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By Harrison Weisenborn
Are people who live in capitalist societies motivated primarily, if not solely, by money?
Well, yes, but this is as reductionist as saying that one's stream of consciousness can be jotted
down into a convoluted series of chemical formulas. Just as money should be "the barometer of a
how much people choose to engage themselves purposefully with the world, in a way in which
others would attribute some monetary value. Speaking analogically rather than
reductionisitically, the desire to make money is the desire to better one's abilities towards
achieving one’s personal ends, and in so doing also has the indirect effect of improving the
conditions of others.
"Blood, whips and guns--or dollars. Take your choice." Through Francisco D'Anconia,
Ayn Rand delivers one of the most stirring paeans in tribute to money and its moral ramifications.
It is this lengthy but insurmountable retort to a woman's shrill denouncement of money's inherent
evil through which Rand unabashedly illustrates the central dichotomy that operates between the
two opposing voices of the novel, the producers and the looters. What begins initially as an
opposition between those who laud and those who loathe self-interest and profit-driven
productivity, escalates, by the novel's shocking climax, into a battle between those who value life,
those "who belong on earth", and those who do not value life, those who indignantly occupy the
It may seem to go without saying, but money is not suitable for any utility beyond that of
exchange, least of all a paper fiat currency; its value arises only when it has been widely accepted
have a rudimentary sense of value. As Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises reflected, "Value is
not intrinsic, it is not in things. It is within us; it is the way in which man reacts to the conditions
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of his environment.” The emergence of mediums of exchange would eventually facilitate the
even in the preceding millennia, simple biologic necessity affixed a primal value to sustenance.
In the formative era of our species this need was met with social cooperation; pack hunting for
the preservation of the tribe as a whole. Further improvement of one's life station beyond a full
stomach, however, would have required transcending the restrictive norms of this collectivist
mentality. It is reasonable to posit then that the first entrepreneurs were those who elevated their
individual desires over those defined by the collective. Where a need wasn't met within their
immediate environment, they ventured to another tribal territory to meet that need. Those with
enough pragmatism, and perhaps empathy, would have arrived at a safe, self-aggrandizing
strategy that entailed an exchange of value for value (my method of crafting weapons in exchange
for your rare building material, for instance), rather than risking their life or the safety of their
tribe by resorting to thievery or murder. This is all to say that the global free-market system, with
its capacity for innovation and "natural selection" of the most efficient producers via competition,
derives from this elemental basis in self-valuation, the capacity not only to be cognizant of one's
own existence and abilities, but to relish them and to make the utmost use of them.
The looters denounce money for the simple reason that they, for various reasons, are
either incapable or reluctant in engaging in purposeful behavior and/or of valuation. Not that
they are totally devoid of these capacities of productivity and valuation, but for the sake of
thematic clarity it is plausible that Rand wished to depict an archetypal mentality that underlies
the various guises of collectivist philosophy: the "blind alley" of petulant irrationality and
malevolence that is couched within every glowing phrase of promoting a public good through
expropriation of private means, in every plea for unconditional love and support, in every myopic
special interest that seeps its way into economic policy. It is this antagonistic mentality into
whom she characterizes in degrees of severity, from the pathetic dependents comprising Hank
Rearden's family, to the murderous nihilism of James Taggart. Perhaps it is the case with these
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characters that Rand's ethos, being the desire to cultivate the best within oneself in order to attain
whatever one considers the best to attain, has become so atrophied or distorted that their human
embodiments have become at best a bureaucratic absurdity, like Chick Morrison, the state-
appointed "Morale Conditioner", or at worst destructive, like Dr. Ferris with his state-funded
Project X.
