c
 c



     
   

  
This paper examines the social and theological declarations of identity the church made in its foundation in

the Roman East, and compares this expression of identity with those adopted by groups of citizens within the

empire ² particularly the collegia, other religious expression, schools of philosophy, diasporan synagogues,

and the household .

It concludes that the Christian c hurch was a novelty ² a new entity being shaped by the first converts to

Christianity ² and suggests that while this shape inevitably had cultural similarities to other first century

structures the rationale for adopting certain practices was distinct and purposeful.
=  
  
ïirst century identity was synonymous with first century citizenship. A first century Roman citizen expressed

identity through worship of the emperor, faithful obedience to the law, and in the context of their position in

the household.

By contrast, first century Christians were citizens of the kingdom of God, which was expressed through the

worship of the Lord Jesus, faithful obedience to God·s word, and in the context of their position in a new

family ² the church. It is fitting gatherings occured in houses as an expression of this new citizenship ² and

new identity.

The early church met in a context and manner that declared they were the family of God ² and citizens of his

kingdom.

Sociologists argue that the church did not emerge from a vacuum , that it borrowed elements from pre-

existing structures.1 A sociological understanding of the church is only useful alongside a theological

understanding . The church was a new entity ² and its expressions of community distanced it from traditions

of worshipping in temples.

We will explore the nature of identity in the first century Roman East, considering location, social structures,

and dining practices . Concluding that while church gatherings shared elements with other gatherings, these

similarities were common to all gatherings of people, and that the church was theologically unique .

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
1
ïor example ² Kyrtatas, D.J, ¶Modes and Relations of Production·, Handbook of Early Christianity: Social sciences
approaches, Edited by Blasi, A.J, Duhaime, J, and Turcotte, P-A, (Walnut Creek:AltaMira Press) 2002, pg 529 - ´Like
other religions, Christianity is a historical product: it was founded at a particular time and developed within the limits of
existing social conditions.µ
-     

Identity in first century Rome was expressed through citizenship, status and rank.2 Status was established by

birthright, and wealth. Rank by civic role, connections with the empire, cultural sophistication (1 Corinthians

1:26),3 or through membership of a household, or voluntary associations.4 Honour was the ultimate reward ²

Cicero claimed it was the only credible form of immortality. 5

By contrast, Christians were not to find their identity in rank, status or honour - but in rebirth into the family

of God, and their new citizenship in the kingdom of God (Ephesians 2:19 -20, Phillipians 3:19-20).

      
ïirst century houses were a blend of public and private space, 6 they were business hubs, and base s for

schools of philosophy 7 and associations. 8 Houses were architecturally suitable for gatherings.9

The church began meeting in homes whilst a legal subset of Judaism. Coded interior decorations 10 suggest

homes were sanctuaries from persecution ² this was a later development. Early church gatherings were

public (1 Corinthians 14:23) . Gallio·s judgment (Acts 18:12-17) meant Christianity was initially legal.11 Judaism

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
2
Judge, E.A, ¶The Appeal to Convention in Paul, The New Testament in its ïirst Century Setting ² Essays on Context·, pg
187 ² ´Rank must be accepted as an obligation. But status avoids responsibility and takes advantage of wealth or
educationµ
3
Witherington III, Conflict and Community in Corinth, A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians, 1995, pg
23
4
Onno M. Van Nijf, The Civic World of Professional Associations in the Roman East, 1997, J.C Gieben Publisher,
Amsterdam, pg 188
5
Judge, E.A, ¶The Appeal to Convention in Paul,· The New Testament in its ïirst Century Setting ² Essays on Context and
Background in honour of BW Winter on his 65th Birthday, (Michigan: Wm. B Eerdmans), 2004, pg 187
6
Balch, D.L, 2004, Rich Pompeiian Houses, Shops for Rent, and the Huge Apartment Building in Herculaneum as Typical
Spaces for Pauline House Churches, pp 38-39
7
Neyrey, J.H, 2003, 'Teaching You in Public and from House to Houseµ (Acts 20.20): Unpacking a Cultural Stereotype,
Journal for the Study of the New Testament, pg 70
8
Witherington III, B, 1995, Conflict and Community in Corinth, A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians, pg
31
9
Neyrey, op. cit, Pg 80
10
Green, M, ¶Evangelism in the Early Church·, pp 330-331 describes the interior decorating practices of Christians ²
including the subtle differences between the a Christian orante and pagan orantes² a difference that would have been
noticeable to Christian visitors to a home, and the installation of mosaics featuring Christian themes.
11
Winter, B.W After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change, (Cambridge:W.M. B. Eerdmans)
2001, p 135
had seemingly enjoyed imperial imprimatur since Julius Caesar. 12 Gallio·s judgment allowed the church to

meet weekly13 ² collegia were prohibited from meeting more than monthly. 14

Public space, like the Hall of Tyrannus (Acts 19:9) 15 was available . Both Rome and Corinth had multiple

congregations (Romans 16; 1 Corinthians 14:23), apparently capable of meeting in one location (1 Corinthians

