Broadcasting Discontent - Freelancers, Trade Unions and the Internet

Richard Saundry (University of Central Lancashire)*, Mark Stuart (University of

Leeds) and Valerie Antcliff (University of Central Lancashire)

Word Count: 7922 (including references)

*Address for correspondence:

Dr Richard Saundry, Dept of Strategy and Innovation, University of Central Lancs:

Mail: rasaundry@uclan.ac.uk

Dr Richard Saundry is a Senior Lecturer in Industrial Relations at the University of

Central Lancashire. He has researched and published in the areas of employment and
regulation within the UK broadcasting and port transport industries.

Professor Mark Stuart is Professor of Human Resource Management and Employment

Relations (HRM) at Leeds Univesity Business School. He has researched and published
widely in the areas of skill formation, lifelong learning and social partnership.

Dr Valerie Antcliff is a Research Fellow in the Department of Strategy and Innovation

at the University of Central Lancashire. Her research interests include the use of
sequence analysis in social research, new forms of employment, industrial relations,
employment and gender, with a particular focus on the audio-visual industries.

The financial support of the Economic and Social Research Council is gratefully
acknowledged (award ref. RES-000-0562). The authors would also like to thank
Chris Baldry and two anonymous referees for their helpful comments.

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Broadcasting Discontent - Freelancers, Trade Unions and the Internet

Abstract

This paper examines the potential of web-based networks for representing the interests
of freelance audio-visual workers. It suggests that while such networks provide fora for
the expression and mobilisation of interests, their ability to represent workers is limited.
Consequently, they provide an opportunity for trade unions to extend organisation.

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Broadcasting Discontent - Freelancers, Trade Unions and the Internet

Introduction

The extent to which internet technologies can be harnessed to enhance union

organisation and stimulate renewal has been increasingly debated (see Greene et al,

2003). Trade unions in certain industries (such as television and radio) have been faced

with the challenge of the emergence of a mobile and contingent workforce that is often

resistant to traditional methods of workplace organisation (Heery et. al., 2004a). The

internet would seem to offer unions an opportunity to connect with younger, computer

literate, workers who appear to be particularly averse to union involvement.

It is claimed that the web assists unions in a number of ways (Cockfield, 2003). Firstly,

it can enhance member services through the provision of information via union

websites and through e-mail. Secondly, it can help in the organisation of conventional

action while opening up the possibilities of innovative action such as e-mail campaigns

and e-disruption (Diamond and Freeman, 2002). Thirdly, it can provide the basis for

greater national and international co-operation and co-ordination by connecting

geographically disparate workers and extending the scope and focus of collective action

(Carter et. al., 2003; Lee 1996).

More broadly, writers point to the potential of the internet in rebuilding and re-

invigorating union organisation. At a basic level, an internet presence may help to aid

3
recruitment, both by publicising the role of the union and also in connecting with an

increasingly IT-literate workforce. With many trade unions forced to organise 'beyond

the enterprise' (Heery et al, 2004a) or faced with hostile employers, e-forms allow

unions to contact potential members directly. As the workforce becomes more

dispersed in terms of time and space, the internet provides a location where workers

can meet, discuss, inform and exchange ideas, thus building trade union consciousness

(Kelly and Kelly, 1994; Greene and Kirton, 2003).

However, just as the internet may assist trade union organisation, it may also foster the

growth of informal and formal organisations that may challenge trade unions

dominance in the representation of workers' interests. Diamond and Freeman (2002)

warn that if trade unions do not develop effective strategies for using the internet, 'it is

possible that non-union organisations may win the competition in cyberspace for

providing services to workers' (593). As yet, this issue remains relatively unexplored as

much of the research in this area is concerned with the effectiveness of the internet as a

medium for organizing or service provision while neglecting its wider role in shaping

economic and social relations (Martinez Lucio, 2003). Accordingly, this paper:

examines the role played by web-based networks; asks whether 'virtual' networks

represent a substantive and sustainable form of interest representation; and explores the

implications for industry unions.

These questions are explored via an in-depth analysis of the networks utilized by

freelance workers in the UK audio-visual industries. Over the last twenty years, a

combination of increased competition and government re-regulation has transformed

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the audio-visual labour market from one characterised by stable regulated employment

into one in which around half of the available labour pool is made up by freelance

workers (Skillset: 2005a:4). Networks of informal contacts have replaced internal job

ladders as the key labour market mechanism. A dual labour market has emerged with a

growing gap between the successful and the highly skilled and the young, generally

casualised workers desperate for a 'break' in the industry. As in other sectors trade

union organisation has been placed under immense pressure by these changes.

