portraits from Roman sarcophagi of the period,
drilling in the snail-sized portraits in the round appears
to be the rule for this tine. In the last analysis, the
fine little portrait in Dr. Ward Perkins' possession
bears a closer relationship to portraits of the Greek

^Compare particularly photographs of Epicurus and

Metrodorus in Bieber, op. cit.. figs. 160 and 167.
2
In the snail portrait four round drill holes are
used to accent the ends of the curls in the beard, and
two isolated holes appear in the hair at the upper right
side. This Isolated use of the drill, however, is quite
different fron the systenatic, short holes which are used
throughout the lower beard in the portrait of Septinius
in Naples.
3
Note the portrait of Marcia Thrasonis from a
sarcophagus dated about the tine of Alexander Severus
which shows the hair and eyes undrilled. (Toynbee, J.
and J. B. Ward Perkins, The Shrine of St. Peter and the
Vatican Excavations. London, 1^56, p. *5?, pi. 25.) I an
grateful "Eo Dr. Ward Perkins for this reference.
 333
philosophers than to the portraits of Septimius and its
workmanship speaks for an earlier date in the second
century A.D, Epicurus and his pupils were popular in
Roman cultural circles and a small-sized bust made for a
Roman aristocrat would not be out of keeping.^*
The telling details of Septimius* hair pattern
found to be lacking in Dr. Ward Perkins* head can be
found in portraits of another one of Septimius* imperial
ancestors. Nerva was the first in the line of "good"
emperors to whom Septimius was related through his claim
to adoption by Marcus Aurelius. It was Nerva who first
established a policy of adoption for the line of succes­
sion to the throne. An allusion to Nerva would thus not
be out of keeping with Septimius* own propagandiStic
themes, and a portrait type alluding to the venerable
emperor would fit in with Septimius* other earlier sym­
bolic portrait types already discussed.
An identification of Septimius* new portrait type
with Nerva is based primarily upon a strikingly close
comparison in hair styles. The later portraits of Nerva
show the same pointed curls waved toward the forehead and
the frontal curls are curved over the forehead in a

i
I am grateful in my study of this portrait also
to Miss Gisela Richter who originally suggested to me
that the head might be an earlier Roman copy of a Greek
philosopher or a Greek of the Roman period.
 334
1
semicircle. It is this type which is used for a post-
2
humous portrait of Nerva in the Terme Museum in Rome.
For conclusive proof, a curl by curl comparison of the
portrait of Nerva in the Terme Museum with the portrait
of Septimius in Naples can be made. Even the same low
reverse curl above the right ear can be seen, as well as
the distinctive reverse curl on the left cheek. The
hair, which is arranged low on the back of the neck and
waved forward in short locks is also typical of Nerva's
iconography. What is a distinguishing feature of Nerva,
however, and not to be found in the portraits in the
round of Septimius, is the hooked nose. On the coinage
of Septimius, however, an allusion to Nerva's nose might
explain the otherwise strange profile cited above in one
of the coin portraits of Septimius showing this portrait
3
type. In the case of a single example, however, a
4
misstrike or a misshapen design is also possible.
The resurgence of a classicizing style which accom­
panied this new portrait type is like the classicism or

^Gotze, nEin neues Bildnls des Nerva," loc. cit.,

pi. 55, portraits in Copenhagen and the Vatican Museum.
The earlier portraits of Nerva show the curls
arranged in a horizontal line across the top of the fore­
head. (Ibid.. pi. 54, portraits in Leipzig and the Terme
Museum.)
2
Ibid.. pi. 56, F; Maj, Museo Nazionale. #165.
See our pEoEo #111.
3
Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 52, #1. See our photo
#113.
4I am grateful to Diether Thimme for this suggestion.
 335
the Nerva portraits which also emphasize structural clarity.
In the portrait of Nerva in the Terme Museum from Tivoli
the abstract, block-like form of the head is particularly
apparent. Above the sharp, horizontal brows incised lines
accent the furrowed brow. The portrait of Septimius in
Munich from our group especially shows a similar concern
2
for abstract structural form in the shaping of the head.
The Munich portrait varies from the other portraits in
the group by its frontal position and the upward glance
of the eyes which create a dramatic and powerful expres­
sion, The beard in the portrait in Munich has been broken
off but probably should be restored as a longer beard
similar to the portrait of Septimius in the Petworth col-
O
lection, for certain details as the long, separated, side
curl visible in the left profile view can be closely com­
pared. A third head from the group also shows the longer
beard and it would seem that the portrait from Madauros
4
in Algeria and the portraits in the Petworth Collection
and in Munich represent a later variation of the Nerva-
Septimius portrait type. It is this form with the slightly
longer, divided beard that appears in the portraits of

^Gotze, "Ein neues Bildnis des Nerva," loc. cit..

pi. 56, C.
2
See our photo #115.
3
See our photo #118.
4See our photo #116.
 336
Septinius of this type on the arch at Lepcls. The style
of the head In Guelna with the unorganic use of the drill
which cuts into the surface of the beard in short, deep
schematic channels is especially close to the portrait
of Septinius in the sacrifice scene with the figure of
Hercules.* All six portraits of the Nerva-Septinius
portrait type, however, share an interest in abstract,
structural forms, smooth surfaces, and decorative pat­
terns observed in the details of the beard and hair curls.
Scholars have not previously pointed out thedis­
tinctly classicizing style of this portrait type of Septinius
which In its idealization of features has led then to believe
that the portrait in the "Dextrarum Iunctlo” relief is that
of a young nan. However, the long beard does not fit this
interpretation nor does the evidence of the coins, which
has also not previously been noted in the literature.
This portrait type continues to be used for the "Dlvus"
portraits of Septinius on the coins of A.D. 211.2
Classicizing trends in style at this tineare not
unique to the portraiture of Septinius. A similar trend
in the style of Severan sarcophagi reliefs also occurs at
the end of Septinius' reign. Lehmann and Olsen in their
study of the Baltimore sarcophagi group note on the
Victory Sarcophagus, dated by its style about A.D. 210,

*See our photo #26.

2See our photos #19 and #20.
a return to "an abstract, symmetrical composition”1 which
stresses ”the clear pattern formed by the silhouette-
2
outlines of each figure.** As a result the figures are
less organic and more frozen, a quality particularly
observed in the portrait of Septimius on the arch at
Lepcis Magna and in the later portraits in our series.
This classical style of the early third century has
turned away from the organic tradition of the past and
has become infused with new principles of style, it
thus cannot be considered merely retrospective in its
form but should be viewed as part of the broader evolu­
tionary trends which we have also traced in our study of
the portraiture of Septimius. Lehmann and Olsen described
the classical style of the early third century by compari­
son with earlier Greek classicism, as follows:

Greek classicism aimed at expressing the

ideal abstractions of the world as seen; that of
the third century attempts to express those of the
world as understood. The one is, to a certain ex­
tent, an imitation of appearances; the other is an
iiibeiyic t a l i w u O x uuScei'i piTOCcS&oS, aXiiu tuIiiS twUaiTu
the man it addresses.3

They conclude their study of the sarcophagi which terminate

in the Severan age with the statement:

1Lehmann-Hartleben and Olsen, Dionysiac Sarcophagi

in Baltimore, p. 77.
2Xbid.
 338

Both the development of an eschatological

Imagery and the changes of plastic style are only
detailed Illustrations of a profound transformation
which was taking place In the spiritual bases of the
western world. They are no Isolated phenomena, but
the embodiment, the tangible manifestation, of that
gradual change In mentality which constitutes the
gap between the pagan classical and the Christian
medieval societies and cultures.1

A revival of a classical style has also been noted

by Budde in the early portraits of Caracalla and Geta.
The portrait of Caracalla in Naples, #1034, which he
dates at the time of the arch at Lepcis Magna may be
compared to the portrait of Septimius also in Naples.
Both show smooth rounded forms with an accent on the
sharp horizontal line of the brows and a restrained use
of the drill. This same restrained use of the drill In
the hair which emphasizes the plastic form of the locks
and the smooth, simplified surface planes can be seen in
the portraits of Geta in Munich 3 or Toulouse. 4
The most appropriate time in Septimius* reign for
an allusion to Nerva from the historical evidence would,
at first, appear to be the early years of his rule.
Septimius is known to have particularly honored Nerva in

1Ibid., p. 82.
2
Budde, Juqendbildnlsse des Caracalla und Geta.
pi. 15b and 17b, p. 23.
3Ibid.. pi. 21, p. 37.
4Ibid., pi. 20, p. 36.
 339

the early years of his reign when the thene of his

legitimacy to the throne is dominant. Septimius honors
the centenaries of Nerva*s accession to the throne in
three coin Issues of A.D. 196-198.1 Although these coins
2
do not use the Nerva-Septlmius portrait type, there is
no good reason to reject the possibility of a recurrence
of the theme of alliance with his Roman ancestors. A
possible symbolic reference to his Roman heritage during
the last years of his reign has already been noted in a
portrait on a bronze medallion of A.D. 211 which bears
3
a close resemblance to Pertinax. Furthermore, the war
in Britain begun in A.D. 207 was evidently partly initiated
in the hope of drawing together his antagonistic sons
through the disciplines of war.4 An allusion to Nerva
at this time would not be out of keeping. If the portrait
type originated as late as A.D. 209, which has been noted
from the coin evidence, the appointment of Geta as Augustus
in that year would be a particularly appropriate historical
moment tor a recurrence U* the these cf succession,
Spartianus in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae tells
that at the time of Septinius1 death, which actually was

^rant, op. cit., p. 116.

2
Mattingly and Sydenham, The Roman Imperial Coinage.
IV, 1, pi. V, 22; pi, VI, 4,
o
See our photos #16 and #17. See above, p. 75,

S e e above, p . 4 7 , n. 3.
foretold before his departure to Britain,2, Septimius re­
joiced because, unlike his predecessor Antoninus Plus who
had left only adopted sons, he was leaving sons of his
2
own blood to rule the Roman empire. An association with
Nerva and the recurring theme of adoption is thus not
inappropriate to the period when this new portrait type
was in use. On the basis of the coinage we conclude that
this final portrait type may have originated as early as
A.D. 207, but more probably in A.D. 209. This type remains
popular until Septimius' death in A.D. 211 and is the one
used for his "Divus" coin portraits.

^Cassius Dio, op. clt., epitome of bk. LXXVII,

. .
11 1
^S.H.A.. "Severus," XX, 2.
 341
THE MERVA-SEPTIMIUS PORTRAIT TYPE

Maples. Museo Wazlonale. figs. 109, 112

Head attached to draped bust with paludanentua
fastened on r. shoulder, from Farnese Collection,
acquired by Museo Nazionale In 1787. Inv. 6086.
Luna marble. H. crown ofhead to break In
neck under beard, 0.32 m.j W. ofhead 0.23 m.
Bust does not belong. Head broken under
beard and above hairline In back. Restored: end
of nose and lower hair curls at back of neck. Rims
of both ears broken, and ends ofcurls In front of
beard. Curls around face and back ofhead are worn
and top and back of head only roughtly worked. Eye­
brows also worn and surface of face slightly scratched
but otherwise well preserved.
Arditi, Inventarlo delle statue dl marmo e
dl bronzo esposte ne* portlcl £ galleria guesto Regal
Museo Borbonlco. 1819, #131 (307); Sanglorglo.
Inventarlo della collezione delle statue je basslrlllevi
In marmo (18197), #207 (131); Gerhard, E. and Th.
Panofka. Neapels. Antike Blldwerke. Stuttgart,
Tubingen, 1828, p. 44, #131; Real Museo Borbonlco.
Naples, 1829, V, #55, pi. LV; Florelll, G. Docnmantl
lneditl per servlre alia storla del nusel d»Italia.
Florence, Rome, 1878, I, p. 178, #103; Bernoulli, p.
 342
24, #31; Ruesch, A. Gulda Illustrate del Museo
Nazlonale dl Napoli. Naples, 1908, p. 254, #1060;
L*Orange, Apotheosis, p. 74, fig. 48; Baity, "Un
prototype officiel dans 1'lconographle de Septime
Severe,” loc. cit., p. 104, n. 5, p. 106, pi. IV,
fig. 1, pi. VI, fig* 2; Franciscls, Alfonso de.
II Museo Nazionale di Napoli. Naples, 1963, p. 36.
Photographs: Alinari, #19085; German
Archaeological Institute, Rone, neg. 40.342; McCann,
negs. 64,92, 64.93, 64.94.
The head is turned slightly to.the right,
with the eyes in the same direction. Distinctive
of this portrait type is the hair which is waved
inward towards the forehead in pointed curls and
falls in a half-circle across the top of the fore­
head in flat, unseparated curls. In the profile
view the curls are waved forward from the hack of
the neck. The hair falls lower on the back of the
neck than in Septimius" other portrait types. Alsu
distinctive are the parallel, pointed curls directed
forward behind the ears and the projecting curl on
the left upper cheek bone which separates itself
from the reverse curving pattern of curls around
the forehead. The beard is long and divided and
forms a curving, linear pattern around the chin.
In the profile view, the side whiskers are rolled
 343
forward in a decorative pattern and the beard is
divided into three units of long curls. The long
noustache is parted by a clear triangle in the
niddle of the upper lip.
The drill is used sparingly in the beard and
hair, only short drill holes accenting the ends of
curls in the upper beard while soue longer channels
follow the direction of the curls in the lower beard.
The pupils of the eyes are drilled by means of two
round holes which are not fused into the more usual
kidney bean pattern. The irises are outlined. The
facial type is long with broad cheek bones and brow
which narrows at the upper forehead. The planes of
the face are 3MOOth and rounded. The emphasis on
structure, clarity and siMpllfied forms shows a
distinctly classicizing style.