14:23). Meeting in houses was a spatial and theological distinction from other religions,16 a different

understanding of sacred space, and ´temple.µ17

Houses provided believers with a platform to testify to an ´alternative social order where the traditional

roles of society were reversed.µ= 

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
12
The actual nature of this declaration or the idea that Judaism was a ´religio licitaµ is in some dispute. Caesar most
certainly provided some freedom for Jews to practice their religion within the empire ² but this may not have had the
effect of freeing them for all time. cf Rajak, T, ¶Was there a Roman Charter for the Jews?·, The Journal of Roman
Studies, Vol 74 (1984) pp 107-123, which suggests (p 107) that the phrase ´religio licitaµ to describe Judaism was first
recorded by Tertullian, that they only required ´public backing, with muscle behind itµ rather than a charter to establish
these rights, and that it was not the nature of the polis to exclude citizens from the practice of customary activities.
See also ² Pucci Ben Zeev, M, ¶Jewish Rights in the Roman World ² The Greek and Roman Documents quoted by
Josephus ïlavius·, 1998, Mohr Siebek, pg 412 ²the treatment of Jews throughout the empire after Caesar·s death
suggests this declaration was not all encompassing precedent, while Rutgers, L.V, ¶Roman Policy Towards Jews·,
Judaism and Christianity in ïirst Century Rome edited by Donfried, K.P and Richardson, P, pp 93-116 suggests that
Jewish status under Roman law varied greatly from Emperor to Emperor ² and that there was no charter or official
policy regarding the Jews.
13
Winter, B.W, ¶Gallio·s Ruling On The Legal Status Of Early Christianity (Acts 18:14 -15),· Tyndale Bulletin 50.2 (1999), pg
217
14
Cotter, W. ¶The Collegia and Roman Law: State restrictions on voluntary associations·, Voluntary Associations in the
Graeco-Roman World edited by J.S. Kloppenborg J.S and Wilson S.G (London: Routledge, 1996), ch. 5.
15
Incidentally, Malherbe, A.J, Social Aspects of Early Christianity, 2 nd edition. (Michigan: ïortress Press), 1983 pp 89-90
suggests that this Hall may have been an association hall named after a patron.
16
At this point a distinction should be made between superstitio and religio ² the former was privately practiced belief
of a religious nature, while the latter was an officially sanctioned activity that citizens were compelled to take part in ²
the civic religions and Imperial cult ² cf Green, M, ¶Evangelism in the Early Church·, pp 57-59
17
McCready, op. cit, 1996, ´Ekklùsia as assembled believers in Christ was the true temple of God, and assembly places
were intentionally of a secular nature. Regular homes were the authentic norm of Christian assembly places.µ
18
Loubser, J.A, ¶Wealth, House Churches and Rome Luke's Ideological Perspective,· Journal Of Theology For Southern
Africa, no 89 D 1994, p 59-69
Î
    !  ""# "$  %& " "
 '%  

 
Latourette (1971) suggests voluntary associations, schools of philosophy, the synagogue, pagan religions , the

household, and the family, influenced the church. 19 We will not consider ´burial clubsµ ² which were a ´legal

fiction.µ20

Each of these groups featured a religious element,21 including the household.22 Houses included shrines, with

the head of the household leading the household cult.23 The spiritual aspect divided into two classes ² religio

and superstitio .24

Î=( 
   

Voluntary associations based on shared profession, cult, or residence, 25 were a cultural institution in the

Roman Empire,26 with economic, religious and social aspects that helped individuals find a corporate

