Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
ONLINE
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MENTAL HEALTH AND APPLIED PSYCHOANALYSIS
12
MAY 2003
Orientation
Jean-Louis Aucremanne,
Jean-Marc Josson, Nadine Page Thinking About Addiction with Reference to Psychosis 39
Roger Litten A Psychotic Invention: “Puffy Anorexia” 46
Carmelo Licitra Rosa Psychoanalysis and Psychosis: A Happy Couple 52
Ernesto Piechotka Interpretation or Invention 58
Vicente Palomera Orlando and Doctor Z’s Technique 62
Editorial
As you may have seen, the French edition of Mental has a new look. More elegant than before, it is now the
journal of applied psychoanalysis of the NLS, the New Lacanian School of the European School of
Psychoanalysis. These last two issues have been moving towards a reflection on new forms of social structure
within which applied psychoanalysis needs to find its place. The modifications of the discourse of the master,
the total hegemony of the capitalist discourse, makes of each subject no longer just a citizen but also a consumer
therefore creating a fundamental place for “gadgets” (as Lacan said) – that is, rubbish – with, in consequence, a
multiplication and triumph of modes of jouissance. This has visible consequences on politics as well as on daily
clinical practice.
It is precisely the empowerment of the object in its contingency, not linked to any expertise transmitted by
tradition, and with a very short life span, that motivates the theme of this issue. In one of his conferences Lacan
said that the psychotic has the object a in his pocket. In other words, his relation to the object does not pass
through fantasy, that organizer of a mix between the symbolic and the imaginary, which is the reality of the
neurotic subject. Does the modification of the category of object operated by the globalized capitalist discourse,
and the consequences on jouissance, push towards a subjective mode of organization for which psychosis would
be the laboratory? This is what is meant by the formula: the future of psychosis in civilization.
In this issue you will find several articles that illustrate the way the psychotic functions in this perspective. Faced
with psychosis, there is the hysteric’s act of defiance: he/she is a dialectician, adapting in order to respond to the
modifications of the discourse of the master and of the analyst. Gabriela Brodsky proposes one model.
The point of view defended by Lacanian psychoanalysis faced with organic disease can be found in the section
entitled “The subject within the patient.” And we open this issue with the second part of Jacques-Alain Miller’s
course, a political analysis that is a precondition for any applied psychoanalysis. Our wager, that psychoanalysis
will remain a symptom in the years to come, depends on this.
It is appropriate that the New Lacanian School should have a publication in English, the dominant language of
our times. Mental Online, now available on the Web, has been made possible thanks to the work and enthusiasm
of a team reunited around Francesca Pollock. It is a new “You can know” of contemporary Lacanian theory and
practice.
3
Jacques-Alain Miller
We will devote this encounter to the political unconscious, a stone put in our path by the turns of history, causing
us to interrupt the laborious study we had undertaken on counter-transference*. I will pursue my reflections,
those I shared with you last time. The formula “The unconscious is political” that I used last time produced quite
a splash – that is to say, it propagated waves within practice as well as within theory, although here “theory” is
perhaps too big a word and must be put within quotation marks.
Reality staged by the structure
Theory, when we try to produce it – theory in the present – is nothing more, at least for psychoanalysis, than a
sinuous trail, a trail we blaze to try to catch up with what has already taken place and which is going forward on
its own. Theory and practice in psychoanalysis are not symmetrical or parallel. There is in psychoanalysis, it
cannot be ignored, a lagging of the theory that is not contingent, not accidental, but probably structural, at least
as far as its elaboration is concerned. And this elaboration is of course in tension with the very knowledge it is
supposed to elaborate. It would be fitting that this knowledge express the reality being accomplished according
to a necessary order, in conformity with the proposition 7 of book II of Spinoza’s Ethics: Ordo et conexio
idearum – the order and connection of ideas – idem est – are, is the same, since ordo et conexio are here reunited
– ac ordo et conexio rerum – the same as the order and connection of things.
This is an essential proposal, the very ideal which inspires Lacan’s structuralism, on condition that the order and
connection of signifiers replace the order and connection of ideas. This is what Lacan designated as the pure and
simple combinatory of the signifier. This combinatory was supposed to define relations of necessity meeting, the
same ones, in reality. That is the conception of knowledge we measure our efforts against, since it is the
conception of a kind of knowledge that is not a representation of reality, but that should be identical to the very
principle of the effective development of reality, identical to the principle of its production, of its Wirklichkeit.
According to this conception, the structure is neither an ordered description of reality, nor a theoretical model
elaborated apart from experience. With respect to this, see Lacan’s criticism of Lagache, page 649 of the Écrits,
a text that is for us a reference. Lacan claims to surmount the difference, the opposition, the contradiction he calls
the antinomy of these two conceptions of structure, as description and as model, by introducing a third mode for
structure by which it is produced within reality itself and determines its effects there. For Lacan, these effects
are effects of truth, effects of jouissance, effects of subject, and the truth itself is an effect, the jouissance also
and the subject as well.
It is in this direction that we must understand the proposal Lacan puts forth on this page, according to which the
structure operates within experience as – I have already quoted this formula, which was particularly forceful at
the time Lacan used it for the fantasy – “the original machine which puts the subject on the stage.” These terms
____________________
* “L’orientation lacanienne,” course given by Jacques-Alain Miller in the Department of Psychoanalysis at the University of Paris VIII,
May 22, 2002; text established by Marie-Hélène Doguet-Dziomba and Nathalie Georges, published with the authorization of J.-A. Miller.
6 JACQUES-ALAIN MILLER
The unconscious is connected to the social bond – we introduce this gloss – precisely because there is no such
thing as a sexual relation. We could go so far as to say that where there is a sexual relation, where the sexual
bond is programmed, well then, there is no society.
Of course, we were enchanted to dream about the society of bees, or that of ants. Maeterlinck, when he did not
make us dream of Pelleas and Melisande, enchanted us, during our childhood, by describing those societies that
gave us a utopia, precisely because they were, because they are – what they were and what they are is precisely
the same thing – societies without politics. It is societies without politics that furnished us with utopias. We might
say that the theocracies tried to realize a society without politics, or else that ethnological structuralism presented
us with societies possessing elementary structures of family relationships, which were for this reason apolitical,
something that was contested later on.
Today it does not seem abusive to propose that there are no societies without politics, and that, correlatively, the
unconscious is political. This is what Lacan was elaborating during those years. After having shown that the
unconscious is produced within the relation of the subject to the Other, he continued by showing that it is
produced within the relation to the Other sex, coming up against, on precisely this path, the absence of sexual
relation and the interposition of the object a.
8 JACQUES-ALAIN MILLER
themselves in this sector, which is promising but at the same time doomed to disqualification. If the economy is
growing within essentially two sectors, the creators and the attention givers, the attention givers are those who
do not manage to get into the other sector. It is also growing, but in the direction of an increasing disqualification.
We can however be reassured by the fact that he places psychoanalysts and psychologists among the highly
qualified workers, but he still includes them in the same category as butlers and baby-sitters.
This analysis is not ill-willed, its target is not essentially psychoanalysis. It is a study of the new working
conditions within the framework of the new economy – moreover it was followed in a few months by the burst
bubble of the new economy. It is more precious for not being polemical. It gives the impression of a depreciation
of psychoanalysis by the fact that psychoanalysis is not apprehended from the place of a desire for truth but from
that of a demand for personal attention. It is a depreciation, but at the same time we know that something was
modified within the classical dynamics of the analytic cure. It is this modification that Robert Reich
conceptualizes, in his own way. Certainly, it is not the ultimate truth of psychoanalysis, but it is useful for
relativizing the attention we give to the minute internal differentiations that fragment the analytic milieu but that
disappear before the eye of the economist. This is the sign under which we find the analytic act lodged. It is
blatant that, within this classification, the activity of the psychoanalyst, the psychotherapist or the psychologist
appears as being closer to baby-sitting than to medicine. There is, still and all, an effect of truth that surfaces
there despite the reservations we might have, of course, concerning the classification itself.