The paper begins with a review of recent debates around networks, the structuring of

worker interests and the implications for trade union activity. The context of the

research and the methods adopted in our study are then outlined. Following this, we

examine our research findings across four main dimensions: the nature and scope of

network activity; the extent to which networks can foster shared interests and

solidarity; how networks can be used to articulate discontent; and, the implications of

worker-led networks for unions. In conclusion, we argue that the recent growth of

internet-based networks in the audio-visual industries creates both opportunities and

dilemmas for trade unions.

The Internet, Networks of Interest and the Role of Trade Unions

The relationship between trade unions and the internet is complex and essentially

problematic. The development and expansion of e-technologies is seen as central to the

rise of the 'new economy' (Martinez Lucio, 2003) and more broadly 'network society'

(Castells, 1996). Importantly, this is seen to have important consequences for the

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nature of employment. In particular it is seen as undermining hierarchy and labour-

market bureaucracy (DeFillipi et. al., 2003) and freeing the individual to become

authors of their own ‘do-it-yourself’ biographies as work is ‘chopped up by time and by

contract’ (Beck, 2000). To put this simply, the growth of the internet allows

individuals to distance themselves from both the workplace and other workers. In this

brave new world, the protection and support of collectivities such as trade unions, are

replaced by networks made powerful by the increased reach of online communication

(Wellman, 2001).

For some commentators, such virtual networks are antithetical to the notions of

solidarity, cohesion and common interest that underpin trade unionism. For example,

Sennett (1998) associates the growth of the ‘new economy’ with an erosion of shared

commitments, loyalty and trust. Indeed some studies suggest that individuals who use

the internet tend to retreat into the atomized unreality of the virtual realm at the expense

of 'real' social contact (Kraut et. al, 1998). In short internet networks are inherently anti-

social and serve only to allow workers to realize their individualistic aspirations.

Alternatively, Rheingold (1994) argues that internet activity might provide the basis for

the formation of 'virtual communities' which may be a source of the social capital that

commentators such as Jarley (2005) see as necessary for the revistalisation of effective

trade union organization.

Despite its utopianism (Wittel, 2001), this analysis does point us toward the potential of

the internet for generating shared identification and mutuality between geographically

and socially separated individuals (DeFillipi et al., 2003). For example, DiMaggio et al

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(2001) in a wide-ranging review of literature in this area, identify a range of online

'communities' within which dispersed people unite around a shared interest. Internet

activity constitutes very real behaviour capable of generating social connection, shared

interest and trust. Wellman (2001) sees the 'human use' of internet technology as having

potential for the creation of social ties. Furthermore he claims that these ties have

transformed 'cyberspace into cyber-places as people connect online with kindred spirits,

engage in supportive and sociable relationships with them, and imbue their activity

online with meaning belonging and identity' (229). The fact that individuals who join

together in a discussion forum or within an internet network do not have a shared

history does not diminish the value and significance of the bonds that are created.

Rather than seeing the atomization of internet activity as a handicap 'the internet's very

lack of social richness can foster contact with more diverse others' (Wellman, 2001:

246). Furthermore that contact is less dependent on hierarchy as social status is

relegated in favour of shared interests and/or experiences (Wittel, 2001).

Does this suggest that web-based relationships and anonymous internet networks can

develop into sustainable mechanisms through which individuals can articulate and even

represent their interests? Wellman seems to make this point in arguing that that such

connections 'provide a basis for interest based structures that provide support, partial

solidarity and vehicles for aggregating and articulating interests' (246).

Undoubtedly many unions now provide fairly sophisticated web-sites through which

members can access union services and information relating to employment law, pay

rates and bargaining materials (Cockfield, 2003; Greene and Kirton, 2003). However,

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these mainly function as a resource for members as opposed to playing an active role in

attracting non-members or stimulating activity through on-line discussion and debate.

This is partly due to the fact that the internet allows activists to 'sidestep union

hierarchies' (Diamond and Freeman, 2002:578) and thus poses a threat to existing union

bureaucracies. Where unions are responsible for the development of e-forms there is

some evidence that they have not been a catalyst for an army of new activists but have

instead been dominated by traditionally dominant groups (Cockfield, 2003; Greene and

Kirton, 2003). This perhaps reflects the durability of the social and political constraints

which can limit activity within trade unions (Martinez Lucio, 2003). Furthermore,

while internet networks provide a forum in which a wide range of voices can be heard

and interests expressed, they often lack the coherence and focus needed to have any

substantive or sustainable impact (Greene et. al., 2003).