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
19
Latourette, K.S, A History of The Expansion of Christianity ² The ïirst ïive Centuries, The Paternoster Press, 1971, pg
329
20
Kloppenborg, ¶Collegia and Thiasoi: Issues in function, taxonomy, and membership,· Voluntary Associations in the
Graeco-Roman World edited by J.S. Kloppenborg J.S and Wilson S.G (London: Routledge, 1996), pg 20, argues that
groups specifically formed for the burial of members did not exist until the second century. ´In fact, even at that time
they were a "legal fiction," a way of gaining legal recognition to meet as a group while another purpose (usually social)
was the primary interest of the group. Nevertheless, many associations did include the proper burial of their members
as one of their benefitsµ
21
Osiek and Balch, 1997, ïamilies in the New Testament World ² Households and House Churches, Westminster John
Knox Press, pg 82
22
Judge, E.A. Social Distinctives of Christians in the ïirst Century, pg 27, also Judge E.A, The Household Community:
Oikonomia, The Social Patterns of The Christian Groups in the ïirst Century, pp 35-36, it was not uncommon for whole
households to change religion when the patron did ² as we see in the Acts 10 (Cornelius) and Acts 16 (Lydia and the
jailer).
23
Ibid, also Balch, D, 2004, pp 38-39
24
Green, M, ¶Evangelism in the Early Church·, (Michigan:Wm B Eerdmans) 2004, pp 57-59
25
Onno M. Van Nijf, The Civic World of Professional Associations in the Roman East, 1997, J.C Gieben Publisher,
Amsterdam, pg 243, Kloppenborg, J, Collegia And Thiasoi - Issues in function, taxonomy and membership, Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World, 1996,
26
Kloppenborg ,J.S, Collegia And Thiasoi - Issues in function, taxonomy and membership, 1996
´Voluntary associations³collegia in Latin, thiasoi, koina, orgeones, eranoi, and a variety of other terms in Greek³are
essentially phenomena of the Hellenistic period, of the urban centres and of the urban poor. Although the mention of
hieron orgeones and thiasotai in Solon·s laws indicates that associations were in existence in sixth-century Athens, it
was the age after Alexander that witnessed the striking proliferation of these associations. The evidence is widespread.
Inscriptions are extant from virtually every locale in the ancient world and from every period from the fourth century
BCE to the later Roman Empire. This suggests that voluntary associations represented a cultural institution integral to
Hellenistic and Roman society where they played a significant role in mediating various kinds of social exchange.µ
identity.27 They featured people gathering, organised as an extended family, for a purpose, such as athletics,

sacrificing to a god, eating a commo n meal, and socialising.28 They established a broadly acknowledged

´middlingµ social status for members ,29 their presence in the Roman East was widespread, 30 and that the

epigraphic practices gave them an element of public proclamation.31 Membership of an association was a

vehicle for improving the status of the lower class. 32 Slaves and women could join, and groups generally

formed around existing links. 33

Î== '&
The early church was a regular, public, and voluntary gathering, around a meal, by people with close ties to

one another. 34 It required adherents to meet a behavioural standard during formal proceedings. 35

These similarities lead some scholars to view the church as an association. Ascough (2000) suggests the

Thessalonian church was structured as a trade association , and that Paul·s epistle borrows the association·s

form of admonition.36 McCready (1996) argues the similarities were for the purpose of evangelism . 37

Harrison (1999) argues members of the Corinthian church assumed they were an association, and carried

over structures of patronage and stratification.38

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
27
ïerguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity, pg 144
28
McCready, 1996
29
Onno M. Van Nijf, The Civic World of Professional Associations in the Roman East, 1997, J.C Gieben Publisher,
Amsterdam, pg 188
30
Ibid, pg 244
31
Ibid, pg 245
32
Ibid, pg 246
33
Klauck, H & McNeil, B, The Religious Context of Early Christianity: A Guide to Graeco-Roman Religions, pg 47
34
McCready, op. cit 1996, pg 62. ïor a tabled comparison between the church and other first century voluntary
associations see Hellerman, J. The Ancient Church as ïamily, ïigure 1.1 Characteristics of Voluntary Associations, pg 6
35
Harrison, ¶Paul·s House Churches and the Cultic Associations·, The Reformed Theological Review, April 1999, Vol 58,
no 1, p 40
36
Ascough, R.S, ¶The Thessalonian Christian Community As A Professional Voluntary Association,· Journal Of Biblical
Literature, Sum 2000, Vol 19 no 2, pp 311-328 ² Ascough also raises the possibility the church was an existing
association that converted to Christianity after working with Paul.
37
McCready, op. cit 1996, pp 69-70
38
Harrison, ¶Paul·s House Churches and the Cultic Associations·, pp 45-46, see also McCready, 1996, pg 69
Î=-)'* 
Associations were geographically bound, socially homogenous and exclusive, while the church was universal ,

open to all, and actively sought new members .39 It was also educational, realigned temporal priorities from
40
the past to the future, realigned communal life, and focused on the divine gifting of each member.