10 JACQUES-ALAIN MILLER
The pluralized S1 and the subject without bearings
This is why sociologists have discerned, in face of the overdose of information, the subjective strategies that
consist in withdrawing within the limits of zones of certitude. Descriptively, this is quite strong – it was already
foreseen in the promotion of the postmodern by Lyotard, who generalized its concept. He had already
characterized it in the past by the destructuration of the great filters of knowledge, that is to say the traditions,
the consecrated authorities, what he called the meta-narratives, the stereotypes: these are the various
organizations of the signifier, which are the diverse forms of the discourse of the master, and which had the merit
of operating a simplification and a formalization of reality, of diffusing models of coherency, models of coherent
behaviors under the authority of jurisdictions recognized as competent.
One might wish that, in this period of the destructuration of the filters of knowledge, by some miracle, schools
be capable of operating this simplification and this formalization of reality, even though all the apparatus
supporting them have been fissured, stricken, besieged, or are at least declining. What the sociologists have
discerned is that globalization is accompanied by individuation. What is impaired is the mode of living together,
the social bond that exists under the form of unfixed, dispersed subjects, and which induces, for each one, both
a social duty and a subjective imperative to invent.
It’s the very effective formula “living my own life” – my own life precisely by its difference from the others –
that highlights the decadence, the decline of the collective organization of models, and places the subject in face
of a demand – that he takes as his own – to invent and enhance his own individual style of life. It is the epoch
we had called “of the Other who does not exist,” when what Bourdieu had tried to recompose as the mechanisms
of distinction already belonged to another epoch. Today the mechanisms of distinction he evokes are blurred; he
presents us a simplified world, almost the world of his childhood.
It is at this moment that we find in Lacan’s teaching, as he both defined and then questioned what he called the
S1, the central signifier of identification. He defined the master-signifier in his matheme for the discourse of the
master. This matheme comports as its central agent the master-signifier, which is pre-postmodern. It is the
discourse of the pre-postmodern master:
S1
____
→ ____
S2
S/ a
So, the first movement, isolating this central signifier. But as soon as he had isolated it, he pluralized it,
multiplied it, leading us to hear in the expression S1 the value essaim*, in order to say that there is not just one.
There are several, and nothing assures on the contrary that they are other than chaotic, even if the swarm travels
in a group. A constellation of signifiers rather than the unicity of the master-signifier.
And then, next to this matheme of the discourse of the master, he traced the first lines for the matheme of the
capitalist discourse, a modification of the discourse of the master, in which it is the barred subject that is put in
the place of this S1:
S/
______
S1
____________________
* [Translator’s note] “Swarm” in English. The prononciation of S1 and essaim are homophonic in French.
12 JACQUES-ALAIN MILLER
Analysis puts uncertainty to work, but this is within the framework of a less hypothetical certainty – which gives
as a result the extreme valorization of the framework that we observe in the IPA, the extreme although
indefinable valorization of the framework. We can perhaps observe the same thing with Lacan in the definition
of the analytic discourse, which is presented as a transformation, a version* of the discourse of the master, that
is to say, as a bubble of certainty to which the subject is all the more attached for being plunged into the social
structure of the not-all.
We must undoubtedly add that if psychoanalysis is a bubble of certainty, at the same time it radiates through
society because it is put to work in advertising and it has taught politics how to manipulate the truth. It really did
teach politicians that truth is an effect, which gave birth to the “spin doctors,” to the experts in the manipulation
of the truth. We could moreover observe very recently in France the extraordinary promotion of a marketing
specialist, become Prime Minister – this is a first – , who was apparently chosen just for that. By the same token,
we must recognize that the extensive spread of listening practices, which submerges psychoanalysis, is the result
of the prolific radiation of psychoanalysis today.
14 JACQUES-ALAIN MILLER
Orientation
Pierre-Gilles Gueguen
No doubt in institutions these days it takes more than brandishing the psychoanalytical referent, albeit Lacanian,
in order to be heard. The transference required to establish the conditions of the psychoanalytical act requires
more than that. It requires, among other things, that the clinician make psychoanalysis desirable, and that he can,
therefore, attest to its efficiency, its pertinence and to the liveliness of the doctrine. As regards the treatment of
psychosis, we have a substantial corpus to rely on whenever required.
The title of this article joins the term “homeostasis” with the adjective “symptomatic.” This choice requires
clarification.
“Homeostasis” substitutes for the more familiar or more frequently-used nouns like “cure” or “suppletory
device” [to the foreclosed Name-of-the-Father] for example. It is closer to the term“ stabilization.” Commonly,
it is used to indicate the maintenance of a living organism's characteristics at a constant level. In applied
psychoanalysis, the term serves to indicate the fact that psychosis is not “cured” but rather contained, reduced –
that its disruptive manifestations are arrested by the treatment.
The adjective “symptomatic” adds something that the term “stabilization” does not render. That is, that
homeostasis results from the symptomatic formation. In this sense, the expression “symptomatic homeostasis”
replaces another frequently used, though poorly-put expression, that of “the delusional metaphor”.1 The idea that
it is the formation of a symptom that allows for a veritable stabilization modulates what the term “homeostasis”
would tend to evoke as a simple abrading of the painful and destructive effects of psychosis.
The research pursued for more than twenty years now by the School of the Freudian Cause, founded as it is on
a return to the clinical, has permitted great advancements in the clinical treatment of psychoses. We have gone
from a doubtful and experimental approach in dealing with psychotic subjects, often combined with a diagnosis
based only on language disorders or verbal hallucinations, to a keener and more pragmatic evaluation of
psychotic states and of their treatment. We can certainly consider these advancements to be the result of a
collective effort, one that has clearly demonstrated the necessity of a working School for psychoanalytical
research. The role of Jacques-Alain Miller’s course, with his deciphering of Lacan’s teachings, the importance
of his DEA [post-graduate] seminar, that of the Paris Clinical Section’s Evenings (IRMA), as well as the Study
Days of the Clinical Sections to which he has lent his impetus, belong at the forefront of these advancements.
The share of each has not been equal but on this theme, whose role is essential to mental health, a work
community has demonstrated its efficiency.
Our praxis for the treatment of psychoses has been marked by a certain number of scansions that I may resume
as chiefly the following:
____________________
* This text originally appeared in La Lettre mensuelle 211, September 2002.
1 Cf. “La psychose ordinaire,” Le Paon, Agalma, Paris, 1999, p. 290.
18 PIERRE-GILLES GUEGUEN
terms of signifiers. Libido is therefore reduced to a phenomenon of signifiers. The concept of the phallus is
supposed to account for the libido and the symbolic at the same time. In neurosis, it does not allow to distinguish
between the sexes, except with reference to fantasy. In psychoses, it better accounts for paranoid psychosis where
jouissance is localized in the place of the Other, than it does for schizophrenic jouissance.
In a break with this conceptualization, and following the indications in Lacan’s third teaching, we find ourselves
today, as we have for the last fifteen years, with the scenario of a “continuous” clinic of psychoses. However, it
is important to avoid a relaxed use of this term and keep in mind that: without the backdrop of discontinuity
which determines whether or not the subject has access to the phallic signifier, no continuity can become
apparent.
