THE LEGEND OF SARGON:

AN ANALYSIS OF THE HISTORICITY OF

SARGON OF AKKAD AND THE DEVELOPMENT
OF THE
SARGONIAN LEGENDS

A Master Thesis

by

John Denton, MA

December 2018

American Public University

Charles Town, WV

1
The author hereby grants the American Public University System the right to
display these contents for educational purposes.
The author assumes total responsibility for meeting the requirements set by United
States copyright law for the inclusion of any materials that are not the author’s creation
or in the public domain.

© Copyright 2018 by John William Denton

III

All rights
reserved.

2
DEDICATION

To my wife and my son who daily inspire me to be a better man.

 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank Dr. Melissa Ryckman for her dedication,

promptness, and guidance during the writing of my thesis. I would also like to thank

Dr. Leslie Kelly for helping to reignite my passion for ancient history.

I also wish to thank my friends Dr. Dayton Hartman, Luke Boone, Daniel

Tripp, and Ryan Joyner for their continued support during my thesis preparation and

completion. Having a mix of individuals who took an interest in my academic pursuits,

who shared in my love for Ancient Near East history, and who provided the occasional

friendly distraction from my work has made this process much more enjoyable.

My wife Meghan has been understanding and patient during the many late-

night study sessions and endless trips to the library. I thank her for her continued

support.

Finally, I would like to thank my parents for years of love and support.

Without them, I would not have been able to accomplish any of my goals.
 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS

THE LEGEND OF SARGON: AN ANALYSIS OF THE HISTORICITY OF

SARGON OF AKKAD AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SARGONIAN

LEGENDS

by

John Denton

American Public University System, December

2018

Charles Town, West Virginia

Dr. Melissa Ryckman, Thesis Professor

Sargon of Akkad created the first major empire in human history. While his

historicity is mostly accepted, little work has been done to better understand the details

of Sargon’s life and reign. The particulars of Sargon’s birth are debated as the evidence

that has survived seems to be comprised mostly of myth and legend. This thesis shows

that an examination of the Sargon Birth Legend and the other Sargonian texts reveals

specific literary elements that are frequently repeated in other stories from the ancient

world. It also demonstrates that, while Sargon is a historical figure, much of his story has

been mythologized by Ancient Near East literary developments. Specifically, this thesis
examines the connection between Sargon’s birth legend and the exposed infant motif

found in various accounts in ancient literature. An in-depth examination of the

similarities between Sargon and Moses’ birth legends will be carried out along with

a look at the connection between Sargon and the identity of the biblical Nimrod.
TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE
I. INTRODUCTION......……………………………………………………………...9

LITERATURE REVIEW………………………………………………………. . .14

METHODOLOGY.......…………………………………………………………... 22

Challenges………………………………………………………………………. ..22

Methods...……………………………………………………………………… ....24

II. ANALYSIS: THE SARGONIAN TEXTS....…………………………………. . . .27

The Cuneiform Tablets and Other Ancient Sources……………………………… 27

The Sargonian Birth Legend……………………………………………………... 39

Sargon’s Rise to Power…………………………………………………………… 49

Post-Sargonic Texts………………………………………………………… ........52

III. ANALYSIS: RELATED MOTIFS IN OTHER LITERATURE ...........................57

Literary Development...………………………………………………………. .....57

The Exposed Infant Motif………………………………………………………… 59

Warrior-King Archetype…..……………………………………………………… 61

Ancient Near East.………………………………………………………………... 62

Greco-Roman……………………………………………………………………... 73

Ancient Far East………………………………………………………………. .....76

European………………………………………………………………………….. 77

7
 Literary Connections…………………………………………………………. .....78

IV. CONCLUSIONS……………………………………………………………… ....79

FIGURES……………………………………………………………………… ...............87

BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………... 89
 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Arising from the relatively unknown Mesopotamian city of Akkad in the third

millennium BCE, the Sargonian dynasty would forever change the landscape of human

development. Uniting the city-states of Sumer and Mesopotamia, the Akkadian Empire formed

a hegemony that would stretch from modern day Iran to Syria with political and economic

influences reaching as far as the Mediterranean and modern-day Turkey. The dynasty of Akkad

would go on to heavily shape and influence the culture, language, and religion of the Ancient

Near East (hereafter abbreviated ANE). Linguistically the Akkadian language would go on to

supplant Sumerian as one of the world’s first commonly used languages as it spanned an entire

empire while also eventually parenting the spin-off dialects of Babylonian and Assyrian.

Politically the kings of Akkad were often regarded as the ideal monarchs with their influence on

ANE politics stretching well into the Assyrian and Babylonian eras.1

Having covered 97,000 square miles of the Ancient Near East at its peak, the Akkadian

Empire is often regarded by scholars as the first empire in human history. 2 Its founder, Sargon of

Akkad, quickly conquered and united the northern and southern cities of Mesopotamia creating

a stable Sumerian-Akkadian Empire in the late twenty fourth century BCE.3 Given the role that

Sargon played in ancient history, studying his rise to power and his subsequent rule is valuable

in

1. Joan Goodnick Westenholz, Legends of the Kings of Akkade: The Texts, (Winona Lake, IN, Eisenbrauns,
1996),
1.
2. Rein Taagepera, "Size and Duration of Empires: Growth-Decline Curves, 600 B.C. to 600 A.D," Social
Science History 3, no. 3/4 (1979): 115-38. doi:10.2307/1170959.
3. The precise dating of Sargon’s reign is somewhat problematic due to conflicting regnal years in
the various copies of the Sumerian King List. A reasonably accurate date can be calculated when taking into
consideration the accession of Ur-Nammu of the Third Ur Dynasty in 2112 BCE and the approximately 40
year Gutian interregnum following the fall of the Akkadian Empire—based on the Middle Chronology.
better understanding the political and cultural development of the ANE. The military

campaigns and conquests conducted by Sargon as he expanded the Akkadian Empire had an

important influence on the historical development of the ANE.

Rising from obscurity and self-described humble beginnings, Sargon usurped the rule of

the kings of Uruk and Kish, the latter of whom he served as cup-bearer. Even Sargon’s title,

Akkadian for “legitimate king,”4 possibly hints at early attempts of rewriting his history to

avoid accusations of treason against his rightful king. At the very beginning of his campaign for

power, one of Sargon’s key victories was against King Lugal-zage-si of the city of Uruk.

Sargon’s conquest of Uruk solidified his rule over the region and established his home city of

Akkad as the center of his newly formed empire. While Sargon and the Akkadian Empire have

left an indelible mark on human history, there is still a shroud of mystery that surrounds the

details of Sargon’s life. While we know that he served the king of Kish in an official capacity,

we have no knowledge as to how he gained his position. The details of Sargon’s birth itself are

complicated and even contradictory when the relevant texts are analyzed. One major hurdle to

the research efforts regarding the life of Sargon is that the location of the city of Akkad is still

unknown. Until the location of Akkad is confirmed, many details about the rise of Sargon and

his empire will remain uncertain.

Even though most historians accept the historicity of Sargon the Great, there are still

many questions regarding the validity of the claims made about his origins and

accomplishments. Distinguishing between the historical facts of Sargon’s rule and the legend

that developed around

4. Sarru-ken = normalized form of Sargon: the Akkadian translation of the Sumerian cuneiform
LUGAL- GIN. Sarru = East Semitic for “king” derived from the Sumerian luGAL, literally translated as “big
man.” Ken is derived from the East Semitic verb kinum which means “to establish, confirm.” Sarru-ken = “The
king is established/the king is legitimate.” See Figure 1 for the LUGAL cuneiform sign; For the details
surrounding the use of Sargon as a title, see Yigal Levin, "Nimrod The Mighty, King Of Kish, King Of Sumer
and Akkad," Vetus Testamentum 52, no. 3 (2002): 362, doi:10.1163/156853302760197494.
his persona, while difficult, is key to understanding the impact that certain ANE literary

archetypes and motifs (specifically the warrior-king archetype and exposed infant motif) had on

the legacy of Sargon of Akkad. The appearance of recurring ANE literary themes in the

Sargonian texts is compelling evidence that the Sargonian literature has been shaped and

molded by later literary developments. While oral traditions that predate the written record

could have influenced the texts, this thesis will show that the appearance of unique idiomatic

and grammatical phrases within the Sargonic texts points to a later literary influence. There has

been limited research analyzing the structure of the Sargonian legends and how they align with

other similar accounts found throughout ANE literary history. This paper seeks to help remedy

this problem. This research project will set out to probe the depths of the mythology that has

enveloped the legacy of Sargon of Akkad. Specifically, this paper will show that while Sargon

of Akkad is certainly a historical figure, the details surrounding his origins and life have largely

been mythologized by ANE literary archetypes and motifs in works dated well after the reign

and death of Sargon.

A detailed research project on the historicity of Sargon and the development of his

legend is an important part of expanding our knowledge of how Sargon and the Akkadian

Empire impacted the development of various aspects of the ANE. This thesis paper will

examine the relevant ancient cuneiform tablets that have been fully translated into English. Two

primary analyses will be carried out to examine the sources. The first analysis will examine the

Sargonian cuneiform tablets that relate the accounts of Sargon’s birth legend, his rise to power,

and the relevant information associated with his descendants. The literary classifications of the

texts vary from royal inscriptions, compilations of poetic wisdom, and religious omen literature.

There is even one particular laudatory text detailing the military conquests of Sargon in what

seems to be
a humorous light. Such a wide range of texts seems to reveal that Sargon was a popular literary

subject in the ANE. Regarding the birth legend and Sargon’s rise to power, there are some

important nuances that hint at some changes having been made to the historical account. One

area of particular interest is the apparent contradiction over the identity of Sargon’s father.

While the Sargon Birth Legend emphatically states “I (Sargon) did not know my father,”5 the

Sumerian Sargon Legend briefly mentions Sargon’s father as La’ibum in a fragmentary

introduction to the text.6 Issues also arise due to apparent anachronistic appearances of certain

idioms and phrases within the Sargonian texts that were not widely used until after Sargon’s era.

A comparison between Sargon and Moses’ birth stories is also carried out in this paper, as the

details of their births are strikingly similar. The first analysis will also take a look at the

documents detailing the lives of Sargon’s children and grandchildren. The accounts of Rimush

and Manishtushu, the two sons of Sargon who ascended to his throne, will be examined to show

their historicity. A look at the details of the life of Sargon’s daughter Enheduanna will illuminate

the impact that her status as the high priestess of Ur had on the religion of Mesopotamia during

her father’s reign and for years after. Enheduanna’s role as the oldest named author in history

will also examined by looking at the forty-two temple hymns that have survived and still bear

her name to this day. This thesis will seek to fill in the research gap regarding the origins and

dating of the Sargon birth legend by shedding more light on the details surrounding Sargon the

Great’s rise to power and how his legacy has both impacted and been impacted by history.

While many historians have examined the rise and rule of Sargon of Akkad, the available

research is still lacking.

5. "The Birth-Legend of Sargon,” Babylonian Theodicy | Electronic Tools and Ancient Near East
Archives, http://www.etana.org/node/578.
 6. Jerrold S. Cooper and Wolfgang Heimpel, “Sumerian Sargon Legend,” Journal of the American
Oriental Society 103, no. 1 (1983): 69.
 The second analysis will look at the specific motifs and archetypes that appear in both

Sargon’s legend and other literary works of the ancient world. The accounts of ancient literary

figures such as Cyrus II, Romulus and Remus, Dionysus, Gregorius, Joseph, and Karna will be

examined and compared to the legends of Sargon. While this list is nowhere near exhaustive,

these particular accounts bear a strong resemblance to the Sargonian legend. The repeating

literary motifs in the ancient hero accounts will be compared to those that appear in the

compositions of the Sargonian texts. This examination of the various ancient stories will show

that the literary elements found in Sargon’s mythology are also found with remarkable similarity

in the tales of other cultures and civilizations of the ancient world. The focus of the examination

will primarily be on the appearance of the exposed infant motif and the warrior-king archetype

as they are two of the most studied parts of the Sargonian legend. An analysis on the possible

identification of Sargon as the biblical Nimrod will also be carried out. A few prominent rulers

from the ANE could possibly be identified as Nimrod, but this thesis will seek to show that the

evidence points to Sargon being the inspiration for the Nimrod pericope in Genesis ten. A

linguistic analysis of the Nimrod text in Genesis will reveal that the character traits of Nimrod

are like that of Sargon. The examination of the texts will also reveal that the geographic origins

of Nimrod correspond to that of Sargon, specifically that Akkad is directly mentioned as one of

the cities where Nimrod’s rule began along with other cities that were key to Sargon’s

consolidation of power.
 LITERATURE REVIEW

A review of the relevant scholarly literature shows that while the current body of work

on the details of Sargon’s origins has touched on many of the questions asked by this thesis

project, the number of concrete conclusions is lacking due to a limited number of scholarly

sources on the subject. Many of the conclusions that are made seem to be disjointed and not

connected across the spectrum of the scholarly work that has developed. This paper will help to

add to the body of work on this subject by narrowing the focus of the research questions to only

the details that can be directly taken from the primary sources and the known ANE literary

devices and motifs. Conclusions will be made regarding Sargon’s historicity, the details of his

origin story and its connection to other ancient literary accounts, and the issue of the

mythologizing of his legacy.

After having been lost to the ages for over 2,000 years, the Sargonian birth legend was

unearthed by George Smith and Austen Layard at the excavations of Assurbanipal’s library in

Nineveh – what is now modern-day Mosul, Iraq.7 Three cuneiform fragments from possibly two

separate sources were discovered at the site. Twenty years later, Smith discovered a fourth

fragment at Assurbanial’s library after continued work at the site. In 1870 Smith published

much of the contents of what was catalogued as tablet K 3401 in his work The Cuneiform

Inscriptions of Western Asia.8 Two years later in 1872, Smith and Talbot separately gave the

first commentaries on the text. Smith, in Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology,

concluded that the legend was a copy of an original Sargonian text. In the commentary, Smith

7. Brian Lewis, The Legend of Sargon: A Study of the Akkadian Text and the Tale of the Hero Who
Was Exposed at Birth (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International, 1984). 2.
8. H.C. Rawlinson and George Smith, “The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia,” The
Miscellaneous Inscriptions of Assyria 3, (1870).
makes one of the first remarks on the “striking parallel” between the birth accounts of Sargon

and Moses.9 Talbot’s commentary on the text in A Fragment of Assyrian Mythology was a more

thorough treatment of the legend but his overall translation was inferior when compared to

Smith’s.10 Talbot also concluded, in agreement with Smith, that the text of the Sargonian

legend was a copy of an original Sargonian text with Talbot speculating that the original text

likely came from an Akkadian statue inscription.11

The first bibliography compiled on the works addressing the Sargonian texts was done

by Bezold in Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection in 1889. Brief

notes on the fragments discovered by Smith accompanied the bibliography. While not a major

contribution to the body of work, such a bibliography was the first attempt at establishing a

collection of scholarly articles on the new field of Sargonic texts.12 One of the most important

early works on the Sargonian texts was that of L.W. King’s in Chronicles Concerning Early

Babylonian Kings: II. King provided translations, transliterations, and cuneiform copies of the

text along with one of the most accurate translations of the time. King also gave important

commentary on possible variants of the text along with creating an updated bibliography of

scholarly work.13

By 1934, academic interest in the Sargonian texts waned and this was reflected in the

body of work. It was not until Brian Lewis’ scholarship in the late 1970s and early 1980s that a

9. George Smith, “Early History of Babylonia,” Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 1,
(1872).
10. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 3.
11. H.F. Talbot, “A Fragment of Assyrian Mythology,” Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology
1, (1872): 271-280.
12. C. Bezold, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection 2, (1889): 529.
13. L.W. King, Chronicles Concerning Early Babylonian Kings 2, (1907): 87-96
renewed interest in Sargon was sparked. In The Legend of Sargon: A Study of the Akkadian

Text and the Tale of the Hero Who Was Exposed at Birth, Lewis examines the possibility that

certain elements of Sargon’s history have been influenced by and influenced other literary

themes over time.14 Lewi’s work is one of the few attempts at closely examining the literary

and historical elements of Sargon’s legend. Lewis examines the birth legend of Sargon while

looking at the infant exposure motif in various Eurasian folk tales.15 Lewis’ list of the ancient

tales that share elements of the exposed infant motif is superb. The list of seventy-two tales

shows a remarkable level of repetition across cultural and geographic divides. One of the main

issues addressed by Lewis is that of the process of literary transmission of the motifs. The

nature of the material being studied creates problems for students of ANE history as incomplete

records and damaged tablets give us gaps in the historical record. Lewis attempts to solve the

literary transmission problem by taking a composite approach to analyzing the sources behind

the Sargonian origin legend.