Observers saw the church as an association. 41 Pliny and Celsus discussed it as such.42 Tertullian argued it

should be considered such ,43 but made the distinction that members treated one another with love .44

Î-&  $  %

A key distinction between a ssociations and the church was an element of moral instruction , which was the

sphere of schools of philosophy .45

Î-= '&
46
Schools of philosophy engaged in moral instruction, often in a politically subversive manner, and required a

form of conversion, 47 expressed through a ritual.

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
39
Hellerman, J. The Ancient Church as Family, Figure 1.1 Characteristics of Voluntary Associations, pg 6, and McCready,
op. cit 1996, pg 67 ´This tension between internal exclusivity and the deliberate attempt to engage the outsider likely
distinguished the ekklùsiai from voluntary associations.µ
40
Judge, E.A, ¶Did the Churches Compete with Cult Groups,· The first Christians in the Roman world: Augustan and New
Testament essays ed. By E. A. Judge, James R. Harrison, 2008, (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck) pg 606
41
Green, M, ¶Evangelism in the Early Church·, pg 54
42
Pliny the Younger, Letters 10.96-97 ´Even this, they affirmed, they had ceased to do after my edict by which, in
accordance with your instructions, I had forbidden political associations...µ, Celsus Origen, ¶Against Celsus,· said ´Above
all Christians are disloyal, and every church is an illicit collegium an insinuation deadly at any time, but especially so
under Marcus Aurelius. Why cannot Christians attach themselves to the great philosophic and political authorities of
the world?µ
43
Tertullian, Apology, 38.1, ´Ought not Christians, therefore, to receive not merely a somewhat milder treatment, but to
have a place among the law-tolerated societies, seeing they are not chargeable with anysuch crimes as are commonly
dreaded from societies of the illicit class? For, unless I mistake the matter, the prevention of such associations is
based on a prudential regard to public order, that the state may not be divided into parties, which would naturally lead
to disturbance...µ
44
Harrison, ¶Paul·s House Churches and the Cultic Associations·, pg 31
45
Ferguson, pg 71
46
This led Tertullian to highlight the empire·s hypocrisy in punishing Christians, Ad Nationes 1.4, on the philosophers:
´They howl against your customs, rites, cults, and ceremonies openly, publicly, and with every kind of bitter speech,
some of them flaunting their freedom unpunished against the very emperors.µ
47
Mason, S, 1996, Philosophiai: Graeco-Roman, Judean and Christian, Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman
World
Judge (1960) argues that the Pauline mission followed rhetorical models and planted scholastic communities

² following the Rabbinic model of Jesus .48 Mason (1996) argues that by the second century the Christian

movement framed itself as a school of philosop hy ² and that the early evangelistic movement took the form

of philosophical apologetics. 49

Î--)'* 
Paul actively discouraged this paradigm . He was careful not to speak like a philosopher in the presence of the

Corinthians - who were naturally inclined to look for sophisticated teaching and rhetoric (1 Corinthians 3-4, 2

Corinthians 11-12). Though he was comfortable drawing a comparison between Christianity and other

philosophies while in Athens (Acts 17).

Paul·s statement that he ´shamedµ the Corinthians by refusing their support (2 Corinthians 11-12) is evidence

that he rejected the notion of philosophical patronage . Winter (1997) argues that Paul deliberately presented

as an anti-sophist.50

Î'& " "


The theological link between Diasporan Jews and Christians has led to comparisons between church and

synagogue.

Î= '&
Both the church and synagogue met in homes, 51 featured ´familialµ relationships, moral instruction,

monotheistic worship , and an ide ntity separate to the Roman state. 52 The Jewish community also solved their

legal disputes internally ² a standard Paul applies to the church (1 Corinthians 6) .53

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
48
Judge, E.A, ¶The Early Christians as a Scholastic Community·, Journal of Religious History 1 (1960), pp 5-15
49
Mason, S, 1996, Philosophiai: Graeco-Roman, Judean and Christian
50
Winter, B, Philo and Paul Amongst the Sophists, Cambridge University Press, 1997, especially pp 147-170
51
Meeks, W.A, The First Urban Christians. The Social World of the Apostle Paul. London: Yale University Press, 2003, pg
80
52
Hellerman, J. The Ancient Church as Family, Figure 1.1 Characteristics of Voluntary Associations, pg 6
53
Meeks, op. cit, 1983, pg 80
Î-)'* 
While Paul consistently started his missionary visits in the synagogue (Acts 13:5, 14:1, 17:2, 17:10, 18:4, 18:19,

18:26) he did not encourage converts to join , or stay in, the synagogue ² but the church.

