JOURNAL OF RESEARCH ON ADOLESCENCE, 16(1), 133–156

Copyright r 2006, Society for Research on Adolescence

Using TV as a Guide: Associations

Between Television Viewing and
Adolescents’ Sexual Attitudes and
Behavior
L. Monique Ward and Kimberly Friedman
University of Michigan

Using both correlational and experimental methodology, this study exam-

ined contributions of TV viewing to adolescents’ sexual attitudes and be-
havior. A sample of 244 high school students was assigned to view clips
depicting either one of three sexual stereotypes or neutral content. Partic-
ipants then completed measures assessing their attitudes about sexual roles
and relationships, their regular TV viewing habits, and their sexual expe-
riences. Results indicated that more frequent viewing of talk shows and of
‘‘sexy’’ prime-time programs, and viewing TV more intently for compan-
ionship, were each associated with greater endorsement of sexual stereo-
types. Additionally, more frequent viewing and stronger identification with
popular TV characters were associated with greater levels of sexual expe-
rience. Laboratory exposure to specific stereotypical content lead to greater
acceptance of gender and sexual stereotypes, as well. Implications for tel-
evision’s role as a sexual educator are discussed.

Evidence increasingly suggests that the media are likely to play a prom-
inent role in the sexual socialization of American youth. Across several
studies, students commonly rank the media among their top sexual in-
formants, often placing them second after peers and before parents in
importance (e.g., Amonker, 1980; Andre, Frevert, & Schuchmann, 1989).
Indeed, between the ages of 8 and 18, adolescents devote approximately 8

Requests for reprints should be sent to L. Monique Ward, Department of Psychology,

University of Michigan, 530 Church Street, Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1043. E-mail: ward@
umich.edu
134 WARD AND FRIEDMAN

hours each day to the media, and 3–4 hours to television alone (Roberts,
Foehr, & Rideout, 2005), spending more hours with TV each year than
interacting directly with their parents or teachers (Hofferth & Sandberg,
2001). At the same time, analyses indicate that sexual content is abundant
on TV, appearing in 83% of programs popular among adolescents (Kunkel,
Eyal, Biely, Cope-Farrar, Donnerstein, & Fandrich, 2003), and in 29% of the
interactions between TV characters (Ward, 1995). Media personae also
play a prominent role as ‘‘idols’’ for many adolescents, who imitate their
looks, actions (e.g., dance moves), and attitudes in several domains
(Karniol, 2001). Finally, TV is often forthcoming and supportive about
sexuality when others are not. Its accessibility, frankness, and appealing
nature make it almost an ‘‘ideal’’ sexual educator.
However, the lessons television conveys about sexuality are not always
ideal. Several decades of content analyses report that TV’s sexual mes-
sages are typically unrealistic, stereotypical, and potentially unhealthy
(for a review, see Greenberg, 1994; Ward, 2003). One prominent finding is
that TV often emphasizes a ‘‘recreational’’ orientation to sexual relation-
ships (DeLamater, 1989), one in which sex is portrayed as a casual, leisure
activity motivated solely by physical pleasure and personal gain (Arnett,
2002; Greenberg, 1994; Ward, 1995). Here, sexuality is frequently referred
to and depicted as occurring outside of committed relationships, with
minimal reference to contraception, pregnancy prevention, and sexually
transmitted infections (e.g., Kunkel et al., 2003; Lowry & Shidler, 1993). In
addition, dating and courtship are often characterized as a competition, a
battle-of-the-sexes, in which dishonesty, game-playing, and manipulation
are staples (Ward, 1995). A second prominent finding is that TV regularly
offers stereotypical portrayals of sexual roles that are based heavily on the
sexual double standard. On television, women are frequently depicted as
sexual objects whose value is based solely on their physical appearance
and sexual appeal (Gow, 1995; Grauerholz & King, 1997; Vincent, Davis, &
Boruszkowski, 1987). Men, on the other hand, are depicted as sex-driven
predators who look to ‘‘score’’ at all costs, and whose value is enhanced by
their success with women (i.e., being a ‘‘player;’’ Arnett, 2002; Ward, 1995).
These stereotypical themes are believed to be especially prevalent in cer-
tain youth-oriented genres, such as music videos and daytime talk shows
(Arnett, 2002; Greenberg, Sherry, Busselle, Hnilo, & Smith, 1997).
Given television’s under-emphasis on the seriousness of sex and its
skewed portrayal of sexual roles, concern is frequently expressed that
regular exposure to these images may misinform adolescents’ developing
sexual belief systems. This supposition is supported both by theoretical
arguments and empirical evidence. According to cultivation theory, re-
peated exposure to commonly portrayed media messages will foster
 USING TV AS A GUIDE 135

analogous beliefs in media users (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli,

1994), most likely by making relevant schemas chronically accessible
(Shrum, 1996). Thus, teens who frequently view TV’s repeated references
to sex as recreational or to women as sexual objects would gradually come
to adopt similar beliefs about sexuality in the real world. Empirical ev-
idence validates this assumption. Across several studies, frequent viewing
of sexually oriented genres, such as soap operas and music videos, has
been associated with a greater acceptance of premarital sex, common
sexual stereotypes, and dysfunctional beliefs about relationships (Ha-
ferkamp, 1999; Strouse & Buerkel-Rothfuss, 1987; Walsh-Childers &
Brown, 1993; Ward, 2002).