However, the potential of e-forms should not be under-estimated. There is strong

evidence of the internet playing a key role in the development of broad-based

campaigns and social movements (see Lin, 2001). Greene and Kirton (2003) have

found that electronic networks of activists are not solely limited to the sharing of

information but can play a role in mobilisation and deepening solidarity. Not only does

the internet facilitate interaction between workers in dispute but it collapses the

'distance' between workers helping to strengthen solidarity (Greene et al., 2003). This

was amply illustrated by the role played by the internet in building international support

for Liverpool dockworkers in their dispute with the Mersey Docks and Harbour

Company (Carter et. al., 2003).

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Furthermore, the internet has provided trade unions with a means of developing

innovative campaigns over single issues. Often this has been achieved through the

mechanism of so-called 'virtual unions' (Diamond and Freeman, 2002), whereby a

campaign is focussed around a web-site with an identity that, in name at least, is

separate from trade union organisation. Significantly e-forms possess an anonymity

which bypasses the constraints on union activity faced by many workers particularly

women, ethnic minorities, young people and those subject to the insecurities of contract

employment (Greene and Kirton, 2003). In this way the internet is argued to be a

radicalising and mobilising force extending participation and eroding barriers to

activity (Carter et al, 2003). Indeed there is a measure of agreement within the literature

that e-forms do offer the possibility of 'forming and shaping collective interests

amongst workers' (Greene et al 2003:4). More broadly, e-networking has the potential

to become a key part of strategies aimed at renewing grass-roots organisation as unions

seek to connect with new constituencies of workers (Frege et al., 2004; Marchington et

al., 2004).

However, if the internet provides trade unions with an opportunity to share information,

connect with disparate groups of workers and build shared interests, it also offers

existing or new organisations the opportunity to challenge the primacy of trade unions

in representing worker interests (Diamond and Freeman, 2002; Martinez Lucio, 2003).

The space available for unions within the virtual arena is potentially threatened by

industry specific virtual networks that have developed either independently or under the

auspices of existing organizations such as employment agencies or professional

associations that already compete with unions in the provision of certain labour market

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services. Online networks, freed from the inevitable constraints of hierarchy and

broader political considerations, may offer an attractive alternative for the disaffected

worker and constitute or at least support the emergence of ‘alternative institutions’ of

interest representation (Heery et al., 2004b).

Against this backdrop, this paper seeks to explore whether internet-based networks can

effectively articulate and represent workers' interests and if so, whether they can

develop into substantive mechanisms that threaten the position of existing trade unions.

In order to do this it examines the following questions:

1) What is the nature and scope of internet networks used by audio-visual workers?

2) Do they play a broader role in developing collective interests and encouraging

solidarity?

3) Are networks able to mobilise opinion, articulate and represent collective interests?

4) How do such networks relate to conventional trade unions?

The Research Context and Approach

The UK audio-visual sector provides a unique test-bed to explore these crucial

questions. It has often been portrayed as an examplar of the shift away from Fordist

modes of production and stable employment towards more flexible organisation of

production and employment (Barnatt and Starkey, 1994). Up to the early 1980s,

television and radio enjoyed stability and predictability in terms of revenue and product

demand. Broadcasting and production activities were integrated and companies

10
maintained largely permanent workforces covering all aspects of the production

process. Industrial relations were conducted within a highly regulated and formal

framework of national level collective bargaining. (Saundry, 2001; Seglow, 1978)

From the mid 1980s employers reacted to far-reaching changes in the competitive and

regulatory environment by seeking to dismantle this system (Bonner and Aston, 1998;

Campling, 1992; Ursell, 1998; McKinlay and Quinn, 1999). The scale and scope of

collective bargaining was curtailed, and individualised bargaining extended through

increased use of freelance labour, individual contracts and the introduction of

performance-related pay schemes. At the same time, the growth of the independent

television production sector (Harvey, 1989: 66) and broadcasters’ desires for increased

labour flexibility encouraged a significant shift towards non-permanent employment.

Skillset, the Skills Sector Training Council organisation for the audio-visual industries,

estimates that in 2005 up to 50% of the workforce were working on a freelance basis.

However, the percentage was higher in some occupational groups, notably hair, make-

up and wardrobe where 75% were estimated to be freelancers, camera 58% and runners

(an entry level occupation) 60% (Skillset 2005b).

The consequences of the shift for audio-visual workers are disputed. Jones (1996) and

Langham (1996), for example, suggest that the fragmentation of employment has been

largely beneficial, providing the opportunity for increased creativity, discretion and

control over the labour process. For others, the experience has been one of

casualisation, growing insecurity, work intensification and deteriorating terms and

conditions (Ursell, 1998). What is certain is that changes in the industry have resulted

in the marginalisation of trade union organisation (Sparks, 1989)

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The ability of audio-visual unions to organise within this increasingly fragmented

environment has been questioned (Sparks, 1994). Arguably, the craftist traditions of

industry unions left them ill-prepared to cope with the rapidly changing environment of

the 1980s and 1990s. Overly dependent on the closed shop and oriented to the

negotiation of national collective agreements, the fragmentation of employment and

bargaining saw its membership fall dramatically (Campling and Michelson, 1997).