The Greek term for a Jewish community ( ƒ
) is only used once (James 2:2) to describe the church .

The New Testament writers purposefully did not draw what was a natural parallel .54 Winter (1992) argues that

Paul described the church as an ´ekklesiaµ rather than ´synagogueµ to avoid this comparison. 55

Judge (2009) argues that Rome did not consider either the church or Jewish Synagogue to be associations,

and neither did they conflate them,56 despite Gallio·s judgment that any differences were an internal matter .57

He concludes that the church eventually clashed with Rome because: ´The Christians seemed to be treating

themselves as a new nation within and against their own .µ This was in contrast to Isra el - a people group
58
respectfully maintaining national identity.

ÎÎ$" " 
'%
 '%) % +" ,
The predominant setting for religious expression was in temples. Dining and worshiping in temple s was a

declaration of allegiance, and thus a statement of identity.

ÎÎ= -" ." / 
 0
%.
%   /

Worship of the Roman sanctio ned Gods included gathering around certain rituals fellowship meals and

initiation processes within the confines of a temple . Cultic religions featured similar elements, without the

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
54
Banks, R.J, Church as Household Gathering, Paul·s Idea of Community ² The Early House Churches in Their Cultural
Setting, 1994, pg 29
55
Winter, B.W, The Problem with ´Churchµ for the Early Church·, in D. Peterson and J. Pryor, eds., In the Fullness of
Time. Biblical Studies in Honour of Archbishop Donald Robinson, ch. 13. (Homebush West: Azea Publishers) 1992, pg 207
56
E.A Judge, ¶Synagogue and Church in the Roman Empire,· The Reformed Theological Review, April, vol. 68, no 1, 2009,
pg 29
57
Ibid, pg 34
58
Ibid, pg 44
tacit endorsement of the empire. Both focused on sacred space, statues of the Gods, sacrifice, feasting, and

the provision of burial rites. 59

ÎÎ-'%
 
Emperor worship was a required religio of Roman citizens, and only Judaism w as exempt.60 Winter (2001)

suggests that Christians in Corinth wrongly wanted to exercise their civic rights to dine and recline in pagan

temples (1 Corinthians 8:1-11:1).61

ÎÎ)'* 
Christian converts were to distance themselves from temples ² even if there was no truth behind the idols (1

Corinthians 8). Some scholars that the requirements for Gentiles (Acts 15) were instructions to steer clear of

idol temples. 62 This depends on establishing a link between sexual immorality and temple worship ² whilst

temple prostitution did not exist in first century Rome,63 this seems plausible on the basis of ´diningµ

practices addressed by Paul (1 Corinthians 6:12-20, 10:7). Pagan feasts in temples were likely to conform to

this model of behaviour. Rosner argues for a close association between sexual immorality and i dolatrous

worship. 64

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
59
Harrison, J.R, ¶Introduction,· The first Christians in the Roman world: Augustan and New Testament essays ed. By E. A.
Judge, James R. Harrison, 2008, (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck), pg 26
60
See 3.0, Christians came under this umbrella after Gallio·s decision. Also, Winter, B.W. ¶Gallio·s Ruling·, 1999 p 222 -
Roman converts to Judaism were also exempt from participating in the Imperial Cult as: ´Whether Jewish Christians or
Gentile Christians, Roman citizens, or provincials, they were all seen as ¶a party· operating under the Jewish umbrella.µ
61
Winter, After Paul Left Corinth, pp 93-96, Winter B.W, Seek the Welfare of the City: Christians as benefactors and
citizens, (Michigan:Wm B Eerdmans Publishing Company), 1994, pg 174 ² suggests a particular link between immorality
and dining at the Isthmian Games should guide our understanding of 1 Corinthians 8, and that these games were linked
to the Imperial Cult.
62
Witherington III, B, 1998, The Acts of the Apostles: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary Grand Rapids: Eerdmans
Publishing Co, pp 462-465, also Wilson, S.G, Luke and the Law, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1983, pg 94,
Rosner, B.S, Greed as Idolatry: the origin and meaning of a Pauline metaphor, (Michigan : Wm B Eerdmans Publishing
Company) 2007 pg 114.
63
Rosner, B.S, ¶Temple Prostitution in 1 Corinthians 6:12 -20· in Novum Testamentum, Vol. 40, ïasc. 4 (Oct., 1998), pp.
336-351
64
Rosner, B.S, Greed as Idolatry: the origin and meaning of a Pauline metaphor, (Michigan : Wm B Eerdmans Publishing
Company) 2007, pg 114.
Judge (2008) argues that the church did not line up with cult groups, but rather denounced them as