Lewis’ approach, however, comes with its own set of problems. Lewis attempts to apply

a composite approach to the Sargonic texts, arguing that the texts were compiled from multiple

sources that evolved over time before being compiled in the final form we have today. 16 Where

Lewis sees the possibility of separate origin traditions (Sargon was a court official, possibly a

gardener, or divinely appointed by Ishtar), it could also be argued that these apparently

contradictory accounts are actually all part of the overall story of Sargon’s birth and early life.

In regard to the dating of the texts of the Sargon, Lewis makes the convincing argument that a

later dating of the tablets fits with the linguistic composition of the text. Overall, Lewis makes

14. Lewis, The Legend of Sargon.

15. Ibid. 150-210.
16
16. Lewis, The Legend of Sargon, 273-274.

17
strong and compelling argument for the case of much of Sargon’s legend being heavily based

upon certain ANE literary devices and motifs. This thesis paper will build upon and add to this

theory, specifically showing that the Ancient Near East warrior-king archetype and the exposed

infant motif have heavily influenced the history and literary development surrounding Sargon.

Scholars such as Jerrold S. Cooper and Wolfgang Heimpel have specifically addressed

the issues surrounding the Sargonian texts relating to Sargon’s rise to power. In their work, The

Sumerian Sargon Legend, Cooper and Heimpel examine the primary sources surrounding

Sargon’s story. Cooper and Heimpel specifically examine the mystery surrounding Sargon’s

usurpation of power. Specifically, they examine the text of the Sumerian Sargon Legend and its

tale of Sargon’s consolidation of power. One of the issues with the primary sources related to

Sargon’s origins is that none give any real details about Sargon’s life before he served in the

court of the king of Kish. The sources that we do have seem to be from the Old Babylonian

period.17 Cooper and Heimpel both wrestle with the complexities of trying to pin down the

details of Sargon’s rise to power. Though the lack of details about Sargon’s history before his

time in Kish is unfortunate for the cause of historical research, both Cooper and Heimpel are

comfortable concluding that the Sargonian texts are accurate in reporting that Sargon served as

some kind of court official for Ur-Zababa the king of Kish, specifically the king’s cup bearer.

The sources detailing Sargon’s origin seem to have an equal mix of both historical fact and

myth, which is common in ANE literature. Cooper and Heimpel point out that much of the

literature surrounding Sargon seems to follow a pattern of describing the destinies of Sargon and

his opponents as having been predetermined by the gods.18 While the religious and mythological

17. Cooper and Heimpel, The Sumerian Sargon Legend, 67-68.

18. Ibid., 74.

17
aspects of these stories certainly make a scholarly analysis a bit more difficult, such details can

usually be distinguished from the historically factual and more probable elements. The

mythologizing of Sargon’s legacy does not make empirical research into his history impossible.

When looking at the mythological and literary aspects of Sargon’s story, other scholars

have focused on examining the specific themes found in the details surrounding Sargon and his

life. Brevard Childs, for example, argues in his work The Birth of Moses that the parallels

between Sargon’s origin story and that of the biblical Moses need to be reexamined. 19 While

some theories have been proposed to explain the parallels, there has yet to be a solid scholarly

consensus on an explanation. These parallels between the birth stories of Moses and Sargon are

fascinating and cannot be easily dismissed as coincidence. For Childs, the details of Moses’

birth when compared to those of Sargon’s are indeed striking. Childs argues that certain

elements of Moses’ birth story need to be reexamined within the context of the Hebrew exodus

from Egypt, while the details of Sargon’s mother and the issue of his father’s identity strongly

differentiate Sargon’s story from Moses’.20 Childs’ research could be used to argue that there

may be some historical validity to Sargon’s origin story, while some aspects are clearly later

additions or embellishments. Childs argues that the body of evidence shows that an Akkadian

legal tradition that dealt with the care and adoption of a foundling existed and may have been

well known throughout the ANE. Childs admits, however, that evidence is lacking to confirm

that a similar tradition existed in Egypt though adoption did occur in ancient Egypt.21 Overall,

the body of work and literature on the Moses-Sargon birth stories parallels is somewhat lacking.

19. Brevard S. Childs, "The Birth of Moses," Journal of Biblical Literature 84, no. 2 (1965):
110, doi:10.2307/3264132.
20. Ibid., 111.
21. Ibid., 111-112

18
 While Sargon’s origin story likely holds elements of truth, much of it has most likely

been mythologized over time. It is worth noting, for example, that the oldest known references

to Gilgamesh’s epic are dated approximately three hundred years after the rule of Sargon, yet

Gilgamesh was believed to have lived up to four hundred years before Sargon.22 This is an

important detail that seems to go unmentioned within the scholarly literature. It is possible that

Sargon’s own rule and mythology influenced the development of the epic of Gilgamesh. It also

shows that there is precedence in the practice of mythologizing and embellishing the lives of

historical kings in the ANE.

As previously mentioned, there is a wealth of primary sources available in the form of

ancient cuneiform tablets. With Akkadian and Sumerian both being dead languages, finding

professional English translations of these tablets is of the utmost importance. This is where our

attention must turn to the work of Joan Goodnick Westenholz. When studying the history of the

Akkadian Empire, one is certain to encounter the work of the late Westenholz. A well respected

Assyriologist, Westenholz painstakingly translated and analyzed nearly all of the Sargonian

cuneiform tablets. In her book Legends of the Kings of Akkade: The Texts, Westenholz analyzes

all of the known ancient Akkadian texts that relate the legends of the various kings of the

Akkadian dynasty. With translations, transliterations, annotations, and her own commentary,

Westenholz’s book is one of the few works to comprehensively address the source materials

surrounding the Akkadian Empire. In her analysis, Westenholz further examines the literary

format of the Sargonian sources. She methodically examines the poetic structures found within

many of the compilations, going so far as to label and number the various lines and verses of the

22. Stephanie Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 41-42.
stanzas.23 Westenholz’ work stands alone in the thoroughness that is given to studying the

available Akkadian texts. In analyzing the birth legend of Sargon in particular, Westenholz

notes that the narrative seems to follow the standard blessing and curse format of ANE royal

inscriptions but is quite different from other inscriptions that follow the format.24 Westenholz

also notes that the autobiographical Sargonic texts include frequent mentions of laudatory

challenges for future kings to attempt to equal Sargon’s own might and success. Westenholz’

detailed work reveals the nuances of the relevant texts while placing the narratives within the

appropriate context. Her work with the texts that are tied to the other kings in the Sargonic

dynasty show how Sargon’s life became a pattern for future ANE monarchs.

Given the important literary nature of Sargon’s legend, attempts have been made to

connect him with other figures in ANE history. One such hypothesis holds that Nimrod in the

biblical book of Genesis is none other than Sargon of Akkad. Yigal Levin, in Nimrod the

Mighty, King of Kish, King of Sumer and Akkad, is one of the few scholars who has earnestly

attempted to explore the Sargon-Nimrod connection. As Levin points out, one of the more

fascinating aspects of the Old Testament is that of the “Table of Nations” in Genesis. 25 In it we

find a description of the geo-historical development of the peoples of the ancient world. In the

eighth verse of chapter ten of Genesis we find an enigmatic reference to a great ruler by the

name of Nimrod. Levin sets out to uncover the possible connection between Nimrod and the

historical Sargon.26 Compelling and thorough, Levin’s work at least shows that more research is

needed to shed light on this possible connection. For Levin, Nimrod is most likely an

amalgamation of

23. Westenholz, 37.

26 Ibid., 350-366.

20
24. Ibid., 36.
25. Levin, Nimrod the Mighty, 350.

27 Ibid., 350-366.

20
Sargon and his grandson Naram-Sin.27 If Nimrod is indeed Sargon, it helps to further establish

both his historicity and his impact on ANE literature. Overall, while much scholarship has

been contributed to researching and understanding the development of the Sargonian texts,

more research is needed in order to better answer the questions related to Sargon’s origin, his

rise to power, and the connection with other literary figures in world history. This thesis seeks

to address these issues and further contribute to the established body of work.

27 Ibid., 359-361.

21
 METHODOLOGY

Challenges

As one chooses to undertake an in-depth study of the Sargonian texts, it is important to

have a solid understanding of ANE history, particularly that of Sumerian and Akkadian history.

Thankfully the body of work on ANE history is plentiful and readily available. The available

texts provide enough detail that scholars have been able to accurately study specific aspects of

Akkadian history such as administrative practices, the political expansion of Akkad, the use of

propaganda in the Akkadian state, and even the unique paradigms held by the ancient

Akkadians. These details are important to understanding the context of the various cuneiform

tablets that provide source material for this research project. With cuneiform being an extremely

complicated system of writing, context is key in properly analyzing the historical content and

its relevance to this research project. Due to the nature of its formation, cuneiform is difficult to

decipher and understand.

Before the establishment of the Akkadian Empire, ancient Mesopotamia consisted of

various city-states that operated with relative autonomy. While the cities shared elements of

culture and religion, each city stood as its own proto-state somewhat similar to the city-states of

the ancient Greeks. Sargon’s rise to power saw the northern and southern cities of

Mesopotamia united into a working empire. Such a consolidation of power had a far-reaching

impact on the culture and politics of the entire region that was effective in a short period of

time. Specific to this paper, this rapid impact helped to shape the literature of the ANE. For

example, the administrative and bureaucratic structure needed to break down the barriers

between city-states in order to create a cohesive political entity immediately influenced writing

and recordkeeping throughout the empire.

22
 While much of the information gathered from a contextual analysis of pre-Sargonic

Mesopotamia is valuable to the research effort, it is important to understand the limitations that

one may face when studying the actual details of Sargon’s life. Few Sargonic texts have

survived from the early Akkadian period mostly due to the fact that the city of Akkad was

destroyed and either never rebuilt or its current location as a later inhabited city is simply

unknown to us. Despite this, there is a plethora of sources that date to the neo-Sumerian (2115-

1815 BCE) and post-Sumerian (1500-1100 BCE) periods. These sources provide vital

information about the linguistic, cultural, legal, and literary development of the ANE.

All students of history face certain challenges when attempting to research any aspect

of the past. In this case, the problem of scarce primary sources that come from the Sargonic

period has made the study of Sargonian history particularly difficult. While this is certainly a

hurdle to accurate research methodology, there are still a significant number of extant

cuneiform tablets that contain valuable information about Sargon and his Akkadian Empire.

For example, the Sumerian King List helps us pin down Sargon’s period and length of rule

when compared to listed rulers that are better known to history. 28 Another challenge for this

thesis project is that of discerning between myth and historical fact. This challenge is best

handled by consulting the established body of work to ascertain the scholarly consensus on

problematic texts.

Limited research that has been done on the development of the Sargonian legend also

presents an interesting challenge to this research project. While a body of scholarly work exists,

few of the works address many of the questions raised about the Sargon texts. The cuneiform

tablets themselves also present a unique challenge to any researcher as few people are well
 28. Sumerian King List, Pliny the Younger – translated by Livius.org, August 21, 2016,
accessed November 09, 2018, http://www.livius.org/sources/content/anet/266-the-sumerian-king-list/.
versed in the Sumerian and Akkadian languages. Thankfully, accurate English translations of

the texts are plentiful and easily accessible. A sizeable portion of the tablets have been scanned

and are available for digital inspection with accompanying transliterations and translations.

Methods

The main purpose of this thesis paper is to examine the primary sources relevant to the

Sargonian legacy in order to show that certain aspects of ANE mythology and literature have

shaped and influenced the history tied to Sargon of Akkad. The primary sources themselves

consist of ancient cuneiform tablets, victory steles, and various clay shards that reside in

museums around the world. For this thesis the English translations of these primary sources are

examined along with all relevant scholarly commentary. Sources such as the Sumerian King

List, The Sargon Birth Legend, and the victory steles of Sargon and his grandson Naram-Sin

will be used to establish Sargon’s historicity along with showing how Sargon’s legacy

developed over the course of ANE history. The Temple Hymns inscriptions, attributed to the

high priestess daughter of Sargon, will help to show the impact that the Sargonic dynasty had

on the literary and religious development of the ANE while also establishing Sargon’s

historical existence.

There is a wealth of scholarly articles available that analyze and interpret the above-

mentioned primary sources. These secondary sources serve as an important part of this thesis as

the body of primary sources for the ANE have been examined and analyzed at length by experts

and scholars in Assyriology and ANE history. As with any project that attempts to accomplish a

scientific analysis in the humanities field that is history, the use of other scientific disciplines

can often be helpful. Such is the case of the psychological interpretation of ancient hero myths

carried out by the renowned psychoanalyst Otto Rank. While an old publication, The Myth of

the Birth Hero: A Psychological Interpretation of Mythology still stands as a fascinating

attempt at
examining the development of hero worship and mythology throughout ancient history. For

Rank, a colleague of Freud, all ancient civilizations glorified their noteworthy leaders with epic

poetry and legends. Rank sees this as the initial creation of the first national heroes.29 A

particular interest in the birth stories of these heroes seems to have occurred in nearly all early

cultures

with strikingly similar details and literary correspondence.30

Some theories have been given in an attempt to explain the motifs that developed across

cultural and geographical barriers in the ancient world. Bastian argued that the uniform nature

of early mythology was a necessary byproduct of the elementary thoughts of early man.

According to this hypothesis since the early human mind was limited it stands to reason that

separate cultures and civilizations would develop similar literary themes and motifs when

telling the stories of their people.31 Others have argued for an original community hypothesis

that holds that the main mythological structures originated from within India or some related

geo-cultural region. These myths grew and were disseminated as human kind migrated. While

the details of the myths changed, they retained their primary structures.32 A modification of this

theory holds that early primary civilizations developed myths and legends while incorporating

the myths of other civilizations as humankind expanded and migrated.33 Regardless of the mode,

the near literary uniformity of early mythology, especially in the ANE, is certainly worth

researching and plays an important role in this particular thesis project. Understanding the

development of legend and myth can be just as important as understanding historically factual

details as it could be

29. Otto Rank, The Myth of the Birth of the Hero: A Psychological Interpretation of Mythology,
(Alcester, Eng.: Read Books, 2013), 1.
30. Ibid., 1-2
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
argued that many myths and legends sprang up from seeds of historical truth. It also provides

a window into the unique paradigms held by the ancient peoples. This combination of

translated cuneiform tablets and modern scientific analysis will serve to provide the primary

analytical framework for this project. By examining the link between the Sargonian texts and

the literary motifs present in other ANE accounts, this thesis paper will add original research

to the established body of work while also underlining a need for more research on the

subject.
 CHAPTER II. ANALYSIS: THE SARGONIAN TEXTS

The Cuneiform Tablets and Other Ancient Sources

With George Smith’s translation of The Epic of Gilgamesh in 1872, the scholarly world

of ancient historical research was changed. Before the discovery of cuneiform tablets, much of

what historians knew about the ANE came from the Bible and the few historical commentaries

from Greek and Roman sources. Smith’s work would open the proverbial floodgates of ANE

scholarly research and archaeological examination. While there are various categories of

cuneiform tablets discovered throughout the ANE, most of the available ancient texts dealt with

in this thesis project fall into one of two main categories – royal inscriptions and wisdom

literature. The royal inscriptions consist of copies of royal decrees, most often found inscribed

on statues, regnal chronologies, and victory steles—often associated with the naru literature

genre. The wisdom literature is largely made up of poetic, epic, religious, and lamentational

sources. In the pursuit of historic information, the royal inscriptions are highly valued as they

provide some of the most accurate historical data. Even so, the sources that fall within the

wisdom literature genre also serve an important purpose when researching the ANE by helping

us understand the cultural paradigms of the time.