More recent developments within suggest that the view that employment fragmentation

has dealt a mortal blow to trade unionism is much too simplistic. Spence (1999: 5) has

claimed that, given the de-regulated nature of the labour market and the complex legal

and contractual issues often involved in their employment, “freelances arguably have

more need of union support than do permanently employed workers.” Moreover,

Paterson (1999) has speculated that the increased dependency of freelance labour on

networks in order to find work might provide a role for trade unions. McKinlay and

Quinn saw networks as “bulwarks against the individualisation of casual employment”

(1999: 13), while Saundry (2001) found tentative evidence that these networks were

being used to co-ordinate individual negotiation and protect terms and conditions.

Importantly, national collective bargaining arrangements have been retained within the

independent production sector. Employment of freelance workers is governed by an

agreement between the Broadcasting Entertainment Cinematograph and Theatre Union

(BECTU) and the body representing independent producers, Producers Alliance for

Cinema and Television (PACT) - ‘The PACT Agreement’. Essentially, the agreement

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sets down a range of minima in terms of pay and conditions that provides a framework

within which individual negotiations can take place. However, over the past five years

the regulatory and competitive environment of the audio-visual industries has

continued to develop with continuing channel proliferation, increased horizontal

integration and continued pressure on broadcasters to reduce costs. Despite

consolidation within independent television and radio production, the shift towards

freelance and contract employment, and the challenge faced by trade unions, has

intensified.

As a result the PACT agreement has come under considerable pressure. Despite its

symbolic importance, many in the industry increasingly regard it as having limited

relevance, as its role in pay determination has been progressively marginalized.

Experienced workers and those employed on high cost programming and films tend to

receive significantly above the minimum rate outlined in the agreement. At the other

end of the spectrum, many producers facing declining budgets increasingly ignore

PACT rates in order to win commissions and remain profitable in a highly competitive

multi-channel environment. Inexperienced workers, desperate for employment and

keen to build their reputation, are unlikely to insist on PACT rates. For the union, the

problem has been not just one of low pay but of excessive working hours and poor

levels of health and safety. Therefore in 2003, BECTU members voted to accept

revisions to the agreement that allowed producers to pay below the recommended rates

within the agreement, so long as all other conditions were respected. It was hoped that

this would encourage producers to apply the agreement when hiring staff.

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Overall, therefore, despite the unions' best efforts, the powerful combination of

increased competition, technological change, regulatory pressure and the continued

attraction of the industry to young workers, has placed employers in an increasingly

dominant position. Within this context, trade unions face a difficult job in convincing

existing and potential members of their continuing relevance. At the same time the

internet has been increasingly used as a networking tool by freelance workers seeking

to advance their careers, obtain information on prospective employers and share their

experiences of working in the industry. The key question for this paper, however, is

whether these internet networks can articulate and represent workers' interests and if so,

can they develop into substantive mechanisms that threaten the position of existing

trade unions?

Research Design

Given the aim of the project to explore the social processes through which workers’

interests are articulated and represented, an intensive qualitative methodology was

adopted (Bryman, 1988). Furthermore, a flexible and inductive design was used that

reflected and reacted to the perceptions of freelance workers and the insecure and

fragmented nature of their working lives.

The first stage of the research was to build a network of subjects. Thirty-six freelance

workers were located through professional associations and published directories.

While the sample was not strictly representative of the freelance workforce, it was

based on cases that were judged to be typical of the great majority of freelancers. A

14
third of the sample was female which roughly equates with Skillset’s estimate of 37%

within the freelance audio-visual workforce as a whole (Skillset, 2005b). A broad range

of occupations was also present ranging from lower paid entry positions such as

researcher and wardrobe assistant up to Producer, Director and Director of

Photography. A third of the sample was below the age of 40 which again is similar to

the 34% of the freelance workforce that Skillset (2005b) estimate are under the age of

35. Just over half of the sample was made up of trade union members compared with

an estimate of 46% in the freelance workforce as a whole (derived from Skillset’s 2005

survey of the audio-visual workforce).

In-depth interviews were carried out with each member of the sample between June

2005 and December 2005. Interviews attempted to build a detailed picture of past and

present employment and examine how the interests of workers were shaped, articulated

and represented, both through networks and other mechanisms and institutions. In

addition, interviews were carried out with a number of key informants. These included:

national and regional officers of the Broadcasting, Entertainment and Cinematograph

Trades Union (BECTU) and the National Union of Journalists (NUJ); and leading

figures within specific networks (see below).