In the novel, money is treated in two respects: as a medium for arriving at a consensus
between two or more subjective valuations, or, as a necessary evil. According to the latter view,
held by the looters, profits must regrettably be created from the hunt of the free market, but to
allow those profits to remain concentrated in the hands of those who made the biggest kills is
deleterious to the collective. Profits must instead be arbitrarily redistributed to sustain some all-
encompassing, transcendent entity, call it the tribe, People's State, nation, etc., and it is the
dubious function of the high priests, central planners, elected representatives, to execute the
redistribution of once privately-held resources. Most libertarian economists would agree that
such government interventions in the marketplace do little more than to further exacerbate
potential market-failures. Rand takes this observation a step further in her depiction of a welfare-
championing government whose perceived power and size only grows in tandem with the
deterioration of the American economy. "A bureau operates on...principle of inventing needs to
justify its existence," observed William Burroughs. Under this rule of parasitism, money loses its
intended function as a means of rational investment, and instead becomes a crude object
necessary to maintain power for power's sake. Being a token of those who practice the "code of
life", money is an unwelcome reminder of the looters’ sacrosanct inner-truth: that their failures to
realize themselves as individuals, to make money, rather than a sordid currency of promises,
bribes, and threats, are so illumined only by the unbearable light of such avatars as Dagny and
John Galt, and so the former strive, consciously or not, to snuff out the latter's brilliance. Money
makes the looters uncomfortable, just as scenes of opulence failed to properly engage those who
lacked the fundamental sense of having earned their experience, and instead made them vaguely
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disjointed.
The heroes of Atlas Shrugged are buoyant, self-sustaining vessels of purposeful action.
They perceive a reality whose most logical and rewarding means of participation is one of
making mutually beneficent exchanges with other free agents. They exchange value for value, as
exemplified in the truly laissez-faire Galt's Gulch, whose denizens are rational enough as to
ensure that their currency remain secure from artificial inflation and misappropriation, by
reinstating the gold standard. Their foils are those lamentable persons who envisage themselves
in a reality in which they resent having to participate. They are moral vacuums, whose only sense
of fulfillment derives from the detraction and destruction of those who choose to create wealth
through their productive and evaluative abilities. In the "aristocracy of pull", power does not
derive from what one accomplishes or creates, but from how many valuable people one can chide
or threaten into being their vassals. Like bilge rats, the looters unwittingly chew at the hulls of
those people who keep them afloat--that is, until those vessels of self-interested enterprise, in a
climate of myopic union demands and quasi-socialist market controls, begin to sink altogether.
U.S. government are introduced under an aegis of welfare and benevolence. Over the novel’s
course, however, the increasingly authoritarian directives betray the cartel of James Taggart,
Larkin, Mouch, et al., for the leering maw of cronyism and extortion that had underlain their limp
philanthropic rhetoric. Rand's conclusions regarding centrally planned economies are clear: the
looters' attempts to wrest from millions of individuals into a few fumbling hands a living machine
so vast and complex as the American economy inadvertently dismantles itself. Adam Smith's
“invisible hand”, a dizzying web of self-motivated but reciprocating actions, can indeed become
stuffed with enough legislation so as to render it visible as the benevolent hand of some People's
State. As Atlas Shrugged and the histories of almost any socialist regime tragically illustrate,
however, puppet strings can only maintain the illusion of control to certain lengths; after the
erosion of private incentive and personal responsibility, they can, at best, summon a uselessly
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flailing hand that sends coal-burnings engines to their destruction.
Rather than being prescriptive or coercive, Atlas Shrugged instructs that money is
fundamentally facilitative: it does not define some end towards which an individual's sense of
good should conform (that's the market-niche for advertisers). Rather, money serves as one's
most liquid (and thus innovative) form of commodity, in that it can be proportionally exchanged
towards virtually any end that its possessor sees fit. Money is akin to potential energy, capable of
actualizing one's personal ends. Its moral arithmetic is elegantly simple, adequate to unravel the
developing their assets, which they can exchange for money, a placeholder for yet-undefined
goods/services. To the greater extent that people pursue their self-interests, the more wealth is
ultimately created, and thus each individual's freedom to choose is expanded in turn.