88. Mantua. Palazzo Ducale.

Bust draped In toga with folds crossed on 1. shoulder,
from Sabbioneta. Xnv. 6793.
Greek marble. Total H., 0.64 m.; H. crown of
head to end of beard, 0.32 m.; W. of head 0.22 m.
Head and bust are unbroken and only nose is
restored. Rims of both ears and 1. upper eyelid
chipped. Eyebrows, beard and frontal curls are
worn. R. side of forehead shows discoloration and
 344
whole surface appears to have been cleaned.
Dutschke, IV, p. 327, #725; Bernoulli, p.
34, #40; Levi, A. Sculture qreche_e romane del
Palazzo Dueale Mantova. p. 67, #143, pi. LXXVIIIa;
Baity, ttUn prototype officiel dans 11iconographie
de Septime Severe," loc. cit.. p. 104, n. 4, p. 105,
pi. VI, fig. 1; pi. Ill, 1.
Photographs: "Calzolari,M Mantua; McCann,
neg. 63.17, 63.18.
The portrait corresponds in all its iconographie
details with the head in Naples. The classicizing
style is also similar, although the expression in
the portrait in Mantua is somewhat softened. For
example, the eyebrows are slightly more rounded and
less sharp than in the head in Naples. The treatment
of the beard and hair lacks some of the finesse of
the portrait in Naples. For example, some of the
more intricate curl patterns are lacking such as the
many parallel divisions of the beard curls
left side.
The portrait is a very close replica of the
Nerva portrait type, perhaps executed in the same
workshop as the portrait in Naples, but by a dif­
ferent, slightly less refined artist. Of special
interest is the type of togate bust used for the
Mantua portrait. Mrs. Baity suggests that Septimius
 345
Initiated its first official use.

89. England. Sussex. Petworth Collection. fig. 118

Bust draped in toga with folds crossed on 1. shoulder,
said to have been found near Rome. Inv. 76.
Greek marble. Total H. of bust, to break in
foot, 0.72 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard
curls, 0.37 m.; W. of head, 0.24 m.
Head, bust and upper portion of foot are
unbroken. Nose is missing and ends of beard curls,
end curl on 1. side of upper forehead, 1. ear lobe,
pieces of drapery folds, and lower part of foot are
restored. Surface is well preserved and unpolished.
Michaelis, op. cit.. p. 617; tfyndham, op. cit..
p. 127, #76, with pi.; Vermeule, C. Ancient Marbles
in Great Britain, op. cit.. "Petworth," #76; Baity,
"Un prototype officiel dans 1*iconographie de Septime
Severe," loc. cit.. p. 104, pi. II, fig. 1.
Photographs: German Archaeological Institute,
Rome, neg. 62.1496; McCann, neg. 63.57.
The portrait type is that of the head in
Naples, and the bust form corresponds to that of
the portrait in Mantua. The head is turned to the
left and the glance of the eyes is slightly upward,
allying it more closely to the head in Munich. Dis­
tinctive of the Petworth bust is the increased length
 346
of the beard which is clearly separated into three
long curls on either side of a wide triangular cen­
ter part* The longer beard can be most closely
correlated with the representations of Septimius
of this type in the relief scenes of the arch at
Lepcis Magna (see our photos #25 and #26). The
longer beard is also seen on the later coins of
Septimius dating in A*D. 211 (see our photo #16).
It would seem that the bust in Petworth
represents a later variation of the Nerva portrait
type* The head in Munich may also perhaps be re­
stored with the longer beard, for certain details
as the long, separated, side curl visible in the
left profile view link it with the portrait in the
Petworth Collection* The longer, separated curls
could also be more easily broken off.
The Petworth head is a curious mixture of a
classicizing style combined with an interest in
realistic detail seen In the etching in or the eye­
brow hairs with the chisel, a detail also seen in
the head in Munich but lacking in the portraits in
Naples and Mantua. The treatment of the drapery
folds of the bust show a more naturalistic and de­
tailed handling in comparison with the treatment of
the toga in the bust in Mantua. One might question
at first whether the bust in the Petworth Collection
 347
is antique, but the drill work appears to me ancient
and the longer-bearded type corresponds with the por­
traits of Septimius cited on the Lepcis arch.

90. Munich. Glvntothek. fig. 115

Head acquired from Sposino in Rone in 1822. Inv.
353.
Greek marble. Total preserved H., 0.35 m.;
H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.27 m.; tf. 0.22 m.
Head has been broken at lower neck where re­
mains of pleated folds indicate the head was originally
part of a draped or armored bust or statue. Missing
are: end of nose (restored in earlier photographs),
curls of lower beard, and 1. ear lobe. Eyebrows
worn. Surface in good condition, although now dis­
colored with age.
Bernoulli, p. 27, #74; Furtwangler, Beschrel-
bunq der Glvotothek Koniq Ludwig1s ,1 zjj Munchen. p.
359, #353; L ;Orange, Apotheoais. p. 73, fig. 47;

Baity, "Un prototype offlclel dans 11Iconographie

de Septime Severe,” loc. cit.. p. 106, pi. V, fig. 1.
Photographs: German Archaeological Institute,
neg. 40.343; Munich, Glyptothek, #353; McCann, neg.
63.23.
The iconographie type clearly belongs with
that of the head in Naples and the bust in Mantua.
 348
Different, however, is the position of the head
which is almost frontal and the upward glance of
the eyes in the head in Munich, giving a more
dramatic and powerful expression to the whole.
Different also is the bolder cubic style, which
lays emphasis upon the geometric pattern of the
facial forms such as the powerful horizontal brows
and horizontal line of the mouth framed by the
bushier moustache. The increased plastic hair curls
are emphatically outlined by deeper drill channels
arranged in a schematized, horizontal pattern. The
back of the head is left much rougher than the head
in Naples. The swelling temples, typical of Septimius,
are also more prominently indicated in the Munich head.
The increased sense for geometric form is closer to
the classicizing style of the portraits of Nerva.
This sense for cubic form and schematization of pat­
terns links the head in Munich with Late Antique ten­
dencies in style. Thus, one would suppose that the
head in Munich is either a later rendition of the
Nerva portrait type or was executed by a more
progressive artist of the times. Xt should be noted
that the earlier photographs of this head showing
the nose restored, reproduced in L*Orange and Baity,
are poor and most deceptive. The head is actually
 349
a much more powerful statement of Septimius allied
both to his Roman ancestors by reference to the
Nerva portrait type and to the eastern "Saviour-
King" concept in the frontal and upward glance of
the eyes,

91* Algeria. Guelma. Museum of Guelma. fig. 116

Head found in theatre at Madauros (Mdaourouch).
White marble. No measurements known.
Head broken at neck. End of nose broken and
1. eyebrow damaged.
Gsell, S. and Ch..A. Joly, Mdaourouch. Alger,
1922, p. 91, pi. XV, fig. 3; Leschl, L. Aloerle
antique. Paris, 1952, pi. 26; Souville, "Statues
lmperiales du musee de Guelma," loc. cit., pp. 149-
150, fig. 1; Hazard and M. Leglay, op. cit.. pp. 46-
50, fig. 33 (mislabeled from Khamlssa); Baity, "Un
prototype officiel dans 1'iconographie de Septime
Severe," loc. cit.. pp. 106-107, pi. IV, fig. 2.
Photograph: New York University, neg. K 8844.
Souville points out the similarity of the
head to portraits identified with Clodius Albinus
(see our photos #47 and #48), but concludes that
the long beard identifies the portrait with Septimius
and compares it to (die representations of the emperor
on the arch at Lepcis. Mrs. Baity includes the
 350

portrait in her group of the "Leptis" type, stating

that the features are identical with the other por­
traits in her group. However, evidence for dif­
ferentiation within the group into an earlier and
later type has been presented here. The head in
Guelma clearly belongs to the later group repre­
sented by the head in the Petworth Collection (our
#89) and the heads on the arch at Lepcis, particularly
the portrait of the emperor in the sacrifice scene
with the figure of Hercules (our photo #26), The
style of the head in Guelna has been associated in
our text with this particular portrait of Septinius
on the arch.
The head in Guelna faces forward, and in this
respect is closest to the head in Munich, likewise,
the proninent temples in both portraits can be .con-
pared. The head in Guelna, however, does show a
broader and squarer facial form than any of the
others in the group and the forehead curls are some­

what varied. Either the portrait is a posthumous

one or the advanced drill technique, which goes be­
yond contemporary Roman work, must be explained by
its provincial origin. Individual clumps of hairs,
however, are still indicated in the head in Guelma
by chisel strokes, and the presence of organic life
in the forms dates it before the externally dated
 351

posthumous portrait of Septimius in Guelma (see our

photo #36). Because of its relationship to the por­
trait of Septimius on the Lepcls arch cited above,
I would favor a date Just before Septimius* death.
The powerfully expressive portrait might also be
used as further archaeological evidence of a special
honoring of Septimius in North Africa near the end
of his reign, perhaps initiated by the supposed
second visit of the emperor in A.D. 207, a visit
perhaps also commemorated on the arch at Lepcis
Magna. This portrait has not been studied at first
hand by the writer.

92. Rome. Museo Hazlonale.

Head attached to armored bust with paludamentum
draped over 1. shoulder and band knotted across
chest. From Ludovlsl Collection acquired in 1901.
Inv. 8623.
Head and bust probably both of Italian
marble. Total H. of bust, including foot, 0.68 m.;
H. crown of head to break in neck under beard, 0.31
m.; H. of head, 0.25 m.
The head is broken under the beard. The .
attached bust appears to be ancient and to belong
 352

with the head.^ The point of the nose is restored.

Hissing are the rims of both ears, ends of curls
in lower heard, and fragments of the drapery folds.
Curls over the forehead are worn but ancient. Signs
of abrasion appear on the upper 1, cheek. The foot
belongs with the bust. Surface of head has been
heavily cleaned.
Platner, op. cit.. Ill, 2, p. 579, #12;
Capranesi, F. Sculture antiche esistenti pella
Villa di S.E. 11 Principe D. Ant. Boncompaqnl
Ludovlsl. Rome, 1842, p. 6, #12; Schrelber, Th.
Die antiken Blldwerke der Villa Ludovisl in Rome.
Leipzig, 1880, p. 50, #13; Bernoulli, p. 23, #18;
Paribeni, R. Le Terme dl Dlocleziano e il Museo
Hazionale Romano. Rome, 1920, p. 81, #115; Maj,
Museo Hazionale. p. 128, #253, with further

The bust has been published as both antique and

modern. Platner lists the bust as modem, while Schrelber
says although the head is broken from the bust, the two
belong together. Dr. Feliettl Haj iu her catalogue entry
lists, "Testa Di Settlmio Severo Su Busto Moderno," but
in her discussion of the portrait says that it does belong
with the bust. The photograph included, however, shows
only the head. Augigemma in the most recent catalogue
of the collection appears to doubt the authenticity of
both the head and the bust. Today the portrait is ex­
hibited in the museum on an armored bust which one pre­
sumes is the original one mentioned in the earlier litera­
ture. The bust form itself, with the belt across the
chest, although not common, does exist (Paribeni, II
ritratto, pi. CCUCX, bust of Lucius Verus).
In examining the bust with Dr. L'Orange, we both
agreed that it could be ancient, judging from the marble
and the line of the break at the neck. However, a care­
ful cleaning would be necessary to verify this supposition.
 353

bibliography; Baity, "Un prototype offlciel dans

1*iconographie de Septlme Severe,” loc. cit,. p.
107, pi. VII, fig. 1; Aurigemma, S. The Baths of
Diocletian and the Museo Nazlonale Romano. Itineraries
of the Museums, Galleries and Monuments in Italy,
Rome, 1963, p. 73.
Photographs: Mr. J. Felbermeyer, American
Academy, Rome; McCann, neg. 63.69.
The head is turned to the right with the
glance slightly upward in the same direction. The
facial type is related to the earlier Nerva portrait
type represented by the head in Naples. It like­
wise shows a smooth classicizing style,' although
the expression and forms are somewhat softer in the
Terme example. The iconography of the hair and beard
show some deviation from the basic type. In the head
in the Terme Museum, the curls on the right side of
the forehead are curled outward, and the upper fore-
ucau c w i t 'l s do uoL gom«o Lg S u d i a p o in t. The p a tte rn

of the beard curls is also varied, although it shows

a clear relationship to the Nerva type by the linear
pattern of the chisel strokes around the chin. The
beard, although broken, would also appear to have
been shorter. The portrait in the Terme Museum is
best understood as a variation of the early Nerva-
Septimius portrait form. It shows a contamination
with the Serapis portrait type by the right curls
brushed away fron the forehead and the soft expres­
sion, That the Serapis type continues to be used
on the coins along side the Nerva-Septimius portrait
type until Septimius' death has already been noted,1