To put it another way, we have not adopted the concept of “borderline.” Simply, there are cases, numerous
indeed, where the foreclosure of the Name-of-the-Father is not clinically observable because language disorders
are not present, or at least cannot be detected by an in-depth clinical examination. It may be in dealing with a
case where triggering has not occurred, or in one where the disorder that affects the subject is manifest, at least
at the time, on the level of jouissance rather than on that of the signifier.
The distinction between neurosis and psychosis – even ordinary psychosis – remains essential, as does the
training in differential diagnosis, which is one whole part of our formation, especially as it concerns the direction
of the treatment. On this point, pages 160 to 163 in the volume The Conversation of Arcachon are decisive: there
may be gradations in the obvious troubles of psychosis, it is nevertheless a “disorder caused at the most personal
juncture between the subject and his sense of being alive.”5
Jacques-Alain Miller proposes that for the cases discussed we use the term “disconnection” to designate the
phenomena that have as a primary feature a relocation of jouissance associated with disruptions in the sense of
time, even before they translate obvious enunciation disorders. Moreover, this phenomenon can remain as it is
and not “worsen”: in this case the first objective of the treatment will be to not hurt, in accordance with the
medical adage; primum non nocere.
Even so, there remains the problem of knowing whether, in cases of psychosis, diagnosed as ordinary or not, we
can come to a completely cured state. Medicine can make no better claim as we may note, since an illness – aside
from a few rare occurrences like chickenpox or a surgical operation like appendectomy – can always reoccur in
the patient’s lifetime. But more importantly, our concern to date is that of knowing if, in cases of either frankly
declared or ordinary psychosis, the subjects who have experienced psychoanalytical treatment can claim the
same guarantee as neurotics can with regard to the solidity of their riggings to the signifying chain.
The term “stabilization” indicates a temporary state; it suggests equilibrium as well as its fragility. It is the
appropriate term for the many cases where the psychotic rediscovers, for a time, a standard use of discourse and
seems to be in a state of remission. We might then believe them to be “cured.” Those who have cared over long
periods for subjects having, at times, experienced frankly triggered states, know that an unanticipated encounter
upsets the often hard won equilibrium that was hoped to be a definitive solution. In some cases, the vicinity of
the point where foreclosure will be bared can be localized, and the treatment directed so that this point is
endlessly carried asymptotically by the symptomatic signifying constructions elaborated in the treatment. In
other cases, the bad encounter to be avoided by the subject, the opening liable to undo the symptomatic
construction that produced homeostasis, is less evident. In these cases, the embryo of the symptomatic
construction falls apart like a house of cards, and is often accompanied with at least a minimal return of the
elementary phenomena for which the subject was the center.
____________________
5 J. Lacan, “On a Question Preliminary to any Treatment of Psychosis,” op. cit., p. 201.
20 PIERRE-GILLES GUEGUEN
When will we say that the homeostasis obtained in psychoses is symptomatic, even sinthomatic?
To begin with, it may be a good idea to distinguish the various cases in which the psychosis never breaks out
and never brings the patient to consult an analyst, the cases that produce one or more “brief delusional disorders”
that resorb themselves unaided (these two scenarios being quite frequent), and the cases where treatment under
transference has its effect on the psychosis, be it declared or not.
For these last cases there are also gradations. Certain types of psychoses, although clinically detectable, during
presentations of patients for example, are perfectly compatible with a normal daily life, with or without
medication. In these cases, delusions are confined to certain areas of social functioning. For example, let us take
the case of a subject suffering from a delusion of persecution which is limited to the theory of a restricted plot,
about a job promotion that never came to pass, and who otherwise suffers from a rigid personality, still
compatible with his social life, and from anxiety that medicine manages to suppress better than the alcohol he
so generously absorbed. There are certain cases, as the procedure of the pass has brought to light, that are held
in equilibrium by an analysis under transference following various modes, and that are not set off either by the
analysis or by the procedure of the pass.
In order to further our considerations we must yet give a more precise definition to the adjective “symptomatic,”
and link the operation that is carried out to the action of the transference.
The thesis of the universal clinic of delusion means just this: as regards the real, every subject, neurotic or
psychotic, is delusional. To say it another way: faced with the sexual non-relation, all subjects are delusional.
Freud, in his most explicit texts on psychotic mechanisms, insists more than once, especially in his
correspondence with Abraham [cf. letter of December 21, 1914], and in his 1915 text “The Unconscious,” on the
failure of the circuit of the drives in psychosis.
As Vicente Palomera’s remarkable, ongoing work demonstrates, Freud never stopped insisting on the disjunction
that exists in psychosis between the representation of things and the representation of words. The symptom is
then nothing other than a formation of the unconscious that reestablishes the union that paranoia undoes in favor
of the representation of words, and that schizophrenia undoes in favor of things. The delusion, linked to the
foreclosure of phallic signification, is an attempt at reestablishing this link when it is threatened. Whence the
characteristic, common to both delusion and symptom, is to be at the same time both decipherable and carrier of
jouissance. Lacan put it this way: “That the question of his existence bathes the subject, supports him, invades
him, tears him apart even, is shown in the tensions, the lapses, the fantasies that the analyst encounters; and, it
should be added, by means of elements of the particular discourse articulated in the Other. It is because these
phenomena are ordered in the figures of this discourse that they have the fixity of symptoms, are legible and can
be resolved when deciphered”7
In the expression “universal clinic of delusion” we must understand that the term “delusion” does not have the
same usage as the one psychiatry gives it. It is used to indicate that, faced with the real, or the sexual non-
relation, there are only specific cases, in which a fantasy gives access to “reality” and serves as matrix to a
symptom. The thesis of the universality of the “delusion” hides another, one that Lacan developed to a greater
extent in his last teaching; it is nothing other than the universality of the symptom.
This is exactly what Jacques-Alain Miller was developing in 1996 with his concept of the partner-symptom that
brought an essential complement to the theory of the universality of the delusion: “we don’t change on that level.
We don’t wake up,” he asserted. “We only manage to manipulate differently what does not change”8.
____________________
7 J. Lacan, “On a Question Preliminary to any Treatment of Psychosis,” op. cit., p.194.
____________________
8 J.-A. Miller, “La Théorie du partenaire,” Quarto, N° 77, p.29.
9 [Editor’s note] LOM is a play on letters constructed by Lacan in “Joyce le Symptôme,” where he produces a long series of
such plays with reference to certain Joycian uses of the letter in Finnegans Wake. It is a reduction of the spelling of “L’HOMME”
(meaning MAN) and is found, for example, in the following phrase “LOM cahun corps et nan-na Kun” (something like “MAN
h’aza body and on-lyaz Wun”), which in ordinary spelling would be “L’homme qu’a un corps et n’en a qu’un,” and in English
“Man wh’as a body and only’as one,” the contractions marking elisions found in ordinary rapid speech. The syntactic relation
between the relative clause and “Man” here is more enigmatic than equivocal. The clause cannot be restrictive, despite the absence
of a comma, because the generic “Man” cannot be further defined. If we are to consider it as a non-restrictive clause, then we must
suppose that Lacan neglected to put in the comma. But the reading of the clause here suggests that the entire noun phrase, including
the relative clause, can be treated as a compound noun, which might have been written with hyphens (in English “Man-wh’as-a-
body-and-only’as-one”), thus explaining the absence of a comma. We refer the reader to “Joyce le symptôme” (Joyce avec Lacan,
pp. 31-36) to decide for himself.