Limitations of Existing Approaches

Yet despite the promise of these findings, conclusions drawn about the
impact of TV viewing on adolescents’ sexual socialization remain tentative
because of limitations of the methodological approaches, samples tested,
and assessments of media use. One limitation is that experimental work
needed to demonstrate causality has been slow in coming, making up less
than 20% of the published studies in this area (for a review, see Ward,
2003). Among the existing studies, findings indicate that students exposed
to sexual content in the laboratory offer stronger endorsement of premar-
ital sex (Calfin, Carroll, & Shmidt, 1993; Greeson & Williams, 1987), sexual
stereotypes (Ward, 2002; Ward, Hansbrough, & Walker, 2005), and ad-
versarial sexual relations (Kalof, 1999) than do students exposed to non-
sexual content. At the same time, however, null findings have also been
reported (Greenberg, Linsangan, & Soderman, 1993), and in some studies,
significant results emerged for only one of many dependent variables
(Kalof, 1999; Olson, 1994). Additional demonstrations of causal connec-
tions are needed.
A second limitation is that most studies in this area have tested un-
dergraduates, not teens. However, many argue that adolescents may be
more vulnerable to TV’s messages because they are likely to possess fewer
real-world comparative experiences, a stronger idolization of media fig-
ures, and less refined formal reasoning abilities (Gruber & Grube, 2000).
Indeed, one of the central developmental tasks of adolescence is adjusting
to one’s self as a sexual being and establishing romantic relationships. In
confronting this novel task, adolescents may be particularly open to new
information (Furman & Simon, 1999), looking to relevant examples, both
real and fictional, for guidance. Consequently, understanding external
influences on sexual beliefs during this formative time is critical.
136 WARD AND FRIEDMAN

A third limitation is that most assessments of TV viewing have focused

on the role of exposure levels, based on premises of the cultivation model,
and may have under-emphasized contributions of other media mecha-
nisms. Indeed, theoretical arguments and empirical evidence indicate that
exposure is only one dimension of media use and therefore only one
pathway of potential influence. For example, uses and gratifications the-
ory (Rubin, 1994) argues that individuals use the media for different pur-
poses, and that the particular motives viewers bring to the screen play a
critical role in determining how open they may be to the content or to
potential influence. Whereas some viewers use TV intentionally to learn
about the world, others use it for entertainment, for companionship, or not
intently at all. Other approaches, including Greenberg’s drench hypoth-
esis (Greenberg, 1988), highlight the role of viewer identification, arguing
that media portrayals with which viewers connect and identify will exert
the most influence. Empirical evidence supports the role of these two
mechanisms. Identifying with popular characters and perceiving media
figures as role models have been associated with endorsing more recre-
ational attitudes about sex (Fabes & Strouse, 1987; Ward & Rivadeneyra,
1999). Similarly, watching TV more intently either to learn about the world
or for pure entertainment has been associated with endorsing more ster-
eotypical notions about gender and sexual roles (Ward, 2002; Ward &
Rivadeneyra, 1999). Because levels of identification and viewing motives
may or may not correspond with viewing frequency, focusing solely on
exposure levels may omit important avenues of influence.
A final limitation is that most studies in this area have focused on
predicting viewers’ sexual attitudes, with little attention to associations
between media use and sexual behavior. Although decisions about sexual
activity are complex, support for a link between TV viewing and sexual
behavior can be envisioned from the perspective of Bandura’s Social
Cognitive Theory (1994). This theory proposes that individuals can ex-
pand their knowledge, skills, and behavioral repertoires on the basis of
information acquired by observing media models, and are especially
likely to follow models who are attractive and who are perceived to be
similar to oneself. In this way, observing TV’s attractive characters enjoy-
ing sexual intercourse, or watching pop stars receive peer approval for
‘‘being a player,’’ could lead adolescents to perceive these behaviors as
appropriate and to store this information for later use (Brown & Steele,
1995). Thus, the expectation is that viewers’ own sexual decisions can be
shaped by observing, identifying with, and following the rewarded ac-
tions of media models.
Empirical evidence lends some support to this premise, although the
findings have been few and somewhat mixed. Students’ total amount of
 USING TV AS A GUIDE 137

TV viewing has not emerged as a significant correlate of their level of

sexual activity (Brown & Newcomer, 1991; Peterson, Moore, & Furstenb-
erg, 1991; Strouse & Buerkel-Rothfuss, 1987; Ward & Rivadeneyra, 1999).
However, stronger results have been obtained when exposure to more
sexually oriented genres was examined. Among young women, frequent
viewing of music videos has been linked with a greater number of sexual
partners (Strouse & Buerkel-Rothfuss, 1987; Wingood, DiClemente, Bern-
hardt, Harrington, Davies, Robillard, & Hook, 2003), more sexual expe-
rience (Strouse, Buerkel-Rothfuss, & Long, 1995), and a greater likelihood
of acquiring a new STD (Wingood et al., 2003). For undergraduate men,
frequent viewing of soap operas has been linked to having more sexual
partners (Strouse & Buerkel-Rothfuss, 1987). For both sexes, choosing a TV
diet with a higher proportion of sexual content has been associated with
an increased likelihood of becoming sexually active (Brown & Newcomer,
1991; Collins, Elliot, Berry, Kanouse, Kunkel, Hunter, & Miu, 2004).
Through these findings, it appears that direct associations between TV
viewing and sexual behavior may exist, but are likely to vary based on the
genre and sexual behavior under study. Further examination is therefore
needed of the nature of these associations.

The Current Study

Television’s abundant yet often stereotypical sexual content has raised

concern that frequent exposure to these portrayals might misguide ado-
lescents’ developing sexual attitudes and behaviors. Current evidence
suggests that these concerns are warranted, indicating that both regular
and laboratory exposure to TV’s sexual content are associated with
stronger support of nonrelational sex and specific sexual stereotypes.
However, the strength of these conclusions is tempered by methodological
and conceptual limitations that underscore the need for additional evi-
dence of causal connections, purposeful sampling of adolescent viewers,
and broader assessments of media use and sexual behavior. Drawing from
several theoretical perspectives, we sought to address these limitations by
examining associations between multiple dimensions of TV use and ad-
olescents’ sexual beliefs and behavior. Using both survey and experimen-
tal methods, we enacted three specific goals.
Our first goal was to demonstrate causal links between exposure to
sexual stereotypes and viewers’ acceptance of them by replicating among
high school students the experimental findings of Ward (2002). In Ward’s
study, undergraduates were assigned to view clips depicting either non-
sexual content or one of the following three sexual stereotypes: Sex is
138 WARD AND FRIEDMAN