1See above, p. 36, n. 1,

CHAPTER EIGHT
CONCLUSIONS
 CHAPTER EIGHT
CONCLUSIONS

The purpose of this study of the portraiture of

Septimius Severus has been a twofold one: first, to pre­
sent a new corpus of the portraits of the emperor arranged
and dated according to portrait types, and secondly, to
offer an interpretation of their iconography based on a
study of their prototypes. Bernoulli's original list of
identifications has been completely revised and a number
of new attributions have been added. Portraits which
must be considered modern copies have been identified and
included in an appendix. The method used for the identifica­
tion and dating of the portrait types has proceeded from the
established hypothesis that both the numismatic portraits
and the portraits in the round derive from common sculp­
tural models.^ A close study of the numismatic evidence
as well as the historical and literary sources provided
evidence for the date and interpretation of a number of
varied portrait types which were later correlated with the
sculptures in the round.
Eight different portrait types with their sub-types
and variations were identified among the portraits of the

■^See above, p. 54,

356
emperor In the round. Symbolic associations alluding to
both Septimius' historical ancestors and the gods were
established for seven of these portrait types. In addi­
tion, three other allusions to the gods were identified
in Septimius' portraiture in relief or on the coinage.^
The comparison of the coin and medallion portraits with
those in the round also led to the identification of seven
of the portraits previously attributed to Septimius with
his western rival to the throne, Clodius Albinus.
The earliest portrait type appeared on the coins
of the first year of Septimius' reign in A.D. 193. In
this type the emperor gives the appearance of an energetic
soldier. He wears a short beard with the hair curls
brushed in a mass high across the upper forehead. This
earliest imperial type was found to continue in use on
the coins until A.D. 196-197 with some variations. No
definite symbolic allusion was securely identified with
it, although suggestive evidence for a possible reference
S* «p> w U* ^ W mUv *-■«•*m

The next four portrait types were found to share

a common allusion to one of Septimius' historical ances­
tors, Antoninus Pius. Evidence for their use between A.D.
194-202 was presented. The coins of the East, struck in
A.D. 196-197, revealed the presence of a sixth portrait
type. This particular portrait form, characterized by

^See above, 33 (coin portrait of Septimius as Sol)

p. 67 (coin portrait of Septimius as Jupiter); p. 68 (medal­
lion portrait of Septimius as Hercules); pp. 105-106
(Septimius as Jupiter on reliefs of arch at Lepcis Magna).
 358

hair swept up off the forehead, was related to the late

Jupiter-like portrait type used by Marcus Aurelius. It
was found in existence shortly after Septimius' claim of
adoption by Marcus Aurelius in A.D. 195 and continued in
popular use probably until A.D. 202, although it was also
identified in a posthumous portrait of the emperor.
Apparently contemporary with these allusions to his
adopted ancestors, Septimius used a third symbolic refer­
ence, this time to the Egyptian god of the lower world,
Serapis, giving a seventh type. Judging from the large
number of replicas of this type preserved, it was by far
the most popular one used by the emperor. Evidence for a
redating of the Serapis type was presented. Its origin
in A.D. 196-197 was indicated from the coinage, as well
as its popular use until A.D. 209.
Finally, a further symbolic portrait type was found
in popular use during the last years of Septimius' reign.
This eighth type was associated with the emperor Nerva,
the earliest in Seprimius* chain ox imperial auceaiurs.
Evidence for its popular use between the years A.D. 209-
211 was presented, although there was some indication that
the type may have originated somewhat earlier. It is also
this type which is used for the posthumous coin portraits
of the emperor.
A final question now naturally arises. To what
extent were these changes in iconography accompanied by
changes in style? Schweitzer's article as well as Mrs.
Hadzi's study mentioned earlier revealed that conscious,
retrospective revivals in both style and iconography
occurred in imperial portraiture of the later third cen­
tury.'1' Our study has revealed evidence which would seen
to indicate that such revivals in style are also valid
for the portraiture of Septimius. The Antoninus Pius-
Septimius portrait types and the Marcus Aurelius-Septimius
portrait type showed, on the whole, the use of an Antonine
tradition in style. On the other hand, the Nerva-Septimius
portrait type showed evidence of a classicizing revival in
style. This particular classicizing style with its interest
in abstract, structural forms was compared with the por-
2
traits of Nerva himself. These stylistic interests are
also in harmony with the Late Antique tendencies in style
which were found to become particularly apparent in
Septimius' portraits in the Serapis series after A.D. 201-
202. Thus, the style of the period of Septimius cannot
be viewed merely in terms of revivals or survivals of
previous styles. In the case of the Serapis-Septlmlus
portrait type the creating artist did not revive the style
of the original Greek prototype. Rather, the portraits in
this series show a stylistic evolution which moves away
from the Antonine traditions of the second century towards

1 See above, p. 80, n. 1 and p. 6, n. 2.

2 See above, pp. 334-335.
Late Antique principles in style which become increasingly
dominant in the third century. The early portraits in the
Serapis series, contemporary with the Antoninus Pius and
Marcus Aurelius portrait types, could also be linked in
style with the previous Antonine tradition. In A.D. 201-
202, however, a break with this tradition was observed
and now Late Antique concepts of abstractionism and expres­
sionism become dominant.1 The consolidation of the plastic
form related these later portraits to those of Septimius'
successor, Caracalla. The concern for surface realism
and the fluid modeling of the planes which no longer re­
flect organic life beneath, in turn, foreshadowed the
portraiture of Alexander Severus at the end of the age.
Therefore, while the portraiture of Septimius in its
variety indicates the use of retrospective revivals in
both style and Iconography, there can also be observed
a recurring and underlying, stylistic current which moves
away from the classical, organic heritage of the Antonine
tradition toward the abstract and systolic sLyie of Late
2
Antiquity.
This study has also revealed the great variety of
style and expression which occurred in the Individual por­
traits of Septimius, a variety which has previously been

^See above, pp. 253-261.

2
This complex picture found is not surprising in
the light of the previous scholarly studies on Severan
art mentioned earlier in this study (see above, p. 52 ).
 361

overlooked by scholars* Rodenwaldt In his study of the

Severan Age in the Cambridge Ancient History states that
the portraiture of Septimius "consciously and of deliberate
purpose carries on the tradition of typical Antonine
Imperial portraiture* It does not present the military
usurper with African blood in his veins, but rather the
son, fictitious though the adoption was of Marcus Aurelius
i
. . •" It is not until the age of Caracalla that Roden­
waldt sees any break in the Antonine stylistic tradition.
This study has revealed that the portraiture of Septimius
can no longer be considered as merely a continuation of
the Antonine tradition of art. An examination of both the
style and the iconography of the imperial portraits has
shown positive evidence for new trends which are more
closely allied to the future than to the past* While
Septimius' use of imitative symbolism is not new to Roman
art, its consistent and coherent use among his portrait
types has no previous precedent to this writer's knowledge.
Symubcl —
c v/crc i tlic c s i r l i c c t
portrait type when it can be supposed that the symbolic
portrait had not yet become an established part of a
propagandists program. The style of the portraits as a
whole also revealed changes toward abstractionism and
spiritualization which would seem to link them not only
to later Roman art but to the Christian era to follow.

^Rodenwaldt, G. "The Transition to Late-Classical

Art." Cambridge Ancient History. 12, 1939, p. 545.
 362
It is also apparent from a study of the imperial
portraits of Septimius that their designation as "not
strikingly interesting, though very numerous”^ can no
longer be maintained. Pieces of exceptionally high quality
of expression and execution exist as well as the usual run
of aediocre repetitions. Note, for example, the softly
2
sensitive bronze portrait in the Vatican, or the eno-
tional and powerful portraits in Munich (#357) 3 and Cyprus, 4
or the intensely spiritualized portraits discovered in
5 6
North Africa and Greece.
The ideal prototypes apparently conceived by
Septimius also showed variety in their sources. Evidence
derived from the coins, literary and historical sources
indicated that these allusions were not a casual whim on
Septimius* part, but were employed in fulfillment of an
7
unfolding ideological program. The theme which underlaid
the whole program and continued to be a concern throughout
Septimius' lifetime was his wish to establish a new and
permanent dynasty which could offer the people the hope

^Strong, A. Roman Sculpture from Augustus to Constan­

tine. London, 1907, p.
2
See our photo #84.
3
See our photo #101.
4See our photo #67.
5See our photos #36 and #100.
6See our photo #105.
7
See above, pp. 77-79, particularly.
 363

of an eternal Golden Age of bliss. The dynasty was given

legitimacy and dignity by an association with Roman tradi­
tion, a symbolic association given visual form in the
first portrait allusions to Antoninus Pius, and Marcus
Aurelius. After the first steps in Septimius1 dynastic
plan were established by Caracalla*s appointment as Caesar
in A.D. 196 and Augustus in A.D. 198 with his brother then
talcing the title of Caesar, Septimius further ensured the
position of the new imperial house through an association
with the gods themselves. The Serapis-Septimius portrait
type was linked to the theme of the Golden Age promised
by the new dynasty. This divinized portrait type supplied
the people with a new Saviour-klng to whom they could
address their hopes for the renewed life of the Roman
state. In the last years of his life which were troubled
by illness, Septimius returned to the theme of succession
for his dynasty symbolized in the Nerva-Septimius portrait
type.

tradt allusion to Jupiter found in the reliefs on the

arch at Lepcis Magna and also probably suggested in the
Marcus Aurelius-Septimius portrait type. Both the Jupiter
and Serapis allusions indicate Septimius1 claim to deifica­
tion, a claim which was not new to Roman imperial art but
had never before been so comprehensively and boldly stated.
This strengthened divinized claim associated Septimius with
 364
the Saviour-Klng images of succeeding emperors rather
than with the philosopher portraits of the emperors of
the past. Jupiter, the ruler of the upper world, and
Serapis, the god of the lower world, as well as Septimius1
historical allusions, find their symbolic unification in
the image of the emperor as a Cosmocrator in his palace
on the Palatine. The earthly realm, the heavenly spheres,
and the lower world are united in the one image of an all-
powerful ruler.
In conclusion, not only is this large group of
imperial portraits significant in itself as revealing the
man, his evolving concept of his role as emperor, and his
dream for his empire, but important as a tie to the past
and a foretaste of the future in historical portraiture.
So the disillusioned, dying emperor need not have concluded:
"Omnia . . . fui et nihil expedit."1

1StHxA . , "Severus," XVIII, 11.

APPENDIX
 APPENDIX

I. Modem Portraits1

A, Rowe. Palazzo Rospialiosl. Throne Room. fig. 86

Bronze head attached to red marble bust. Modern.
H. of head and neck, 0.35 m.; H. crown to end
of beard, 0.28 m.; W. 0.25 m.
Head cut at base of neck to fit into bust or
statue, otherwise head in excellent condition. Head
does not belong with present bust. Small hole in
bronze at base of neck on r. shoulder and crack in
back of neck on r. Patina is a dark green. The
antiquity of the head was doubted by Bernoulli. The
head is a close replica of the bronze portrait of
Septimlus in the Vatican of the Serapls type "A" with
the exception of the upward glance of the eyes which
allies the head to later portraits in the Serapis
group. There are also slight variations in the handling
of the individual beard curls which suggest to me the
hand of a copiest who has created a modern pastiche.

11 have no hesitation in designating the portraits

in the appendix as modern copies. When I have had doubts
concerning the authenticity of individual portraits which
were included in the catalogue, they have been indicated
in the individual catalogue reference in the text of the
thesis.
366
 367
The artist of the head in the Palazzo Rospigliosi
also exaggerates the movement of some of the individual
curls creating a sharper and nore decorative effect.
There is also a greater emphasis on realism in the
handling of the nude surfaces and a sharpness in the
etching of the eyebrows which is lacking in the softly
modulated head in the Vatican. I have no hesitation
in designating the portrait in the Palazzo Rospigliosi
as the work of a modern (17th century?) artist. It is
also exhibited in a room containing other modern bronze
copies of famous Roman portraits.
Matz and Duhn, op. cit., I, p. 504, #1918; Ber­
noulli, p. 23, #22.
Photographs: Hr. J. Felbermeyer, American
Academy, Rome; McCann, neg. 63.91.

B. Rome. Palazzo Altieri.

Modern portrait bust of Septimius of the Serapis type
. .J n . j.u ~ ^ J j» . ■ ^ j ^ -* t- - ,*,v - ,.jr ». pm- - t- « - -t

is of white marble and the draped bust of red porphy.