22 PIERRE-GILLES GUEGUEN
Richard Klein
My clinical contribution to the last Freudian Field Seminar of this year will consider three clinical syndromes
that in my opinion were never far from Lacan’s mind. In the 1930s they were collected under the heading of
L’illusion de fausse reconnaissance des aliénés which I will translate as psychotic false recognition syndromes
or as delusional false recognition syndromes. The first one was discovered by Capgras and Reboul-Lachaux in
19231. They called it l’illusion des sosies. L’illusion de Fregoli was discovered by Courbon and Fail in 19272.
Courbon and Tusques discovered the syndrome d’intermetamorphose in 19323. In English the “delusion of
doubles” or the “Syndrome of Capgras,” the “Fregoli syndrome” and the “intermetamorphosis syndrome”
respectively. They are not themselves nosographical entities or illusions but delusional phenomena that
uncommonly occur in the course of other psychoses, having been reported in paranoia, schizophrenia, manic
depressive psychosis and puerperal psychosis. These clinical syndromes provide the opportunity to review the
background to the concept of foreclosure of Lacan, which I will do under the notion of identification-cause.
There is no such signifier in the work of Lacan, and it is merely a device in this paper to make a point in
examining the structure of these psychoses, having to pass from identification-cause to object-cause in the
development of the logic of the perceived by Jacques-Alain Miller.
24 RICHARD KLEIN
Her identity was under constant threat, and she took precautions against being substituted. She went to
extravagant lengths to provide a wealth of details to make her identity precise. She equipped herself with official
documents as to her identity: to make it impossible “To take me for an other that is a sosie.” The other here was
an expression in the patient’s discourse. The little other is in this case her double that she disowns. It is imposed
upon her from without. It is not that image of the little other that gives the subject its sense of self. It is,
nevertheless, an image, and if her daughter has been substituted 2000 times, it is indelible.
Once image and name are dissociated there is a theoretical possibility of countless substitutions by sosies. She
attempts to make a name for herself by collecting certified evidence as to who she is and by constructing a royal
family tree. Nevertheless, the function of the proper name seems to be still too much adrift, and it calls forth such
statements as: “I am a creature without doubt,” “I have never had any other color than that of virtue,” “The
woman without stain,” “My signature is valuable,” “My character is that of an honest woman,” “My good
antecedents are alluring for guilty people who wish to appropriate them by using all the papers that identify me.”
In the scopic field the patient of Capgras had undergone a number of transformations: she was blond and is now
brunette, she had bulging eyes which are now flat, she has no more bosom, just to cite a few of the changes. Her
self-image is not holding together because the image of the little other is a double from which she cannot
construct her body. The identity of Capgras’ patient is under constant threat. Her self-image is not holding
together. It is coming apart in the scopic field: being brunette instead of blond, flat-chested instead of full
chested, etc. The gaze as lost object, or, at least, as the most vanishing, is in play in the triumphant assumption
of the specular image, says Lacan on page70 of the Écrits 9. And more assertorically still on page 6 of the English
translation of Encore, the remainder holds the image together. Presumably then, the object is not lost since the
image is falling apart. If they were imaginary, they would remain in the visual field, but they are in the scopic
field. These objects are images that have lost their imaginary function. Such an object is a perceptum that is
gazing at her. Her hair, her breast, her eyes, are gaze objects. They are manifestly not lost, in fact, are phenomena.
Each is a perceptum.
In British psychiatry, presumably under the influence of Melanie Klein, ambivalence is the basis of the
psychopathology. One speaks about a long-standing love and an apparent new hatred to which the delusion of
doubles is the solution. The double is the bad object to which the subject reveals its hatred preserving the good
object10. Capgras himself points out that his patient dragged the concierge and tenants into her delusion. That is
to say, it wasn’t confined to her love objects. She does not have to preserve the concierge and tenants as love
objects. One evidently needs a love object to have ambivalence and therefore a hate object. What the good
professor of psychiatry here reveals in his analysis is the impossibility of being rid of an object. What he is
observing is that the object is always preserved in psychosis and not lost. For instance, it is preserved in the
indelibility of the image.
Capgras and his collaborator remark that the patient withdrew a feeling of familiarity from the image, which now
has become strange, foreign and believed to be other. It is not a question of the ambivalence of love and hate.
Love does not exist. The subject reduces the otherness of the image by loving it, by making it its own, by creating
from it a sense of self, of property, of intimacy. If this does not happen in identification, if the image does not
lend itself to it, the persecutory effect of being robbed of oneself is the result. The sense of property is destroyed.
When the other is not the self, it is the double. The double is, no doubt, a trauma and real. The image is
recognized but is affected by what has been called also in British psychiatry a delusional hypo-identification11.
For Capgras the basis of the psychopathology is what he called in 1923 agnosie d’identification and in 1924
____________________
9 J. Lacan, “De nos antécédents,” Écrits, op. cit., p. 70.
10 M. D. Enoch and W. H. Trethowan, Uncommom Psychiatric Syndromes, John Wright and Sons Ltd, Bristol, 1979, p. 88.
26 RICHARD KLEIN
something about it without knowing it. The repudiation is the effect of a systematic misidentification which
Lacan was already calling forclusion, and, in fact, he is using the two terms synonymously in this passage. Not
ever wanting to know anything about it is a foreclosure. The Freudian discovery is foreclosed in American
psychoanalysis. Only in 1955 he is recognizing that not only Freud but also Capgras is responsible for the
concept. Of course, neither Freud nor Capgras drew the consequences as Lacan did.
Courbon and Tusques, in by no means the last word on the matter, continue to consider the fundamental disorder
in all three syndromes as a problem at the level of identification.17 They classify identification into three
categories: hyberbolic, amnesic and delusional. In hyperbolic identification the patient expresses resemblance
perceived between people in an excess of language. This is the delusional hypo-identification in the delusion of
doubles. Amnesic identification produces the more typical false recognition of dementing patients in whom false
recognition is primary. Delusional identification in the case in which memory is intact is made responsible for
false recognition which is now secondary. The delusional identification of Courbon and Tusques is doing the
work of the systematic misidentification of Capgras. The interest of delusional identification is that it makes any
false recognition in these clinical structures secondary ensuring the functional status of psychoses.
Fregoli’s illusion
The psychopathology of the Fregoli syndrome and the intermetamorphosis syndrome is based on hyper-
identification and false recognition, false recognition being an effect of, secondary to, hyperidentification. The
Fregoli syndrome consists in the delusional belief that the persecutor is incarnated in one or more individuals.
Courbon and Fail describe a 27-year-old woman who is convinced that her persecutors, Sarah and Robine
Bernhardt, can inhabit other people in order to torture her, to look at her masturbating which they make her do,
and it is destroying her body. She experienced some sort of influence from an unknown woman passing by in
the street who became in that moment Robine. She assaulted the woman which led to her admission. The patient
herself, who spent all her free time at the theatre, called her persecutor a Fregoli who was an Italian actor able
to change his appearance several times in the same scene. The image of the person whom Robine is inhabiting
does not change but is, nevertheless, Robine. Robine is not a person who looks like Robine Bernhardt. It is a
false recognition which has to be taken, of course, as secondary to a delusional identification.
The delusion of intermetamorposis was discovered by Courbon and Tusques in a 49-year-old melancholic
woman with persecutory ideas. Neighbors became her husband who consequently became older or younger,
taller or shorter, depending on what neighbor. It had all the charm of being at the cinema according to his wife.
He retained certain features in the course of metamorphosis, for instance an amputated finger and his gray eyes.
The subject believes that persons in the environment change into each other which is also a false recognition.
Otherwise, it has been considered along with the Fregoli syndrome to be a delusional hyper-identification, a term
already used in the British Journal of Psychiatry.18
28 RICHARD KLEIN
who is recognized in the real. The patient is gazed at by the Other and recognized but not in the visual field.