For the most part, face-to-face interviews were conducted, but the unpredictable nature

of freelance work made these difficult to arrange in advance. Thus, a small number of

respondents preferred to be interviewed by telephone as this could be rescheduled at

short notice. Interviews were seen as the most useful tool to gather data on the

15
complex relationships that are a regular feature of freelance employment. All

interviews lasted at least 45 minutes with the majority between one and two hours.

This first tranche of interviews was coded and explored using NVivo data analysis

software. Through this process we developed a broad set of analytical concerns, which

were amended and adjusted as more interviews were conducted and the data explored.

Each member of the original sample was also asked to complete a short e-mail

questionnaire that was designed to provide an overview of the use of networks and

point out specific issues which warranted more detailed attention. Through this iterative

process a number of networks were identified which we then investigated in more

depth, through interviews with organizers, participants and, where possible, by regular

observations of discussion fora. These included tvfreelancers.org, ProductionBase, the

Northern Freelance Network and wildlife film-makers based in the South West of

England. Additional interviews were carried out with participants between January and

August 2006 in order to clarify certain issues and create a degree of respondent

validation. Respondents continued to be added to the sample until it was felt that we

had reached ‘theoretical saturation’ (Glaser and Strauss, 1967) and no additional

interviews were necessary to understand the nature of networks. In total, 44 interviews

were conducted with members of the original sample and an additional 13 interviews

were undertaken with representatives of trade unions and freelance networks.

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Research Findings

Networks - Nature and Scope

As the freelance labour market has expanded, so have the number of specialist web-

sites devoted to the television, film and broader audio-visual industries. For the most

part these sites such as Mandy, Shooting Pictures and The Knowledge act as virtual

employment agencies. Here, participants are able to post contact details, CVs and links

to personal websites. They allow employers to search for workers with specific skills

and experience and details of possible jobs to be advertised. They may also contain

links to a range of industry organisations. However, the bulk of these sites are not

networks as such. They simply facilitate networking activity. Undoubtedly they provide

information and services to their subscribers but the relationship is purely commercial

and utilitarian. Workers’ participation is therefore based on individual career oriented

goals as opposed to any broader 'social function'.

However, we found the development of a hybrid form in which a commercial web-

based organisation whose primary function was to facilitate recruitment of freelance

staff had introduced a discussion forum in an attempt to create some sort of virtual

community. According to one of its senior managers, the site offers much more than

directory services.

We're turning it much more into an online membership club… so it can

become a proper self knowing community…already there are quite a lot of

17
 people who use the 'Water Cooler' [an on-line discussion forum] to chat, to

network in a way that they hadn’t done before.

Similarly, many of our sample used a web-site that was specifically established as an

internet network to discuss employment problems faced by freelance television

workers. Established by a small group of freelance activists, it has neither any

commercial orientation nor is it directly linked to industry unions. Instead its rationale

is to provide a virtual meeting place for freelance workers facing the uncertainty and

isolation of television labour markets. One of the forum's founders described it thus:

It started with a forum so that people could ask advice off other freelancers

about whatever topic it might be. And we have a mailing list so that we can

keep people up-to-date of any new issues that might affect freelancers. So it

was purely, for me, that feeling of being on your own really, and not having

enough ammunition to get a fair deal.

Therefore, members share information, contacts, ideas and advice. This mainly relates

to pay rates and experiences of specific employers. Yet, the forum is also used to boost

the ability of workers to both bargain effectively and also defend their interests, even if

this simply means refusing to accept a job from an employer with a poor reputation. In

this sense such networks appear to supplant one of the key functions of the industry

unions.

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However, it is doubtful whether these 'networks' can develop into durable, substantive

organisations capable of representing interests. Indeed a major attraction for

participants is the fact that they do not come with the organisational and political

‘baggage’ of trade unions. In this way they could:

draw in people who weren’t interested in traditional trade union structures,

who had no time to go to meetings and listen to minutes being read out, and

discussing motions and all the things that put people off going to trade unions.

(TV Producer)

Moreover, participants are able to contribute covered by the safety blanket of

anonymity:

I do log on occasionally because quite often because people can be

anonymous they can say what they are really thinking, whereas if names are

attached to it then, I don’t think it is paranoia myself, I think people do make

note of these things. (Sound Engineer)

This fear of identification amongst freelance workers is directly linked to the

networked nature of employment relationships and how these are underpinned by

reputation, both in terms of ability and also acquiescence. A number of respondents

saw that any visible connection with the union would damage their employment

prospects:

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 there’s this unspoken thing that if you were to get BECTU involved then they

wouldn’t employ you again so you just agree a fair rate with them. You don’t

say I’m calling BECTU to get my rate. (Wildlife film-maker)

In this way the existence and use of internet networks is shaped by the reality of the

organisation of the audio-visual labour market. Whilst the fear of retaliation is

understandable, it militates against the possibility of networks such as this developing

into a sustainable and enduring feature of the employment landscape. Indeed the very

notion of organisation is inimical to network participation. In this sense the internet

provides the opportunity to extend involvement and bypass hierarchy and bureaucracy.