Total H. 0.71 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.28 m.;
W. of head 0.25 m. Long facial type indicates a model
from our Serapis group MB."
Unpub1ished•
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.79.
Paris, Louvre. fig. 104
Draped bust, said to be from Gabii, formerly Collec­
tion Borghese. Inv. 1118. Modern.
White, fine grained marble. Total H. of bust,
excluding foot, 0.72 m.; H. crown of head to end of
beard, 0.33 m.; W. of head, 0,28 m.
Head and bust are unbroken. The foot is added.
End of nose restored and pieces of drapery fold.
Otherwise bust in excellent condition; surface shows
high, modem polish.
Bernoulli, p. 25, #50; Paris, Musee National
du Louvre, Department des antiquites grecques et
romaines, op. cit., p. 64, #1118; Barreca, "Un nuovo
ritratto di Settimio Severo," loc. cit., p. 62.
Photographs: Archives Photographiques, 5.1490.
028.AE.1, 5.1490.028.BE,1; McCann, neg. 63.32.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. The bust form used, with double folds
of the toga arranged over each shoulder, Is unknown to
me in any other antique examples. The mingling of a
classicistic interest in polished forms combined with
a realism in the handling of details as the soft flesh
around the eyes coupled with its fine preservation
further cause me to raise doubts concerning this pre­
viously accepted antique bust. Dr. Felletti MaJ also
doubts the antiquity of the bust. The long facial
form and classicizing style suggest a model from our
group ”B” In the Serapis series.

Spain. Merida. Museum of Archaeology.

Small, naked bust, found in the Campo de San Juan in
Merida in 1910. Inv. 126. Modern.
White, fine grained marble. Total H. of bust,
0.26 m.
Head, bust and foot are in one piece. Surface
polished and the small bust is in excellent condition.
The piece has not been examined directly by the writer,
Garcia y Bellido, A. Esculturas romanas de
Esoana v Portugal. Madrid, 1949, pp. 37-38, #28, pi.
25.
Head is turned to the right and the glance is
to the right. The long facial type and smooth surfaces
relate the bust to our group ”B? of the Serapis type.
Although the bust is known to me only in poor photo­
graphs, its excessively softened style with emphasis
on the fluidness of the highly polished surface causes
me to doubt its antiquity. The naked bust form is
also unique among the preserved portraits of Septimius.

Poland. Castle in Poznan.

Head attached to modern armored breastplece, formerly
in Berlin, #383, and given to Poznan in 1930's.
 370
Originally in Polignac collection and from Sanssouci.
Inv. 3122. Modern.
Italian marble. H. of bead to break in neck
below beard, 0.29 m.; H. with bust, 0.46 m.
Head broken at neck under beard. Restored:
nose, r. eyebrow, part of upper and lower lip, and
part of r. ear. R. lock on forehead is missing as
well as ends of frontal curls of beard. The portrait
is known to me only in a poor photograph and further
information about the two portraits of Septimius in
Poznan could not be obtained.
Conze, op. cit.. 155, #383; Bernoulli, p. 27,
#78; Bienkowski, op. cit., p. 18, pi. V, fig. XIII.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right and slightly upward. The long facial
type and smooth surface planes relate the portrait
to those in our group **B" of the Serapis type. How­
ever, judging from the poor photograph, the technique
of the drill work and style are not ancient. Blumel
also doubts the antiquity of the head in a penciled
notation in Conze's catalogue (compare our #22).

P. Florence. Ufflzl Gallery.

Bust draped with paludamentum across chest and 1.
shoulder. Inv. 1914, #207. Modern.
Greek marble. Total H. 0.77 m.
 Head and bust are in one piece. Nose restored,
end of farthest r. curl on forehead, and end of beard
curl on r. side.
Hansuelli, op. cit.. XX, p. 142, #191, fig. 191
Photographs: Brogi, 9269; Gabinetto Fotografico
della Soprintendenza alle Gallerie, N. 10395, N. 10396
The head is turned to the left and the glance
is to the left. Mansuelli recognizes the portrait as
modern, an opinion shared by this writer. The fleshy
surface handling of the cheeks suggests knowledge of
a model from our Serapis group "C.n

Rome. Galeria Borqhese.

White, Italian marble head, out to fit into bust or
statue at base of neck. H. 0.38 m. Modern.
Published by Faldi as a 17th century work of
one of the antiquarian sculptors such as Nicola
Cordier, Caporale or Cristofor Stati who managed the
collection ox Cardinal Scipionc. Scrapi z type uith
head frontal, eyes upward and to the r. The style
is smooth and classicizing and the long facial type
suggests a model from Serapis group "B.n
Bernoulli, p. 23, #13; Faldi, X. Galleria
Borqhese. Le sculture dal secolo XVI al XIX. Rome,
1954, p. 14, #7, fig. 7, with earlier bibliography.
Photographs: McCann, neg. 63.64.
 372

H. Rome. Palazzo Rospigliosi. Casino della Aurora.

White marble head attached to red porphory bust with
toga crossed over 1. shoulder. Modem.
Head of Italian marble. H. of head with neck,
0.40 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W. 25 m.
Unrestored. Workmanship modern (17th century?).
Copy of Serapis portrait type. Head is frontal, as in
portrait of Septimius in Capitollne Museum (#51) in
Serapis group "E,” but upward eyes in modern head are
turned also to the r. The fleshy cheeks also suggest
a knowledge of portraits from our Serapis group "C.H
Unpublished.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.91.

I. Venice, Doqe*s Palace.

Head attached to draped statue. Modern.
Marble. Total H. of head and statue, 2.09 m.;
H. of head alone, 0.38 m.
Head broken at lower neck and attached to statue.
Restored: nose, lower section of beard, arms and feet
and parts of the toga. The statue has not been examined
personally by the writer.
Dutschke, V., pp. 25-26, #58; Bernoulli, p. 25,
#46.
Photographs: Museo Archeologico, Venice, negs.
1517-1520.
 The head stares directly forward and its style
and iconography designate it as surely of modern work­
manship. The four curls over the forehead, however,
identify the portrait with Septimius rather than Marcus
Aurelius, as originally identified by Dutschke but
corrected by Bernoulli. The statuary type can be com­
pared to Greek prototypes. The four curls over the
forehead relate the head in a general way to the Serapis
iconography.

Rome. Museo Torlonia. fig. 117

Bust draped in toga with folds crossing over 1.
shoulder, found in the "Veientanum" of Livla, Rome,
in 1863. Inv. 572. Modem.
Probably Italian marble. Total H., excluding
foot, 0.73 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.38 m.; V.
of head, 0.24 m.
Unrestored. Head and bust are in one piece but
the foot is separate. Peru alt auml Lust type clcccly
correspond to that in the Petworth Collection of the
Nerva-Septimius type (our catalogue #89). The bust
form, however, is wider. The drill work, with the
hardened surfaces and Interest in and increased
realism of detail over the portrait in the Petworth
Collection, combined with the fact of its perfect
preservation convince me that the bust is modern.
Mr, Felberaeyer has suggested to ae that perhaps it
is a work of the late seventeenth century, closely
based on the Petworth type,
Visconti, op. cit., p. 297, #572, pi. CXLVXI;
Baity, nUn Prototype officiel dans 1'iconographie de
Septiae S e v e r e loc. cit.. pp. 104-105, pi. XXXIII;
Baity, "Deux portraits tperdus* de Septiae Severe,”
loc. cit.. pp. 82-87, in which she convincingly identifies
the bust in the Torlonia Collection with Bernoulli's
lost portrait of Septiaius from the Priaa Porta cited on
p. 29, #29.

Mantua. Palazzo Dueale.

Head attached to araored bust with paludamentum fas­
tened over r. shoulder. Modern. Inv. 12248 (7).
Modem.
White aarble. Total H. of head and bust,. 0.57
a.; H. of head to break in neck, 0.32 a.; W. 0.23 a.
Head is broken from the bust, tidge of r. ear
broken and 1. ear daaaged. Otherwise in excellent con­
dition, although aarble discolored with dirt.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.20.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right and slightly upward. The technique of
the drill work in the eyes, hair and beard dates the
head in the modem period. The three curls over the
 375
forehead which end in spiral curls are not found in
any of the other portraits of Septimius, although the
facial type and divided beard Identify the portrait
with this emperor. I have not been able to identify
the portrait in any publication, a fact in favor of
its modem workmanship. Dr. Felletti Maj and Dr. Calza
also believe the head is modem.

L. Rome. Palazzo Corslni.

White marble head on draped bust of red porphory
and black marble. Modem.
Maj, Museo Mazionale. p. 128.
The head is turned to the right and the glance
is to the right. The forehead shows three large
hanging curls and the beard is long and divided.
The portrait of Septimius cannot be definitely re­
lated to any one of our iconographic types.

M. Rome, formerly Stettiner Collection.

Head broken at neck, present location unknown.
Light marble, with colored veining.
Kaschnitz-Weinberg, G. Die Antike. II, 1926,
p. 42, pi. Ill; Poulsen, Catalogue. p. 502; Jucker,
op. cit., p. 104, n. 9.
Photograph: German Archaeological Institute,
Rome, neg. 3087-3088.
 376
Although the head Is Known to me only In photo­
graphs, the use of colored aarble, technique of the
drill work in the beard and hair and general expres­
sion clearly show the head to be aodem, Kaschnitz-
Weinberg first published the head as a portrait of
Septimius. Poulsen doubted the identification. Jucker
also doubts the authenticity of the head. The general
portrait type can be related to the portraits of
Septimius in the Palazzo Braschi in Rome (our #1) and
in Los Angeles (our #2).

N. Rome. Palazzo Giustiniani.

White marble head set into red porphyry, armored bust
with paludamenturn over left shoulder.
Total H., 0.70 m»; H., crown of head to end
of beard, 0.31 m.; W. 0.24 m.
No restorations or damages.
Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.74.
The bust has only bean kuuwu in Cluctinlzni
collection since 1937, and its style clearly identifies
it as modern. It is a copy of the portrait of Septimius
in the Palazzo Braschi, Rome (our #1), to which its
measurements also correspond.
 377
II. Lost Portraits or Those Known Only
in the Literature

A. Roue. Palazzo Poll.

Marble head attached to statue to which it does not
belong. Matz-Duhn question the antiquity of the head.
The portrait could not be traced and Mr. Achilles
Talentl tells ae that when he bought the Palazzo Poll
in the 1930*s the sculptural collection had already
disappeared. I would like to thank Mr. Talentl for
his kindness in arranging for me to make a search of
the palace.
Matz and Duhn, op. cit., #1314; Bernoulli, p.
23, #21.

B. Rome, Palazzo Sciarra.

Head attached to modern bust of red alabaster. The
portrait is no longer in the Palazzo Sciarra and its
present location could not be traced.
f* 4 4- A l O O l • *1 4
-•*<— w w p mmtm9 9 H » ai I «*• j g* %

24, #24.

C. Rome. Palazzo Colonna.

Head attached to modern bust of "giallo antico" marble.
The portrait could not be traced in the present collec­
tion open to the public and no communication could be
obtained from the Colonna family concerning its possible
location within other parts of the palace.
Matz and Duhn, op. cit., #1877 (erroneously
cited as #1887); Bernoulli, p. 23, #15.

Rome. Muaeo Nazionale.

Read attached to armored bust, from Kircheriano.
Inv. 193.
Parian marble. Total H. of bust with ancient
foot, 0.74 m.
From the photographs the head appears to be
broken from the bust at the lower neck under the
beard. Head, bust and foot, however, are associated
together in the museum catalogue reference. The
upper section of the cranium is cut through but is
apparently ancient and belongs to original head.
The photographs show a long facial type with the
hanging curls and classicizing style that can be com­
pared to the portraits in our Serapis group ”B.” Com­
pare particularly the head in the Pctv.'crth Collection,
#36 (our #54). The bust has disappeared from the
museum collection sometime after 1914 when Paribeni
included it in his catalogue. No further record of it
could be obtained.
Bernoulli, p. 24, #27; Gauckler, op. cit., pp.
289-290, pi. LVII; Paribeni, R. Guida del Museo
Nazionale Romano. Rome, 1914, pp. 107-108, #466; Baity,
 379
"Deux portraits 'perdus* de Septime Severe," loc. cit,,
pp. 84-89.

E. Rome. Villa Dorla Pamphlli.

Head, formerly on first floor of Villa. Nr. 38.
Present location unknown.
Matz and Duhn, #1913; Bernoulli, p. 23, #20,

F* Florence. Palazzo Pitti. Maaazin.

Portrait of Septimius listed in Bernoulli (p. 24, #36)
and Dutschke (IX, p. 30) In the magazln. The portrait
could not he located In my search of the storerooms
and palace.

G, Florence. Ufflzi Gallery.

Head attached to modem armored bust. Inv. 165.
The portrait could not be located in the Uffizo
Gallery. Prof. Mansuelli writes me that he was un­
able to identify it when writing bis catalogue of
the ancient sculpture of the museum.
Dutschke, III, p. 174; Bernoulli, p. 24, #33,

H. Palermo.
Toga statue. Reinach, Repertoire de ,1a statuaire.
Ill, p. 162, #2.
Algeria. Cherchel. Musee Archeolooloue.
Colossal head from Gournaya (Gouraya). No communica­
tion could be received from the museum concerning a
request for a photograph and present location of the
head.
Gauckler, P. "Seance du 13 Juint" Bulletin de
la Societe nationale des antiguaires de France. 1894,
p. 175; Bernoulli, p. 28, #83; Baity, "Un buste inedit
de Septime Severe," loc. cit., p. 76, n. 3.