There is no natural association of recognition and image in any of these delusional syndromes. It isn’t a symbolic
recognition but one in the real.
30 RICHARD KLEIN
Marie-Hélène Doguet-Dziomba
How can we situate, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, the accelerated destruction of the field of
psychiatry, and the increasingly massive effects that have been evident for at least twenty years? This destruction
has been ratified by the substitution of the term “mental health.” for “psychiatry.” Before examining what new
field is covered by this invention of the modern master we should note the details of the announced death of
psychiatry. It is now clear that what we are seeing are the effects of the dissolution of the psychiatrist’s object,
and more precisely the effects of a denial, of a disavowal, even of a foreclosure that touches the relationship with
this object – the relationship with the insane, the psychotic.
Indeed the object of “mental health” is not the insane person, but the “user of the mental health system.” The
subtitle of the French “Mental Health Plan,” dated November 2001, is: “The user at the center of a system in
need of renovation.” It is striking that this document does not once mention the term “psychosis”; the term
“insane” is taken up in the first of the eight axes that constitute this plan, under the heading “Fighting against the
stigmatization attached to mental illnesses.” One can read there: “A recent survey, carried out by the
collaborating center of the WHO for research and training in mental health, reveals that the representation of the
insane and even more so of the mental patient entails a stigma due to the potential danger attributed to him or
her.”1 So it seems to be about “modifying the image of mental illness and the professionals who deal with the
patients” among “somatician care-givers” and the general public – we will see to what end.
32 M A R I E - H É L È N E D O G U E T- D Z I O M B A
the multiplication of psychotherapies. Marie-Hélène Brousse said that psychotherapies were described by Lacan,
in his preamble to the Founding Act, on the political, epistemological, and ethical levels, as a mixture of “a
conformity of objectives,” of “a barbarism [in the grammatical sense] of doctrines,” and of “a regression to
psychologism.”6
34 M A R I E - H É L È N E D O G U E T- D Z I O M B A
increases, to the detriment of the traditional mental disorders: psychosis, anxiety-depression, mood swings (this
went, in a few years, from 60% to 40% of the total patients, for these latter.”13) Another member says: “Whereas
the sectorialized system is based on serious illnesses and in particular psychoses, forty years later psychiatry is
confronted with a whole series of new disorders: drug addiction, depression, victims of family violence, stress,
moral harassment, reactional states, passages to the act in adolescence. And with new populations: prisoners, the
excluded, adolescents, older children, and the aged”14. Moreover, faced with these “existential difficulties,” new
demands emanate from the somatic services and the medico-social and social sectors. In short, the field of
emergencies and “acuteness” is exploding. Putting these new categories – illustrations of the social symptoms
mentioned above – in the forefront testifies in a striking way to the dissolution of any clinical treatment of the
psychoses – clinical examination and thinking about contemporary forms of psychosis are never proposed.
An expert summarizes further the objective pursued: “only the reduction of beds that are extremely costly in
terms of care personnel, will make it possible to redeploy resources in the community, where these new forms
of suffering are emerging, permitting us not only to manage but also to prevent chronicity, thanks to relevant and
early action.”15 This early action is conceived overall on the model of the humanitarian interventions of
emergency NGOs. Mass psychotherapies also fall within this framework, as does analytical psychotherapy – if
it manages find its place on the market.
From this point of view we can situate one of the principal objectives of the French “Mental Health Plan” – that
of preparing to reform the law of June 27, 1990 by 2007. The action planned is the unification of the two current
modes of hospitalization without consent; it aims at “basing the indications for hospitalization without consent
on the indications of the European recommendations.”16 It is about setting up “short-term (less than 72 hours)
hospitalization without consent, near emergency services, within the framework of the organization of regional
schemes of health organization (SROS – schémas régionaux d’organisation sanitaire) and in partnership with
mental health teams in psychiatry sectors”17. In addition to a reduction in the number of beds, in addition to the
moratorium on investments in the specialized hospital complexes (CHS – centres hospitaliers spécialisés), here
is the strategy that seems to have been retained by the master to pass from psychiatry to “mental health.”
This has two consequences:
One of the master’s particular concerns is the increase in the number of prisoners suffering from mental
disorders, testifying to the increasing judiciarization of psychotic patients. It is, in particular, a question of
creating “protected hospital units” for the hospitalization of prisoners suffering from mental disorders.
Another concern relates to what the experts call the “inadequate” patient. According to these experts, all the
“inadequate” patients together would represent between 20 to 40% of full-time psychiatric hospitalization. For
the most part these are chronic cases of stabilized psychoses, or infantile psychotics grown into adulthood. For
these patients, “there does not seem to be a direct relationship between their incapacity to leave the hospital and
the manifestations of the symptoms they present.”18 The transfer recommended for these patients towards the
medico-social or social sector (MAS, FDT, FO etc.) is powerless to reabsorb the enigma of this “inadequacy.”
One could summarize as follows the regime change of contemporary psychiatry: if psychosis is no longer the
localized object of the psychiatrist, then psychosis is now everywhere, returning in the real of the social symptom
____________________
13 S. Kannas, “L’offre de soins à l’hôpital,” op. cit., p. 138.
14 Y. Bernard, “L’évolution de 1838 à aujourd’hui,” La santé mentale des Français, op. cit., pp. 55-56.
15 Ibid., p. 63.
16 Plan Santé mentale, p. 14.
17 Ibid., p. 13.
18 S. Kannas, op. cit., p. 156.
36 M A R I E - H É L È N E D O G U E T- D Z I O M B A
Betting on Inventivness
in the Treatment of Psychoses
Jean-Louis Aucremanne, Jean-Marc Josson, Nadine Page
Argument
It is clear: not all “drug addicts” are psychotic.
However, when the construction of a case permits us to spot or deduce the foreclosure of the Name-of-the-Father
or of phallic signification, why is it of interest to have recourse to the clinical theory of psychoses – elaborated
by Jacques Lacan and some others after him – for drug addiction?
Using the diagnosis of psychosis permits:
— To cast another light on certain clinical phenomena manifest in “drug addicts.” Someone’s lack of motivation,
for example, takes on another sense, another value, if it is situated within a subjective structure marked by the
absence of the very dimension of desire.
— The shifting of the definition of the function of the institution, where, for the process of admission, the stress
is less on the product – weaning, stabilization with a methadone treatment – than on the separation from a deadly
jouissance that submerges the subject, far beyond the use of a drug,
— The questioning of the place to be taken in the transference. A place must found next to the subject, in order
to accompany him in the elaboration of his solutions in face of the jouissance of the Other and its ravages.
— Finally, to question drug addiction – the functions of drugs and their ravages – in the relations of the subject
to an Other who persecutes him or who drops him, in his relations to a body invaded by jouissance, in his
relations to certain passages to the act.
I
Jean-Louis Aucremanne
It is clear, all the people we call drug addicts are not psychotic.
We are however often led to make this diagnosis. Is it a biased reading? Is it troubling, or even dangerous? We
can be criticized for it. Is the “good intention” of this criticism not linked to the pejorative value attributed to this
diagnosis in society as well as in the minds of those who are afraid of this diagnosis? In that case, the very idea
of “thinking psychosis” must be excluded as always being already a pejorative and segregating idea. It will no
longer even be sufficient to be “prudent” in making this diagnosis, we will have to eliminate it, proscribe the
name of psychosis itself…in order to attempt to escape from this pejorative definition.