However it is questionable whether it facilitates the extension of collective

organisation.

Virtual Communities, Shared Interests and Solidarity

Despite their lack of organisational substance or potential, the networks outlined above

do appear to provide a vital sense of place in an increasingly fragmented industry.

Notably, in contrast to the web-sites operated by professional associations and many of

the on-line directories that require evidence of experience in the form of credits, they

are open to young workers with little reputation or experience.

It kind of gives you a sense that you are part of an industry… it’s nice to have

somewhere that you can go and have a chat about TV stuff and not piss off

your flat mates. (Researcher)

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This highlights the potential of the internet in facilitating connections between workers

irrespective of hierarchy or status (Wittel, 2001). While such connections may not

constitute strong social ties, they nonetheless perform a clear social function in

attenuating the isolation inherent within freelance employment. This was neatly

explained by one of those involved in setting up a specialist TV freelancers’ web

forum.

For me it was more just the fact that, as a freelancer you do lead a very

isolated existence and we just wanted to do something that would give

freelancers’ contacts and information that really help you to feel less isolated.

Furthermore, there was a clear sense that freelance workers were drawn to groupings

with whom they have some occupational identity and who increasingly provide some

of the supporting services that unions can provide. Typically, on-line discussions

focussed on 'the job' rather than broader issues. Hence involvement appealed to a

narrower sense of collectivism as opposed to a broader political identity.

It would therefore appear that virtual networks can develop a sense of shared interest

and even solidarity. The data outlined above certainly question whether the growth of

internet networks further fragment social relations. To the contrary, isolated workers do

turn to internet networks to seek mutual support, belonging and ‘kindred spirits’

(Wellman, 2001) that perhaps in the past may have been provided by workplace trade

21
unions. However, to what extent can that shared interest be articulated and mobilised

into some form of action?

Articulating Discontent: The Case of TV Wrap

The potential of virtual networks is evident in the development of the first major

campaign over the employment conditions of freelance workers in television. 'TV

Wrap' was formed by a group of freelance television workers, previously unknown to

each other that realised that they had a common grievance with the way in which they

had been treated while employed by independent producers. The importance of

discussion forums is illustrated by the way in which the group was formed:

It span out of a ProductionBase forum ['The Water Cooler']. A whole group of

us got together over a huge argument …which was trying to pin the blame for

falling rate… in the end there were a clear half a dozen different strands and

threads and people coming back and we all arrived at the conclusion that

what was happening was that the various broadcasters found that they could

cut production budgets without incurring too much of a loss of quality

because people would work for less. (Freelance producer)

In conjunction with Tvfreelancers.org, they set up a new web-site under the banner of

'TVWrap' and initiated an online petition, part of which asked freelancers to add their

stories of poor employment practices, in particular abuse of the Working Time

Regulations. The petition was signed by more than 2,800 freelance workers. At the

22
same time, members wrote letters highlighting the situation to the main trade

publication, 'Broadcast'. The petition received substantial coverage both in the trade

press and also in national newspapers (such as the Guardian’s Media section). The

petition drew attention to allegations of exploitation, particularly within the production

of reality programmes. While the petition contained anonymous allegations of

exploitation, the campaign included several well-known established television

professionals, such as documentary maker Paul Watson, who had sufficient standing to

publicly voice their concerns. It is also important to note that leading members of the

campaign were able to exploit contacts within the broader media to ensure widespread

coverage of the issue.

This led to senior independent production companies publicly defending their

employment records and the independent producers association PACT, asking for more

evidence from TVWrap. Importantly, the main industry unions, played no formal role

within the campaign save for adding their voice to other supporters of the campaign

which also included the British Camera Standards Council and the Guild of British

Camera Technicians. PACT complained that the evidence of malpractice was largely

anecdotal, but crucially the campaign had gathered sufficient momentum for PACT to

be forced to act. Consequently, while PACT subsequently refused calls for a binding

'code of conduct' they began negotiations with BECTU on revising the collective

agreement governing the employment of freelance workers on factual programmes,

which the TVWrap campaign claimed was being widely flouted.