Algeria. Lambese. Musee de Lambese.

Bust of Septimius Severus, found in Markouna. H. 0.29 m.
Lugand, R. "£tude de quelques monuments inedits du
Musee du Lambese," Melanges d 1archeologie et d'histoire.
6cole francaise de Rome, XLIV, 1927, p. 138, p. 147;
Baity, "Un buste inedit de Septlme Severe," loc. cit.
p. 76, n. 3.

4 «"■ IE*4*4

Head. Gauckler, P. Comnte rendu de marche du

service en 1898. p. 10; Baity, "Un buste inedit de
Septime Severe," loc. cit.. p. 76, n. 3. Mrs. Baity
notes that the portrait is now lost.
 381
L. Carthage.
Head found In Antonlne baths. Ho Information could
be obtained concerning Its present location and It
Is not presently In the Carthage museum. Picard,
M. G. C. "Raport sur l'actlvlte du service des
antlqultes et arts de la Tunisle du Ier novembre
1945 au 15 Janvier 1946. Foullles des thermes d*Antonin
a Carthage," Bulletin archeoloqioue du comlte des
travaux hlstorlgues et sclentiflaues. 1946-1949, p. 62;
Baity, "Un buste inedit de Septime Severe," loc. cit..
p. 76, n. 3.

M, Carthage.
Inv. 1806. The portrait is not presently In the
Carthage Museum and no Information could be obtained
about it. Baity, "Un buste inedit de Septime Severe,"
loc. cit., p. 76, n. 3.

N. sevlie, Arcnacoxoaicai. mis cum.

Marble toga statue of Marcus Aurelius, veil drawn

over head, broken off at knees. Nose missing. Sur­
face completely destroyed.
Wegner, M. "Romische Herrscherbildnisse des
Zweiten Jahrhunderts in Spanien," Archlvo espanol de
arqueloqia. XXVI, 1953, #87, pp. 82-84, 89-90, fig.
9-10; Museo arqueoloqico de Sevilla. Madrid, VII, 1957,
p. 100, pi. LXXXI.
The guide to the museum published In 1957
Identifies the very destroyed portrait with Septimius
Severus, upon the recommendation of Wegner. In his
article of 1953, however, Wegner Identified the statue
with Marcus Aurelius, suggesting It has been reworked
at a later time. The long, thin facial fora and un­
divided beard separate It from the Iconography of
Septimius. Although the hair style, which is arranged
in a cap over the forehead, Is not like Marcus Aurelius
later portraits, the sunken cheeks and long facial
type can be correlated. The poor state of preservation
of the head makes identification difficult, but Wegner'
identification with Marcus Aurelius appears the most
acceptable to this writer.

Seville. Case de Pilatos.

Portrait on modern armored statue. Wegner, "Romlsche
Herrscherblldnlsse des Zwelten Janrhunaerts In spanxen,
loc_. cit.. pp. 89, 90.

Alx-en—Provence. Musee Granet.

Head broken off under beard.
White marble. H. 0.30 m.
Top of nose is missing and ends of curls In
beard.
 Esperandieu, III, p. 356, #2496, with plate;
Arndt-Amelung, Elnzelaufnahmen. V, col. 80, #235;
Poulsen, Catalogue. p. 502.
Photographs: Henry Ely, Aix-en-Provence.
Esperandieu suggested an Identification with
Marcus Aurelius, and It Is cited as an unknown nan of
the Antonine epoque in Elnzelaufnahmen. Poulsen in­
cludes the head in his amended list of the portraits
of Septimius. The broad forehead and hair and beard
forms bear some similarity to the early portraits
of Septimius cited here Csee head in Los Angeles, our
#2). However, the rounded face is very different
and the fine outlining of the hairs with the chisel
confirm an Antonine dating for the portrait. The head
appears ancient from the photographs.

London. Apslev House.

Mlchaelis, op. cit.. p. 430, #4; Bernoulli, p. 27, #61;
Vermeuie, Ancient naroies in iireat nritain. “Apsiey
House," #M4. His Grace the Duke of Wellington informed
me that the portrait had been identified as Marcus
Aurelius. (See Wegner, Die Herrscherbildnlsse in
Antoninischer Zelt. p. 179.)

Wiltshire. Wilton House.

Head formerly in the collection at Wilton House. Sold
by Christies to R. Falkiner on July 3, 1961. Mr. Falklner
could not give further Information about its present
location.
Michaelis, op. cit.. p. 710, #184; Bernoulli,
p. 27, #69; Vermeuie, Ancient Marbles in Great Britain.
nWllton Houstf^ Christies. A Selected Portion of the
Collection of Ancient Marbles Formed bv Thomas 8th Earl
of Pembroke. Monday July 3,, 1961. Sale Catalogue,
London, p. 33, #145.

Cheshire. Marburv Hall.

Michaelis, oj>. cit.. p. 511, #31; Bernoulli, p. 27,
#66; Vermeuie, Ancient Marbles in Great Britain,
"Marbury," #31; Vermeuie,"Notes on a Hew Edition of
Michaelis. Ancient Marbles in Great Britain,” A.J.A..
LIX, 1956, p. 336. Portrait sold in 1933 and present
location unknown. Vermeuie cites Poulsen's attribu­
tion of the head to the school of Cavaceppi.

L i v e r p o o l . walker Art Gallery.

Head, under life-sized, provenience unknown.

Luna marble. H. 0.18 m.
Ashnole, p. 81, #217 g.
Illustration of the head is unknown to this
writer.
 385
III. Unacceptable Attributions not
Otherwise Mentioned

A. Athens. Agora Museum.

Head of Pentelic marble. Harrison, op. cit., pp. 38-
40, #28, with earlier bibliography. I share Miss
Harrison*s opinion that the portrait dates in the
Antonine period.

B. Salonlki. Archaeological Museum.

The portrait was originally brought to my attention
by Dr. Ward Perkins who kindly supplied me with
photographs of the portrait bust. Jucker (op. cit.,
p. 103, n. 2) identifies the portrait with Septimius.
The iconography of the hair and beard and the facial
type are different from that of Septimius.

C. Rome, private collection: Director Ei. Ward Perkins

(British School at Rome). fig. 114
Small-sized head, obtained In Florence, presumably of
Italian origin. Formerly in the private collection
of Dr. M. j. Rendall.
Greek Island marble. Total H., 0.13 m.; W.
0.095 m.
Head broken at neck under the beard but
originally cut to be inserted into a bust or statue.
The tip of the nose is broken and part of the r. curl
 386
of the beard* The point of attachment at the back of
the neck is damaged, and the end of the 1. ear lobe is
chipped. Two abraded patches appear, the one on the
hair immediately above and behind the 1. ear, the other
on the lower r. side of the beard. The pronounced
crystalline structure of the marble as well as the
polish of the surface give the portrait a fine trans­
lucent quality.
Unpublished.
Photographs: Hr. J. Felbermeyer, American
Academy, Rome.
Or. Ward Perkins suggested to the writer that the
find little head, which appears to be ancient, might
represent an idealized philosopher portrait of Septimius.
For a discussion of its relationship to our Nerva-
Septimlus portrait type and to Greek philosopher por-
traits see the discussion in our text above. An
identification of the head with a Greek philosopher
type and a date in the second century A.D. have been
suggested in our study.

D. Rome. Huseo Nazionale.

Head of Italian marble. From the Palatine Museum,
which had acquired it from the Campana Collection in
the late nineteenth century. Inv. 625.

1See above, pp. 330-333.

 Total H. 0,46 n.; H. crown to end of beard,
0.40 m. ; W. 0,33 m. The neck has been cut to fit
Into a statue. The style of the drill work and the
dramatized expression of the face date the head In
the modern period. Its Identity with Septimius must
be questioned. The portrait has also been identified
with Clodius Alblnus. Dr. Heintze suggested a date
in the eighteenth century to me for the portrait,
Bernoulli, p. 24, #28; Helbig, op. cit.. 1913,
II, p, 176, #140; Paribeni, Le Terme di Dlocleziano.
1932, p. 249, #755; Paribeni, II ritratto. pi. CCXCI;
Arias, P, E. La Scultura romana. Messina, p. 169;
Aurigemma, S. Le Terme dl Dlocleziano £ 11 Museo
Nazionale Romano. Rome, 1950, #247; Baity, "Deux
Portraits 'Perdus* de Septime Severe," loc. cit.. p.
86, n. 2, 3.

Turin. Museo di Antichita.

Head or Greek marble. Dutschke, XV, #146; Eeruouill,
p. 25, #48. The head cannot be definitely identified
with any portraits now in the museum.

Turin. Museo di Antichita.

Bust. Dutschke, IV, #147; Bernoulli, p. 25, #49.
The bust cannot be definitely identified with any
portraits now in the museum.
 388
G. Formerly in the Castello at Cataio.
Cited by Dutschke as a modern bust. Present location
unknown. Dutschke, V, p. 295, 756a; Bernoulli, p. 25,
#45.

H. Vienna. Kunsthistorisches Museum.

Head set on modern bust, formerly in the Castello
at Cataio. Inv. 11295. Dutschke, V, #516. The
style and iconography of the head cannot be associated
with Septimius.

I. Paris. Rodin Museum.

Apparently an unpublished head identified in a Mar­
burg photograph (#173335, #173336) as Septimius.
The iconography cannot be associated with Septimius.

J. Stockholm. National Museum.

Head identified by Bernoulli and Brising as Septimius
O t ; V U JL U b . 1U C ta u tiw i. WC u X ijr

of our portraits. Bernoulli, p. 3, #28; Brising, H.

Antlk Konst _X National urval och Beskrifnina.
Stockholm. 1911, p. 125, #102, pi. ETV.

K» Middlesex. Chiswick House.

Toga statue, identified by Vermeuie as Septimius
Severus. The very destroyed condition of the head
makes any Identification uncertain. The remaining
pattern of the beard and hair style cannot be
associated with that of Septimius. Vermeuie, "Notes
on a New Edition of Michaelis. Ancient Marbles in
Great Britain," A.J.A.. LIC, 1955, p. 132. Photograph
McCann, neg. 63,52.

Detroit. Institute of Arts.

Head identified by Hell with Septimius Severus. The
style and iconography bear no resemblance to the por­
traits of the emperor. Heil, W. "Four Roman Portrait
Heads,” Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts.
IX, #1, October, 1927, pp. 28-30, with plate.
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LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS
 LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS

Illustration Page

Frontispiece. Photo: Severan Basilica, Leptis

Magna, North Africa. (McCann neg.
63.11) ........................... iii
1. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion,
A.D. 194.Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg
Glyptotek, Nr*. 3141, a. (McCann,
neg. 63.48) ........ 435
2. Clodius Albinus, bronze medallion,
A.D. 194-195. Copenhagen, Ny
Carlsberg Glyptotek. Nr. 3141,b.
(McCann, neg. 63.48) ........... 435
3. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion,
A.D. 194. Gnecchi Collection.
(Gnecchi, _I Medaqlioni Romani, II,
pi. 92,8) ....................... 436
4. Antoninus Pius, bronze medallion,
A.D. 138-161. Berlin. (Gnecchi,
I Medaqlioni Romani. II, pi. 51,2) .436
5. Clodius Albinus, bronze medallion,
A.D* 194-195. Paris. (Gnecchi, I
Medaqlioni Romani , II. pi. 92 ,27 ... 436
6. Pertinax. aureus- A.D. 193-194.
Paris, Nr. 275. (Cabinet des
Medailles, neg. A1116) .......... 436
7. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion,
A.D. 194-195. Berlin, Staatliche
Museen. (Staatliche Museen, Nr.
97) ............. 437
8. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion,
A.D, 195. Paris, Nr. 282. (Cabinet
des Medailles, neg. B12983) ....... 4 3 7
9. Septimius Severus, aureus, A.D. 197,
British Museum. (Mattingly, B.M.C.,
V, pi. 10, #19).. ................. 438
422
 423
Illustration Page
10. Septimius Severus, bronze medal-
lion, A.D. 200-201. Zagreb.
(Toynbee, Roman Medallions, pi.
XVII,7) ......................... 438
11. Septimius Severus, bronze medal­
lion, A.D. 202. Paris. (Gnecchi, I,
Medaqlioni Romani, pi. 152,6) .... 438
12. Septimius Severus, bronze coin,
A.D. 201-210. Paris. (Cabinet des
Medailles, neg. B 12784) ......... 439
13. Septimius Severus, silver medal­
lion, A.D. 207. Paris. (Gnecchi, JC
Medaqlioni Romani. I, pi. 22,2) .... 439