Recreational, Women are Sex Objects, Men are Sex-Driven. Immediately

after viewing the clips, participants completed measures testing their en-
dorsement of related sexual stereotypes and their regular media habits.
Women exposed to any of the three sexual stereotypes offered stronger
support of those notions than did women in the control group. Using the
same paradigm and stimulus clips, we hoped to demonstrate similar out-
comes with a younger population. Accordingly, our first hypothesis was
that participants exposed to specific sexual stereotypes would offer
stronger endorsement of these notions than students exposed to nonsex-
ual content.
Our second goal was to expand investigations of how regular TV view-
ing might relate to teens’ sexual attitudes by looking at contributions of
three media mechanisms: exposure levels, viewing motives, and viewer
identification. In previous studies, associations between regular exposure
levels and sexual attitudes were demonstrated mainly for sexually ori-
ented programming. We chose, therefore, to focus on the following three
genres known for their popularity among teens and their high levels of
sexual content: music videos, daytime talk shows, and selected prime-
time programs (Arnett, 2002; Greenberg et al., 1997). We hypothesized that
students who watch greater amounts of these genres would be more likely
to endorse their common sexual stereotypes. In terms of other media
mechanisms, we focused on the roles of viewer motivations and identi-
fication levels, replicating the approach of Ward (2002). Based on premises
of the drench hypothesis (Greenberg, 1988), we expected that students
who identify more strongly with popular TV characters would also be
more likely to endorse commonly portrayed sexual stereotypes. Addi-
tionally, drawing from uses and gratifications theory (Rubin, 1994), we
hypothesized that students who watch TV more purposefully, especially
to learn about the world, would also be more likely to endorse its common
sexual stereotypes.
Our final goal was to examine associations between adolescents’ reg-
ular TV use and their sexual behavior. In testing this issue, we expanded
existing approaches in three ways. First, we investigated several
potential avenues of influence, examining whether exposure levels, view-
ing motives, or viewer identification are associated with adolescents’
sexual behavior. Second, we assessed sexual behavior more broadly,
acknowledging that emergent sexuality is composed of many activities
including kissing and petting, oral sex, and vaginal intercourse. We there-
fore inquired about a range of sexual activities to capture this diversity. We
hypothesized that higher exposure levels, more purposeful viewing, and
stronger identification with popular characters would each be associated
with higher levels of sexual experience. Finally, to further explore the
 USING TV AS A GUIDE 139

dynamics of these associations, we investigated whether viewers’ sexual

attitudes mediate connections between TV viewing and sexual behavior.
Although Social Cognitive Theory proposes a direct connection between
TV viewing and behavior, it is also possible that media use informs ad-
olescents’ beliefs about sexuality, which are then used to guide their sexual
decision-making (e.g., Christopher, 2001; Furman & Simon, 1999). Thus,
we tested whether adolescents’ TV viewing is associated with their sexual
behavior through both direct and indirect pathways. By examining mul-
tiple dimensions of media use and multiple sexual outcomes, we hoped to
offer fuller insight into television’s role in the sexual socialization process.

METHOD
Participants

Participants were 244 students (59% females), aged 14–18 (M 5 16.3 years)
attending a college-oriented, suburban high school in Long Island, New
York. Eighty percent of participants identified themselves as Caucasian or
White, 13% as Asian American, 5% as African American, and .4% as La-
tino/a, and this sample was representative of the school’s general pop-
ulation. Most participants were from intact, well-educated families, with
89% coming from two-parent homes, and with participants’ mothers and
fathers averaging 16.9 and 17.5 years of schooling, respectively. Approx-
imately 66% of the sample was Jewish, 11% was Protestant/Christian, 8%
was Catholic, 8% reported no religious affiliation, and 1.6% was Muslim.

Procedure

The study was conducted during students’ English and language classes
in order to tap the most representative sample. Several classes from each
grade were randomly selected for participation. Parental consent forms
and copies of the actual survey were sent home with the students as
requested by the high school’s IRB. Because research is highly valued at
the school, 95% of parents and teens receiving consent forms agreed to
participate. Participating classes were assigned to either the Control con-
dition (N 5 40), or to one of the following three Experimental conditions:
Sex as Recreation (N 5 60), Women as Sex Objects (N 5 22), Men as Sex
Driven (N 5 31). Differences in class sizes lead to differences in cell sizes.
During each testing session students first viewed and responded to a set of
six stimulus clips. Afterwards, participants completed survey measures
assessing their endorsement of gender and sexual stereotypes, and then
140 WARD AND FRIEDMAN

completed measures examining their regular media use. Experimental

and survey data were collected from 154 students in May of 2002. In order
to increase the sample size for the main correlational analyses, survey data
from an additional 90 students were collected in October of 2002. This
latter group of students was not exposed to the experimental stimuli and
did not differ from the first group on any of the media use or sexual
attitude variables. They were, however, significantly younger than the
first group, t(230) 5 9.15, p 5 .000.

Materials

Experimental media exposure. The goal of the experimental

component of this study was to compare the sexual attitudes of students
exposed to neutral, nonsexual content with those of students exposed to
clips depicting one of the three sexual stereotypes noted above. To meet
this goal, four sets of stimuli were used, each of which had been employed
in the Ward (2002) study testing college students. Each set of stimuli
consisted of six brief scenes drawn from popular, prime-time sitcoms and
dramas (e.g., Seinfeld, Family Matters) from the 1992–1999 broadcast
seasons. Serving as the three Experimental stimuli were one clip reel
containing scenes of Women as Sexual Objects, one reel containing scenes
of Sex as Recreation, and one containing scenes of Men as Sex Driven.
Serving as the Control stimulus was a clip reel that contained six
nonsexual scenes drawn from the same archive of programming. Each
stimulus tape was approximately 12 minutes in length.
Because each of the clip reels contained different scenes, we included in
the survey four questions designed to investigate potential differences in
students’ perceptions of the materials. Accordingly, participants provided
written responses to each of the following questions after the viewing of
each scene: ‘‘How entertaining or funny is this clip;’’ ‘‘How realistic do you
believe the actions were;’’ ‘‘To what extent do you identify with the char-
acters;’’ and ‘‘Have you seen this episode before?’’ Responses to the first
three questions were scored using a four-point scale; higher scores indicated
higher levels of that construct. Responses were later averaged across the six
clips, producing four variables that allowed us to investigate Experimental
versus Control group differences in students’ perceptions of the clips.