23
This case suggests that virtual networks can provide a crucible in which common

grievances can be shaped and articulated. It also points to the potential of virtual

networks in connecting a diverse range of workers who otherwise would have little

chance of meeting, and apart from the issue in question, little in common. However the

anonymity of the internet breaks down barriers to such a constellation of interests

forming, reflecting Wellman’s (2001) argument that the lack of ‘social richness’

implicit within the internet can actually foster important connections. Moreover the

diversity of the network enabled the relatively powerless, exploited and underpaid TV

workers to link with others with reputation and influence who were able to mobilize

resources to mount an effective and high profile campaign.

However, there was a clear sense that while virtual networks were an effective way of

campaigning and raising consciousness, they lacked the organisation necessary to

deliver hard industrial relations outcomes. In order to achieve this BECTU was needed

to step into the breach. This illustrated a common view amongst trade union officials:

they’ve got all these people involved, they’ve got lots of gripes, they exchange

some information, but in the long term, that’s as far as they can take it, they

don’t know what to do next. They’re turning to us and saying ‘What shall we

do about this’…….in the end, they come back to the union and say well ‘we’re

not a trade union, we need a trade union to do the next bit.

This raises the question of how virtual networks relate to trade unions.

24
Trade Unions and Networks

In light of the findings above, it might be argued that trade unions could use virtual

networks to reach workers who would otherwise be difficult to organize. Yet, whilst

they do disseminate information provided by unions such as BECTU, they remain

fiercely independent, fearing that identification with trade unions will deter member

involvement. In fact this independence is seen as beneficial by industry trade unions.

According to one union official:

It’s absolutely essential that they are and are seen to be, independent, not to

have an axe to grind, because there can be a debate and issues can bubble up

there that some people wouldn’t want to bring to the union. I want to know

what non-members are concerned about, thinking about, because crudely, it

informs us in terms of how we should be thinking about our role.

The role of trade unions in representing freelance workers is problematic. Respondents

within our sample, while broadly sympathetic to the overall goals of industry unions

seemed to be more 'at home' in working through their own networks and/or

professional associations. Many freelance workers who have concerns about

employment issues are still reticent about trade unions because of the broader union

agenda, a problem that many of the networks don't have:

25
 There are still a lot of people who don’t want to belong to a trade union, they

see it as an anachronism, some people see it as a political organisation that

they don’t want to belong to. (Union Officer)

for some people, trade unions are just this weird thing they don’t quite

understand, they don’t quite like for some reason. They kind of think that

they’re slow and out dated. There is this sort of slight hangover from the 80s

or whatever. (Camera Operator)

Crucially, 'networks' are unencumbered by policy or the day to day realities of

industrial relations. Understandably, the industry unions remind workers of their rights.

However, this does not mesh with the reality experienced by many freelancers. As a

result trade unions are seen as being out of touch. The difficulty for trade unions is that

they cannot publicly admit that a little exploitation is inevitable if one wants to 'get on'.

This is where networks of freelance workers are more approachable and potentially

more influential.

they say you don’t have to work for free, but you do have to work for free. To

tell people that they don’t have to do it isn’t particularly helpful in my

opinion, because frankly what you have got to say to them is that if you don’t

work for free then you are probably never going to get your foot in the door

and somebody else will and that’s what the rates database is for. (Producer)

26
Despite the clear difficulties apparent from the above, the development of networks

was not entirely independent of trade union organisation. Much of the network activity

that we found involved activists who were also union members. According to one

union officer, this experience proved crucial in leading the development of effective

networks.

Some of these networks sprung up on their own, usually led by NUJ member.

Almost every network I can think of is led by NUJ members who’ve got the

experience. (Union Officer)

To some extent, union members turned to the internet as a result of frustration by the

continued reliance on traditional processes and structures which they felt were not

particularly suited to freelancers.

I mean, to be honest, part of it is, it’s very hard to get to any kind of scheduled

event when you’re working away from home, or working irregular hours.

Whereas, wherever they are, people can still check their e-mails and go on the

internet.

For a range of reasons the main broadcasting union, BECTU, has rejected the idea of a

discussion forum on its own web-site. Importantly, contributors to internet networks

enjoyed a degree of freedom of expression which would have been difficult within

official union sites constrained by legal and internal policy considerations. This

27
suggests that internet networks have become an additional route for activists as

opposed to an alternative to traditional trade union activity.

Discussion and Conclusion

The ways in which trade unions might use the internet to improve their services to

members and to recruit potential members have been fairly well documented

(Cockfield, 2003; Diamond and Freeman, 2002). There is little doubt that trade unions

must engage with new technologies if they are to maintain their place in a society in

which communication is increasingly dominated by e-forms. This is even more crucial

in an industry such as television and radio, in which employment relations are

increasingly fragmented and large sections of the workforce suffer a sense of isolation

that is endemic to freelance work.