14. Septimius Severus, bronze medal­

lion. A.D. 208. Paris. (Gnecchi, ,1
Medaqlioni Romani. II, pi.' 94, 1) .. 439
15. Septimius Severus, denarius. A.D.
208. British Museum. (Mattingly,
B.M.C.. V, pi. 36, #18) ..........440
16. Septimius Severus, bronze medal­
lion, A.D. 211. Formerly Bachofen
Collection, Vienna. (Voetter,
Romlsche Munzen und Medallions, pi.
34, #1607) .................. 440
17. Pertinax, sestertius, A.D. 193.
British Museum. (Mattingly, B.M.C.,
V, pi. 2, #7) ................... 440
18. Septimius Severus, sestertius,
A.D. 202-210. British Museum.
(Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 49,
#1) .............................441
19. Septimius Severus, "Divus" coins,
A.D. 211. British Museum. (Matting-
ly, B.M.C. . V, pi. 65, #15-18)... 441
20. Septimius Severus, "Divus" bronze
medallion, A.D. 211. Boston, Fine
Arts Museum. (Vermeule, Roman
Medallions. pi. 5, #47) ....... 4 4 1
 424
Illustration Page
21. Septimius Severus and family,
cameo, Paris, Bibliotheque
Nationale, #300. (Cabinet des
Medailles, neg. B 1347) ........ 442
22. Septimius Severus and family,
carnelian ring stone. New York:,
Metropolitan Museum. (Richter,
Catalogue of Engraved Gems. #497,
pi. LX). ........................ 442
23. Septimius Severus and sons, cameo,
Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale,
#301. (Cabinet des Medailles, neg.
63A12678) ....................... 442
24. Septimius Severus, detail from
painted wooden tondo, Berlin,
Staatliche Museen. (Staatliche
Museen,inv. 31.329) .............. 443
25. Septimius Severus, detail from
relief scene, "Dextrarum Iunctio,"
arch at Lepcis Magna. (Archaeologi­
cal Museum, Tripoli, neg. C.L.M.
290) ............................ 444
26. Septimius Severus, Heracles,
Caracalla, detail from sacrifice
scene, arch at Lepcis Magna.
(Archaeological Museum, Tripoli,
neg. C.L.M. 276) ....... 445
27. Septimius Severus, detail from
Triumph?! Procession; arch at
Lepcis Magna. (Archaeological
Museum, Tripoli, C.L.M. 294) ..... 446
28. Marcus Aurelius, detail from re­
lief, sacrifice scene, Rome, Pal.
d. Conservatori. (Wegner, Die
Herrscherbildnlsse in antonTn-
ischer Zeit. pi. 28*T"............ 447
29. Marcus Aurelius, Rome, Museo
Nazionale, #6 8 8 . (Wegner, Die
Herrscherblldnls se in antonin-
Ischer Zelt. ol. 29*T~......... 447
 425
Illustration Page
30. Septimius Severus, detail from
relief, sacrifice scene, arch at
Lepcis Magna. (Archaeological
Museum, Tripoli, C.L.M.288) ..... 448
31. Septimius Severus as Jupiter,
Lepcis Magna. (Archaeological
Museum, Tripoli, C.L.M. 524) ....... 449
32. Capitoline Triad, arch at Lepcis
Magna. (Archaeological Museum,
Tripoli, C.L.M. 265) ........... 450
33. Septimius Severus, detail from
sacrifice scene, Rome, Arch of the
Argentaril. (Haynes and Hirst,
Porta Arqentariorum. fig. 6 ) ...... 451
34. Sacrifice scene, relief from
theatre at Sabratha. (Caputo, II
teatro di Sabratha. pi. 40, fig.
71} ............................ 451
35. Unknown man, museum, Culture Park,
Izmir. Nr. 1200. (E. Rosenbaum,
neg. XVI. 75) .................... 452
36. Septimius Severus, Algeria, Djemila,
Archaeological Museum. (David
Maxwell, neg. 64.98) •••••......... 453
37. Septimius Severus, British Museum,
#1944. (British Museum neg. LXX1V
C 50) ........................... 454
38. Septimius Severus, dennarius, A.D.
195-196, Laodicea ad Mare (?).
British Museum. (Mattingly, Num.
Chr. , 1932, pi. XIII, #11) ........ 454
39. Septimius Severus, formerly on
Cairo art market. (Gralndor, Bustes
et statues-portralts d 1Egypt
romailae.~pl. XVII) ............... 454
40. Septimius Severus, Rome, Pal.
Braschi. (McCann, neg. 63.68) ..... 455
41. Septimius Severus, Los Angeles,
private collection. (Kindness of
Mr. M. Bars anti, Rome) ......... 455
 426
Illustration Page
42. Septimius Severus, Rome, Pail.
Braschi. (McCann, neg. 63.68} ... . 455
43. Septimius Severus, Brescia, Museo
Civico. (Poulsen, Portratstudien
in Norditalienischen Provinznus'een.
pi. XXXI, fig. 51) .............. 455
44. Septimius Severus, Los Angeles,
private collection. (Kindness of Mr.
M. Bars anti, Rome) ............... 456
45. Septimius Severus, sestertius, A.D.
194, Rome. British Museum. (Matting­
ly, B.M.C. . V, pi. 22, #1) ..... . 456
46. Heracles, Tripoli, Archaeological
Museum, #476. (Archaeological Museum
neg. D.L.M. 56) .................. 456
4 7. Clodius Albinus, Rome, Museo
Capitolino. (Anderson, #1624} .... 457
48. Clodius Albinus, Rome, Museo Cap­
itolino. (McCann, neg. 63.67} ......457
49. Clodius Albinus, Bloomington,
Indiana University Art Museum.
(McCann, neg. 64.95} ............. 457
50. Clodius Albinus, Bloomington,
Indiana University Art Museum.
(McCann, neg. 64.95) ............. 457
51. Clodius Albinus, Sussex, PeLtaorLh
Collection, #37. (McCann, neg.
63.57) .......................... 458
52. Clodius Albinus, Madrid, Prado
Museum. (Blanco, Museo del Prado.
Cataloao de la Escultura, pi. LXV,
¥ iUT- e ) .77.77........ .7.......... 458
53. Septimius Severus, Dresden, Staat­
liche Kunstsammlungen. (Staatliche
Kunstsammlungen, #393) ........ 459
54. Septimius Severus, Bedfordshire,
Woburn Abbey. (German Archaeologi­
cal Institute, Rome, neg. 62.150) .. 459
 427
Illustration Page
55. Antoninus Pius, Roue, Museo
Nazionale, #718. (Wegner, Die
Herrscherbildnis se in antonin-
ischer Zeit. pi. 3) ..... 459
56. Septimius Severus, Rome, Pal. d.
Conservator!. (Jones, Pal, cl.
Conservator!. pi. 98, '#!'(}9)~*...... 460
5 7. Septimius Severus, Tivoli, Had­
rian's Villa, museum, #527. (McCann,
neg. 64.80)...... 460
58. Antoninus Pius, Madrid, Prado
Museum.(Prado Museum neg. 3927) ... 460
59. Septimius Severus, bronze, #838.
British Museum. (McCann, neg. 63.
50) ............................. 460
60. Antoninus Pius, Rome, Museo
Palatino. (Wegner, Die Herrscher­
bildnis se in antoninischer ZeitT
pi. 8) ........................ 461
61. Septimius Severus, Venice, Museo
Archeologico, #54. (Museo Archeolog-
ico, neg. 1514) .................. 461
62. Septimius Severus, Tripoli, Archeo­
logical Museum, #455. (Museo
Archeologica, neg. D.L.M. 1239) •••• 461
63. Septimius Severus, Ostia, museum,
#29. (Gabinetto Fotograflco Naz-
ionale, Rome, neg. F 5723) ....... 461
64. Septimius Severus, Istanbul,
Archaeological Museum, #46. (Schede,
Melsterwerke der Turtelschen Museen
zu Konstantinopel. I. pi. 42,
W8i) ................. 462
65. Antoninus Pius, Athens, National
Museum, #3563. (Wegner, Die
Herrscherbildnlsse in antoninischer
Zeit. Pl. 9 ) .... 462
66. Septimius Severus, Rome, Pal.
Colonna. (McCann, neg. 63.76) ..... 462
 428
Illustration Page
67. Head of bronze statue of
Septimius Severus, Nicosia,
Cyprus Museum. (Cyprus Museum
neg. C 985) ....... .............. 463
68 . Septimius Severus, denarius, A.D.
197, Laodicea ad Mare (7). British
Museum. (Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi.
19, #18) ......................... 463
69. Bronze statue of Septimius Severus,
Nicosia, Cyprus Museum. (Cyprus
Museum neg. C 2938) .............. 463
70. Septimius Severus, cistophoric
tetradrachm, A.D. 198-202, Aslan
mint, British Museum. (Mattingly,
B.M.C.. V, pi. 67, #1) ........... 464
71. Marcus Aurelius, bronze medallion,
A.D. 159. London. (Gnecchi, I
Medacrlioni Romani. II. pi. 6?.
#6 ) ................. 464
72. Septimius Severus, Rome, Museo
Nazionale, #345. (Mr. J. Felber-
meyer) ....................... 464
73. Septimius Severus, Copenhagen, Ny
Carlsberg Glyptotek, #721. (Ny
Carlsberg Glyptotek, #721) ....••••• 464
74. Septimius Severus, Rome, Bib-
lioteca del Pontificio Ateneo
Antonlano. (nr. J. Jr'elbermeyer) .... 465
75. Septimius Severus, Toulouse,
Musee Saint Raymong. (McCann, neg.
63.38) .......................... 465
76. Septimius Severus, denarius, A.D.
202, Antioch. British Museum.
(Wroth, Catalogue of the Greek Coins
of Galatia, etc."7 pi. XXIII, #7) ... 465
77. Marcus Aurelius, denarius, A.D. 161,
Antioch. British Museum. (Wroth,
Catalogue of the Greek Coins of
Galatia.“etc. , pi. XXIII, 45) ..... 465
 429
Illustration Page
78. Septiaius Severus, Mantua, Pal.
Ducale, #6732. (McCann, neg.
63.16) 466
79. Septiaius Severus, Paris, Louvre,
#1114. (McCann, neg. 63.29)...... . 466
80. Septiaius Severus, Paris, Louvre,
#1115. (McCann, neg. 63.29) ....... 4 6 6
81. Septiaius Severus, Paris, Louvre,
#1113. (McCann, neg. 63.2 7) ....... 4 6 6
82. Septiaius Severus, Florence,
Boboli Gardens. (McCann, neg.
63.62) .......................... 467
83. Septiaius Severus, Florence,
Boboli Gardens. (McCann, neg.
63.62)..... ..................... 467
84. Septiaius Severus, bronze, Rome,
Vatican Museum. (Mr. J. Felber-
aeyer) ..................... 468
85. Septiaius Severus, bronze, Rome,
Vatican Museum. (Mr. J. Felber-
aeyer) ........... .......... 468
66. Septiaius Severus, bronze, Rome,
Pal. Rospigliosi. (Mr. J. Felber-
aeyer) ..................... 468
87. Septiaius SOverus, bronze, Brussels,
nusees ruyuux u :«u.‘L ei. u Loire.
(Institut royal du patriaoine
artistique, #9445 B) ............. 468

88. Septiaius Severus, Copenhagen, My

Carlsberg Glyptotek, #722. (Ny
Carlsberg Glyptotek, #722) ....... 4 5 9
89. Septiaius Severus, Yorkshire,
Newby Hall. (McCann, neg. 63.52) ...469
90. Septiaius Severus, Paris, Louvre,
#1117. (MCCann, neg. 63.27) ....... 459