Regular media exposure. Assessments of participants’ regular

exposure levels focused on their viewing of music videos, talk shows,
and prime-time comedies and dramas high in sexual content. Frequency
of viewing music videos was assessed via five questions examining the
 USING TV AS A GUIDE 141

number of hours students watch music videos during the week (morning,
afternoon, and evening), on Saturday, and on Sunday. Monthly totals were
calculated from these data. To assess students’ viewing of talk shows, we
provided a list of six popular daytime talk shows (e.g., Jerry Springer)
known to cover issues relating to sex and relationships (Greenberg et al.,
1997). Using a five-point scale anchored by 0 (‘‘never/not this season’’)
and 4 (‘‘almost every day’’), participants rated how often during an
average month they watched each talk show listed. These scores were
converted to hours (i.e., ‘‘almost every day’’ was equated with 20 monthly
hours), and a measure of monthly talk show viewing was calculated by
summing the amounts viewed across the six programs.
A three-step procedure was used to evaluate students’ level of exposure
to sexual content in prime-time programs. First, participants received a list
of all primetime comedies and dramas that had aired regularly during
Winter 2002 on one of the six major networks (ABC, CBS, NBC, FOX, UPN,
WB) and on HBO. Using a five-point scale anchored by ‘‘never/not this
season’’ at 0 and ‘‘every week’’ at 4, participants rated how often during an
average month they had watched each of the 89 programs listed. As a
second step, a group of 84 college freshmen used a 1–5 scale to evaluate the
level of sexual content in each of the 89 programs. Raters were asked to
evaluate only programs with which they were familiar. A subset of 21
programs (e.g., Sex and the City, Ally McBeal) high in sexual content (i.e., with
mean ratings from 3.5 to 4.9) was extracted from this group. Finally, each
high school student’s monthly exposure to these 21 programs (Sexy Prime-
Time hours) was calculated based on the frequency with which each pro-
gram was viewed and the length of the program (i.e., 30 versus 60 minutes).

Viewing motives. Students’ motivations for watching TV were

examined via 22 statements that were drawn from existing research on
viewing motives (e.g., Carverth & Alexander, 1985; Rubin, 1984) and
tested in Ward (2002). Responses to each statement were made using a six-
point scale that ranged from 1 (‘‘strongly disagree’’) to 6 (‘‘strongly
agree’’). Factor analyses1 revealed these statements to reflect the following
three subscales: a Learning Motive (11 items, a 5 .80; e.g., ‘‘because it helps
me learn about myself and others’’); a Fun Habit Motive (six items, a 5 .69;
e.g., ‘‘because they are entertaining and enjoyable’’); and a Friend/
Companion Motive (three items, a 5 .61; e.g., ‘‘because they help me forget
my problems;’’ ‘‘because they keep me company’’). These subscales are
similar to those observed in past research (e.g., Greenberg, 1974; Rubin,

1
Details about this factor analysis are available upon request from the first author.
142 WARD AND FRIEDMAN

1981). For each subscale, a mean score was computed across the individual
items such that higher scores indicated stronger motivations.

Viewer identification. To assess students’ level of identification with

TV characters, we provided a list of 11 popular female characters (e.g.,
Rachel on Friends) and 11 popular male characters (e.g., Pacey on Dawson’s
Creek) as determined by pilot testing with the 84 freshmen raters described
above and by analysis of teen award show nominees and winners.
Participants rated the extent to which they identified with each character
using a four-point scale anchored by ‘‘do not identify with at all’’ at 1 and
‘‘strongly identify’’ at 4. Mean evaluations of the female characters served
as the Same-Sex Identification score for girls (a 5 .88); mean evaluations of
the male characters served as the Same-Sex Identification score for boys
(a 5 .81). Higher scores indicated stronger identification.

Attitudes about gender roles and sexual relationships. To assess

participants’ general attitudes about the roles and appropriate behaviors
of women and men, the Attitudes Toward Women Scale for Adolescents
was employed (Galambos, Peterson, Richards, & Gitelson, 1985). For this
measure, students rated their level of agreement with each of 12
statements (e.g., ‘‘Swearing is worse for a girl than a boy’’) using a six-
point scale anchored by ‘‘strongly disagree’’ at 1 and ‘‘strongly agree’’ at 6.
After reversing the scoring for specific items, a mean score was taken
(a 5 .82), such that higher scores reflected more traditional or stereotypical
attitudes about gender.
To assess participants’ attitudes about sexual roles and relationships, we
selected and modified the following three subscales from the Attitudes
Towards Dating and Relationships Measure used in Ward (2002): Sex is
Recreational (nine items, a for this sample 5 .67; e.g., ‘‘Sexual activity is
desirable as early in a relationship as possible’’); Men are Sex Driven (nine
items, a 5 .77; e.g., ‘‘It’s only natural for a guy to make sexual advances to a
girl he finds attractive’’); and Women are Sexual Objects (seven items,
a 5 .72; e.g., ‘‘The best way for a girl to attract a guy is to use her body and
looks’’). Participants rated their level of agreement with each statement
using a six-point scale that ranged from ‘‘strongly disagree’’ at 1 to
‘‘strongly agree’’ at 6. Mean scores were taken for each of the three sub-
scales such that higher scores indicated stronger endorsement of that sex-
ual stereotype.