An ethics of consequence
Lacan’s wager was different: it was “not to recoil in face of psychosis,” and to work at deciphering it and giving
it a non-pejorative definition. We can, with respect to this, recall the debate on psychic causality between Lacan
____________________
1 J.Lacan, “Propos sur la causalité psychique”, Écrits, Seuil, Paris, 1966, p.157.
2 Ibid., p.176.
40 J E A N - L O U I S A U C R E M A N N E , J E A N - M A R C J O S S O N , N A D I N E PA G E
An enlightened support in face of the real…
All that indicates that it is not the position of interpreter, of supposed-to-know, or of enigma which is suitable,
but rather that of attendant, secretary, discreet counselor, sometimes something of a pedagogue, or a mediator
with respect to others.
As for this, I think that all institutional creations that are imposed by practice, without necessarily having
recourse to a diagnosis, which have consisted in introducing “low limits of exigency,” which have put aside the
ferocity of the ideals of abstinence, as well as the ferocity of therapeutic ideals, or else which have been
preoccupied by the “management of risks,” have been favorable to taking on these “psychotic” subjects, and
have constituted a first mode of appeasing treatment. A supplementary step can be taken when we work on the
“construction of the case,” which supposes not to recoil before the question of diagnosis, but fundamentally, in
order to help these subjects in face of the real they are at grips with, to support them, in a more enlightened, more
determined way, to find alternative solutions to the paternal function they have not found on their path – a
paternal function that also has its symptomatic scoria that neurotics can tell us about.
In addition, these “psychotic” subjects have met up with fathers on occasions, but fathers who are not themselves
“adjusted” and we could then see appear within the domain of “help for drug addicts” people who wanted to
“play the father,” play the father in an imaginary version, play at being “all powerful,” at being the saver –
assuredly charismatic personalities, but often little inclined to a clinical listening practice, because too
encumbered by their own narcissism.
In order to stress, within what permits the use of the diagnosis of psychosis, another way of looking at certain
phenomena concerning the clinical structure of “drug addicts,” and a shifting of the definition of the function of
the institution, I will present the case of a young woman.
She lives with her mother and takes heroin and methadone every day. She comes to the Enaden Medical Center
with a request to get off drugs.
A first reading would bring us to conclude that her problem is drugs, that what brings her to Enaden is a problem
of drug addiction and consequently that the function of the institution is to be a place for weaning as far as
Enaden’s Crisis Shelter is concerned, and a place to consolidate the weaning as far as Enaden’s Short-stay Shelter
is concerned. The fact that she comes to these two Enaden units for the second time in a year could be the sign
of an insufficient motivation.
Another reading
This first reading does not permit us to discern the real in play for this subject. It is a reading that scorns certain
clinical details, which would permit us to situate its problematic within a broader logic.
So this young woman lives with her mother. The day she has an appointment for the interview required for
acceptance in the Enaden Crisis Shelter, she overdoses on heroin. Later she says that she was unable to tell her
mother she was not well, that her mother was incapable of hearing this. Moreover – we had not spotted this at
the start – it is while she was considering a geographic separation from her mother that she passes on to the act.
An examination of her family constellation and her history – through which her subjective structure can be
mapped out – brings to light a ravaging relation with her mother. Her mother leaves her no place whatever and
bombards her with all sorts of things. Her mother, on the other hand, is afraid of her and of her reactions. This
relation is not mediated by the paternal metaphor. Her father, who is deceased, drank and would make licentious
sexual remarks to his daughter: these few traits evoke the figure of a father of jouissance.
Thus, this young woman is not separated from the Other, from her mother. She is both the object of jouissance
of the Other and a tyrannical master. There is no way out of the family sphere, no “post-oedipal” shift. Her entire
existence carries the mark of the foreclosure of phallic signification, of the absence of “operating instructions.”
42 J E A N - L O U I S A U C R E M A N N E , J E A N - M A R C J O S S O N , N A D I N E PA G E
It is however only on this condition – being in an institution – that this young woman can elaborate the question
of her place in life. Which she does through diverse uses of the institution – talks with a psychologist, painting,
proceedings to find another institution. But even then, the match has not been won!
III
Nadine Page
Introducing a distance
With respect to this, what position can we occupy in this work?
The aim, it seems to me, is to introduce a distance through which the subject is not totally under the ascendancy
of this uncontrolled, mad, omniscient Other, at which he can elaborate responses that constitute a form of buttress
in face of this Other.
Thus, with respect the professional Other that he repeatedly suspected not to recognize him in his capacities, to
treat him as useless, it was a matter of proposing different hypotheses to him to explain the behavior of his boss
or his colleagues. Hypotheses that met several demands, exonerating the Other of a possible degrading intention
in his direction, but also situating this Other as being himself submitted to rules and constraints which are out of
his control. This has as effect to circumscribe his (this) Other, to reduce his possible persecutive or excluding
powers, while proposing to the subject a palette of explicative keys for the attitudes of this Other. This allows
him to keep his own attitude at a distance and even to control it, to trace for himself a margin from which to vary
his modes of being in relation.
The active support on this plane brought benefits: he could maintain his activity despite some very preoccupying
moments of relapse.
The distance with respect to the maternal Other is something quite different. If his invasion leaves this subject
with no other recourse except a “real-ization” of the separation in an attempt to effect it, at the risk of his life, it
is at the same time the space where he recognizes himself, where he has his marks, at the price of risking being
swallowed up by it.
The support of three different intervening institutions, the imminence of legal pursuits for his debts and finding
himself once again in jeopardy were all necessary before he would consent to having his finances administered
by a third party: a temporary asset administrator.
44 J E A N - L O U I S A U C R E M A N N E , J E A N - M A R C J O S S O N , N A D I N E PA G E
It is undoubtedly here that reside the difficulty and the ethical dimension for this subject, trapped within a double
impossibility as Zenoni underlined: that of being separated from the Other and that of not being separated from
it. The ethical dimension consists in wagering, in spite of everything, on the possibility of the production of a
subject, at the price of a mortal risk. When, really worried, I became more insistent by proposing a more drastic
therapeutic measure, a hospitalization, this patient immediately indicated what the price of our encounters were
for him: to leave him the choice, because if not, I was assimilated to the maternal Other, the one who knows what
is good for him.
It is not much more than half a century since Jacques Lacan felt impelled to hold up English psychiatry as an
example for the future of psychoanalysis. While the intervening years have seen profound advances in the
psychoanalytic orientation that he himself established, they have also left us with a psychiatric clinic stripped of
any structural points of reference by the development of the pharmacological treatments on which that clinic is
now exclusively reliant.
One may well question whether this pharmacological clinic still offers a space within which psychoanalytic work
would be possible. Which is not to suggest that psychiatry has nothing left to teach us. For the psychiatric clinic
still offers access to material not encountered in any other setting, even if it no longer knows what to do with
that material. And the very failures and impasses of psychiatric treatment remain most instructive, especially
when set against the structure clearly manifest in the material itself, if one only has the framework within which
to situate it.
This is the case of a lady who was born in Ghana, the fifth of seven children. Her father was a successful
businessman and hotelier in the capital. Her mother died when she was 16, apparently of complications
following diabetes. At about the same time she left school and came to London to study nursing. However she
was not accepted onto the training scheme and worked as a receptionist instead while studying at a secretarial
college at night. She graduated to work as a secretary at a solicitor’s firm in Oxford Street for some years. We
have no other information about this period, apart from her sister’s description of her as “energetic and
outgoing.”
Her father died in Ghana in 1981, when she was 31. She returned home for her father’s funeral and apparently
married a Ghanaian man while she was there. It is not clear what happened but when she returned to London
three months later it was without the husband. Her family report that she was rejected by her new husband and
never recovered from this loss. They trace all her subsequent difficulties to this episode. She appeared lifeless
and apathetic after her trip to Ghana and never seemed to recover. They feel that her failure to look after herself
or take responsibility for her life stems from this period. She did not return to work, but applied to study law at
a local college. She left this course before the end of the first year on account of what she called “moral
objections.” She does not appear to have worked or studied since.