91. Septiaius Severus, Sussex, Pet-

worth Collection, #36. (McCann,
neg. 63.55) ................... . • 469
 430

Illustration Page
92. Septiaius Severus, Rone, Museo
Torlonia, #136. (Visconti, Cat­
alogue of the Torlonia Museum.
pi. XXXIV, #T36J ............. 470
93. Septiaius Severus, Guelaa, Musee
des Antiquitesj froa Khaaissa.
(Pachtere, Musee de Guelaa. pi.
VII, fig. 7) ..7........ 470
94. Septiaius Severus, Roae, Museo
Torlonia, #566. (Visconti, Cat­
alogue of the Torlonia Museum.
pi. cxlvi,mlE>€ZT~77777............ 470
95. Septiaius Severus, Paris, Louvre,
#1120. (McCann, neg. 63.31) ...... 471
96. Septiaius Severus, Mantua, Pal.
Ducale, #12240. ("Calzolari,"
Mantua) .............. *...... 471
97. Septiaius Severus, Roae, private
collection of Mr. L. Twoably.
(McCann, neg. 63.70) .......... 471
98. Septiaius Severus, Copenhagen, Ny
Carlsberg Glyptotek, #723. (Ny
Carlsberg Glyptotek, #723)...... 4 71
99. Septiaius Severus, Roae, Museo
Capitolino, #51. (Oscar Savio,
Museo Capitolino, C 498) ......... 472
ICO. Septiaius Severus, Tunis- hnrdo
Museua, froa Chaoud-el Batton,
C 73. (German Archaeological
Institute, Roae, neg. 61.631) ...... 473
101. Septiaius Severus, Munich,
Glyptotek, #357. (McCann, neg.
63.24) .......................... 474
102. Septiaius Severus, Guelaa, Musee
des Antiquitesj froa Khaaissa.
(Pachtere, Musee de Guelaa. pi.
VII, fig. 8 ) ................... 474
103. Septiaius Severus, Toulouse, Musee
Saint Raymond, #30,114. (Courtesy
of Mus&e Saint Raymond) .......... 474
 431
Illustration Page
104. Septimius Severus, Paris, Louvre,
#1118. (Archives Photographiques,
5.1490.028.AE.1) ................. 474
105. Septimius Severus, Boston, Museum
of Fine Arts, 60.928. (Courtesy of
Museum of Fine Arts) ........ 475
106. Septimius Severus, Hamburg, Museum
fur Kimst und Gewerbe, 1961.287.
(Kindness of Mr. M. Barsanti, Rome). 475
107. Septimius Severus, Paris, Musee des
Colonies, from Markouna. (Louvre,
#1119) (McCann, neg. 63.31) ...... 475
108. Septimius Severus, Tunis, Bardo
Museum C 73, from Chaoud-el
Batton. (McCann, neg. 63.14) ..... 4 75
109. Septimius Severus, Naples, Museo
Nazionale, #6086. (McCann, neg.
64.92) .......................... 476
110. Septimius Severus, aureus, A.D.
209, Rome. British Museum.
(Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 36,
#3) ............................. 476
111. Nerva, Rome, Museo Nazionale, #318.
(Gotze, "Ein neues Bildnis des
Nerva," loc. cit. , pi. 56F) ...... 477
112. Septimius Severus, Naples, Museo
Nazionale, #6086. (McCann, ney.
64.92) .......................... 477
113. Septimius Severus, As, A.D. 208,
Rome. British Museum. (Mattingly,
B.M.C.. V, pi. 52, #1) ........... 477
114. Unknown philosopher, II century
A.D. Rome, private collection of
Dr. J. B. Ward Perkins. (Mr. J.
Felbermeyer) .................... 477
115. Septimius Severus, Munich,
Glyptotek, #353. (McCann, neg.
63.23) ..................... 478
 432
Illustration Page
116. Septiaius Severus, Guelaa, Musee
des Antiqultes, froa Madauros.
(New York University, Institute
of Fine Arts neg. K 8844) ..... 478
117. Septiaius Severus, Roae, Museo
Torlonia, #572. (Visconti, Catalogue
of the Torlonia Museua. ol. CXLVII,
wsizr :. :~ . . 7. v . . . . ............... 478
118. Septiaius Severus, Sussex, Pet-
worth Collection, #76. (McCann,
neg. 63.57) ..................... 478
119. Septiaius Severus, bronze medal­
lion, A.D. 196-197. Copenhagen,
Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Nr. 3141 b.
(McCann, neg. 63.48) 479
120 . Caracalla, aureus with Septimius
and Julia on reverse, A.D. 2 0 1 .
British Museua. (Mattingly B.M.C. .
V, pi. 33, #8 ) ......... 479
121. Caracalla, sestertius, A.D 209.
British Museum. (Mattingly B.M.C. .
V, pi. 56, #12) ........ 480
122. Caracalla, sestertius, A.D 210.
British Museua. (Mattingly B.M.C..
V, pi. 58, #5) ......... 480
123. Geta, sestertius, A.D. 198 -2 0 0 .
British Museua. (Mattingly B.M.C. .
V, pi. 48, #1) ......... 480

124. Geta, sestertius, A.D. 203 British

Museua. (Mattingly, B.M.C. V, pi.
^SO.
7 *4)
M ' ................
. . . p . - . . . . - . . . . . . . . . . . . - - . - - 481
125. Geta, denarius, A.D. 209. British
Museum. (Mattingly, B.M.C. V,
pi. 42, #14) ........... 481
126. Geta, sestertius, A.D. 210 British
Museua. (Mattingly. B.M.C. V, pi.
59, #3) ................ 481
127. Septiaius Severus, aureus, Rome,
A.D* 193. British Museua.
(Mattingly, B.M.C. . V, pi. 6 , #1) 482
 433
Illustration Page
128* Septiaius Severus, aureus, Ernesa
(?), A.D. 193. British Museua.
(Mattingly, B.M.C., V, pi. 15,
#8) ............................ 482
129. Septiaius Severus, sestertius, Roae,
A.D. 194. British Museum. (Matting­
ly, B.M.C. . V, pi.22, #3) ..... 482
130. Septiaius Severus, sestertius,
Perperene (Mysia), A.D. 193-202.
British Museua. (Wroth, Catalogue
of the Greek Coins of Mysia. pi.
XXXIV, #4) ......................483
131. Herakles. Boston, Museum of Fine
Arts. (Brunn and Bruckmann,
Denkmaler. pi. 735) ..... .........483
132. Head of Herakles from statue, Rome,
Vatican. (Brunn and Bruckmann,
Denkmaler. #609, figs. 2, 3) ...... 483

\
ILLUSTRATIONS
 1.
Septiaius Severus, bronse medallion, A.D. 194.
Copenhagen, NY Carlsberg Glyptotek, Hr. 3141,a.
( McCann, neg. 63.48.)

Clodius Albinus, bronse

medallion, A.D. 194-195.
Copenhagen, NY Carlsberg
Glyptotek,Nr. 3141,b.
(McCann, neg. 63.48.)
 436

4.
Antoninus Pius, bronze
medallion, A.D. 138*161.
Berlin. (Gnecchi. I Med-
aglloni Romani, II,pi.$1,2.)
J *

Septiaius Severus, bronse

medallion, A.D.194. Gnecchi
Collection. ( Gnecchi, I
Medaglioni Romani. II,pT.92,8.)

Clodius Albinus, bronse 'Perfc'ihhx, ‘aureus, A.D.193-194.

nedallion, A.D. 194-195.
Paris. (Gnecchi, X Med- Paris,Rr. 275. ( Cabinet des
Medailles, neg. A 1116.)
aglionl Romani. II, , .
pl. 92,2.)
 7.
Septimius Severus, bronse nedallion, A.D,194-195.
Berlin,Staatliche Museen. ( Staatliche Museen,Hr.97.)

8.
Septimius Severus, bronse nedallion, A.D.195.
Paris, Nr. 282. ( Cabinet des Medailles, neg.
B 12983.)
 9.
Septimius Severus, aureus, A.D. 197,
British Museum, (Mattingly, B.M.C..V.
pi.10, #19.)

. A.' W

Septimius Severus, bronse medallion,

A.D.200-201, Zagreb. ( Toynbee, Roman
Medallions, pi. XVII,7.)

Septimius Severus, bronse medallion,

A.D. 202. Paris. (Gnecchi, I Medaslioni
Romani, pi.152,6.)
 439

•12.
Septiaius Severus, bronse coin, A.D. 201-210. Paris.(Cabinet
des Medailles, neg. B 12784.)

I 13.
Septiaius Severus, silver aedsllion, A.D.207.
Paris. (Gneochi, I Msdajtlloni Boaani. I,pi.22,2.)

14.
Septiaius Severus, bronse aedalllon. A.D.208.
Paris. ( Gnecchi, I Medaglioni Boaani, II,
pi.94,1.)
 15.
Septimlus Severun, denarius. A.D. 208.
British Museum. ( Mattingly, B.M.C..V.pl.36.#18.)

Septimlus Sererue, bronse medallion, A.D. 211.

formerly Baohofen Collection, Vienna. ( Voetter,
Romleche Munssn und Medaillons. pi. 34, #1607.)

17.
Fertinax, sestertius, A.M. 193. British
Museum, ( Mattingly, B.M.C., V, pi. 2,#7.)
 441

18.
Ssptlaius Sevsrus, sestertius, A.D. 202-210.
British Hiss u b . (Mattingly, B.M.C.. V,pl. 49,#1.)

19.
Ssptiaius Sevsrus, "Wtus" oelns, A.D.211.
British Mussub. ( Mattingly, B.M.C.. T, pi. 65,
#15-18.)

20.
SsptlBius Ssvsrus, "Divus" bronss asdallion,
A.D. 211. Boston, Bins Arts Htseua. ( Verasule,
Roman Msdelllona. pi. 5, #47.)
 442

21 .
Septimiue Sevam* and family, oameo, Paris, Bibllothioue
Nationals,#300. ( Cabinet dee Midaillee, neg. B 1347.;

22 .
Septimiue Severus and family,
camelian rings tone, New York,
Metropolitan Museum. (Richter,
Catalogue of Bigraved Gems,
#497, p i. T T .f

Septimiue Severus and sons, oameo,

Paris, Biblioth&que Nationals,#301.
( Cabinet dee Medailles, neg. 63A12678.)
 443

24.
Septimlus Severus, detail from painted wooden tondo, Berlin,
Staatliche Mueeen. ( Staatliehe Mueeen, lnv. 31*329.)
 25.
Septiniua Severus, detail fro* relief eeene, "Dextrarua
-lunctio", arch at lepils Magna. ( Archaeological Museua,
Tripoli, neg. C.L.M.290)
 445

26.
Septimius Severoa, Horaolea, Caraealla, detail from oaorlfioo
aoene, arch at Laptia Magna. ( Archaeological Moaaum, Tripoli,
neg. G.l.M. 276.)
 446

27.
Soptlalua Sartrua, detail from Triumphal Prooaaaion, aroh
at Laptla Magna, ( Arehaeologioal Moaeua, Tripoli, C.L.M.
294.)
 28.
Karova Avraliva, iatail fra* rallaf,
aaorlfioa aoana, Si m , Pal. 4. Coaaarvatorl.
( Vagnar, "Dla Harraohart>114alsat In antonin-
laohar fait”, pi. 28.)

, 29.
Karova Anrallua Roaa, Kaaao Ifaaionale,
#688. ( Vagnar, " H a Barrsoharblldnlaaa
in antonlnlaohan Sait? pi. 29.)
 30.
Septlaiue SeveruB, detail froa relief, saorlfloe aoene,
aroh at Leptia Magna. ( Arohaeologioal Hubbub , Tripoli,
C.L.M. 288).
 449

31.
Soptlalua Sororua aa Jupltar, laptla Xa«na. ( irchaaoloxloal
Muaoua, Tripoli, C.L.M. 524.)
 32.
Capltolino Triad, arch at Lectio Magna. ( Archaeological
Muoeua, Tripoli, O.L.M. 265.)
 33.
Septiaiuo S«T»roB, detail ffoa aaorifioa
aoana, Ro m , Aroh of tha Argantarll.
( Haynaa and Hirat, Porta Araantarionf.
fig. 6.)

34.
Saorifioa aoene, rollof froa thaatre
.)
at Sabratha. ( Caputo, II tastro
dl Sabratha. pi. 40, fig.71
 452

35.
tJnkown man, auacua, Culture Park, Isalr, Hr. 1200.
( I. Roaanb&ua, nag. 171.75.)
 454

37.
Septimiue Severus,British Museum,
#1944- ( British Museum neg.
LXXIV C 50.)
Septimiue Severus, den­
arius, A.D. 195-196.
Laodicea ad Mare (?).
British Museum. ( Matt­
ingly, Num. Chr., 1932,
piT-mr, #n)

39.
Septimiue Severus, formerly
on Cairo art market. ( ttrain-
dor. Busies et st.atues— portraits
d * ^/rypt rom ain e. pJ . XVI I . )
 455

Septialua Sararua, Loa Ang-

alaa, private collection.
{ Kindneaa of Mr. M. Bar-
S apt iaius S eYerua, oBeaeV .IalT.rBaaathi. aanti, Roae.)
( McCann, neg. 63.68.)

43.
Septimlus Severus, Bres­
cia, Museo Civico.
(Poulsen, PortratBtudien
42. in NorditalleniBChen
Septimius Severus, Rome, Pal. Braschi. Provinzmuaeen, p i . 7XXI,
( N'cOnnn, neg. 63.68.)
fig. 51.)
 44.
Septimiue Severus, Los Angeles,
private collection. (Kindness
of Mr. M. Bareanti, Rome.)

46. Heracles, Tripoli,

Archaeological Museum, #476.
( Archaeological Museum,neg.
D.I..14. 56.)
 47.
Clodiue Albinus, Rone, Museo
Capitolino. (Anderson, #1624.) 48.
Clodius Albinus, Rone, Museo Cap­
itolino. ( MoCann neg. 63.67.)

i
iy

49.
Clodius Albinue, Bloomington,
Indiana University Art Museum.
(McCann neg. 64.95.) 50.
ClodiuB Albinus, Bloomington.
Indiana Utniveraity Art Museum.
(McCann neg. 64.95.)
 458

51.
Clodius Albinus, Sussex, Petworth Collection,
//37. ( McCann neg, 63.57.)

: . C lodiur. A l b i n u n ,
rj d , P r a d o M u s e u m .
( Plsrico, M u s e o del P r n d o .
r:' ^,''!o»'o d o i ■> '•’s c u l t u r a ,
;xv. //1b7— )
 53.
Septimlus Severus, Dresden, 54.
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen. Septimlus Severub, Bedfordshire,
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Woburn Abbey. German Archaeol­
i393.) ogical Institute, Rome, neg.
62.150 .)