idolatrous, 65 and that they could not be mistaken for one because they were ´too intellectual,µ ´too socially

activist,µ and their remode ling of life put them at the opposite end of the spectrum. 66

He further argues that Paul consciously rejected the ´ religioµ label for Christianity .67

Temples had no place in the Christian schema ² this was a theological distinction between the church and r

r
› Ê Ê
 Ê Ê
 Ê
 Ê Ê 

Ê 
 ÊÊ
Ê
other religio.68  ÊÊÊ 

Ê 
Ê
Ê Ê  ÊÊ
 Ê

Î1'
  *     .;
/

In the 4 th century BC, Aristotle argued that the state was more important than the household , 69 but by the

first century AD, the state and household were considered equal.70 r

r
Ê
Ê
Ê

Î1= '
Household gatherings centred on a home, involved close relationships across demographics, involved

education and instruction and an element of religious worship.

Malherbe (1983) argues that h ouseholds, which included the owner·s family, servants, the servant·s families,

and business associates , were united by a loyalty that rivalled loyalty to the republic .71

Î1-)'* 
Paul does not use household language to describe the way Christians are to behave until his later writings .72

His instructions overturn the expected hierarchy of the social unit. Hosts, traditionally glorified as patrons,

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
65
Judge E.A, ¶Did the Churches Compete with Cult Groups,· 2008, pg 606
66
ibid, pg 609
67
ibid, pg 607
68
Winter, 1992, pg 208
69
Aristotle, Politics - Translated by C. D. C. Reeve, 1998, Hackett Publishing, pg 4, ´The city-state is also prior in nature
to the household and to each of us individually, since the whole is necessarily prior to the part. For if the whole body is
dead, there will no longer be a foot or a hand.µ
70
Banks, pg 7
71
Malherbe, A.J, Social Aspects of Early Christianity, 2 nd edition, (Michigan: Fortress Press), 1983, pg 69
72
And even then it is to use
  rather than

 ² see Winter, BW, After Paul Left Corinth, pp 205-211, see
Horrell, D.G, ¶
} To ”
}
 }: Social Transformation In Pauline Christianity,· Journal of Biblical
are to serve the group. Barriers of identity are broken down i nto a more perfect union as the children of God.

Paul uses the language of family ² removing status distinctions between members .73

Î2&   "     " 3

Meeks argues that in establishing the parameters of Christian relationships, Paul is influenced by these

structures in an ancillary, not constitutional, fashion.74 Concluding that these structures had some bearing on

the composition of the church ² but that none were the foundational influence,75 and it supplanted other

societies in the lives of converts .76

Each institution featured a system of honour through patronage. Christian gatherings were to reverse this,77

doing away with status (Galatians 3:28) , the first were last, and the last first (1 Corinthians 12:22) .

Judge (2009) argues the enmity between Rome and the early church was a result of their ´not following the

customs of their ancestors ,µ this established the church as a kingdom in opposition to Rome. 78

Concluding that the church emerged in a purely sociological manner gives it an identity crisis. It becomes a

gathering composed of an eclectic mix of practices, not a new and distinct institution. While church members

thought of themselves in this framework, Paul·s writing and teaching highlights distinctions .

A new gathering emerging in the first century could not create a completely novel structure. Lindsay (1907)

stated this in a most articulate manner: ´All the evidence laboriously accumulated to establish the similarity

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
þ
era
e, 2001, page 296
73
Ib d
74
Meeks, 1983, pg 84
75
Ib d, pg
76
Ib d, pp 104
77
W n
e, B.W, Af
e Pal þef
Co n
h, p 203
78
Jdge, E.A, 2009, pp 43-44
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79
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In the first century Roman East the most important unit of identity was the family. 80 If the household was

sacred, then the nuclear family was the holy of holies. Paul·s writing is littered with references to the church

as the family of God. 81 This terminology (  ) was used in other social contexts, 82 but Hellerman

(2001) argues such use was rare. 83 It was to be the defining theological and sociological paradigm of

Christian relationships.