Since the rediscovery of the Sargonian birth legend in the late nineteenth century,

various cuneiform tablets have been discovered that make mention of Sargon and his rule. While

the cuneiform system of writing seems archaic when compared to our modern means of

communication, this crucial development was actually relatively standardized and included an

astonishing system of preservation that seems to have been common throughout the ANE.34 As a

34. Louis L. Orlin, Life and Thought in the Ancient Near East (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2007).
7- 11.
better understanding of ancient Akkadian has developed, deeper insights into the available texts

have been uncovered by Assyriologists and historians. A few examples of tablets and

inscriptions that make up a majority of the Sargonian corpus is given below, with brief

analyses on their connection to Sargon and the history of the Akkadian Empire.

The earliest tablets discovered that make mention of Sargon’s origin legend are

fragments unearthed by the renowned Assyriologist George Smith in the late 1800s in what is

now modern Mosul. The tablets contained the beginning portions of the Sargonian birth legend.

The discovery of these tablet fragments created an explosion of interest in the early Sumerian

and Akkadian periods. Smith’s name should be familiar to students of ANE history as he was

the discoverer and translator of the Epic of Gilgamesh. Smith’s translation and subsequent

publication of the tablet fragments laid the foundations for the scholarly examination of the

literary development of ANE texts.

The texts relating the details of Sargon’s birth legend are classified as autobiographical

as the narrative follows a first-person perspective of that of Sargon. The tablets K 3402 and Sm

2118 collectively reveal portions of 30 lines of the Sargon birth legend. The obverse of the

tablet is missing. Scholars have concluded that the text was most likely compiled around The

translated text of the Sargonian legend fragments appears as follows:

Sargon, great king, king of Akkade, am I:

my mother was a high priestess, my father I knew
not. My father's family dwells in the uplands;
my city was Azupiranu, which lies on the bank of the
Euphrates. My mother the high priestess conceived me, bore me
in secret, in a reed basket she placed me, sealed my lid with
bitumen.
She set me down on the river, whence I could not
ascend; the river bore me up, brought me to the irrigator
Aqqi. The irrigator Aqqi lifted me up as he dipped his
pail,
the irrigator Aqqi brought me up as his adopted son.
The irrigator Aqqi set me to work in a date-grove,
during my work in the date-grove the goddess Ishtar loved me.
 [Fifty]-four years I exercised kingship,
ruled and governed the black-headed
folk.
I cut [through] mighty mountains with picks of copper,
many times I ascended the upper mountains.
Many times I traversed the lower mountains,
three times I circumnavigated the entire
ocean.
(remainder obscured)35

The information provided by the tablets is enough for us to understand the basic details of

Sargon’s birth story. While the full context is lost, we do have enough to understand that the

legend is of the naru literary form. Naru literature consist primarily of royal inscriptions often

found on statues and steles that detail the history and exploits of a particular ruler. The key

markers of a piece of naru literature include an introduction of the speaker, a first-person

narrative, and a concluding epilogue.36 The Sargon legend clearly seems to fall within the

established definition of the naru literature as it possesses all of the markers, save for the

epilogue.37 The epilogue, however, is most likely lost to history due to the fragmentary nature of

the tablets. Details about the length and the missing lines, however, prevent us from definitively

classifying Sargon’s legend as naru in nature instead of a separate standalone work of literature.

The tablets TRS 73 and TN 296 contain the account of Sargon’s rise to power popularly

referred to as the Sumerian Sargon Legend. Beginning with his time as the cup bearer for the

king of Kish, TRS 73 and TN 296 detail Sargon’s usurpation of power from the kings of Kish

and Uruk after a series of divine dreams reveal that he is now favored by the gods.38 According

to the text, though Kish was prosperous under the rule of Ur-Zababa the gods had decreed an

end to his rule and appointed Sargon as the next ruler. The theme of Sargon gaining divine favor

is

35. “Birth Legend of Sargon,” Electronic Tools and Ancient Near East
Archives. 36 Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 87.
 37. Ibid., 91-93.
38. Jerrold S. Cooper and Wolfgang Heimpel, trans., “Tablets TRS 73 and TN 296,” Journal of
the American Oriental Society 103, no. 1 (1983): 67-82.
often repeated in the Sumerian Sargon Legend. For example, beginning in line 6 we see

the following:

Sargon, having received the offerings

for the palace,
He, Ur-Zababa, had made the cupbearer responsible for the offerings—
He (Sargon) took charge of the drinking chest.
Holy Inana was unceasingly working behind the scenes.39

Early in the text, we see Inana invoked as divinely orchestrating the circumstances of Sargon’s

fate within the court of Kish. Even the apparently mundane appointment of Sargon as Ur-

Zababa’s cup-bearer was of divine ordination and not simply at the whim of Ur-Zababa. We see

this theme continued in the text with the dream accounts:

At that time, in the temple of Ezinu,

Sargon lay down not to sleep, but lay down to dream.
Holy Inanna, in the dream, was drowning him (Ur-Zababa) in a river of
blood. Sargon, screaming, gnawed the ground.
When king Ur-Zababa heard those screams,
He had them bring him (Sargon) into the king’s presence.

In the above lines, we see Sargon having and relating a divine dream to king Ur-Zababa – a

dream of the king’s own death at the hands of the goddess Inanna for Sargon’s sake.40 Upon

hearing Sargon’s screams of terror after being awakened by his own dream, Sargon relates his

dream to Ur-Zababa. Sargon’s boldness in telling the king of a dream in which the king meets

his fate is fascinating. Surely Sargon, serving so closely to the king, would have anticipated Ur-

Zababa’s reaction to his revelation especially considering that Sargon declares that Inanna killed

Ur-Zababa for Sargon’s sake.41 In many ways, Ur-Zababa could have easily perceived this as a

direct threat by Sargon against Ur-Zababa’s life. While this is purely speculation, it does give

39. Cooper and Heimpel, trans., Sumerian Sargon Legend.

40. Ibid., “For me [Sargon] she drowned you in a great river, a river of blood.”
41. Ibid.
one pause when trying to discern the factual aspects of the text. At any rate, Sargon’s dream

disturbs Ur-Zababa enough that he secretly orders that Sargon be thrown into the royal

bronzesmith’s molten vat.42 Sargon learns of the plot and escapes, though the details are lost due

to tablet fragmentation.

Later in the inscription we come across an interesting comment that gives us some

insight into the historical development of writing and the time line of the Sargonian legend.

Line fifty- three of the tablet states “In those days, writing on tablets certainly existed, but

enveloping tablets did not exist.”43 While this detail is important to the overall plot of the story,

it also gives us contextual clues as to the time period of the narrative. The “in those days”

phrasing applies back to the time of the Sargonian legend, telling us that the text was compiled

some time after the events of the story had unfolded. Such a detail would have been common

knowledge to anyone who had lived during the time of Sargon’s rise to power. If the text had

been compiled at a time when enveloping tablets were common, it would make sense that the

story teller would include such a detail. This certainly seems to imply that the Sargonian legend

was written down much later. The archaeological evidence suggests that enveloping wasn’t

commonly used until the rise of the Ur III dynasty after the Akkadian Empire collapsed a full

170 years after the death of Sargon.44 Therefore, if the intended audience of this tale lived

during a time when enveloping was common practice and the thought of not using them was

unheard of among the original audience, then the tale was compiled some time during the Ur III

period after the collapse of the Akkadian dynasty.45

42. Ibid.
43. Ibid., 77.
44. Karen Radner and Eleanor Robson, The Oxford Handbookof Cuneiform Culture (Oxford, 2011), 19-20.
45. Sir Leonard Woolley, Excavations at Ur: A Record of Twelve Years Work (New York: Crowell, 1964),
122.
 One of the most important source materials that references the life and reign of Sargon

of Akkad is the Nippur inscription. Discovered in the 1890’s during an archaeological

expedition in the ancient Akkadian city of Nippur, the Old Babylonian era tablet is a copy of

original inscriptions found on a statue installed by Sargon in the temple of the god Enlil.46

Written in the first-person perspective of Sargon, the Nippur inscription lists some of Sargon’s

greatest accomplishments including his defeat of king Lugal-zage-si of Uruk. In the inscription,

Sargon claims that he forcibly brought Lugal-zage-si back to the temple of Enlil in neck stocks

after conquering the city of Uruk.47 The text then lists Sargon’s conquest of Mesopotamia and

the collection of tribute from cities as far away as modern-day Syria. A total of thirty-four

subjugated cities are named on the tablet.48 The Nippur inscription establishes Sargon’s place in

history by identifying his key military victories and confirming the breadth of his conquest in

the ANE.

When dealing with establishing the historicity of an individual, the task of correctly

identifying the relevant time frame surrounding the person in question is always a challenge.

This is where ancient chronology texts prove to be very useful, even if the totality of the text is

questionable. The Sumerian King List is one such piece of evidence. The Sumerian King List

consists of a list of the kings of the primary Mesopotamian cities through the Sumerian and

Akkadian periods. While the dating structure of the reigns of the named kings is suspect, the

inscription nonetheless serves as an important piece of historical documentation that helps

historians to identify the early rulers of the ANE.

46. H.V. Hilprecht, trans., “The Nippur Inscription,” in Old Babylonian Inscriptions Chiefly from Nippur
18, no. 1, (1893): 5-54. doi:10.2307/1005411
47. "Tablet P461926," SDLC Overview of Syrian Collections of Cuneiform Tablets,
https://cdli.ucla.edu/search/archival_view.php?ObjectID=P461926.
48. Ibid.

32
 The Sumerian King List begins with a compilation of antediluvian monarchs, none of

which have been identified as historical figures. The regnal lengths of the antediluvian

monarchs were measured in ancient units known as, in ascending order, sosses, ners, and sars.

When converted to annual units, the regnal lengths are astronomical. One of the listed monarchs

was purported to have reigned for over 43,000 years, with the average regnal length of the list

being about 30,000 years.49 Attempts by researchers to convert the units of measure into more

reasonable modern figures has so far been unsuccessful.

After the Great Deluge, kingship was said to have descended from heaven upon the city

of Kish. This is interesting to note as Sargon set in to motion his plan of usurpation while he

was in the court of the king of Kish. While the regnal lengths of the post-diluvian kings are still

unnaturally long, they are much more reasonable than the ones given for the ante-diluvian

kings. For the kings of Kish, we are given a total of twenty-three monarchs. The list of kings

that precede Etana, the thirteenth king of Kish, has yet to be historically verified.50 As we move

down the list of city-state monarchs, we come across Akkad after the third dynasty of Uruk –

led by Lugal-zage-si.

Sargon’s listing within the Sumerian King List, while consisting of just one sentence, is

one of the more detailed biographies on the list. The inscription states “Sargon of Akkad, whose

father was a gardener, the cupbearer of Ur-Zababa, became king, the king of Agade, who built

Agade.”51 This concise statement confirms the information found in both the Sargonian Birth

Legend and the Sumerian Sargon legend. We see Sargon described as the son of a gardener.

This

49. Livious.org, trans., The Sumerian Kings List, Accessed July 01,
51. Ibid.

33
2018, http://www.livius.org/sources/content/anet/266-the-sumerian-king-list/.
50. Ibid.

51. Ibid.

34
aligns with the birth legends account of Sargon being rescued from the river by Aqqi the

gardener/irrigator. The inscription also makes mention of Sargon’s position of cup-bearer for

Ur- Zababa of Kish which agrees with the account of the Sumerian Sargon Legend. While these

details seem to corroborate the information found in the two above legends, we must also take

into consideration the dating of the Sumerian King List itself.

As mentioned previously, the Sumerian King List is considered an Old Babylonian

work. This places its date of creation sometime between 2000 – 1600 BCE. This means that, at

the earliest, the Sumerian King List was compiled nearly two hundred years after the death of

Sargon. It is then likely that the biographic information on Sargon that we find in the list was

influenced by the Sargonian legends that were contemporary to the Old Babylonian/Assyrian

period. This continues the pattern of Sargonian texts being primarily found during this stretch of

time and later.

One of the more detailed accounts of Sargon’s rise and fall is found in what is known as

the Chronicle of Early Kings. Preserved on two tablets known as Tablet A and Tablet B, the

Chronicle starts with a lengthy description of Sargon of Akkad’s conquests:

Sargon, king of Agade, came to power during the reign of Ištar

(Inanna) and he had neither rival not equal. His splendor, over the
lands
it diffused. He crossed the sea in the east.
In the eleventh year he conquered the western land to its farthest point.
He brought it under one authority. He set up his statues there
and ferried the west's booty across on barges.
He stationed his court officials at intervals of five double hours and
ruled in unity the tribes of the lands.
He marched to Kazallu and turned Kazallu into a ruin heap,
so that there was not even a perch for a bird left.52

52. Albert Kirk Grayson, trans., “The Chronicle of Early Kings,” in Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicle,
(Indiana, Eisenbrauns, 2000); see also George W. Botsforth, trans., “Chronicle of the Reign of Sargon,” in A
Source- Book of Ancient History, (New York: Macmillan & Company, 1912): 27-28.
34
The chronicle confirms what historians know about the reach of Sargon’s rule. The influence of

the Akkadian Empire stretched as far west as the Mediterranean, as far north as Anatolia,

eastward into Elam, and south into modern-day Oman. In order to help maintain his control,

Sargon appointed Akkadian nobles as governors of the various conquered cities, allowing him to

“rule in unity the tribes of the lands” as the chronicle states.53 While the chronicle appears to be

from the Akkadian and Old Babylonian periods, it was most likely written at a much later time.

One particular anachronistic reference to Babylon confirms that the text was compiled during or

after the Babylonian era. The text in question follows:

He (Sargon) dug up the dirt of the pit of Babylon and

made a counterpart of Babylon next to Agade.
Because the wrong he had done the great lord Marduk became angry and wiped out his
family by famine.
From east to west, the subjects rebelled against him
and Marduk afflicted him with insomnia.54

This clear reference to Babylon is evidence that the chronicle was written much later. A small

Akkadian city of no significance during the Akkadian dynasty, Babylon did not gain

prominence until the nineteenth century BCE.55 We also have the issue of Sargon’s family being

“wiped out” by divine retribution in this account, yet the historical evidence clearly shows that

two of Sargon’s sons succeeded him as kings of Akkad and his daughter Enheduanna served as

high priestess for at least twenty five years.56

The Res Gestae Sargonis (The Deeds of Sargon), also known as The Sargon Epos, is a

unique set of discourses that detail Sargon’s relationship with his advisers and soldiers while

53. H. William Stiebing, Ancient Near Eastern History and Culture, (New Orleans, Pearson
Longman, 2009), 70.
54. Ibid.
55. Albert Kirk Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, (Winona Lake. Indiana,
Eisenbrauns, 2000), 40-42.
56 See The Sumerian King List and The Temple Hymns.
preparing for battle. The setting for the compilation of texts is the northwest expanse of the

Akkadian Empire where Sargon is carrying out military campaigns against King Nur-Dagan of

Purušhanda.57 Compared to other Sargonian texts, these stories include a variety of characters

interacting with Sargon. We see Sargon in the role of primus inter pares (first among equals)

seeking the input of his soldiers and advisers before casting himself and his subordinates into

battle.58 This story is a fascinating glimpse into the culture surrounding warfare and governance

in the ANE. The relationship between Sargon and his troop displayed in this story is intriguing

in that it shows Sargon as a warrior king who is personally approachable not only by his most

trusted advisors, but by his common foot soldiers as well. A similar reference to this interesting

relationship between Sargon and his warriors is found in the Sargonian omen literature. Take,

for example, the Omen of Sargon that states “an omen of Sargon, who with his warriors ruled

the totality of the land.”59 The text that makes up the Res Gestae Sargonis gives important

details that are often taken for granted when analyzing ancient texts. For example, we are given

descriptions of the attire worn by the warriors, as well as the warriors’ characterization as strong

bulls, great oxen, and steers—all domesticated animals of service as compared to wild and

untamed beasts.60 Overall, the focus of these discourses is on the importance of heroism and

valor as the texts are unified by a common usage of dialogue between the sets of characters as

they prepare for battle.61

57. Joan Goodnick Westenholz, trans., “Res Gestae Sargonis,” in Legends of the Kings of Akkade, 57.
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid., 58.
60. Ibid.
61. Ibid., 59.