■HP' "

55.
Antoninus Pius, Rome, ^useo Nazionale, ^718.
( Wegner, Die Herrscherbildnisse in antoninisCher
Zeit, op. c i t ., pl\ 3.
 56.
Septinius Severus. Rone, Pal.
d. Conservator!. ( Jones, 57. Beptinius SeveiiAs, Tivoli* Had­
Pal. d. Conservator!.. 91* 9o. rian's Villa, nuseun, #527. ( McCann
#109.) T.fca* neg. 64*00.0

■1
IHr
1

I
Antoninus Pius, Madrid, Prado 59.-
Septimiue Severus, bronee,
Museum. ( Prado Museum neg. #838. British Museum. (McCann
3927.) neg. 63.50.)
 60.
Antoninus Pius, Ross, Mu* so
Palatino. ( Wsgnsr, Pis Hsrr-
echerbildniBSs in antonlnisonsr
61 .
8sp$inius Ssrsrus, Vsnios, Hus*
ZgjAr Bfei sit., Pi. 8.) so Aroheologioo, #54. ( Museo

Septinius Severus, Tripoli, Krob«*

aeologld*lntfius#4M£ .#45f’
jo(oArohks-
oldgioal Muagummsgi* .Dll)29. )1239)

Septimlus Severus, Ostia, museum,

#29. ( Gabinetto Fotogra;fico Naz-
ionale, Rome, neg. P 5723.)
 64.
Septimiue Severus, Istanbul, Archaeological Museum,
#46. ( Schede, Meisterwerke der Turklaohen Muaeen zu
Konstantinopal. 1. pi. 42. #507.)

65.
Antoninus Pius, Athens, 66.
National Museum, #3563.
( Wegner, Die HerraoherW 1: SeptimiUS;S»veruo, Rone. Pal.
Colonna. (MtiCann, neg. 63.76.
bildnisae Tn antoninlaoher
Zeit, op. cit., pi. 9.)
 463

68. Septimlus Severus,

denarius, A,D.197, Laod-
loea ad Mare (?). British
MUseum. ( Mattingly, B.M.C,
V, pi. 19, #18 .)

O fe
Head of bronze statue of Septimlus
Severus, ffloos la, Cyprus lfuseus.
( Cyprus Museum neg. C 985.)

69. Bronze statue of Septimlus

Severus, Nicosia, Cyprus Museum.
( Cyprus Museum neg. C 2938.)
 71. .
70. Mmsmus Aurelius, bronse
Septimlus Severus, oistmphoric medallion, A.B.159.Lon­
bphoric tetraOAAiut,i.Ai.I).12Bi~- don. ( Gneoohl, I M e d -
202, 'Aslan mint. British Mas s u b . yl^oni TTTpl-62 ,
( Mattingly, 9J(|£i|T,pXt fflj A < )

72. 73.
Septimlus Severus, Rome, Museo Septimlus Severus, Copenhagen,
Nasionale, #345. ( Mr. J. Felb- fT2Sarlpberg OlypPPtek, #721.
ermeyer.) ( ST Carlaberg Olyptotek, #721.)
 74.
Septiaius Sirirufi Boat, Bib-
llotfoa del Fontifioio Ateneo
Antoniano. ( Mr. J. Belberaeyer.)
Septlalaa 8erWds, Toulouae,
Moait Saint Raymond. ( XoCann
ne*. 63.38.)

76. 77.Mtrous AWellus, denarius,

Septiaius Severus, denarius, A.D. A.DOSl* Antiooh.flpAUeb
202, Antiooh. British Museua. Museua. f Wroth. Catalogue
( Wroth, Catalogue o f ^ e 0 ^ . Coins W tS^reeTcSiniTW ' SSlatla
h q— & y a t f f , & . ) _ . ----
 7b. 79.
Septlwiiua Severus, Mantua, Pal. Saptlaiua Savarua, Paria,Louvre,
Ducalo, #6732. (MoCann nag.63.16.) #1114. ( MoGann nag. 63.29.)

81.
Septimiun Severus, Paris, louvre, Septinius Severus, Paris, Louvre
# 1113. {McCann neg. 63.27.)
//111 r>. (McCann neg. 63.29.)
 467

82.
Septimlus Severus, Florence, Boboll
Gardens. (McCann neg. 63.62.)

83.
Septimlus Severus, Florence. Boboli
Gardens. (McCann neg. 63.62.)
 84*
Septimlus S i v e m , bron*e,Rome,
Vatican Musauv* (Mr* J* Pilbtniiyw*)
SeptimiuB Severus, bronze, Rome,
P a l , RoBpigliosi, (Mr. J. Pelber-
me yo r.)
85*
Septimlus Ssvsrus.bfcoiiBe,
R o b g » T&tioon Musaum*
(Mr. J. Fslbermeyer.)
Septimlus Severus, bronze,
Brussels, Musses royaux d'art
et d'histoire. (Tnstitut royal
du patrimoine artistique,
#9445 B.)

88.
Septimlus Severus, Copenhagen,
NY Carlsberg Grlyptotek, #722.
( NY CarlBberg Glyptotek, #722.)
90.
Sept. imius Severus, Paris, Louvre,
fill 17. (McCann neg. 63.27.)
469
89.
Septimlus Severus, Yorkshire,
Newby Hall. (McCann neg. 63.52.)
91.
SeptimiuB Severus, Sussex, Pet-
worth Collection,#36.(McCann
neg. 63.55.)
 470

92.
Septimlus Severus, Rome,Huseo
Torlonia, #136. (Visconti, Cat­
alogue of the Torlonia Museum.
pi. X!3U.v,jfi3b.;
93.
Septimlus Severus, Guelma,
XusAe dee Antiquites, from'
Khamissa. (Fachtire, Musee
de Guelma. pi. VII,fig. 7.)

Septimlus Severus, Rome, Mueeo

Torlonis, #566. (Visconti, Cat­
alogue of the Torlonia Museum,
pi. CXDVI, *5^6.)
 96.
95. Septialua Sevarua, Mantua,
SeptinluB Severus, Paris, Iouttb Pal. Dueale, #12240.
#1120.(McCann neg. 63.31.) ( "Calaolari", Mantua.)

98.
SeptialuB Severus, Copenhagen,
97. NY Carlsberg Glyptotek, #723.
Septimiue Severus, Pome, private
c o l l e c t i o n o f Mr. L. Twombly.
( NY Carlsberg Glyptotek, #723.)
(r.'cCunn, nej?. 63,70.)
 99.
Septimlus Severus, Rome, Museo Capitolino, #51. ( Osoar
Savlo, Museo Capitolino, C 490.)
 473

100 .
Septimiun Severus, Tunis, Bardo Museum, from Chnoud-el-Batton.
r- 7 1 . ( German ArchaeoloRicS.1 Institute, Rome, nep. 6 1 .6 3 1 .)
 474

102 .
Saptlnlua Severus, Guelma,
101. Kua4e dea Antiquit(a, from
Septimlua Severua, Munioh. Khaalaaa. (Faohtlre,Jgttaaa
otek, #357. ( MoCann nag. •nu?>
63 da Qualna. pi. VII, rig. o.)

104.
103. . Septimlua Severus, Paris,
Septimiua Severua, Toulouae, Muaee Louvre, #1116. (AMhivea
Saint Raymond, #30.114. ( Courtaay Photograptaiquas, 5,.1490.028,
of MuBee Saint Raymond.) AB.1.1
 105.
Septimlus Severus, Boston, “"un-
Museum of fine Arts, 60.928.
( Courtesy of Museua of Fine 106.
Arts.) Septiaius Severus, Hamburg, Museum
fur Kunst und Bewerbe,1961.287.
{ .Kindness of Hr. M. Barsanti,

107.
Septimlus Severus,Paris, Mus6e des
(JoloneeB, from Markouna. (Louvre,
//I I I9) (McCann neg. 63.31.)
108.
Septimlus governs, Tunis,
Bardo Museum C 73, from
Chaoud-el-Batton. (McCann
neg. 63.14.)
 476

109.
Septimlua Saverua, lfapl*a, Ifuaao National*, #6086.
' "
( *
MoCann '*.92.)
n##r. 64.

■
1
■
110.
Septimlua Severua, aureus, A.D.209,Rome.
British Museum. ( Mattingly,
Pi. 36,#!.) -----
 I
ill.
N s m f Bou, Hu m o B u i M « l » t
#318. < Qotse, " H n m u n Bild-
nls dee Narva."op. olt.. pi.56F. ) ao Naslenale, #6086*(MoCann nag.
113.
Septimlua Severus, As, A.D.208,
Rome. British Museum. (Mattingly,
B.M.C.,Vtpl* 52', #1.)
118.
Septimlua Bevarua. Haploa, Mua-
64.-92.)
114.
V n k n M i ’^ilvavyhtr, II oentury
A.D. Roma, private oolleotion
of. Dr. J.B. Ward Perkins.
( Mr. J . Tfliieraeyer.)

115.
Septimlua Sararma, Manleh, OlTutotek,
( MoCann mac. 61.23.)
Septialua Serena» Roma, Muaao
Torlonia, #572. ( Vieoontl,
Catalogue of tha Torlonia
Kuaeua? pi. ci-LVll, #575.)
116. ,
Septimlua Serene, Ouelma,
Maaee tea Anti%uit4e, fro*
MaUmros. ( Hot Jerk Ifair-
eraltj,nIj|atI.t61'*;of Flna
Arte mac. K 884(.)
118.
Septimlua Serena, Suaaez, Pet*
worth Collection, #76. (MoCann
neg. 63.57.)
 119.
Septinius Severus, bronse Medallion,
•A.D. 196-197. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg
Glyptotek, Nr. 3141,b. ( MoCann neg.
63.48).

Caraoalla, aureus with Septlulus and Julia

on reverse, A.D. 201. British Museum.
( Mattingly, B.M.C.,V, pi. 33,#8).
 121.
Caraoalla, sestertius, A.D. 209. British
Museua. ( Mattingly, B.M.C..V. pi.56,#12).

122.
Caraealla, sestertius, A.D. 210. British
Museua. ( Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 58, #5)

123.
Geta, sestertius, A.D. 198-200. British
Museua. ( Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi. 48,#1).
 124.
Geta, sestertius, A.D. 203. British
Museum. ( Mattingly, B.M.C.. V, pi.
50,#4).

125.
Geta, denarius, A.D. 209. British
Museua. ( Mattingly, B.M.C.,V,pi.42.#14).

Geta, sestertius, A.D.210. British Museum.

(Mattingly, B.M.C.,V, pi. 59,ff3).
 482

127.
Septimius Severus, aureus, Rome, A.D.193.
British Museum. ( Mattingly, B.M.C.. V.pi.6,#I).

Septimius Severus, aureus, Emesa (?),

A.D. 193. British Museum. ( Mattingly,
B.M.C.,V.pi.15.#8).

- 129.
Septimius Severus, sestertius, Rome,
A.D.194. British Museum. ( Mattingly,
B.M.C.,V,pl. 22, #3).
 130.
Septimius Severus, sestertius, Perperene,
(MyBia), A.D. 193-202. British Museum.
( Wroth. Catalogue of the Greek Coins £f
Mysia, Pl 7 T t m V n ? 4 T 7

I3i.
Herakles. Boston, **useum of *ine Arts.
( Brunn and Bruckmann, Denkmaler, pi. 735).

132.
Head of Herakles from statue, Home, Vatican
( Brunn and Bruckmann, Denkmaler. #609,figs
2,3).
 VITA
Name: Miss Anna Marguerite McCann
Permanent Address: 320 Grace Church Street
Rye, New York
Date of Birth: May 11, 1933
Degrees; B.A. Wellesley College, 1954
M.A. Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 1957
Ph.D. Indiana Universityv June, 1965
Areas of Major Specialization: Classical Art and Archaeology.
Minor areas of specialization in the History of Art:
Modern Painting and Renaissance Art. Minor area
of specialization outside the field of the History
of Art: Ancient Greek Literature.
Thesis Topics and Special Studies: M.A. Thesis; "The
Influence of Greek Statuary Upon Roman Historical
Relief” (directed by the late Dr. Karl Lehmann,
New York University).
Ph.D. Thesis: "The Portraits of Septimius Severus"
(under the direction of Prof. Diether Thimme,
Indiana University).
Paper given at the Mid-Western College Art Associa­
tion Meetings; November, 1962: "A Portrait of Marcus
Aurelius in the Indiana University Art Museum."
Teaching Experience: Instructor in the Department of
Art History, Swarthmore College, 1957-1959.
Courses taught in Classical Art, Renaissance Art
and an honor's seminar in Renaissance Painting.
Instructor at Barnard College in Physical Educa­
tion, 1959-1961 (tennis and swimming).
Academic Honors: Honors, Department of Art, Wellesley
College, 1954. Phi Beta Kappa, Wellesley College,
1954. «
Scholarships: Fulbright Scholarship to the American
School of Classical Studies, Athens, Greece, 1954-
1955. Tuition fellowship: New York University,
1955—1956. Travel Grant: Columbia University,
1961. Dissertation Year Grant: Indiana University,
1963-1964. Graduate Fellowship: Indiana University,
1963-1964. Rome Prize Fellowship in Classical
Studies, American Academy, Rome, 1964-1965.
Other Education: Graduate work at Bryn Mawr College,
l££7-15^8 with Prof. Joseph Sloane, and at
Columbia University, 1959-1961 with Prof. Otto
Brendel and Prof. Rudolph Wittkower. Excavational
experience with the University of Chicago and
Indiana University at Kenchreai, Greece, summer,
1963.