Level of dating and sexual experience. Assessments of each

participant’s level of experience with dating and sexual relationships
were computed based on responses to several items. First, we examined
 USING TV AS A GUIDE 143

participants’ general level of relationship experience via the following

statement: ‘‘Describe your level of experience with dating and sexual
relationships.’’ Responses were indicated on an 11-point scale that
included the following markers: ‘‘just starting out’’ (0–1), ‘‘some dating’’
(2–3), ‘‘1–2 sexual relationships’’ (4–6), and ‘‘several sexual relationships’’
(7–10). Second, to examine students’ actual sexual experiences, we
included several open-ended questions that assessed their virginity
status, number of sexual partners, experiences with oral sex (given,
received), and use of contraception. Based on their responses to these
items, we created a 1–4 scale representing students’ general level of Dating
and Sexual Experience. Students who were virgins, reported no
experience with oral sex, and responded with a score of 0 or 1 on the
relationship experience question were scored as 1 (N 5 60). Students who
were virgins, reported no experience with oral sex, but did have some
dating experience, reporting scores of 2 or 3 on the relationship experience
question, were scored as 2 (N 5 70). Students who were virgins but
reported experience with oral sex were scored as 3 (N 5 61). Nonvirgins
(N 5 32) received a score of 4. Thus, higher scores on this measure
indicated higher levels of Dating and Sexual Experience.

RESULTS
Preliminary analyses

Descriptive statistics of the independent and dependent variables are

provided in Table 1, with means reported both for the whole sample and
separately for each sex. On average, participants watched 10 hours of the
Sexy Prime-Time programs each month (of a possible 54 hours), with an
additional 40 hours of music video viewing and 5 hours of talk show
viewing each month. Support for the gender and sexual stereotypes was
rather tepid, with means of 2.2–3.5 (on a six-point scale). This indicates
that, on average, participants ‘‘disagreed a little’’ and ‘‘agreed a little’’ with
the stereotypes presented. Endorsement of the various viewing motives
was also moderate.
Significant sex differences emerged for a number of the media and
sexuality variables (see Table 1). Although boys and girls were relatively
comparable in their viewing of music videos and daytime talk shows, girls
watched significantly more hours of the Sexy Prime-Time programs than
did boys, and reported stronger levels of identification with popular,
same-sex TV characters. In addition, girls expressed less agreement with
each of the four gender and sexual stereotypes and reported lower levels
of Dating and Sexual Experience.
144 WARD AND FRIEDMAN

TABLE 1
Descriptive Statistics and Sex Differences for Key Independent and Dependent Variables

Sample Female Male Sex Difference

Variable Mean SD Range Mean Mean (t-test)

Exposure
Sexy Prime-Time (hours/month) 9.96 6.19 0–31.5 11.68 7.39 5.48nnn
Music video (hours/month) 39.65 48.45 0–292.0 37.63 42.61
.78
Talk show (hours/month) 4.77 8.25 0–60.0 5.06 4.34 .67
Viewing motivation
Learning motive 2.21 .76 1–4 2.14 2.32
1.84
Fun habit motive 3.28 .58 1–4 3.33 3.21 1.52
Friend/companionship motive 2.50 .85 1–4 2.50 2.50 .01
Viewer identification
ID with same-sex characters 1.93 .58 1–3.82 2.05 1.75 3.91n
Sexual attitudes/behavior
Traditional gender roles 2.19 .77 1–5.9 1.89 2.63
8.46nnn
Sex as recreation 3.34 .70 1.4–5.4 3.11 3.67
6.48nnn
Men are sex driven 3.20 .81 1.3–5.7 3.00 3.48
4.73nnn
Women/sexual objects 3.47 .88 1–6.0 3.18 3.90
6.88nnn
Dating/sexual experience 2.29 1.02 1–4 2.18 2.45
1.99n

Note.
po.05. nnpo.01. nnnpo.001, two-tailed tests.
n

To investigate additional demographic correlates of students’ sexual

attitudes and behavior, a series of zero-order correlational analyses was
run between the five sexual attitude and behavior variables and the fol-
lowing background factors: age, mother’s education, father’s education,
family structure (i.e., coming from a single-parent family), and religious
affiliation (i.e., being Jewish). Few significant associations emerged. Being
older was associated with higher levels of Dating and Sexual Experience, r
(219) 5 .35, po.001. Having a more educated mother was associated with
weaker endorsement of Recreational Sex, r (224) 5
.16, po.05. These
significant demographic correlates were included as controls in later re-
gression analyses.
Preliminary analyses were also conducted to investigate inter-correla-
tions between the seven TV viewing variables. As summarized in Table 2,
findings indicate that the TV variables were moderately inter-related, with
the most notable set of connections occurring between the three viewing
motive variables. Additionally, students’ levels of viewing Sexy Prime-
Time programs were positively related to their music video viewing, their
use of TV as a fun habit, and their level of identification with popular TV
 USING TV AS A GUIDE 145

TABLE 2
Zero-Order Inter-Correlations between the Seven TV Viewing Variables

SexyPrime MVideos TalkShow Friend/Co. FunHabit Learning Identification

SexyPrime 1.00 .19nn .10 .08 .24nnn
.06 .31nnn

MVideos 1.00 .26nnn .05 .02 .14n .07
TalkShow 1.00 .09 .08 .15n .12
Friend/Co. 1.00 .51nnn .45nnn .10
FunHabit 1.00 .18nn .05
Learning 1.00
.02
Identification 1.00

Note.
n
po.05. nnpo.01. nnnpo.001.
Statistically significant outcomes are bolded for clarity.

characters. Because significant correlations did not exceed .51, concerns

for multi-collinearity were minimal. Inter-correlations between the four
sexual attitude variables were also examined. The variables were signif-
icantly correlated with each other (po.001), and correlation coefficients
ranged from .44 to .70. Thus, participants who endorsed one of the sexual
stereotypes were likely to endorse the others.
The final set of preliminary analyses examined whether students in
classrooms assigned randomly to the four viewing conditions were ac-
tually equivalent in their demographic backgrounds, regular media hab-
its, sexual experiences, and perceptions of the clips presented. A series of
one-way ANOVAs was conducted to investigate differences between the
four conditions on 18 variables representing the central constructs. Sig-
nificant differences between Experimental and Control group partici-
pants, as indicated by Bonferroni post hoc analyses, emerged for three
variables (age, perceived clip realism, and clip enjoyment), which served
as covariates in later analyses of the experimental data.

