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DRAVIDIAN ' I , ' WE' AND 'YOU '.
The second number of Dravidic Studies, issued by the Uni-
versity of Madras (1919), contains a discussion of Dravidian
'I' and 'we' by K. V. Subbaiya, with remarks by M. Collins.
Subbaiya's work shows an amazing disregard of scientific
methods. He gives word-lists meant to prove that ancient e
is "preserved in all the languages" (p. 14), and that ancient a
is "preserved in all the Dravidian languages" (p. 15). From
these lists it appears that "all the Dravidian languages" are
the southern tongues; the northern ones are cast into the outer
darkness of "minor dialects" (p. 8). The first word in the
a-list is Tamil a (cow), which corresponds to Malto &i: ven-
geance is mine, saith the North. If these words came from
Aryan avi (sheep), Tamil has a < *au in accord with the noun-
ending a, a variant of -avu. In the e-list we find Tamil per
(name) with its cognates, Kanara . . .", Tulu ". . ."
Telugu peru. In order to get a bit of padding for the e-list,
Subbaiya ignores Tamil pejar (the older form of per!), Kanara
hesaru and pesar, Tulu pudar, Kodagu peda. The Kanara,
Tamil and Tulu forms are recorded under pesar in Kittel's
Dictionary, one of Subbaiya's sources; Caldwell discusses them
twice in his Comparative Grammar, also one of Subbaiya's
sources. It may be a question whether Telugu peru represents
*prer < *pedar or a Tamil-like development of *pitar to *plecar;
but the basic short vowel is self-evident.'
From Brahui k7an-,nominative i, Gondi nd-, nom. and, Kui
nia-, nom. dnu, Kurukh-Malto er-, nom. en, Kanara en-, nom.
an(u), Tamil en-, nom. jdn, Telugu na-, nom. enu, Tulu jen-,
nom. jdn (I), we may infer a basis *en having short e, with
lengthening in the nominative because of emfasis. Subbaiya
assumes that the root-vowel was a more open sound, like the
vowel of English hat. This theory is founded on the correspond-
ence of Telugu e, in a small number of words, to Kanara d and
Tamil d or jd. Subbaiya admits, at the end of his work, that a
21 am not aware that the foregoing theory of nam has been printed
before. Collins rightly rejects Subbaiya's theory that the n of Tamil
nvm (as well as that of nan) may be an internal development, and
assumes that narm is ancient, but does not try to explain it.
338 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY.
as in van- < *awan < *asan (him), viru < *iwar < *ihar
(these); initial n came from the stem ni-. Corresponding to
Tamil kcanavu(dream), Telugu has kala with -a < *-a < *-au,
the I being due to dissimilation in the verb kalagan- (dream):
in Telugu tala < *talas (head) we may assume either -a < *-
< *-au < *-asu < *-as or a loss of -s after weak vowels before
*is became *isu. In Kui, where *talas changed thru *taldsu to
tldu, inu replaced *u < *isu under the influence of anu (I).
Gondi imma is a plural used for the singular, with -a from
ana (I). The loss of final short vowels in Gondi makes it hard
to find evidence for or against an early change of *is to *isu in
Gondi. It is true that Gondi has talad- ui tldu (head), and
kaud-, nom. kcav (ear) corresponding to Tamil kct-, nom. katu.
But au may have been kept if au became a in tala, just as ai
and ai show differing treatments in Greek; or the stem of 'ear'
may have had av when au changed to a. From certain points
of likeness in Tulu and G6ndi-Kui, we might suppose that Tulu
i came from *is thru *isu and *uL; but such a development,
beside the ending - < *-ai < *-as in Tulu tarQ (head), would
imply two different treatments of -s, depending on a difference
in the stress of preceding vowels. There is ground for thinking
that Kui has -a < *-as with weak stress beside -au < *-asu
< *-as with strong stress.
In Brahui and Kurukh-Malto, where ancient intervocalic s
is kept, the normal change of *is to *z and the loss of s before
consonants caused the stem *is- to become *i- before vowels by
analogy. In the other Dravidian tongues there was a regular
loss of s between vowels. We thus have to deal with a general
stem *i- instead of *is-. The genitive *ia was an unstable form:
it tended to become *z or *e, but the need of keeping the ending
hindered such a contraction. Under the influence of *ena (my),
*a was changed to *ina. Open a is the most sonorous of the
vowels; i is one of the least sonorous. In early western Romanic
a weak a was regularly kept, while other weak vowels were often
lost. Weak stress caused Dravidian *ina to become na, the form
kept in Brahui; and *n- became a general equivalent of *in-.
A blending of the two stems produced nin-, which is represented
or kept in Kurukh-Malto, Kanara-Tamil and Tulu. Tamil un-
is an expansion of *n-, with u taken from the end of preceding
words; nun- is a blend of *n- and un-. In the central tongues,
DRAVIDIAN 'I', 'WE ', AND 'YOU'. 341
accord with Kui; also mrru with m from the stem, and (m)zralu
with a noun-ending -lu added. Tulu has ir as nominative and
stem, and nikculubased on the stem of the singular. In Tulu
Z < *is and Zr< *isir the basic forms seem to show less change
than in any other Dravidian tongue.
EDWIN H. TUTTLE.
NORTH HAVEN, CONN.