36
 Some examples of the Akkadian texts are clearly later works that are too far

disconnected from the Sargonian era. The historicity of The Curse of Agade, for example, has

been called into question by scholars due to its quasi-historical content.62 The Curse of Agade

belongs to the naru genre of ancient literature which focuses on the deeds and actions of a

central figure, usually a monarch or hero. The subject of the text is Naram-Sin, the grandson of

Sargon the Great. The narrative is one of religious and spiritual turmoil, with the gods bringing

judgment and destruction upon Akkad. After offending the gods by destroying the temple of

Enlil in Nippur, Naram-Sin invokes the wrath of the gods who destroy Akkad and bring an end

to the Akkadian Empire. While interesting, there is no historical record of Naram-Sin ever

destroying the temple of Enlil. Quite the contrary, the historical records describe Naram-Sin as

a very pious man who respected the religious traditions of his time. It is more likely that The

Curse is a later work of fiction meant to warn of the dangers of upending the religious

institutions of the time. 63 The writer simply chose to center the narrative around the Sargonian

dynasty due to its popularity in the periods that came after the Akkadian era.

Another unique and interesting text is that of the Old Assyrian Sargon Legend. As the

name suggests, the text is from the Old Assyrian period (1950-1835 BCE) and is written in the

Old Assyrian text and dialect.64 The tablet details from the first-person perspective some of

Sargon’s exploits as they are told among the merchants of the Assyrian city of Kűltepe. Many

historians regard this compilation as a laudatory royal inscription given the boastful nature of

the

62. Cooper and Heimpel, trans., Sumerian Sargon Legend.

63. Jerrold S. Cooper, trans., “The Curse of Agade,” in The Curse of Agade (Baltimore/London:
John Hopkins University Press. 1983).
 64. "Old Assyrian Sargon Legend." SDLC Overview of Syrian Collections of Cuneiform Tablets,
accessed July 18, 2018. https://cdli.ucla.edu/search/search_results.php?SearchMode=Text&ObjectID=P390626.
text. Other scholars, however, point out the possible inclusion of puns and word play within the

text.65 For example, one clearly humorous line from the text reads:

I saw a gazelle and

I threw a brick into the river. During
my running the inscription was loosened,
I set up the inscription. I ran and caught the
gazelle. (Then) I raised the brick from the water.66

Some scholars claim that the above text, when read in the proper context, is a comical take on

Sargon. Essentially the passage is saying that Sargon’s running could be timed by how long it

took a cuneiform inscription on a clay tablet to dissolve in water. If the context of the tablet is

in fact one of puns and word play, then it is most likely that the tablet was compiled as a parody

of legitimate Sargonian texts.67 This is evidence of the popularity of Sargon since as parodies

often focus on well-known figures of the time.

65. "Old Assyrian Sargon Legend." SDLC Overview of Syrian Collections of Cuneiform Tablets.
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid.
 The Sargonian Birth Legend

The Sargonian birth legend has vexed historians for centuries as elements of mythology

and factual history seem to be intertwined in a fanciful telling of Sargon’s origins. Though some

outright reject the abandoned infant story as a work of fiction, a closer examination of the facts

is warranted. With the exception of Brian Lewis’ The Sargon Legend, there is very little in-

depth scholarly work on the details of Sargon’s birth legend. While there are examples of the

rescued foundling story in the literature of many cultures, it seems that Sargon’s case is one of

the oldest examples that has been discovered.

The best-known source for Sargon’s origin account comes from cuneiform tablet CT 13,

written in Akkadian and dated to sometime around 1200-700 BCE.68 The account is regarded as

a pseudo-autobiographical work because, though the story is presented as Sargon’s first-person

account, many scholars doubt that the story truly is autobiographical due its late dating. A late

dating, however, does not necessarily exclude the possibility of the account originally being

autobiographical. CT 13, of course, could simply be a late copy of an earlier work given that

references to Sargon are found within the twenty fourth and twenty second centuries BCE on

steles erected by his grandson Naram-Sin and various poems written by his daughter

Enhuedanna.69 The text of CT 13 recounts Sargon’s birth to a mother described as either a high

priestess or a “changeling.”70 The text implies that Sargon’s birth was hidden because of his

68. CT 13 "The Birth-Legend of Sargon." in Babylonian Theodicy | Electronic Tools and Ancient Near
East Archives, http://www.etana.org/node/578; see also "The Legend of Sargon of Akkadê, C. 2300 BCE." Internet
History Sourcebooks, Accessed July 02, 2018, https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/ancient/2300sargon1.asp.
69. For a detailed translation of the Naram-Sin stele, see Joan Goodnick Westenholz , trans.,“Naram-Sin
Victory Stele,” in Legends of the Kings of Akkade: The Texts, (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2014); See also
Renate Marian Van Dijk, trans., “The Standards on the Victory Stele of Naram-Sin” in Journal of Semitics 25,
no. 1, (2017); For Enhuedanna’s writings, see "The Temple Hymns: Translation." in The Electronic Text Corpus
of Sumerian Literature, Accessed July 02, 2018, http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section4/tr4801.htm.
70. CT 13, “The Birth-Legend of Sargon: The Legend of Sargon of Akkadê, C. 2300 BCE.

39
mother’s status and title. The exact use of the Akkadian term ēnetu (rendered as “priestess” in

most translations) is somewhat debated, with most scholars holding that it is the singular form

of ēntu which itself is regarded as the feminine form of the Sumerian word for “lord.” The ēntu

priestesses most likely served male gods with the word being directly translated from the

Sumerian for god’s lady or mistress.71 This would possibly explain why Sargon’s birth was

problematic for his mother as her religious status as the wife or mistress of a god would prevent

her from having sexual relations outside of her priestly duties. We know from other ANE texts

that it was common for priestess to engage in sacred sex ceremonies though such encounters

were ritualistic and occurred under specific circumstances.72 The information that we have on

the ANE religious practices tells us that the ēntu were prohibited from bearing children.73 The

conception of Sargon would have most certainly brought swift and severe punishment for

Sargon’s mother, which gives us the probable reason for why his birth was hidden. Further

research into the nature of the ēntu reveals some interesting details into Sargon’s possible

ancestry.

One of the clearest insights into the role of the ēntu is found in none other than Sargon’s

own daughter, Enheduanna. After consolidating his reign, Sargon appointed his daughter

Enheduanna as high priestess to the moon god Nanna-Sin of Ur. Enheduanna’s royal lineage

and her appointment to the priesthood by the king fits with the generally accepted scholarly

view of the ēntu. Sargon’s mother serving as an ēnetu implies that she was of royal blood or was

related to royalty in some way.74 We see from the historical record that the practice of a king

appointing

71. J. Renger, trans., ZA 58 (1967) 146 f. § 56 see similarities with nin-dingir –“god’s lady/mistress.”
72. James Frazer (1922), The Golden Bough (London: Macmillan and Company, 1922), Chapter 31.
73. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 38-40.
40
74. Ibid., 41.

41
his daughter as high priestess of Ur was practiced for a time long after Sargon’s reign. The last

king of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, Nabonidus, installed his daughter Ennigaldi-Nanna as high

priestess of Ur during the sixth century BCE.75 With a historical pattern of the en priestesses

coming from royal blood, Sargon himself could have been considered of royal descent through

his mother’s lineage. Sargon’s mother, as an en priestess would have been either the daughter or

close relative of an ANE king.76 It is a possibility that the exposure of Sargon was an attempt to

dispose of a potential challenger to the throne of Sargon’s home city. This possibility is

strengthened when we observe this very scenario played out in multiple ANE stories of exposed

infant heroes who are disposed of as an effort to safeguard the reigning king’s rule (Cyrus II,

Gilgamesh, Romulus and Remus).

Even without the issue of the social and cultural status regarding Sargon’s mother, it is

also possible that Sargon’s birth was in and of itself illegitimate due to the identity of his father.

The fact that the Sargonian birth legend mentions that Sargon did not know his father could be

interpreted as a reference to his illegitimate and therefore scandalous conception.77 This seems

to at least give some credence to the historicity of the story as the circumstances surrounding

Sargon’s birth are plausible. However, we are faced with the problem of a contradiction

regarding the identity of Sargon’s father when we compare the birth legend and the Sumerian

Sargon legend. While the birth legend clearly states that Sargon did not know his father, the

Sumerian Sargon Legend names his father as La’ibum.78 This contradiction raises questions as

to which birth tradition is the original. If Sargon knew his father as the Sumerian Sargon

Legend

75. Penelope N. Weadock. "The Giparu at Ur." in Iraq 37, no. 2 (1975): 101. doi:10.2307/4200011.
76. Ibid., “So important was the office that the priestess was always of royal blood, the daughter or sister of
the king.”
77. Childs, The Birth of Moses, 109-110.
41
78. Cooper and Heimpel, The Sumerian Sargon Legend, 69.

42
seems to reveal, then it would seem that the legendary birth account developed separately as a

more mythologized story.

Sargon’s birth legend takes a more mythological and fictional tone when it is revealed

that his mother set him adrift on the river Euphrates in a reed basket covered in bitumen. This

portion of the story bears a striking resemblance to the birth story of Moses as found in the

second chapter of Exodus. The parallels of these two stories have not been lost on scholars, with

a few attempting to explain the striking similarities. Both the stories of Moses and Sargon

reflect a common ANE practice of exposing unwanted progeny. The traditional sequence of

child abandonment and recovery is found in a set of Sumerian-Akkadian legal documents

known as ana ittišu.79 The process almost always follows a particular pattern that involves the

finding of the child, recognizing it as a recovered foundling, and wet nursing the child with the

child finally returned to and adopted by the one who recovered him.80 The accounts of Moses

and Sargon present an interesting intermingling of both legal and narrative literary genre. With

the story of Moses, we have all of the aforementioned stages of the typical foundling pattern.

We even see Moses given a name by his adopter which also has legal precedence in the ANE.81

It seems that with Moses’ account the legal genre is more closely followed rather than the

narrative literary form. With Sargon, however, a narrative description of the events is presented

with few elements from the legal genre. With Sargon’s origin story having more of a narrative

background, some scholars have dismissed it as mostly a work of fiction. It is possible,

however, that Sargon’s account simply reflected the very real case of his mother attempting to

rid herself of a shameful pregnancy and birth while still maintaining some compassion for the

child.

81. Ibid.

42
79. Cooper and Heimpel, The Sumerian Sargon Legend, 111.
80. Ibid.

81. Ibid.

43
 When dealing with the comparison of the Moses and Sargon legends, the primary

concern is that of which story borrowed from the other. On the surface the obvious answer is

that the writer of Moses’ story clearly borrowed from the Sargonian legend since Sargon

predates Moses by at least a full millennium. This is a hasty conclusion. It is accurate to

conclude that references to Sargon seem to have been well known and wide spread in the

ancient world.82 This, however, ignores the problems faced when trying to date both the

Sargonian and Mosaic texts. Regarding the account of Moses’ birth, some scholars date the

Egyptian exodus texts to around 627 BCE while others favor sometime around 1400 BCE.

Regardless of the dating of the Mosaic texts, the real problem lies with the dating of the

Sargonian legend.

There is evidence that favors an early dating for the Sargonian texts – sometime around

2039 BCE. The connection between the early Sargonian period texts and the Sumerian King

List, along with the Sargonian birth legends alignment with the known adoption practices of the

ANE, all favor an early dating. There are, however, other pieces of evidence that strongly

support a later dating. The mention of the use of specific bronze and copper tools in the

Sargonian accounts points to a later dating of the Sargonian texts. The tools were used to dig

roads through elevated terrain. Such campaigns were known to have occurred during the reign of

Sargon II. 83 Certain Neo-Assyrian orthographic forms used in the Sargon text point to a

composition date of between approximately 900-600 BCE. For example, the use of the variant

sír-ra-mu for “wild ass” rather than the normal form of serrēmu points to a Neo-Assyrian

writing.84 The texts also contain interesting idiomatic expressions that only appear in the later

82. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 266.

83. Ibid., 97-100.
84. W. von Soden, AHW, 1038.

43
Assyrian period. Specifically, three idiomatic expressions used in the Sargonian legend are only

used elsewhere in

82. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 266.

83. Ibid., 97-100.
84. W. von Soden, AHW, 1038.

43
texts compiled during the Middle and Neo-Assyrian periods.85 For example, one specific

idiomatic expression used in Sargon’s legend was first commonly used in the royal inscriptions

of Tiglath-Pileser I during the Middle Assyrian period. The quadrilateral verb nabalkutu when

paired with the noun šadȗ means “to jump over mountains.” This particular idiom was not in

use until the reign of Tiglath-Pileser I’s reign in 1115-1077 BCE.86

When taking into consideration the evidence regarding the dating of the Sargonian texts,

it seems more plausible that the bulk of the legend was compiled closer to the time of Sargon II

of Assyria rather than the legend being completely original to the Sargonian period. Lewis, for

example, notes the similarities between Sargon of Akkad’s account and the texts from the reign

of Sargon II. One peculiarity found in the Sargon of Akkad texts is that of the conquest of

Tilmun. While the Sargon of Akkad account describes the Tilmun conquest as an important and

major military victory, the actual historical evidence points to limited contact with Tilmun

before the Neo-Assyrian period. Sargon II, however, bragged of a defeated Tilmun offering

regular tribute to the Assyrians during his reign. 87 This, along with noted linguistic and narrative

similarities between Sargon of Akkad’s accounts and the inscriptions of Sargon II, point to a

later dating for the development of the Sargonian birth legend.

An analysis of the shared points between the Moses and Sargon legends, while striking,

also shows that literary borrowing in either direction is unlikely due to the issues of dating the

relevant texts. It is far more likely that the stories of Sargon and Moses were separately

influenced by an overall archetype. While it is possible that early oral traditions influenced the

stories, the late idiomatic phrases in the Sargonian texts and the heavy Egyptian influence in the

85. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 100.

86. Ibid., 100-101.
87. Ibid., 105.

44
Moses story show that is unlikely. It is also possible that the primary elements of both stories

are factual given the prevalence of infant exposure and adoption in the ancient world. When a

closer examination of the key elements of each story is carried out, the differences are apparent.

First, the element of secrecy surrounding the birth of both heroes has key differences in

each story. The birth of Moses is kept secret in order to preserve his life. Moses’ birth account

lacks the element of a shameful or unwanted pregnancy. Quite the opposite, the Mosaic account

makes it clear that Moses’ birth was otherwise normal and wanted. Also lacking in the Mosaic

story is the issue of illegitimate birth. While Sargon makes it clear that he did not know his

father, Exodus records that Moses parents were married, with the text later giving us the names

and tribal affiliations of both his parents.88 There are no hints of anything beyond a culturally

normal conception and birth in the Moses account. The Sargonian legend, however, makes it

clear that Sargon’s conception was at least illegitimate and most likely forbidden due to his

mother’s status as a priestess. While the Sargonian legend does not explicitly say that his birth

was forbidden, what we know of the ANE priestess culture tells us that such a conception and

birth would have been a violation of Sargon’s mother’s duties.89 It is very likely that Sargon’s

birth was legally and religiously forbidden, hence the secrecy. This raises the possibility that

Sargon’s abandonment was intended as a creative way to dispose of him rather than preserve

his life, though one cannot ignore the fact that Sargon’s mother’s intention was not for his

immediate harm or death.