Priming Sexual Attitudes: Effects of Experimental Exposure

Our first hypothesis argued that students exposed to clips depicting Sex as
Recreation, Women as Sex Objects, or Men as Sex Driven would offer
stronger support of corresponding sexual stereotypes or of Stereotypical
Gender Roles than students exposed to nonsexual content. Accordingly,
analyses of covariance were performed assessing potential Experimental
versus Control group differences in students’ postexposure sexual atti-
tudes. Included as controls in relevant analyses were the three viewing
146 WARD AND FRIEDMAN

condition covariates identified above. One-tailed tests of significance were

employed drawing on the strength of hypothesis one.
Significant differences emerged for one of the three experimental con-
ditions. Students who had viewed clips depicting Women as Sex Objects
offered stronger support for this notion (ME 5 3.84) than did students in
the Control condition (MC 5 3.28; F(2, 58) 5 3.58, p 5 .03, one-tailed test).
Students in the Women/Sex Object condition also expressed more Ster-
eotypical Gender Role Attitudes (ME 5 2.83) than did students in the
Control condition (MC 5 1.93; F(2, 59) 5 23.63, po.005, one-tailed test).
The sexual attitudes of students who had viewed clips depicting Sex as
Recreation or Men as Sex Driven did not differ significantly from those in
the Control condition. Thus, support for hypothesis one was produced for
one of the three sexual stereotypes.

Associations Between Regular Media Use and Students’ Sexual

Attitudes

Investigating our second set of hypotheses, we tested whether students’

exposure levels, viewing motives, and character identification relate to
their sexual attitudes. Multiple regression analyses were performed in
which the four sexual attitude variables served as dependent variables,
relevant demographic correlates were entered on Step 1, and the seven TV
use variables were entered simultaneously as predictors on Step 2. Be-
cause laboratory exposure to stimulus clips depicting Women as Sex Ob-
jects had affected students’ notions about Stereotypical Gender Roles and
about women, exposure to this experimental condition was included as a
dummy variable in relevant equations. Findings are presented in Table 3.
Television viewing, in multiple forms, emerged as a significant corre-
late of students’ sexual attitudes. Concerning exposure levels, more fre-
quent viewing of Sexy Prime-Time programming was associated with
stronger support of Recreational Sex, and more frequent viewing of talk
Shows was associated with stronger endorsement of Stereotypical Gender
Roles. Other dimensions of students’ media use contributed as well. Spe-
cifically, more intentional viewing of TV for Friendship/Companionship
was associated with stronger endorsement of Recreational Sex, of Men as
Sex Driven, and of Women as Sex Objects. Conversely, watching TV as a
Fun Habit was associated with weaker endorsement of each of these three
sexual stereotypes. Finally, identifying strongly with popular same-sex
characters was associated with greater support of Women as Sex Objects.
Each regression equation was statistically significant, accounting for
11.4–24.2% of the variance in these constructs. Although the demographic
 USING TV AS A GUIDE 147

TABLE 3
Regression Analyses Examining Associations between TV Viewing and Students’ Sexual
Attitudes

Stereotypical Sex as Men as Women as

Gender Roles Recreation Sex Driven Sex Objects

Step 1: demographics
Sex (being male) .43nnn .47nnn .30nnn .46nnn
Mother’s education —
.15n — —
Lab exptl. exposure .15n — — .03
Adjusted R2 .225 .187 .067 .150
F for Step 1 31.412nnn 23.699nnn 16.091nnn 19.449nnn
Step 2: media use
Sexy prime hours
.03 .15n .06 .11
Music video hours
.06
.04 .07 .04
Talk show hours .15n .11 .07
.05
Friend/Co. motive .12 .27nnn .22nn .25nn
Fun/habit motive
.11
.16n
.18n
.17n
Learning motive .04
.03 .03 .02
Identification .03 .03 .10 .16n
Change in adjusted R2 1.017 1.052nn 1.047n 1.067nnn
Adjusted R2 for full model .242 .239 .114 .217
F for full model 8.433nnn 7.911nnn 4.351nnn 7.437nnn

Note.
n
po.05. nnpo.01. nnnpo.001. Standardized regression coefficients (b’s) reported.
Statistically significant outcomes are bolded for clarity.

correlates explained a significant amount of variance in each equation,

with the most substantial portion coming from viewers’ sex, the media use
variables did increase the adjusted R2 in three of the four regression
equations, increasing the amount of variance explained by 28–70%. Thus,
the overall patterns indicate that various dimensions of students’ expo-
sure levels, viewing motivations, and identification levels are indeed as-
sociated with their support of gender and sexual stereotypes, contributing
above and beyond viewer demographics.

Associations Between Regular TV Viewing and Students’

Sexual Behavior

The final hypothesis predicted that multiple aspects of media use would
correlate with adolescents’ levels of sexual experience. Multiple regression
analyses were performed in which Level of Dating/Sexual Experience
148 WARD AND FRIEDMAN

served as the dependent variable, significant demographic correlates were

entered on Step 1, and the seven TV use variables were entered as pre-
dictors on Step 2. Findings summarized in Table 4 indicate several sig-
nificant associations. Frequent viewing of both music videos and talk
shows were each associated with more advanced levels of Dating/Sexual
Experience, as was stronger identification with popular same-sex charac-
ters. As predicted, then, the more students were exposed to sexually ori-
ented genres, such as music videos and talk shows, and the more closely
they identified with popular characters, the greater their levels of Dating
and Sexual Experience. At the same time, none of the viewing motive
variables emerged as significant correlates of sexual behavior. Finally, be-
ing older and being male were each associated with higher levels of sexual
experience, contributing 10.8% of the variance. The TV viewing variables
explained an additional 13.1% of the variance, indicating a significant
contribution above and beyond viewer demographics.
With direct connections now demonstrated between TV viewing and
sexual attitudes (A ! B), and between TV viewing and sexual behavior