This theme of being rejected or let down in the shadowy incident with the missing husband then plays a role in
her first contact with psychiatric service in England ten years later in 1991. By this time she was already 41 years
old. She was brought into hospital by her sister, who had become worried about her condition. She had been
living with the sister all this time, not working, but claiming state benefits. Her payments had been stopped the
previous year when she failed to attend job interviews at the benefits agency. Her sister had been supporting her
since then, but had obviously started to complain about her failure to make any attempts to sort out her own
situation or to do anything for herself.
The sister must have complained about the cost of keeping her, about the money being spent on food, because
this equation between food and money had apparently struck a chord in her. She had come up with the notion
that if she had no money then she would not eat. She had simply stopped eating, had taken no solid food for
46 ROGER LITTEN
almost a month and was starting to show alarming signs of weight loss. The sister obviously did not know what
to do with her and so brought her into hospital instead.
During this admission she was treated for depression, on the basis of the observed symptoms of lethargy, apathy,
and social withdrawal, although she herself always denied feeling depressed. In fact there was every sign that
she was simply furious with her sister, stating that she would never forgive her for bringing her into hospital. She
also repeatedly accused the sister of failing to look after her properly and not giving her enough food to eat.
She was in any case diagnosed with a “depressive illness accompanied by anhedonia and loss of appetite.” She
was commenced on antidepressants and in fact made a good recovery. Her appetite soon returned and she was
observed to be eating and drinking well. She spent a lot of time in bed during this admission, but claimed that
she was merely “getting her strength back.” Her benefit payments were sorted out by the hospital welfare worker
and she was discharged after one month.
We have little information about her whereabouts for most of the next decade. What we do know from her
contact with social services seems to turn around similar themes of money, board and lodging, marked by her
continuing failure to attend to the practical necessities of keeping her benefits up to date and getting her rent paid.
The recurring theme here is that this money is in fact hers by right and that she should not be expected to do
anything in return. She has in fact repeatedly given voice to suspicions that money to which she is entitled is in
fact being withheld or stolen from her.
This period is also marked by signs of progressive social decline and increased withdrawal from all social
contact. We next find her living in a homeless persons hostel, barricaded in her room for months on end and
refusing access to health and safety inspections and attempting to avoid any contact with staff. This situation
came to a head when she became aroused and threatening towards a member of staff who had been trying to
persuade her to complete a form to renew her housing benefits. She afterwards complained that the staff at the
hostel did not care about her but were only trying to steal money to which she was entitled.
She was assessed and brought into hospital under the Mental Health Act. Diagnosis was made difficult by her
refusal to co-operate in any way with the assessment process, choosing to remain largely mute during interviews.
She was commenced on anti-psychotic medication on the basis of signs of perplexity, suspiciousness and poverty
of thought. She refused to take this medication, stating that she would only take the anti-depressants given to her
during her previous stay in hospital. She claimed that there was in any case nothing wrong with her apart from
the fact that she was anorexic. She was more interested to know what kind of treatment she would receive for
her anorexia.
It must at this stage be pointed out that this patient is in fact a rather ample African woman and there is certainly
nothing wrong with her appetite. Yet despite all appearances she continued to claim that she was anorexic, that
she was only in hospital to receive treatment for anorexia, and that she was in fact so underweight that she should
be entitled to enhanced payments of incapacity benefit.
She was challenged about this belief that she was anorexic. How did she know this? She was adamant that her
psychiatrist had told her this during her previous stay in hospital. But this had been almost ten years previously.
Well yes, but she was a recovering anorexic, and everyone knows that recovering from anorexia is something
that takes time. You have to eat regularly and get plenty of rest in order to recover your strength. What else did
she know about the symptoms of anorexia? She knew that it gives you constipation and that you have no periods.
She also knew that it was a muscle-wasting disease, one that leaves you without any muscle-tone whatsoever.
Her own muscles have wasted way completely. They are not even attached to the bone any longer. In fact she
barely has any flesh at all.
48 ROGER LITTEN
upstairs and kept human bones in a bucket under her bed. Questioned about this detail she insisted that it was
the police who had told her about this woman. At the same time she was not too concerned as she knew that the
police had come to fetch this mad woman and taken her away to hospital.
The introduction of this new element provided a further indication that her condition was not improving. Yet this
theme was never further developed, but only introduced in passing in the context of her reluctance to leave
hospital. She was in any case to come up with a far more effective obstacle to going anywhere. She began to
speak for the first time about the experience of “retrieving” that she was undergoing. This process of retrieving
was making her far too weak to leave her bed and she would certainly not be able to leave hospital until the
retrieving was finished.
We would obviously like to know a little more about the nature of this process of retrieving. Yet it is difficult to
be precise, as she always remained extremely guarded when talking about any sort of delusional manifestation.
At the same time she gave a very strong impression that this was a process that was as mysterious and obscure
to her as it was to us. She was able only to describe some kind of massive process of flowing in her body, which
she described with vague gestures to indicate the direction of flows from her upper body towards the lower.
The most obvious analogy here would be that of menstrual flows, and she did at times refer to the sensation of
blood passing through her body. Yet she always insisted that this retrieving was not a physical process, that it
had nothing to do with her body, but was more of a “spiritual experience.” She was eager to keep the whole topic
separate from the realm of medical treatment. It had nothing to do with her illness or with the hospital, and
certainly had not been affected by the quantities of medication that she had been given.
This process appeared to cause her no obvious discomfort or distress. Its main effect seemed to be one of
exhaustion and weakness, which was only exacerbated by any attempts to question her about the process. She
could not explain when it had begun, whether it was periodic or constant, whether she felt it more in one part of
her body than another. She was merely subjected to an overwhelming physical experience about which she could
say very little, but which was her lot and had to be tolerated with patience and stoicism.
The one aspect of this process of retrieving that did seem more defined was its temporal dimension. It was
certainly introduced in the form of a limit or an obstacle. She could not think about leaving her bed or the hospital
until the process of retrieving had run its course. And how long did she think this would take? Oh, about three
weeks. How did she know this? Her father had told her. She gave the same answer when asked what she knew
about this process, how she even knew that it was called retrieving. She knew because her father had told her.
This reminds us of the shadowy role played by her father in her illness. Here he appears quite clearly in his role
as source of signifiers, as the source of any understanding she might have about this experience she was
undergoing. The figure of her father also appeared to serve as some sort of limit or goal to this process. She
would occasionally speak rather wistfully about a future when she had recovered from her illness, when the
retrieving had come to an end, she would go back to Ghana where father was waiting for her in a big house with
lots of children.
Sometimes this father merged with the figure of her husband, especially when she was pressed too closely about
the fact that her father had been dead for decades. Both her father and husband seemed to roam as shadowy
figures around the perimeter of the hospital. She claimed at times that her husband lived nearby. He was very
busy, too busy to visit her more often, but would occasionally visit at night. He would also send food to the
hospital for her. She had received a whole chicken from him for Christmas.
This sudden proliferation of delusional themes was a cause of some alarm. A woman who had come into hospital
with some kind of eating disorder was now being sent chickens by a dead husband in Ghana. The preferred
50 ROGER LITTEN
accentuated by the psychiatric treatment, which begins by immediately challenging the link that she has
attempted to construct between signifier and body. It attempts to remove the only useful symptom she has
managed to elaborate, proposing in its place a treatment aimed directly at the level of the body. This leaves her
without a signifier with which to present herself to others, reduced to presenting herself with her body via this
obscure process of retrieving, an experience of jouissance barely articulated as drive.