The mode and action of abandonment, though nearly identical on the surface, also has

its differences between the two accounts. With Moses’ story we see a clear attempt to preserve

the

88. Ex. 2:1 and 6:20 ESV.

89. James Frazer, “Chapter 31,” in The Golden
Bough.
45
life of the child. The care taken in preparing the basket to hold Moses is evident, along with his

mother’s action of placing the basket among the reeds of the shore of the river rather than

casting it directly upon the current of the waters.90 Furthermore, an analysis of the Hebrew-

Egyptian context of the Moses birth story gives us a key detail in the use of the reed basket.

While such a vessel would obviously keep the infant Moses safe while drifting upon the waters,

it was also most likely designed to be easily spotted. Historical evidence shows that Egyptian

ships often carried such baskets for the transport of idols.91 This basket would have certainly

drawn the attention of an Egyptian passerby. With Sargon the very verbiage used to describe his

mother placing him into the waters of the river paints a scene of the priestess casting down the

infant Sargon about the current of the river. There doesn’t seem to be any hope that Sargon

would be discovered, though the preparation of the basket does show the intention of, at least

temporarily, preserving Sargon’s life. Where we see shame and scandal in the birth of Sargon

we see care and hope in that of Moses’.

While both stories share many details, there are, as we have seen, notable differences.

One of the most important distinctions is the very clear Hebrew and Egyptian influences that

are apparent in Moses’ story. We see an Egyptian princess, not a male servant/worker nor a

fellow Hebrew, finding Moses. With Sargon, a lowly irrigator/date farmer draws Sargon up

from the water and raises him as his own. In the male oriented ANE culture, the use of a female

figure, even one of royal stature, seems out of place. While Sargon’s adopter is low in social

stature, his being male fits within the expectations for the time. Even more so, the fact that

Sargon was

90. Ex. 2:3 ESV.

91. W. H. Gispen, Commentary on Exodus (Zondervan, 1982), Exodus
2.
46
discovered by a laborer and not a member of the royal or noble class, fits with the common

ANE theme of a king or hero who rose from humble beginnings.

In typical stories of exposed infant heroes, the fate of the abandoned child usually

follows a rags-to-riches motif.92 Sargon’s story certainly follows this motif as we see him

elevated from the position of an abandoned illegitimate infant to the cup bearer of the king of

Kish. Moses, however, runs counter to the traditional ANE format by eventually throwing off

his new-found social advancement to humbly rejoin his Hebrew kin. In the Moses account, we

find another deviation from the typical exposed infant motif with the appearance of Moses’

sister, who acts as a distant observer who eventually influences the fate of the abandoned

child.93 We find no such parallel in the Sargon account.

If we follow the common scholarly conclusion that such details of Sargon’s story are

embellishments, then it seems that these details would serve to connect Sargon to the common

class of people in the cities he would eventually conquer. Portraying Sargon’s history as that of

an outcast who was elevated into the ruling class by the hands of the gods could have possibly

helped to legitimize his claim to the throne of his empire. As has been previously mentioned,

Sargon’s name is actually a title and not his given name (sargon is Akkadian for

legitimate/rightful king). This could be a hint at his attempts to use propaganda to justify his

usurpation of power from the rightful city-state kings. There is also the possibility, which will

be addressed later, of the Sargonian legend being compiled during the eighth century BCE reign

of Sargon II to bring some kind of legitimacy to his own claim to power.

92. Ibid., 115-116.

93. Ex. 2:4-10 ESV.

47
 When analyzing the data and information available on Sargon’s birth legend, it is

apparent that much of the account is fictionalized. It is clear that literary motifs are heavily

used in describing the birth and adoption of Sargon of Akkad. The details of his abandonment

and rescue, while technically possible, are nonetheless improbable given the fact that the theme

is heavily repeated in other contemporaneous myths and legends. As has been mentioned, we

also have the peculiar issue of the apparent contradiction regarding the identity of Sargon’s

father. In the end, Sargon’s birth legend plays a key role in connecting him to the commoners

of his time while also giving legitimacy to his eventual rise to power.
 Sargon’s Rise to Power

Before Sargon conquered the core of the Mesopotamian cities and founded his empire,

the city-states of Mesopotamia and Sumer existed essentially as independent kingdoms with

their own monarchs and religious leaders. While there are some records that indicate that

previous kings had conquered other Mesopotamian cities, Sargon is the first to have done so on

such a grand scale while claiming authority over the entire region.

We know nothing of Sargon’s life before his time in the court of the king of Kish other

than what is detailed in the birth legend. We know of his adoption by the gardener Aqqi, but

there is no other mention of Sargon’s life between his adoption and his appointment as the cup

bearer of Ur-Zababa.94 Understanding Sargon’s upbringing would provide valuable information

that could possibly help us understand how he became a court official. This information is,

unfortunately, still lost to the ages. This forces us to begin our research efforts much later in

Sargon’s life. Certain assumptions can be made about a possible life of date farming before his

days as a cup bearer, based upon his origin story. How, exactly, Sargon became an official to

the king of Kish remains a mystery as none of the available texts give any information about

that part of Sargon’s life.95

The story of Sargon’s usurpation of power is fascinating. It involves a complex story of

divine dreams, attempted ambush/entrapment, and the recurring theme of the triumph of divine

destiny in the affairs of humankind.96 The available text begins with Sargon as the cup bearer

in the court of Ur-Zababa, the king of Kish. It is interesting that Sargon’s story begins in Kish

as

94. Cooper and Heimpel, The Sumerian Sargon Legend, 68-

69. 95.Ibid., 68.

 96. See tablets TRS 73 and 3N T296, as translated by Cooper and Heimpel, for the most extant compilation
of this story.
the Sumerian King List tells us that, after the great flood that is frequently mentioned in ANE

literature, “kingship was in Kish.” 97 This could be regarded as evidence that Kish played a

crucial role in establishing an early hegemony among the various Sumerian cities. Though it

may seem a minor detail, Sargon’s beginnings as a court official in Kish could have certainly

served

to boost the legitimacy of his rule after the fact.

Strong religious themes are often found throughout ANE literature and Sargon’s story is

no different. We see this early on with Sargon receiving a divine dream within the first few lines

of the story.98 This element is repeated multiple times throughout the account. The visions and

dreams show that the divine hand of providence is at work in the life of Sargon. The use of these

religious themes undoubtedly serves as a form of propaganda for Sargon, given the entwined

nature of life and religion in the ANE. As mentioned before, Sargon’s given name is unknown,

as Sargon literally means legitimate king in Akkadian. This fact, when paired with the theory

that the Sargonian legend serves as a form of propaganda, gives credence to the theory that

much of the Sargonian legend has been shaped over time by ANE literary elements.

The dreams featured in the Sargon legend fit the literary form of omen dreams used often

in ANE religious texts. The first dream detailed in the text is detailed in a dialogue between

Sargon and Ur-Zababa after the latter was awakened by Sargon’s startling dream:

Oh cup-bearer, was a dream revealed to you in

The night?”
Sargon replied to his king [Ur-Zababa],
“Oh my king, this is my dream which I will have
told you about:
There was a single young woman, she was high
as the heavens, she was broad as the earth.
She was firmly set as the [bas]e of a wall.
For me, she drowned you in a great [river],
a
97. Sumerian King List, Livius.org, line 21.
98. Cooper and Heimpel, trans., “The Sumerian Sargon Legend,” in The Sumerian Sargon Legend.
 river of blood.99

Even for the modern reader it is not difficult to decipher that the meaning of the dream is not

one of good fortune for Ur-Zababa. This is obviously an omen of death for the king of Kish,

revealed to his cup-bearer Sargon. Ur-Zababa could have interpreted this as his death coming at

the hands of Sargon or that Sargon had now found favor in the eyes of the gods. We see a

similar theme repeated in certain biblical tales, such as Abimelech’s receiving a warning to not

touch the wife of Abraham lest he be slain,100 or Nebuchadnezzar’s dream of the tree

representing his reign being chopped down.101 As a work of ANE literature, we find twenty-one

divine dreams in the Bible.102 Of these, six are had by a king. The divine dreams often warn

these kings of their pending doom or some cataclysmic about to befall their realms. In the

Sargonian legend we see that this literary device was well used in ANE writing.

While the Sargonian texts have enjoyed much attention in the form of translations and

transliterations, little has been done to address the problem establishing an accurate dating of the

primary texts. For example, the Sargonian Birth Legend has been preserved in later copies.

Despite this, many scholars seem to hold to an early dating of the Sargonian legend without

offering much in the way of supporting evidence.

99. Cooper and Heimpel, The Sumerian Sargon Legend, 77.

100. Gen. 20 ESV.
101. Dan. 4 ESV.
102. Gen. 20, 28, 31, 37, 40, and 41; Jdg. 7; 1 Kgs. 3:5-15; Dan. 2, 4, and 7; Matt 1; Matt. 2; Matt. 27 ESV.

51
 Post-Sargonic Texts

Any study on the historicity of individuals would see evidence of the existence of any

descendants as a way to prove that the individual in question was historical. In Sargon’s case

we have a wealth of information pertaining to his children and grandchildren. We know that

Sargon had at least four sons and a daughter as they are directly mentioned in numerous ancient

texts. Sargon also had many grandchildren, with Naram-Sin being the best known. Various

victory steles mention Manishtushu and Rimush, the two sons who succeeded Sargon as the

kings of Akkad.103 We know of two other sons, Ibarum and Abaish-takal, along with a daughter

named Enheduanna. For this project we will deal primarily with Rimush, Manishtushu,

Enheduanna, and Sargon’s grandson Naram-Sin.

Rimush and Manishtushu

Rimush, the son of Sargon, succeeded his father as king of the Akkadian Empire.

According to the Sumerian King List, Rimush ruled for only nine years, facing multiple revolts

and widespread challenges to his rule.104 Various tablets, victory steles, and votive offerings

make clear mention of Rimush. A tablet now housed in the Louvre list some of Rimush’s

victories against Elamite cities and the king of Marhashi.105 The tradition of the ancient Bārûtu

compendium holds that Rimush was assassinated by his advisors.106 After the death of his

103. Melissa Eppihimer, trans., “Manishtushu Statues.”. in “Assembling King and State: The Statues of
Manishtushu and the Consolidation of Akkadian Kingship." in American Journal of Archaeology 114, no. 3
(2010): 365-80. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25684286; Joan Goodnick Westenholz, trans., “Naram-Sin Victory
Stele,” in Legends of the Kings of Akkade: The Texts, (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2014); Renate Marian Van
Dijk, trans., “The Standards on the Victory Stele of Naram-Sin” in Journal of Semitics 25, no. 1, (2017);
104. "The Sumerian Kings List." Livius.org; Gwendolyn Leick, Who's Who in the Ancient Near
East, (London: Routledge, 1988), 137.
105. Louvre Museum, AO5476.
114. Ulla Koch-Westenholz, Babylonian Liver Omens: The Chapters Manzazu, Padanu, and Pan Takalti of
the Babylonian Extispicy Series Mainly from Assurbanipal's Library. (Museum Tusculanum, 2000), 394.
brother, Manishtushu inherited the throne of Akkad. The historical evidence provides an

interesting insight into the relationship between Manishtushu and Rimush, as Rimush is listed as

the younger brother of Manistushu. This is somewhat perplexing as, traditionally, the eldest son

was the immediate heir to the throne. Some scholars have speculated that Rimush and

Manishtushu were twins, as the second twin born was often considered to have been the first one

conceived which could possibly explain the unusual succession.107 The rebellions faced by

Rimush during his reign were no longer an issue as Manishtushu ascended the throne. This

allowed Manishtushu to carry out military campaigns in an attempt to expand the Akkadian

Empire. There are inscriptions that detail Manishtushu’s operations along the Persian Gulf,

looting various cities along the way.108

Enheduanna

After usurping power and establishing his rule over the majority of Mesopotamia,

Sargon appointed his daughter high priestess of Inanna in Ur. Such an appointment was most

likely politically motivated as a way for Sargon to shore-up his rule in the southern portion of

his empire. The historical evidence reveals that Enheduanna served as priestess in Ur during the

rule of her father Sargon and well into her brother Rimush’s reign. During this time,

Enheduanna compiled over forty liturgical works that are still preserved today. Her hymns and

poems are the earliest known examples of writing, making Enheduanna the earliest known

author in history. She is also one of the few members of Sargon’s family that is physically

depicted in surviving artifacts.109 Enheduanna served as high priestess for at least twenty-five

years, possibly into the

107. Mario Liverani, Review: Archiv Für Orientforschung 48/49, (2001), 180-
81. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41668552.
108. Samuel Noah Kramer, The Sumerians: Their History, Culture, and Character, (University of
Chicago Press, 2010).
109. Figure 3.
reign of her nephew Naram-Sin. She even successfully overcame a political coup by Lugal-
Ane

which led to her temporary exile.110

Enheduanna is most likely a title and not the priestess’ given name, as Enheduanna can

be translated as “High Priestess of An” or “En-Priestess wife of Nanna.”111 As an En-Priestess,

Enheduanna would have managed the temple complex in Ur, overseeing the religious details of

the city.112 In her hymns such as “The Exaltation of Inanna” and “Goddess of the Fearsome

Powers,” Enheduanna reshapes the basic theological structure of the Akkadian Empire,

essentially restructuring the Sumerian pantheon to align with the gods of Sargon. Such a

unification of religious thought would have served Sargon well as he sought to establish

complete hegemony over Mesopotamia.113 Enheduanna’s forty-two hymns were addressed and

distributed to various cities across Sumer, showing the level of religious syncretism that

developed during the reign of Sargon. It was Enheduanna’s hymns and poems that solidified

the link between the Sumerian goddess Inanna and the Akkadian goddess Ishtar.

An examination of the plethora of sources that make mention of Sargon’s descendants

reveal a well-established dynasty even before the death of Sargon. Both Rimush and

Manishtushu continued the reign of their father while their sister Enheduanna’s influence on the

development of poetry and literature is still apparent. Much of the basic poetic structure still

used today is based on the format first set down by Enheduanna over four thousand years ago.

110. William W. Hallo and J.J.A. Van Dijk, trans., The Exaltation of Inanna (New Haven, Yale
University Press, 1968).
111. Ibid.
112. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 38.
113. Ibid., 40.
54
 Naram-Sin

Within the Sargonian dynasty the only other monarch to have gained as much prestige

and honor as its name sake was that of Sargon’s grandson, Naram-Sin. Many historians have

argued that the Akkadian Empire had its greatest era of influence under the rule of Naram-Sin.

Due to his military success and the extent of his rule, the source material on Naram-Sin is

plentiful. For example, the Victory Stele of Naram-Sin is one of the more detailed sources we

have regarding the Sargonian dynasty. Depicting Naram-Sin’s defeat of the Lullubi people, the

stele is unique in that it directly depicts Naram-Sin in a divine light—something usually

reserved for deceased monarchs who had been apotheosized. The stele is also intriguing

because of its vertical layout as opposed to the traditional horizontal format. Based upon the

imagery used, the vertical arraignment may have been utilized in order to focus on the near

divine attributes of Naram-Sin, who is wearing the horned helmet usually reserved for the

gods.114 The stele was later recovered and moved by Elamite king Shutruk-Nakhunte, a

descendant of the defeated Lullubi people, sometime during the twelfth century BCE.115 The

stele currently resides in the Louvre museum.