TABLE 4
Regression Analyses Examining Associations between TV Viewing and Students’ Level of
Dating/Sexual Experience

General Level of Dating and Sexual Experience

Step 1: demographics
Age .36nnn
Sex (male) .14n
Adjusted R2 .108
F for Step 1 12.596nnn
Step 2: media use
Sexy prime hours .00
Music video hours .23nnn
Talk show hours .19nn
Friend/Co. motive
.11
Fun/habit motive
.04
Learning motive
.12
Identification .15n
Change in adjusted R2 1.131nnn
Adjusted R2 for full model .239
F for full model 7.707nnn

Note.
n
po.05; nnpo.01; nnnpo.001. Standardized regression coefficients (Betas) reported.
Statistically significant outcomes are bolded for clarity.
 USING TV AS A GUIDE 149

(A ! C), a final set of analyses was run to determine how students’ at-
titudes perform as potential mediators. These analyses were conducted in
two steps, in accordance with guidelines suggested by Baron and Kenney
(1986). The first step examined whether students’ sexual attitudes corre-
late with their sexual behavior (B ! C). To this end, partial correlation
analyses were conducted between the four sexual attitude variables and
students’ Dating/Sexual Experience levels, controlling for participant age
and sex. Significant associations emerged in only one case. Here, stronger
endorsement of Men as Sex-Driven was associated with higher Levels of
Dating/Sexual Experience, r (215) 5 .16, p 5 .015.
As a second step, we examined whether students’ support for this notion
mediates connections between TV viewing and sexual behavior. Would the
direct connections reported earlier between TV viewing and sexual be-
havior disappear once this sexual attitude was added to the equation? To
test this question, a regression equation was constructed in which age, sex,
and the three significant TV viewing correlates (Music Videos, Talk Shows,
and Identification) were entered on the first step, and the Men as Sex Driven
variable was entered on the second step. Although the overall equation was
statistically significant, explaining 22.9% of the variance in participants’
Sexual Experience Levels, the Men as Sex Driven variable made only a
marginal contribution, reporting a Beta coefficient of .12 (p 5 .074). More-
over, adding this variable to the equation produced only a marginal (1.012)
change in the R2, F 5 3.22, p 5 .074. However, once this variable was added,
the strength of the Identification variable as a correlate was reduced from a
b of .135–121, and was no longer significant (p 5 .06). Overall, only minimal
indication emerged that students’ sexual attitudes mediate the relation be-
tween their TV viewing and their sexual experience level.

DISCUSSION

In acquiring a functional understanding of sexual relationships, adoles-

cents draw information and examples from the world around them, turn-
ing frequently to their friends, parents, and the media for insight.
Although a number of studies have addressed television’s role in this
process, few offer possible causal information, only a handful test ado-
lescents, and even fewer have focused on sexual behavior. Drawing from
several theoretical perspectives, we sought to address these limitations,
seeking experimental and correlational confirmation of TV’s contribution
to adolescent sexuality. More frequent and more purposeful viewing were
each expected to correlate with stronger endorsement of stereotypical be-
liefs about sexual roles and relationships. Additionally, TV viewing was
150 WARD AND FRIEDMAN

expected to connect both directly and possibly indirectly to adolescents’

sexual behavior. Results demonstrated several significant relations in
these areas, offering promising evidence of a link between TV viewing and
emergent sexuality.
Addressing our first hypothesis, we found evidence that laboratory ex-
posure to specific sexual stereotypes could indeed affect adolescents’ ac-
ceptance of these notions. After viewing brief clips featuring women as
sexual objects, participants were more likely to endorse this notion and to
express more stereotypical attitudes about gender roles than were students
exposed to nonsexual content. Although the effects produced by this one
exposure are likely to be short lived, they are also likely to be repeated
because the stimuli that produced them were drawn from programming
that is popular among young viewers (e.g., Friends, Seinfeld). Thus, each time
students view comparable scenes and images, it is likely that relevant ster-
eotypic schemas are primed. With each activation, that particular schema or
way of viewing the world grows stronger, more accessible, and more valid.
In accordance with our second set of hypotheses, we demonstrated that
several dimensions of adolescents’ regular media use are associated with
their support of sexual stereotypes, illustrating that this is not simply a
laboratory phenomenon. As expected, exposure levels mattered, but in a
limited way, constrained by genre and by the particular stereotype in
question. The significant findings indicated that greater exposure to talk
shows and ‘‘Sexy’’ Prime-Time programs is each associated with greater
support of stereotypical gender roles and of notions that sex is recrea-
tional. Viewer identification played a small role, as well, in that identifying
with popular characters, such as Carrie on Sex and the City, was associated
with stronger agreement that women are sexual objects. However, iden-
tification was not a significant correlate of the other sexual stereotypes.
Instead, students’ viewing motives emerged as the most consistent
correlate of their sexual belief systems, demonstrating the power of in-
dividual needs in shaping media influence. Girls and boys who reported
watching TV for companionship were also more likely to agree that sex is
recreational, that men are sexually driven, and that women are sexual
objects. These findings suggest that teens who are turning to TV as a friend
are also more accepting of its dominant messages and may by relying
more heavily on media for social norms and values. Previous findings
support this notion, revealing that connections between TV viewing and
both sexism (Morgan & Rothschild, 1983) and eating and dieting behavior
(Stice, Spangler, & Agras, 2001), are stronger among teens with fewer
social affiliations. At the same time, watching TV as a fun habit was as-
sociated with significantly less support of the three sexual stereotypes.
Indeed, adolescents who do not particularly ‘‘need’’ television, who view
 USING TV AS A GUIDE 151