84
Some scholars conflate the family and the household when assessing the social structure of the church. A

fitting understanding of the difference is analogous to the different meanings of
  and

.85

This familial understanding, and resocialisation, helped reconfigure relationships in the church, and

particularly shaped the identity of Gentile converts. 86

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
79
Lindsay, T.M, 1907, The Church and Ministry In the Early Centuries, pg 128
80
Osiek and Balch, 1997, Families in the New Testament World, pg 41
81
Meeks, 1983, pg 87, ´This appears sixty-five times in the undoubtedly authentic letters and seven times in 2
Thessalonians but not in Colossians, Ephesians or the pastoralsµ
82
Horrell, 2006, page 296, ´The term ó
‘ë e
s Heie eq a e
ë  ë
s

a s 
es "a ess 
i  i
eë" i
as a s se 
a s e a
s s ee
ee as se e
a a s a i  ie
ee
s sesë  s
 ë
 ie eiesë  eaesë
e  eies 
a ass a
ë a ee ie
ee a   a a  e 

 a y. I  e 

e
eqe
es
 

e eies 

e C s
a 
y as ó
‘ 
e NTë
s
 
a

 
e
a

e Heie B i e 

e ses
e
e  ë e ee ó
 
e þë
  s
  a
e 
Isae
es (eies 
a ex
e e    .µ See a s Meesë 1983ë  87 ² ´Te se 

a y
es
 e
e

eies as 
  aa  is a 
ass a
së a
 a y  Re a  aeas ee Ra
s
s 
ee Gee ass a
s.µ
83
He eaë  23
84
Os e a Ba ë  216
85
W 
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C 
ë 205-211
86
Ca ie ë W.Së Pa a
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C s
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yë (þ : T&T C a 2006ë 64-66
1c
 c
 


Anthropologists suggest identity is not declared in the meeting, but rather in the eating. This same case has

also been argued for identity in the Roman Empire. 87 Each group considered above featured an element of

shared dining . Meals established hierarchy and competition between, and within, social structures. Roma n
88
dining practices were predicated on competition for honour and status. Meals forged group and individual
89
identity. Groups would compare banqueting practices in order to assert their superiority.

The dining table is a practical illustration of identity . The volume of writings regarding dining practices within

the Christian family and other societies makes this a natural point of comparison. Braun (2007) argues that

the place, ritual, and ´mythµ surrounding Christian dining practices were ´ core mechanisms in the self

identifying efforts of early Christian associations in the urban centres of the Roman East. µ90

Shared meals communicate d codes of identity and social relationships, through celebrations of the status

quo (ceremonies), or as celebrations of transition (rituals) , and featured a religious rite attached. 91

Public banquets were a cultural institution and were distributed by elite individuals, and associations , these

expressed civic identity and reinforced social hierarchy , 92 and stratification during dining was carried into

association meetings.93 Hierarchy was recognised by the distribution of portions according to status. Pliny

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
87
Braun, W, ´Our Re  n C e s Us
 Mae a D s
n
nµ Pr eena n Mea s an S a Fra
n, I en

y an
In
era
n n
he An en
Me
erranean - Jews, Chr s
ans an O
hers ² Essays n Hnur f S
e hen G W sn e
e
by Zeba A C an Ph A Har an , 2007,  41
88
Ib , ae 47
89
S. Har an , ¶Banque
s f
he An
-Ass a
ns,· I en

y an In
era
n n
he An en
Me
erranean - Jews,
Chr s
ans an O
hers ² Essays n Hnur f S
e hen G W sn, e
e by C, Z.A an Har an , P.A, 2007, ae 74
90
Ib ,  42
91
Os e an Ba h, Fa es n
he New Tes
aen
Wr ,  45
92
Van N jf,  . 
, 156, 246
93
Dnahue, J.F, ¶Twar s a Ty  y f Ran Pub  Feas
nµ, Ran D n n a s e a ssue f Aer an Jurna f
Ph  y, e
e by G , B.K. an Dnahue, J.F, 2005, 104-105
the Younger shares an account of one such experience .94 It seems likely that wealthy Christians in Corinth

had been influenced by this practice. 95

Shared meals were the centre of Christian life, a method for caring for one another, and remembering the

death of Jesus.96 The familial nature of the gathering made importing this segregation inappropriate.
97
Distinguishing between rich and poor was destructive to this identity.