Studying the Sargonian texts and records reveals the historical reality of Sargon and his

role in ANE history. The surviving tablets show that Sargon historically ruled as the founder of

the Sargonian dynasty in the late twenty-fourth century BCE. Two surviving victory steles

reveal a ruler who swiftly and decisively consolidated power as he built his empire. The quick

expansion of the Akkadian empire after Sargon’s rise to power is evidence of a ruler who was

able to rally military support in order to accomplish his goal of conquering all of Mesopotamia.

114. Figure 4.
115. D.T. Potts, The Archaeology of Elam, (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1999), 232-237.
Looking to the story of Sargon’s usurpation of power from the Kings of Uruk and Kish gives us

important insight into the details of Sargon’s rise to prominence. Rather than inheriting power

in the traditional fashion, Sargon seized power as a rebellious usurper. The translation of his

very name, “legitimate king,” hints that his efforts at legitimizing his coup started early on

during his reign. Such details strengthen the claim that Sargon was indeed a historical figure. As

we look at the historical record surrounding Sargon’s descendants, we find a family that worked

to maintain the empire built by their patriarch. Both of Sargon’s sons each inherited their

father’s throne, leaving behind evidence of their lives in the form of various victory steles that

reveal important information about their extensive military campaigns, financial transactions,

and religious views. Sargon’s daughter Enheduanna’s time as a priestess provides us with

valuable literary evidence that reveals the core religious views of the early ANE. Sargon’s

grandson Naram-Sin rivaled his own grandfather’s fame with a series of successful campaigns

that expanded the boundaries of the Akkadian empire. The record of these exploits has survived

in the form of the Naram-Sin victory stele. Overall, the textual evidence points to a historical

Sargon who lived and ruled as one of the first great empire builders in human history.
 CHAPTER III. ANALYSIS: RELATED MOTIFS IN OTHER LITERATURE

One of the more intriguing aspects of Sargon’s legend is the incorporation of certain

literary motifs that appear rather frequently in other literary accounts. From elements of the

abandoned infant hero motif to the warrior-king archetype, it is clear that Sargon’s mythology

is connected to the whole of ancient literature. In this chapter, specific examples from ancient

literature will be examined and compared to Sargon. While some of the source material

connected to these individuals may have more in common with mythology than historical fact,

they are still an important part of the research methodology.

Literary Development

Sargon’s tale has played a major role in the development of ANE literature. His story not

only captivated the minds of Mesopotamians, but also those of Egyptians and Anatolians.116

Sargon served as a model for future empire builders in the ANE. Though Sargon’s image

morphed and changed as time progressed, his status as a great leader was preserved. From the

oldest texts we have that describe Sargon, an image of unsurpassed military conquest and

personal pride is conveyed. Sargon makes special note of the expansiveness of his empire and

his exploits as a conquering warrior. A strong military leader, Sargon was also a shrewd

businessman who involved himself in trade efforts, shared his wealth, and was dedicated to the

religion of his people.117 This imagery is perhaps the closest we can come to understanding how

Sargon portrayed himself during his own time.

116. Fragments of “The King of Battle” have been discovered as far away as Boğazkőy in Turkey and El
Amarna in Egypt.
117. H.V. Hilprecht, trans., “The Nippur Inscription,” in “Old Babylonian Inscriptions Chiefly
from Nippur,” in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 18, no. 1 (1893): 5-54.
 During the second millennium BCE, the story surrounding Sargon began to morph. The

exploits of Sargon were woven into epic literary form, elevating him to legendary status. In the

texts compiled during this time we see a Sargon that is more reserved. For example, The Res

Gestae Sargonis portrays the king as thoughtful and approachable as he genuinely considers the

input of his advisers before going to battle. Sargon speaks to his warriors in a tone that is

indicative of a ruler who takes seriously his role of military commander. After the battle is won,

Sargon openly boasts of both his brutality and his mercy. 118

By the time of the first millennium BCE, Sargon’s character begins to take on semi-

mythical elements with sources such as the Babylonian World Map listing Sargon as one of

only three mortal men to have journeyed to the mythical lands of the edge of the earth.119 The

Chronicle of Kings portrays Sargon as the unrivaled conqueror of the known world whose

dominion future kings would try to emulate for centuries.120 The Sargon Birth Legend focuses

on the fanciful elements that surrounded the formative years of Sargon. It is these fanciful

details that pique the interest of scholars attempting to uncover the truth of Sargon’s origins. An

examination of two important literary elements, the warrior-king archetype and the exposed

infant motif, shows that Sargon’s account has strong ties to various stories that developed over

the course of ancient history.

118. Joan Goodnick Westenholz, trans., “Res Gestae Sargonis” in The Legends of the Kings of Akkade, 78-
140.
119. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 111.
120. Grayson, trans., “The Chronicle of Early Kings,” in Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles.
 The Exposed Infant Motif

The recurring exposed infant motif has been found in the origin accounts of gods and

men alike.121 The prominence of this particular literary device may point to the innate desire for

the common people to understand the origins of their cultural heroes. Such revered individuals,

both mythical and historical, impacted the lives of those who told their tales. It is

understandable, then, why these origin stories are so prolific across the wide spectrum of human

history.

Lewis noted that when analyzing the exposed infant motif, there are seven basic

components that seem to be shared across most of the accounts.122 First, the story starts with an

explanation of the abandonment of the child. For example, Sargon was abandoned due to the

shame of his mother conceiving a child while serving as a priestess. Second, nearly all of the

abandoned infant stories include a child of noble or prominent birth. In many stories, the child

is of royal descent. In others, the child is conceived by the union of a god and mortal. The third

point found in the exposed infant motif is that of the preparation for abandonment or exposure.

In some accounts, such as those of Sargon and Moses, a small wooden vessel is prepared for

the child. In other stories, the abandoned child is left with certain valuables or items of

significance. In still other accounts, the child is carefully observed in the distance by agents of

the parents. The fourth element, the core detail of the motif, is that of the abandonment and

exposure itself. In a majority of the accounts that repeat the exposed infant motif, the child is

abandoned on or near a river or the sea. In a smaller, yet substantial set of the stories, the child

is left exposed in the wilderness. This latter version of the abandonment aligns more closely

with infant exposure as it was practiced in the ANE.

121. Talbot, Fragment of Ancient Assyrian Mythology, 272.

59
122. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 211.

60
 The fifth and sixth elements are interconnected as they both deal with the discovery and

adoption of the abandoned infant. With Sargon, the fifth element of special protection is

lacking. Other stories, such as that of Romulus and Remus, tell of some wild animal finding and

nursing the exposed infant. Other accounts tell of a god or goddess rescuing the child from their

fate. In all of the known stories that share the exposed infant motif, the abandoned child was

eventually adopted. The social status of the adopting individual was either that of a commoner

or a member of nobility. This fits with what we know about the legal practice of adoption in

ancient history. The adopting parents were usually of noble lineage who, for whatever reason,

could not bear their own heirs. In many other cases the adopting parents were commoners,

usually shepherds or farmers who found the exposed child in the wilderness. In those cases, the

adoption was often due to compassion for the abandoned child

The final element is that of the accomplishments of the hero after their rearing. After the

foundling is adopted and raised, they go on to accomplish some great task, usually associated

with fulfilling a prophecy regarding their fate or destiny. We see this with regular frequency in

many of the origin accounts of Greek heroes and gods. 123 These 7 elements are almost always

found, with some form of variation, in the ancient birth legends of prominent heroes, gods, and

kings.

123. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 211-213.

60
 Warrior-King Archetype

Another literary device found among many ancient epic accounts, including that of

Sargon, is what this writer has labeled the warrior-king archetype. Often paired with the

exposed infant motif, the warrior-king archetype commonly portrays a central royal figure as the

quintessential warrior setting out on campaigns of conquest in order to expand his monarchal

influence. For centuries after the death of Sargon, the ancient world viewed him as a larger than

life figure who created an empire around which future monarchs would repeatedly pattern their

own reigns.124

There are four main components to the warrior-king archetype that define the literary

device and its usage. First, the monarchial figure is central to the stability of his realm. The

society ruled by the king owed its very existence to its king who was the central supporting

pillar of civilization. The king also served a central role in the religious system of his people.

Though priest and priestesses served the everyday spiritual needs of the people, the king was

often seen as the most direct connection to the gods. Second, the king was a combination of

executive and legislative figures requiring him to be steadfast and decisive. His decision

making was swift and principled, being done in a manner that was best for his people and his

empire. Third, the

warrior-king was wise. The king balanced his decisions with his experience, knowledge, and

intelligence. Such wisdom was often seen as being a gift from the gods for the purpose of

properly ruling the people of the realm. Finally, and often most importantly, the king was strong

and powerful. The typical warrior-king protected his boundaries by exercising shrewd military

policies and proper diplomatic relations. While wisely exercising restraint, the warrior-king was

prepared to engage in campaigns of military conquest when needed. Though the warrior-king
124. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 109.

61
archetype has its variances, the four aforementioned components are consistently found in the

various epics and stories of warrior-king heroes of ancient literature. We specifically see this

motif in the details surrounding the reign of Sargon. Sargon was a central figure to the very

empire he had built. His people regarded him as balanced and wise, while he maintained

military supremacy over his challengers.

The exposed infant motif and warrior-king archetype are two main themes that we find

well represented in the corpus of Sargonian texts. Even more interesting is the fact that these

elements are repeated in a substantial number of ancient stories. The exposed infant motif alone

has been found in over seventy ancient accounts.125 For the sake of brevity, just a few key

stories that best represent the elements shared with the Sargonian mythology will be analyzed.

While many of the details highlight the cultural influences that have shaped these stories, the

unifying aspects of the motifs used are apparent and identifiable.

Ancient Near East

Cyrus II of Persia

It has been noted that the theme of a king or leader rising from humble beginnings is

found in nearly every culture throughout the world. Whether the accounts are true, myth, or they

hold elements of both, such stories are essentially a permanent part of the global literary

tradition.126 Cyrus’ own legend seems to borrow from that of Sargon’s. While the similarities

between Cyrus and Sargon are not as striking as compared to Moses and Sargon, the abandoned

infant motif is certainly there.

125. Lewis, 151-195.

126. Robert Drews, “Sargon, Cyrus, and Mesopotamian Folk History,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 33,
http://jstor.org/stable/544775.

62
 One of the more well-known accounts of Cyrus’ origins comes from Nicolaus of

Damascus. Nicolaus was a historian during the Augustinian period of the Roman Empire.

Though his writings on the ANE were long regarded as a reliable source, modern historians have

mostly rejected his findings due to issues of discerning historical fact from mythology.127 Be that

as it may, we can still analyze Nicolaus’ account in an attempt to understand the literary

development of the common themes shared with the accounts of Sargon and Cyrus. Also, the

issue of the difficulty in separating fact from myth is one that plaques historians regardless of

the time period or subject. If the idea of using Nicolaus’ account, however, makes researchers

uncomfortable, we do have a similar account drawn from Herodotus. In Cyrus’s story King

Astyages of Media orders that Cyrus be taken from his parents and abandoned by exposure in

the woods. Instead, however, Cyrus was replaced by the still-born son of a shepherd, with the

shepherd raising Cyrus as his own.

The reason behind Astyages’ plan to have Cyrus killed is very similar to Ur-Zababa’s

attempt to have Sargon slain. In Cyrus’s origin story his grandfather Astyages had a dream that

was interpreted as Cyrus eventually rising up and supplanting him as king. This bears a striking

resemblance to Ur-Zababa plotting to have Sargon killed after a dream reveals that Sargon will

be the undoing of the king of Kish.128 In both accounts the issue of divine destiny and

providence is tightly woven throughout the core of the narrative.

As we continue to analyze the details of Cyrus’ origin account, we find yet another

parallel with Sargon’s story. Sargon was raised by a gardener/irrigator who discovered him

adrift on the river. Cyrus, too, seems to have a connection to gardening. Nicolaus tells us that

Cyrus

Society.
63
127. Ibi
d.,
38
8.
128. Co
op
er
an
d
He
im
pel
,
tra
ns.
,
“T
he
Su
me
ria
n
Sar
go
n
Le
ge
nd,
”
in
Jo
ur
na
l
of
the
A
me
ric
an
Or
ien
tal

64
“beautified the royal estate…The superintendent therefore gave him a better suit of clothes and

transferred him from the crew which worked outdoors to that which worked indoors, right near

the king.”129 In the Sargon account it is never explicitly stated that Sargon served as a royal

gardener before his time as the cup-bearer of the king of Kish. If the Cyrus tale is a repetition of

the Sargon account, there is a possibility that the details in Cyrus’ account are a retelling of

Sargon’s that are currently lost to us in the written record. If the gardener-become-king detail

did find its origin in the Sargonian legend, this could potentially explain how Sargon, a lowly

foundling raised by a gardener, managed to become a court official. Such an argument,

however, is one from silence as we have no evidence that such a detail ever existed in the

Sargonian texts.

Even though Sargon as a gardener is based solely on the fact that his adoptive father was

a gardener, it seems that the theme of the gardener-made-king actually has precedent in

Mesopotamian lore, as we find other examples of the theme in ANE chronicle texts. We see

examples of gardeners being installed as substitute kings in the event that divine visions or

omens hinted at the possible demise of the sitting monarch.130 What is perplexing, however, is

how Cyrus, the known grandson of the sitting king of the Medes, was cast into the role of lowly

gardener. If the tale is to be believed, then Astayages genuinely had no idea that the gardener

who ended up replacing him was his own grandson. Based on the details of this story, it is

highly probably that the core of Sargon’s account was woven into the origin legend of Cyrus

sometime around the fifth century BCE.131

129. Cooper and Heimpel, “The Sumerian Sargon Legend,” 389.

130. Ibid.
131. Ibid., 390.
 Gilgamesh

In the third century CE writings of the Roman Claudius Aelianus, commonly known as

Aelian, we see a peculiar account of an eagle saving a baby that had been tossed out from the

citadel of Babylon. Upon further inspection, we find that the baby is none other than

Gilgamos, the legendary Gilgamesh of the epic that bears his name. In this story a king of

Babylon named Seuechorus was told of a prophecy made by his Chaldean court seers that his

daughter would bring forth a son that would challenge his rule. Attempting to forestall fate,

Seuechorus had his daughter secluded and carefully watched by caretakers. Despite his best

efforts, Seuechorus’ daughter conceived in secret by a “man of no distinction.”132 With this

point we find a parallel with Sargon’s story as his father was unknown to him and the text

treats him as a man of no distinction. Had Sargon’s father been of prominent social status or

had respectable character, surely the text would have revealed such a detail. While we cannot

say for certain that Sargon’s father was a man of ill repute, the Sargonian birth legend makes it

clear that the lack of identification for Sargon’s father is an important part of the overall

narrative. We see this repeated in this rendering of Gilgamesh’s own birth legend.

When the guards discovered the birth of the infant Gilgamesh, they tossed the child out

from the prison citadel. As the child fell, an eagle swooped down and caught the infant on its

back. The eagle took Gilgamesh and left him in the midst of a garden. There the gardener

discovered the infant and raised him as his own. Here we find, yet again, the repetition of the

adopting gardener motif used in the Sargonian text. Clearly the element of a gardener, irrigator,

or farmer finding an abandoned infant is a core aspect of the overall motif as the frequency of

its use is striking.

132. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 169.