it as ‘‘just something fun to do,’’ also appear to be less accepting of its

dominant sexual messages. Perhaps with satisfactory levels of peer sup-
port and other guiding forces in their lives, these teens may be less reliant
on the media for sexual schema content. Overall, our findings illustrate
several significant connections between TV viewing and teens’ sexual at-
titudes, and demonstrate the utility of considering multiple pathways of
media influence. Indeed, exposure levels alone tell only part of the story,
and it appears as if cognitions such as viewing motives are stronger cor-
relates of other cognitions, such as beliefs about sexuality.
In accordance with our third hypothesis, we demonstrated that TV
viewing does associate directly with adolescents’ sexual experience levels,
and that these associations remain even when their sexual attitudes are
accounted for as possible mediators. More specifically, frequent viewing
of music videos and talk shows, and strong identification with same-sex
characters were each associated with greater levels of dating/sexual ex-
perience. Thus, fitting assumptions of Bandura’s Social Cognitive Theory
(1994), students reporting greater levels of exposure to TV’s sexual scripts
and messages, and students reporting stronger connections to its chief
characters, also reported greater experience with the types of activities
frequently featured (i.e., dating and sexual activity).
At the same time, however, we are mindful, that these are associations,
and that directions of causality remain unclear. Indeed, these findings also
suggest that students with particular sexual attitudes and experiences
select media content that validates their current worldviews. Other work
suggests the role of a possible third variable, co-viewing with a boyfriend/
girlfriend, which is related both to frequent media use and to greater levels
of dating/sexual experience (Sorsoli, Porche, & Tolman, 2005). Because of
these complexities, it would be premature to rule out the possibility of
mediation effects. Although the four attitudes tested here did not emerge
as strong mediators between TV viewing and sexual behavior, other cog-
nitions might. Further study is needed, for example, of the possible me-
diating role of other sexual attitudes, of students’ perceptions of peer
norms, and of their perceptions of themselves as sexual beings.
In addition to the many outcomes reported here that met our expec-
tations, several null findings emerged that warrant attention. First, ex-
perimental exposure to the sexual stereotypes affected students’ attitudes
for only one of the three conditions although the same stimuli worked for
all three conditions in Ward (2002). Indeed, both regular and experimental
exposure associated more strongly with teens’ acceptance of women as
sexual objects than they did with the other two themes. One interpretation
is that the sexual objectification of women is a more salient aspect of young
peoples’ lives than are the other themes, both in terms of popular media
152 WARD AND FRIEDMAN

content and adolescent development. From MTV’s Spring Break pro-

gramming to Pepsi commercials featuring Britney Spears, sexually ob-
jectifying images of women are prevalent and blatant. At the same time,
this theme may resonate especially strongly with adolescent viewers who
themselves are very appearance- and body conscious. Consequently, this
theme may be more salient to them than notions of dating as a game or of
men as sex driven. A second surprising finding was that music video
viewing did not correlate with participants’ sexual attitudes although this
genre is frequently singled-out for its high level of sexual imagery. It is
plausible that more fine-tuned assessments of music video viewing are
needed. Examinations of preferred genres, channels, or artists, and of
music listening may help illuminate these connections.
In sum, our findings suggest that TV use, in multiple forms, appears to
be linked with adolescent sexuality in may ways, both shaping and being
guided by their early sexual experiences. Although we acknowledge that
several factors correlate with early sexual decision making, the contribu-
tion of media variables demonstrated here was striking, explaining an
additional 13% of the variance in sexual behavior and 5–7% in sexual
attitudes. Including media use as a factor in future models of adolescent
sexual decision-making may help to explain portions of the variance cur-
rently unaccounted for.
Although the current study expands our understanding of television’s
role as a sexual educator, additional investigation is needed to fully ex-
plicate these relations and to address existing limitations. First, the reli-
ability of our sexual attitude subscales was lower than ideal, ranging from
.67 to .77. Continued development of these constructs is needed to pro-
duce more reliable measures. Second, this study assessed students’ expo-
sure to only three TV genres, capturing a small segment of their media
diets. Future research will need to examine other genres and media, in-
cluding reality programming, films, and magazines. Moreover, additional
investigation is needed of the mechanisms behind the genre-specific find-
ings uncovered here. Do different genres convey different messages about
sexuality or do students turn to them for different reasons? Finally, our
conclusions are limited by the homogeneity of the sample. Tested here
were the media habits and sexual attitudes of students attending one
public high school in Long Island that serves a predominantly Jewish and
middle-class population. Although our findings mirror those of earlier
work (e.g., Ward, 2002) and match theoretical expectations, we caution
against generalizing these findings to all adolescent populations. Further
testing will want to investigate these dynamics among lower income
White youth and among ethnic minority youth, who typically report
higher levels of media use (Roberts et al., 2005).
 USING TV AS A GUIDE 153

Although this study examined how media use relates directly to ad-
olescents’ sexual attitudes and behavior, it is also likely that these asso-
ciations hold implications for other domains as well. For example,
accepting the notion that women are sexual objects may affect adolescent
girls’ perceptions of themselves as sexual subjects. Indeed, Objectification
Theory argues that viewing oneself as a sexual object and objectifying
one’s body can cause women to become distanced from their internal
states, and can lead to increased shame and anxiety, sexual dysfunction,
and depression (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Accepting these stereo-
types could also shape girls’ and boys’ perceived worth and power on the
dating market, their tolerance of disrespectful behavior (e.g., ‘‘boys will be
boys’’), and the importance they assign to their own sexuality and to
heterosexual success. Because developing a healthy approach to sexuality
is a major developmental task of adolescence, greater acceptance of these
stereotypes might derail some early efforts. With U.S. adolescents and pre-
teens devoting more time to TV than to almost any other waking activity,
this medium is likely to play a prominent role in guiding their early beliefs
about the ways of the world.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2003 biennial meeting
of the Society for Research in Child Development, Tampa, Florida, and as
an entry for the 2002–2003 Intel Science Talent Search. The authors would
like to thank Wendy Friedman, Andrew Smiler, and several anonymous
reviewers for their assistance with this project.

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Author Notes

L. Monique Ward, Department of Psychology, University of Michigan.

Kimberly Friedman is an undergraduate at the University of Michigan.