It was this issue that Paul addressed in Corinth, (1 Corinthians 11) following certain reports of the conduct of

the church.98 It seems the wealthy members of the church were dining luxuriously while the poor went

without. 99 This was unacceptable . The church was to share as family, rather than dine as if attending a

private dinner. 100

2 
 
Despite arguing that the church cannot be purely understood sociologically as a household, school of

philosophy, or voluntary association, we must conclude that it played a similar role in forging the identity, and

life, of believers.

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
94
Pliny the Younger, Letters 2.6, ´I ha ene to ie ining ith a an, though no artiular
rien o
his, hose elegant
eonoy, as he alle it, seee to e a sort o
stingy extraagane. The iest ishes ere in
ront o
hisel
an a
selet
e, an hea sra s o

oo ut ie
ore the rest o
the o any« One lot as inten e
or hisel
, an
or us,
another
or his lesser
rien s (all his
rien s are gra e , an the thir
or his an our
ree en.µ
95
Mur hy-O·Connor, J, ¶House Churhes an the Euharist·, Christianity at Corinth - the Quest
or the Pauline Churh
e ite iy A as, E an Horrell D.G, Cha ter 9, Osiek an Balh, o . it, 200
eatures a taile o arison o
hat e
kno o
Graeo-Roan ining raties an the ´Corinthian Euharisti Pot Lukµ.
96
Osiek an Balh, o . it, 200, 210-212
97
Lin say, T.M, 1907, The Churh an Ministry In the Early Centuries, g 51
98
Winter, B.W, A
ter Paul Le
t Corinth, 2001, 159-163
99
Iii , 142-150
100
Iii , 154-158, Shogren, G.S, ¶Is the King o Aiout Eating an Drinking or Isn·t It (Roans 14:17·, in Nou
Testaentu, Vol. 42, ïas. 3, July (2000, g 256 ´ïree o in the area o

oo issues is
ine, iut ore releant are
true righteousness,
ae, eae, joy an Christian irotherhoo , attitu es that oul ensure the eak a lae at the
taileµ
The church was a mo re perfect association gathering in love, without status distinction, and with concern for

one another as they ate together. Paul·s exhortation for the Corinthians to reject worldly wisdom for the sake

of Godly wisdom (1 Corinthians 1:18 - 2:13) anchors Ch ristianity within the realm of the schools of philosophy,

with Christ as the teacher to be followed, 101 and with Paul as the ´spiritual fatherµ who was to be ´imitatedµ (1

Corinthians 4:14-16) simply a member of the family, with no special honour (1 Corinthi ans 3:21-23). He also

frames the church as a reverse household with its leaders as servants of the body (1 Corinthians 4:1). The

similarities should not be underplayed , but the church replaced the function of these groups. Identity was no

longer found in philosophical schools, status seeking by association, or an earthly household.

Kinship is at the heart of Paul·s efforts to unite Jewish Christians with their gentile counterparts (Romans 9 -

11), it is the language the other apostles us e in the Jerusalem Council (Acts 15:1, 7-10, 23), 102 and Paul instructs

members of the church to think of one another as family (1 Timothy 5).

Christian identity does not come through being a child of the flesh, but rather through being a child of the

promise (Romans 9:6 -7). God, the father, has adopted members of the church into a new family as heirs of

this promise (Romans 8:15 -17, Galatians 3:29, 4:17, Ephesians 3:6, Titus 3:7, Revelation 21:7).

Christians were caught between two worlds, citizens of two kingdoms, called to renounce their social status,

their traditional identity, and their worship of the emperor in order to express their citizenship in God·s

kingdom with Jesus as Lord.

ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊ
101
Quite literally followed according to Winter, B.W, After Paul Left Corinth, pp 33-36,
102
deSilva, D.A, Honor, Patronage, Kinship & Purity: Unlocking New Testament Culture. (Illonis: IVP Academic Press),
2000, page 204
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  &


Pliny te Younger, Letters
Origen, ¶Against Celsus,·
Tertullian, Apology
Tertullian, Ad Nationes
Aristotle, Politics - Translated by C. D. C. Reeve, 1998, Hackett Publishing, pg 4,