65
 This unique account of Gilgamesh has nothing in common with the famous epic that

recounts the heroic deeds of the famous fifth king of Uruk. It is also the only surviving Greek

mention of Gilgamesh that has been discovered. We are unsure as to where Aelian heard the

birth legend of Gilgamesh, though his writing shows that the Greeks and Romans were aware

of Gilgamesh’s existence to some degree. There are no other texts that recount Aelian’s version

of this Gilgamesh tale. While the plausibility of this tale of Gilgamesh’s birth is suspect for

obvious reasons, a purely literary examination of the account reveals that many of the core

aspects of the exposed infant motif are clearly present and parallel the elements of the

Sargonian legend. The story behind the abandonment of the child is explained, a plot to

abandon or expose the child is conceived, the exposure is carried out, and the child is saved and

adopted. While many of the details are unique to the Gilgamesh account, it is evidence that the

ANE literary themes continued to be passed down even into the Roman era. This account is of

interest given the fact that the historical Gilgamesh predates the life and reign of Sargon by four

hundred years, yet this account dates to the Roman era though the author claims it is of ancient

origin. Both Sargon and Gilgamesh have been determined to be historical Mesopotamian kings.

Their reputations as great warriors and fierce rulers survived them by many centuries. The lives

of both kings, however, have been largely mythologized. Divine intervention, providence, and

faith play key roles in the stories of both kings.

 Joseph

No other character in the Old Testament exemplifies the rags-to-riches and moral

steadfastness in the face of temptation motifs better than Joseph. While the similarities between

Sargon and Joseph may not be apparent upon a cursory reading of both accounts, there are

shared elements between both stories. Though Joseph’s story does not count as an exposed

infant tale, it certainly does deal with the issue of abandonment at the hands of family. Joseph,

the son of Jacob’s wife Rachel, was despised by his brothers. Beaten and tossed into a dry

cistern, his brothers eventually sold him as a slave to passing Ishmaelites.133 After overcoming

various hardships and hurdles, Joseph was eventually elevated to an official in the court of the

Egyptian pharaoh. 134

Joseph’s betrayal and abandonment, though not technically an example of the exposed

infant motif, reflects the same core elements of the motif. Joseph is sold to a band of traders

rather than murdered by his brothers. While it may appear that Joseph’s brothers’ decision to

spare his life came from a place of compassion, this is unlikely. The goal of the brothers was to

rid themselves of Joseph. Selling him to merchants was simply taking advantage of an

opportunity for financial gain while accomplishing that goal. In Sargon’s case, his birth was one

of scandal and coverup. Born in secret, his mother sought to cover up his very existence. While

we cannot pin down the motive of Sargon’s mother, traditional infant exposure was done to get

rid of unwanted, diseased, or illegitimate children. In both these stories, Joseph and Sargon

experienced rejection from their own families while later being elevated to positions of great

authority and influence.

133. Gen. 37:12-36 ESV.

134. Gen. 39-41 ESV.
 In the biblical account of Joseph, the theme of divine dreams and their interpretation is

key to the overall narrative. We see Joseph having divine dreams and interpreting such dreams

had by others. We most certainly see this same motif in the Sargonian account of Sargon’s

usurpation of power from the kings of Kish and Uruk. The divine dream motif is often found

throughout ANE literature. In many accounts we find the protagonist dealing with the

interpretation of a divine dream had by himself or a certain ruler. In the Sargonian legend,

Sargon dreams of King Ur-Zababa’s demise for Sargon’s own gain. In a similar fashion, we

see Joseph share his own dreams in which his entire family, including his brothers, all bow

down to him, foreshadowing his own rise to power. Furthermore, the Sargonian legend revels a

plot between the kings Ur-Zababa and Lugal-zage-si to assassinate Sargon. In Joseph’s case,

we see his own brothers plotting to kill him due to his claims of his future authority over them.

Finally, Sargon overcame his assassination attempt and took power for himself. Joseph, while

going through a much lengthier ordeal, also overcame his fate and became an important

official in Egypt.
 Nimrod

The identity of the biblical character Nimrod has puzzled historians for centuries, even

though he is only mentioned by name a total of four times in the Bible. In the tenth chapter of

Genesis we are given a pericope that describes Nimrod’s history in concise terms. This

particular passage, while short, is intriguing and piques the curiosity of those wishing to uncover

more information about the identities of both Sargon and Nimrod. In Genesis 10, we are told

that,

Cush fathered Nimrod; he was the first on earth to be a mighty man.

He was a mighty hunter before the LORD.
Therefore it is said, “Like Nimrod a mighty hunter before the LORD.”
The beginning of his kingdom was Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh, in the land
of Shinar. From that land he went into Assyria and built Nineveh, Rehoboth-Ir,
Calah, and Resen between Nineveh and Calah; that is the great city.

A proper hermeneutical and linguistic deconstruction of the above pericope is crucial in painting

an accurate portrait of the Nimrod character. First, it is important to note that Nimrod is most

likely a title rather than a given name. Possibly formed from the Hebrew marad, Nimrod’s name

is best translated as “the rebel” or, when the Hebrew letter nun is considered in the proper name,

the term becomes passive, reflective, or resultative. It is entirely possible, then, for Nimrod to be

translated as “he rebelled,” “he turned against,” or “he is rebellious.”135

It is important to note the phrasing of the latter part of the tenth verse of the pericope.

The ESV accurately renders a straightforward translation of the Hebrew as “he was the first on

earth to be a mighty man” while other translations vary between “he became a mighty one on

the earth” and “who became a mighty warrior on the earth.”136 It would seem that, with the ESV,

KJV and NKJV, the text is making reference to Nimrod’s status as the first great leader after the

135. Douglas Petrovich, “Identifying Nimrod of Genesis 10 with Sargon by Exegetical and
Archaeological Means,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 56, no. 2, (La Mirada, CA, 2013): 277.
136. Levin, Nimrod the Mighty, 351.
flood period in ANE literature. There are problems, however, with this particular rendering of

the text. If the text is rendered as the ESV does, we are left with a nonsensical phrase as we

continue to read in the original language. For example, while the rendering of the Hebrew as

“He began/was first to be a mighty man” is in itself accurate regarding the hiphil stem of chala

(to begin), we run into problems since a lamed prefixed infinitive construct (to purpose or

result) comes immediately after the verb.137 Such a translation of chala would then actually be

nonsensically rendered as “he (Nimrod) began in order to be…” The more common use of chala

as “to profane, defile, desecrate” better fits the context.138 While the word profane carries certain

moral implications within the context of the Hebrew religion, an accurate English translation

could be rendered as “he (Nimrod) was irreverent.” In any case, while the “he was the first on

earth to be a mighty man” translation is a parallel to Sargon’s accomplishment of being the first

great empire builder in human history the “he was/acted irreverent” translation could also be a

reference to Sargon’s violent conquest of the ANE in the eyes of later ANE writers. Regardless

of the translation used, no other historical figure within the ANE tradition fits the timeline of

exploits extrapolated from this statement.

Second, an issue over Nimrod’s moniker of “mighty hunter” must be addressed in order

to place Nimrod’s character in the correct context. While most English translations of the

biblical text render the Hebrew word tsayid as “hunter,” the context of this particular pericope

seems to hint at another possible translation. While “hunter” is indeed an accurate translation of

tsayid almost universally accepted by ANE scholars,139 the appearance of such a random detail

seems out of place within the text. We find in ancient foreign cognates evidence that tsayid has

its roots

138. Gary Alan Long, Chala, in NIDOTTE 2, no.

145.
70
 137. C.L Seow, A Grammar for Biblical Hebrew, (Nashville: Abingdon, 1993), 72; Gary D. Practico
and Miles Van Pelt, Basics of Biblical Hebrew Grammar, (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2001), 74.

138. Gary Alan Long, Chala, in NIDOTTE 2, no.

145.
71
in the ANE concept of slaughtering and a sacrifice of slaughter. In the Ugaritic language we see

the cognate dbh along with the Punic word zbh syd, both referencing a sacrifice of slaughter

outside the context of hunting.140 Thus, we have evidence within the ANE linguistic tradition

that this word can either focus on the food gathered and offered as a sacrifice (the hunted), or

the act of the slaughtering itself (the hunter). The context of the Genesis ten Nimrod pericope

points to the focus being the tyrannical violence at the hands of Nimrod.141 This meshes well

with what we know about the rule of Sargon. We see in the victory steles of Sargon the severity

of his treatment of those whom he conquered. When references are made to Sargon’s military

exploits, the enslavement and slaughter of captives is frequently mentioned.142

In verse ten the writer of Genesis seems to explain the point of origin of Nimrod’s rule.

The context of the Hebrew words used shows that the cities listed are the origin point of

Nimrod’s kingdom and not that Nimrod himself originated from any of those cities.143 In this

list two key Mesopotamian cities are of interest to us. Genesis ten lists both Akkad (Accad) and

Uruk as part of the beginning of Nimrod’s kingdom. This is important as Sargon established his

rule by usurping power from the king of Uruk and then establishing Akkad as his capital. The

evidence, thus far, seems to strongly suggest that an identification of Sargon as Nimrod is a

probability. Such an association has been made in the past but only in a generalized sense. 144

As the geographical evidence of the Nimrod/Sargon link is further studied, we find a

particularly interesting connection between Nimrod’s ancestor Cush and the Mesopotamian city

140. Petrovich, Identifying Nimrod, 279-280.

141. Wakely, in New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology and Exegesis 1, no. 810.
142. Benjamin R Foster, “The Sargonic Victory Stele from Telloh”, Iraq 15, no. 25; See also The
Sargon Victory Steles as translated by Lorenzo Nigro.
143. Bill Arnold, in New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology and Exegesis 3, no. 1025.
144. Levin, The Mighty Nimrod, 361.

71
of Kish. The Sargonian legend tells us that Sargon began his political career as the cup bearer of

the king of Kish. Kish, historically, served as an important city leading up to the formation of

the Akkadian Empire. The linguistic association of Nimrod’s Cush and Sargon’s Kish is not a

new one as earlier scholars have noted the connection.145 While there are concerns with Cush

being geographically associated with anything outside of Africa, it would be a mistake to

dismiss the possibility that a city in the ANE would be named after a key figure in ANE written

tradition regardless of geographic location. The listing of these cities as the start of Nimrod’s

center of rule all correspond to Sargon’s initial consolidation of power when he conquered the

very same city. The specific mention of Uruk, Kish, and Akkad all correspond to Sargon’s

initial military conquests in founding his empire.

Overall, a strong case can be made for Sargon being the biblical character of Nimrod or

that his legend provided the source material for the Nimrod pericope. Sargon’s status as the first

major empire builder in history, his association with the cities of Uruk, Akkad, and Kish, along

with the area known as the land of Shinar, and the details of his swift and authoritarian

consolidation of power all align with what little information we have on Nimrod. Overall, it is

impossible to say with certainty that Sargon is Nimrod, but this writer believes that the evidence

points to such a conclusion.

145. C. Van Gelderen, “Who was Nimrod?,” The Expositor 9, (1914): 276.

72
 Greco-Roman

Romulus and Remus

Considered to be the mythological founders of the city of Rome, the origin story of

Romulus and his twin brother Remus shares some interesting details with that of Sargon. This

particular account is recorded by Plutarch sometime during the first or second century CE.

According to the legend, the brothers Numitor and Amulius were heirs to the throne of Alba in

Central Italy. While Numitor was the older brother, Amulius swiftly consolidated power for

himself, claiming the wealth and land of his father Procas. In order to shore up his claim to the

throne and prevent any challenges to his rule, Amulius appointed his brother’s daughter as a

vestal priestess thus preventing her from ever bearing heirs for the line of Numitor.146

We must pause here for a moment to note the striking similarity with the status and

position of Sargon’s mother who is described as a high priestess. The Sargonian text heavily

implies that the ANE shared the same religious practices as that of the Latin people regarding

sacred sexual rites in that their priestesses were forbidden from bearing children or having

relations outside of their religiously sacred sex ceremonies.147 Sargon’s mother’s status as a

priestess implies that she was of royal heritage. In Romulus and Remus’ tale, the purpose of

their mother’s vestal vows was to prevent their own births. It is possible that such an element

was derived from a part of the Sargonian birth legend that we no longer have. In the case of

Sargon’s mother, she nonetheless conceived and bore her son in secret. Romulus and Remus’

births were also conceived in violation of the priestly requirements of the temple of Vesta,

though the children were sired by the Greek god Mars.148 It is possible that the identity of the

father being

146. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 165.

147. Ibid.
73
148. Ibid.

74
associated with Mars was a way to preserve the honor of the vestal priestess and to remove the

shame of Romulus and Remus’ conception. When the birth was discovered, Amulius had a

servant dispose of the children by abandoning them in a trough by a river. The river carried the

trough to Kermalus where the twins were nursed by a she-wolf. After being found and raised by

a swineherd, Romulus and Remus discovered the truth of their parentage and together

overthrew their great uncle Amulius.149 Romulus and Remus’s story certainly shares the exposed

infant motif with Sargon, including the aspect of being placed in a vessel and set adrift upon a

river. We also see Romulus and Remus eventually adopted and raised to later take on the

monumental task of founding Rome. All of this follows the common theme found in the

exposed infant motif. Sargon becomes an important figure and eventually founds his own

empire. The correlation between the founding of the first major empire in history by an

abandoned infant and the founding of one of the most powerful empires in human history by

abandoned twins is easily seen.

Dionysus

As with many of the Greek myths, there are conflicting accounts of the origins of

Dionysus. One of the accounts, however, bears some resemblance to Sargon’s. Semele, the

daughter of prince Cadmus, the founder of Thebes, conceived a child with the god Zeus and

gave birth to Dionysus. Upon discovering the child, Cadmus placed Semele and Dionysus into a

chest and tossed it into the sea. The chest washed ashore on the coast of Laconia. Upon opening

the chest, the Laconian’s discovered that only Dionysus had survived. The locals buried Semele

and took in Dionysus as one of their own.150

149. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 165.

150. Ibid., 168.

74
 In Dionysus’ account, we have many of the Sargonian elements. First, a child is

conceived under suspicious circumstances. Secondly, the child is (with mother included in this

particular tale) abandoned with the intent of the child being left to the whims of fate. The

Sargonian element of a wooden vessel carrying the child away on water is clearly used in this

story as well and is a crucial part of the Sargon birth legend. The repetition of the sea-worthy

wooden vessel that carries away the exposed infant strongly ties this account to the Sargon

legend and shows that the theme was well in use even into the Classical period of history.

While some minor details vary, the core element is clearly repeated here. As for the

relationship between Dionysus and Sargon, one of the key differences between them is

Dionysus’ semi- divine status. While we see this theme repeated in other stories, it is absent in

Sargon’s account. We do not know of Sargon ever making any claims of his own divinity.
 Ancient Far East

Karna

While the oldest written Sanskrit epics relating the account of Karna date to around 400

BCE, the oral traditions surrounding the story are much older. Karna was born as the love child

between the Indian sun god Surya and the princess Pritha, a daughter of the king of the Yadava

dynasty. Concerned that her actions would bring shame and embarrassment to her family,

Pritha hid her pregnancy. Upon the birth of her son, the princess placed the newborn Karna in a

small basket that had been sealed with beeswax and set it afloat upon the Ganges river. The

basket was discovered along the shore of Champa by a charioteer and his wife as they walked

along the river. The couple, childless, took the discovery of the child as a good omen from the

gods. The couple raised Karna as their own son, who grew into a great warrior and bowman.151

The appearance of the exposed infant motif is clear in Karna’s account. We even see the

key elements of the shameful/hidden birth and the placing of the infant in a basket on a river.

Even more so, the child ends up drifting down the Ganges, the importance of this river to

culture and religion of India being analogous to the importance of the Euphrates in ANE culture

and literature. As Sargon was placed upon one of the most important rivers in the ANE, so the

infant Karna found himself adrift on the most important river in Indian history. As Sargon grew

into a powerful warrior-king, we see Karna developing into a skilled bowman, renowned for his

archery abilities. The similarities between the accounts of Karna and Sargon are astonishing,

especially given the separation between the Far East and ANE cultures. Further research

examining the possible literary correspondence between ancient Indian Near East cultures is

needed in order to better understand the origins of this birth legend motif.

151. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 176-177.

 European

Gregorius

Germanic in origin, or possibly a German copy of a French tale,152 the birth story of

Gregorius is intriguing in its scandalous details and for the fact that it purports to tell the tale of

a man who would go on to become the pope. The product of an incestuous relationship between

the twin children of the king of Aquitania, Gregorius was born in secret in order to not bring

shame to his mother. He was then placed in a chest along with gold and a tablet that detailed the

reason for his abandonment. Trusting divine providence, the mother and her adviser cast the

chest into the sea. Gregorius’ chest was found by two fishermen as it washed ashore. The chest

was taken to the local Catholic abbot who opened it and discovered the baby boy. Gregorius

was baptized and adopted by the abbot who raised him in a monastery. Gregorius grew up and

discovered the nature of his own birth. Distraught, he set out on a life of adventure. While

travelling, he inadvertently married his own mother. Here we see a clear copy of the Oedipus

Rex tale. Discovering what he had done, Gregorius separated from his mother and went into

seclusion to do penance. After being forgiven by God, Gregorius was selected as the next

pope.153

In Gregorius’s story we see the obvious exposed infant motif following the majority of

its most basic elements. Like Sargon, Gregorius’ birth is shameful and secret. Yet again, the

element of the water-tight vessel containing the child being tossed into a body of water is also

present. While Gregorius’ rescuers are fishermen instead of lone gardener, we still see the use of

a humble manual laborer drawing the child from the water. Gregorius’ account of rising above

152. Edwin Zeydel and Bayard Morgan, Gregorius: A Medieval Oedipus Legend By Hartmann Von Aue,
(UNC: Chapel Hill, 1955).
153. Ibid.

77
his questionable birth to become a man of power and nobility fits well into the exposed infant

motif as we see it used in the Sargonian texts. As we have seen with many other tales, Gregorius

is technically from noble and royal birth. Again, we see this hinted at in the detail of Sargon’s

mother’s status as a priestess who most likely was the daughter or close relative of a king.

Literary Connections

The stories discussed here, though far from exhaustive, show the repeated use of

themes and motifs that make up key parts of the Sargonian mythology. While details vary, the

core framework of a commonly used literary tradition is clearly present across a wide spectrum

of ancient literary history. We see the repeated use of the exposed infant motif in the pseudo-

biographies of various ancient heroes, gods, and kings. In Sargon’s case it served to create a

rags-to-riches storyline that most likely helped common citizens relate to his life story. It also

showed the role that divine providence played in his rise to power. The idea of lowly or outcast

individuals being raised up by divine intervention to play a key role in history seems to be

repeated throughout various cultures across the ancient world. Such obvious repetition shows

that the themes have a common origin that has been shaped and molded as they passed from

culture to culture. More research is needed to examine the impact of both early oral

transmission and later literary development of commonly used archetypes and motifs.
 CHAPTER IV. CONCLUSIONS

Having analyzed the Sargonian legend texts and reviewed the relevant scholarly work

on the subject, conclusions can be made regarding the historicity of Sargon, the influence of

ANE literary archetypes and motifs on his origin story, and the relationship between the

Sargonian mythology and the literary accounts of various figures in ancient history. As for the

historicity of Sargon, there is nothing within the available evidence that leads to a conclusion

other than Sargon being a historical figure who lived in the twenty fourth century BCE. The

research shows that Sargon was the historical founder of the Akkadian Empire after usurping

power from the historical kings Ur-Zababa of Kish and Lugal-zage-si of Ur. Sargon ruled the

Akkadian Empire for approximately fifty-five years and was succeeded by his son Rimush. A

study of the literary format of the Sargonic texts reveals that the use of ANE archetypes and

motifs influenced the development of the Sargonian legend years after his own time. The

presence of Neo-Assyrian linguistic features in the Sargon legend texts points to a late

composition date of no earlier than the thirteenth century BCE and no later than the seventh

century BCE. 154 Anachronistic references to Babylon and the use of certain tools during the

later Assyrian periods, along with specific idiomatic expressions popularized during the reign of

Tiglath-Pileser I during the Middle Assyrian period (1114-1076 BCE), show that the Sargon

legend texts cannot be given an early dating.155

Researching the literary development of the Sargonian legend does not only help

scholars understand the history of Sargon and the Akkadian Empire. The Sargonian mythology

also provides a blueprint for historians to analyze the preservation, spread, and evolution of

some of

154. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 273.

155. Ibid., 97-107.
the most important stories of the ancient world. The stories surrounding Sargon and his rule do

not stand alone as their impact on and by ANE literature is evident. The impact of the rise of the

Akkadian Empire on the development of human civilization cannot be overstated, in this

writer’s opinion. A better understanding of the development of the Sargonian texts could serve

as a tool for researchers to understand the link between the various literary motifs found

throughout history. In researching the linguistic, orthographic, and mythological development

of the Sargon legend, scholars could gain insight into how the very roots of the human literary

narrative developed. While the historicity of Sargon can be confirmed with relative confidence,

there are still issues concerning the origins of the texts themselves. As mentioned earlier, the

appearance of Neo-Assyrian linguistic features and idiomatic expressions within the Sargonian

legend texts is particularly troubling. While other objections to a later dating of the Sargonian

legend texts may be answered, the linguistic issues are more difficult to address. The problem

of dating artifacts is not isolated to the Sargonic texts, as trying to pin down the historic dates of

archaeological items is always a tedious job. Adding the difficulty in transliterating cuneiform

to the mix makes the research effort particularly difficult. So, while it is most likely that the

Sargonian legend texts we have come from the Neo-Assyrian period, it is also possible that the

tablets are simply copies of original documents from the early Akkadian period that we have

yet to recover. Since we have no evidence that the Sargonian legend was written down prior to

the time of at least Assurbanipal’s library, this theory is simply speculation and an argument

from silence. Again, based on the research, the evidence leads us to believe that the bulk of the

Sargon legend that we have was compiled no earlier than the time of Assurbanipal’s library and

more likely between the reigns of Tiglath-Pilesar I and Sargon II.

 The evidence studied in this paper shows that there is definitely a literary relationship

between the Sargonian mythology and various accounts of other ancient figures of literature.

Though the elements of forbidden conception and illegitimate birth are certainly plausible and

most likely true, the bulk of the details of Sargon’s birth legend are suspect and fanciful. Based

on the evidence gathered from the examination of other works of literature in ancient history,

Sargon’s birth story is best identified as a mythologized legend that arose from the very real

life of a historical figure after being shaped and molded by the motifs widely used in ANE

literature. The exposed infant motif, for example, is too widespread to have solely originated

with the Sargon legend as it is written. The accounts of such literary and historical figures as

Cyrus II, Romulus and Remus, Karna, Joseph, Dionysus, and Gregorius show that the elements

found in the Sargon mythology are not isolated to the Sargonic texts. On the contrary, we see

an abundance of repetition of the exposed infant motif alone in over seventy historical and

pseudo- historical accounts. While the specific details vary based on cultural origin, the core

elements and literary framework have survived in many of the epic tales of ancient history. The

most likely explanation for the similarities found in various ancient stories is that the Sargon

legend and the related ancient accounts drew from earlier motifs that were most likely

preserved by oral

tradition before written language had been developed.156 This, paired with factual elements

drawn from real historical figures, shaped each individual tale. The various theories on literary

transmission of myths and legends all point to a common storytelling system that was widely

used in the ancient world.

When sifting through the various textual sources, separating historical fact from myth can

be tedious. A simple systematic approach to the texts, however, can help the research process.

81
156. Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 274.

82
For example, the royal inscriptions and steles that reference Sargon have a higher probability of

containing historically accurate information since they detail the various military conquests

achieved by Sargon. The disruptive nature of military conflicts and political upheavals usually

afford them widespread attention in the written record. Many of these occurrences are

referenced by multiple sources, usually from the opposing perspectives of the conquering

people and those being conquered. This makes it less difficult for historians to pinpoint and

confirm their occurrence. It also serves as a way to arrive at more accurate dates for the various

royal texts and inscriptions. Though we do have to deal with embellishment of the details of the

conquests lauded by the ancient kings, the core elements are more apparent.

With the similarities between the Moses and Sargon stories, we are tempted to conclude

that some form of literary borrowing occurred. As discussed at the beginning of this paper,

Sargon’s reign has been dated to sometime around 2340-2284 BCE based on the Middle

Chronology. Moses, as recorded in the Old Testament, most likely lived around the twelfth or

thirteenth century BCE. Assuming the dates are accurate, these two figures were separated by a

full millennium. While Sargon certainly predated Moses, we have no solid proof that his birth

legend did. On the contrary, the evidence points to the Sargon legend developing at a much

later date. At the earliest it is recorded sometime between the thirteenth and seventh centuries

BCE as evidenced by the use of idiomatic phrases original to the Neo-Assyrian period and its

recovery at Assurbanipal’s Library in Nineveh. This places the earliest dating of the Sargon

texts around the same time as the earliest dating of the book of Exodus (twelfth - thirteenth

centuries BCE). If the later dating of the Moses account is accepted, then we could possibly

conclude that the Moses and Sargon stories developed around the same time. If the early dating

for the book of Exodus is accepted then there is little chance that the Sargon legend directly

influenced Mosaic account. It

is more likely that each story was recorded independently. While the specific sources for the

Sargon legend cannot be identified, it appears that the Sargonian legend texts have drawn from a

combination of folk traditions and various historiographic materials such as stele inscriptions and

omens.

The existence of Sargon’s children and grandchildren is confirmed by the bulk of

relevant inscriptions and tablets that have been discovered. References to the children of Sargon

help to firmly establish him as a historical figure. The available evidence establishes Rimush

and Manishtushu as the sons of Sargon who both eventually succeeded him as kings of the

Akkadian Empire. The historicity of Enheduanna is solidly supported by her extensive hymn

and poetry writing while serving as the high priestess of Inanna. Enheduanna’s place in history

is secure enough that historians regard her as the first named author in human history. It should

also be noted that Enheduanna’s prolific writing challenges the popular notion of literacy

among women in the ANE. Her influence on ancient literature is still seen today based on her

contributions to the poetic form standards. As the high priestess of Ur, Enheduanna undoubtedly

shaped the religion of ancient Akkad and the following ANE empires. Sargon’s grandson

Naram-Sin is often regarded as one of the greatest kings of the Akkadian dynasty, even rivaling

Sargon’s own legacy. His expansion of the Akkadian Empire is well recorded in his victory

steles, are his

apparent claims to divine status. We even have physical depictions of Naram-Sin, something

that we do not even have of his grandfather Sargon. These facts firmly reinforce the argument

for the historicity of Sargon of Akkad.

 Regarding the link between the biblical Nimrod and Sargon of Akkad, the evidence

suggests that Nimrod was based upon the rule and reign of Sargon. Due to the limited amount

of information that Genesis provides on Nimrod because of the short nature of the Nimrod

pericope in Genesis ten, it is impossible to precisely pin down the identity of the enigmatic

figure. As with most research efforts in ancient history, we must deal with issues of probability

and likelihood when faced with such limited data. The most probable historical candidate, when

trying to identify Nimrod, is Sargon of Akkad. Sargon’s geographic origins and military

conquests match those of Nimrod. Also, the chronologies of both Nimrod and Sargon are a

match based upon what we know about the reign of Sargon and the contents of Genesis’ Table

of Nations. In the end, Nimrod is either Sargon or an entirely separate individual with no

correlation with any historical figure currently known to historians. A direct connection

between Sargon and Nimrod may never be fully established due to the limited information

given in the text.

Based on the evidence we have, the Sargon Birth Legend was compiled sometime

between the thirteenth and the seventh centuries BCE and was most likely influenced and used

during the reign of Sargon II of Assyria as an attempt at connecting his own rule to that of the

great Akkadian Empire builder. With Sargon II’s own issues with claims of legitimacy to the

throne of his father Tiglath-Pileser III after possibly usurping the throne from his elder brother

Shalmaneser V, the use of Sargon the Great’s story of successful usurpation of power served to

bolster Sargon II’s own claims to legitimate rule. His use of the Akkadian ruler’s own title

further strengthens this conclusion. Even if Sargon II played no role in the development and

promulgation of the Sargonian mythology, dating the relevant texts any earlier than the

thirteenth century BCE does not align with the evidence that is presented in the source material.

The later
dating of the birth legend compilation is the most reasonable conclusion when the history of

the text is analyzed.

Even though the information gained from this research project is beneficial to the task

of better understanding the origins of the Sargon mythology, more research is needed to analyze

the wealth of information pertaining to other aspects of the Sargon texts and the ANE literary

motifs and archetypes found within them.157 A more in-depth study into the already defined

archetypes is needed. For example, a better understanding of the warrior-king archetype would

be beneficial as Sargon is often seen as the ideal king on which future monarchs patterned their

rule. An analysis of other yet to be labeled motifs is needed as well. This, along with the many

other details that are shared among various hero legends, warrant further study.

In conclusion, the bulk of the Sargon Birth Legend was most likely compiled during the

Neo-Assyrian period a full millennium after the reign of Sargon based on the orthography of the

relevant texts. The exposed infant motif seems to predate the Sargonian account and heavily

influenced Sargon’s legacy well after his death. It is most plausible that Sargon II of the Neo-

Assyrian Empire used the bulk of the Sargonian mythology as propaganda to bolster his own

claim to the Assyrian throne. Only future discoveries of older texts will help solve the dating

dilemma. As it stands now, the evidence points to a later date for the Sargonian legend. Sargon’s

account is yet another in a long list of hero tales that draws much of its literary form from

ancient archetypes that predate what has been preserved in the texts that we have discovered thus

far. Similar literary elements found in other ancient accounts point to a common source shared

with
 157. Lucio Milano and Aage Westenholz, The "Šuilisu Archive" and Other Sargonic Texts in Akkadian,
(Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 2015).
the Sargonian legend that has yet to be identified. Further research is needed to better

understand the process by which the archetypal literary elements were transmitted.

The connections found between many ancient stories reveals that historians and scholars

still have much to discover about the history of literary correspondence and transmission.

Repeating elements are to be expected among civilizations that were in close geographic

proximity to one another. It is also reasonable to expect that cultures that had regular

communication would eventually borrow and trade literary information. The striking similarities

found within the text from various cultures across a wide spectrum of time in the ancient world

would suggest, however, that we fundamentally misunderstand the scope of inter-cultural

communication that occurred in the ancient world. It would be beneficial to the scholarly

community to conduct more research into the history of literary correspondence during ancient

times. A clearer understanding of how information was shared among the ancients would give

us more insight into the evolution of civilization in the ANE. A plethora of information remains

in the Sargon related texts. Qualified cuneiformists are needed in order to unlock the

information that has been hidden away for centuries. Currently, the British Museum alone holds

over 130,000 cuneiform tablets with the majority still not translated into modern languages. 158

Translation of these tablets may hold much more information about Sargon and the details of his

life. Only continued efforts to translate and research the remaining cuneiform tablets will

uncover new information about Sargon, his kingdom, and the developmental history of the ANE.

158. The British Museum, Studying Cuneiform Tablets,

https://www.britishmuseum.org/about_us/departments/middle_east/facilities_and_services/study_room/studying_
cu neiform_tablets.aspx
 FIGURES

Figure 1. LUGAL cuneiform sign.159

Figure 2. Cuneiform tablet 3N T296 obverse.160

159. Digitally rendered by the writer, John W. Denton III. December 2018.
160. Cooper and Heimpel, The Sumerian Sargon Legend. 70.
 Figure 3. Disk of Enheduanna.161

Figure 4. Victory Stele of Naram-Sin162

161. Penn Museum: Middle East Galleries. Object # B16665. Used under the Creative Commons
License Attribution 4.0 International. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
162. Louvre Museum. Used under the Creative Commons License CC BY-SA 3.0
FR. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/fr/legalcode
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