The debate over trade unions and the internet normally focuses on how trade unions

can use this new technology as a tool to increase their effectiveness. However, this

tends to underplay the way in which e-forms may impact on social and economic

relations which shape the environment within which trade union organisation is forged

For example, it can be argued that e-forms play a key role in the erosion of traditional

industrial structures and dense social relations upon which much trade union

organisation is predicated (Sennett, 1998). From this perspective, the growth of the

internet represents a threat in that it both encourages individualistic attitudes amongst

workers and, at the same time, provides ‘easy’ alternatives to union membership and

activity (Martinez Lucio, 2003).

28
Internet networks provide a forum through which individuals can share their grievances

with others in the same situation. As a result there is a shared identity, based not around

technical or professional expertise but about a common dream of ‘working in

television’ and a common experience based on the often unpleasant reality of that

dream. This is a reality that workers are happy to share but are somehow reluctant to

voice via the union. This is partly because workers feel that enforcing collective

agreements, or their employment rights might damage their reputation and hence their

career. Moreover, amongst young workers desperate to ‘make it’ in the industry a

reliance on the support of the union represents an admittance of failure within the

Darwinian world of freelance audio-visual labour markets. Therefore, the data appear

to expose a key tension between trade union membership and career aspiration. The

TVWrap campaign demonstrated that there are grievances that trade unions could

potentially mobilize around. However, those workers who are most at risk of

exploitation are also those least likely to turn to the union. This would seem to suggest

that such networks have an appeal with which unions cannot compete. No matter how

much trade unions invest in internet strategies and in developing individualized career

based services, they cannot escape their broader agenda.

That said, and despite their growing importance, virtual networks do not offer an

alternative to trade union organisation. The basic reason for this is that their primary

function in terms of the issues that concern us is to provide a forum, literally a

discussion forum, where people can connect. They facilitate networking and the

creation of a network, but are not a network in themselves. In this sense they have no

29
identity, just as many workers do not want to be identified or seen as a member of

BECTU or the NUJ, similarly those who participate in online discussion forums do not

see themselves as members of an organisation but simply as users. Internet networks

are therefore the virtual equivalents of the union hall – a place where people can go to

seek solidarity and support from like minded people.

Moreover, their ability to develop into something more substantive is limited for a

number of reasons. Firstly, one of the main selling points of internet networks is their

lack of organisation and hierarchy. Any attempt to adopt a clearer identity will

ultimately undermine this. Secondly, their effectiveness and attraction lie in their ability

to focus on a specific issue or narrow range of concerns that are directly relevant to

users. The development of a more substantive organisational form would invariably

imply a broader remit that has limited relevance to potential members. Thirdly, they

are dependent on anonymity, which inevitably undermines any attempt to develop more

substantive identity. Perhaps most importantly, these ‘organisations’ do not have the

necessary expertise, know-how or institutional interface that trade unions possess.

Nonetheless, they provide important insights, and possibly strategic opportunities, for

trade unions. There are a number of key factors that underpin the success of the

networks outlined above. Firstly, they are seen as independent of the union. This not

only provides them with more credibility for potential participants but also within the

industry as a whole. Therefore, union sponsored internet networks are unlikely to

succeed in the same way. Secondly they spring from the interventions and contributions

of workers and activists as opposed to being implanted from the top down. Hence they

30
are relatively free from the hierarchy and bureaucracy that are an inevitable function of

effective trade union organisation. Thirdly, their narrow focus on a particular issue and

within specific areas of the industry means that they have relevance for workers and

provide the basis for the formation of a collective identity and consciousness, however

limited in scope. Yet, while networks can provide support and express and articulate

interests (Wellman, 2001) they cannot represent those interests. In contrast trade unions

have a much broader agenda and concerns with which many workers do not identify.

Within audio-visual industries, unions have been able to demonstrate their importance

and relevance to potential members by complementing network activity (Heery,

2004b). Supporting and working alongside campaigns such as TVWrap they have

enhanced their attraction and approachability (and their influence) by connecting with

both the collective concerns of freelance workers and their individual career

aspirations. Clearly, e-networks are not a cure-all for the ills of contemporary trade

unions. The bulk of workers within the UK are still employed within traditional

workplaces and many have limited access to the internet. Nonetheless this research

suggests that e-networks can be used by trade unions in order to extend organisation

amongst computer-literate but isolated freelance workers who would otherwise prove

difficult to reach. However, the findings above also suggest that any deliberate

strategies designed to create, organize or take-over such networks (see Jarley, 2005)

will be self-defeating. Instead trade unions need to accept that they are not ‘the only

show in town’ but part of a disparate range of institutions that workers will utilize to

defend their interests in the workplace.

31
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