Even this brief sketch is thus sufficient to provide us with a framework that might allow us to account for the
vagaries of her treatment. Curiously enough, it is precisely her physical deterioration that leads to one of the main
turning points in this treatment. Prior to being commenced on an alternative neuropleptic medication, she is sent
for a full medical assessment. Almost by chance it is discovered that she has raised glucose levels and has
developed diabetes.
This is not a severe condition and can be maintained by oral medication as long as her diet is monitored. She is
accordingly referred to the diabetic nurse who gives her detailed instructions about what she can and cannot eat,
what foods she needs to avoid and what foods she can only eat in moderation. With this change of dietary regime
her physical condition improves rapidly. At the same time the change in neuroleptic medication seems to have
done the job, as any talk of anorexia or retrieving soon disappears. When questioned directly about it she simply
dismisses the whole question. Rather than anorexic, she is now a diabetic, as her mother was before her.
A journey
Because of a tedious concentration problem in her studies, Antonietta, at her family’s instigation, consults a
neurologist at the age of 17. She is prescribed a benzodiazepine-based treatment for a period of three months.
The length of treatment is not respected and she continues, uninterrupted, to take hypnotics at ever-increasing
doses. A depressive state ensues two and a half years later, complicated by the first signs of an eating disorder:
she ingurgitates great quantities of food that she regularly throws up in order to keep her figure.
Her parents then send her to a psychologist for a treatment that lasts for a year and a half. This treatment is
interrupted following a suicide attempt in which she swallowed an entire box of hypnotics on the day before
Christmas. Antonietta comments on this: “It was like a provocation. She didn’t believe that I would dare to
actually do what I was threatening to.” Being that the psychologist, frightened and irritated by what had
happened, refused to see her again, Antonietta goes to see another therapist, a doctor this time, who will care for
her for two years using both a drug-based treatment and psychotherapy. Of this therapist, Antonietta says: “She
was very interested in my weight, but not in my problems.” Moreover, when the pharmacological treatment
(Fluoxtine 40mg, every morning) starts to become ineffective, she proposes that her patient spend some time in
a Swiss clinic that specializes in cases of unusually resistant obesity and bulimia. Antonietta pushes off this trip
to the clinic, which terrorizes her. As the clinical picture is progressively deteriorating, with a problem of
overweight nearing 140 kilos, her father decides to stop the treatment and takes her to another specialist, a
neurologist with an excellent reputation, who practices in another town. For four months, once a week Antonietta
goes to this specialist accompanied by her father, but in vain. At this point she consults a famous university
authority who refers her to a no less famous colleague with whom she continues to meet for about three years.
She now weighs 180 kilos. Antonietta complains of the high price of this treatment. It is organized as follows:
three sessionseach week of psychotherapy, a monthly visit with another psychiatrist for the pharmacological
treatment, a couple therapy for the parents, and a weekly visit from a helper who, for a fee, takes her out.
It is at this point that she experiences a delusional episode – with the conviction of being the genuine
reincarnation of Cinderella, followed by a confusional episode in a train station restroom – during which she
cannot recognize where she is. After an umpteenth suicide attempt, and faced with her confusional state, she is
taken to a psychiatric hospital. At the time of discharge, the confusional state has resorbed itself, however the
symptoms persist with almost no change. It is a few months later that a thoughtful colleague refers her to me.
The diagnosis
According to the criteria of the DSM IV, the diagnosis would first take into account the preponderance of the
bulimic symptom and secondarily that of the dissociative disorder. This corresponds to a nervous bulimia F 50.2.
In the Freudian Field, the psychoanalytical perspective that follows the teachings of Jacques Lacan, diagnosis is
founded on structural considerations that go beyond the strictly phenomenological appearance of symptoms. It
is for this reason that we can pose the diagnosis of psychosis despite the importance of bulimic symptoms present
in the clinical picture. It is not that we would deny the idea of the dignity of a bulimic-anorexic syndrome, but
rather that we prefer to give it the value of a manifestation caught up in an unconscious strategy for which the
logic can be explained. This is why a clinical picture such as this, defined as a psychosis from a structural point
of view, can be classified all the same as a bulimia according to the DSM IV. Quite to the contrary of the
diagnostic system sited above, our structural perspective excludes the possibility of a double diagnosis or co-
morbidity.
In psychosis, bulimic maneuvers are not oriented by the desire to recuperate a lost object. On the contrary, the
object is at the subject’s disposition. Still, this subject is looking to introduce in the real – through the alternation
+/- of binges and vomiting, up to the moment of the repeated act of attempted suicide – the function of castration
which, given the structure, does not reach the object. It would be a different case if the bulimic patient were
trying, as does the hysterical subject, to give consistency to the lost object in a dialectical relationship to the
Other. Moreover, if the psychotic subject is directly glued to the object, so is the Other: the one instance being
the logically reciprocal condition of the other. Whence the particular, tormented ambivalence typical in psychosis
and plainly evident in our case study.
Interpretation or Invention:
the Consequences of a Clinical Decision
Contemporary debates about sexual difference also pertain to the question of the therapy of psychosis. The
question of etiology articulates the question of sexual definition: sex or gender, inherited or acquired, gender or
role?
____________________
1 Allan N. Shore, “A Century after Freud’s project: is a rapprochement between psychoanalysis and neurobiology at hand?,”
Journal of the American Psychoanalytical Association, vol 45, no.3, 1997.
2 P. Seeman, “Brain development, X : pruning during development,” American Journal of Psychiatry, 1999.
3 J. Gedo, “Reflection on metapsychology, theoretical coherence, hermeneutics and biology,” Journal of the American
Psychoanalytical Association, vol. 45, no. 3, 1997.
4 R. J. Stoller, Sex and Gender, Science House, New York, 1968, chap. 9: “Mothers’ contribution to transsexualism.”
58 ERNESTO PIECHOTKA
relation of the child to his mother5, in such a way that the symbolic is reduced to a psycho-genetic product,
corollary to an emotional learning experience.
American relativism and economy are not absent from the debate: the International Organization for Gender
Rights fights for the de-pathologization of transsexualism6, trying to repeat the history of the homosexual lobby
and we are on the eve of the suppression of transsexualism as a Gender Identity Disorder in the DSM7.
Abandoning the psychiatric theory of gender for a biological theory would allow the medical insurances, which
do not cover plastic surgery for esthetical reasons, to do so for physiological reasons. Many scientific
publications argue for changes in language in order to create a Fair Gender Language that would not be sexist 8.
____________________
5 M. Klein, “The Importance of Symbol Formation in the Development of the Ego,” International Journal, 1930.
6 The International Bill of Gender Rights, 1995, Houston, Texas, USA.
7 “Challenging psychiatric stereotypes of gender diversity” in: GID reforming.org.
8 J. R. Redfern, The Writing Center.
9 S. Freud, Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, in The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund
Freud (S.E.), Vol 7, Hogarth Press, London, 1962.
10 S. Freud, Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, in S.E. (op.cit.), Vol 18, 1959.
11 Robert J. Stroller, “Mother imprinting, ” op. cit..
12 J.Lacan, “ L’Étourdit,” Autres écrits, Seuil, Paris, 2001.
60 ERNESTO PIECHOTKA
attempts a rudimentary binary by using a signifier in order to produce a pseudo imaginary classification without
turning to the father; that signifier is taken from the paternal language but it suffers from the mark of the
relentless maternal law; even though it exists in the common language, its use is neological and acquires the
dignity of the symptomatic localization of jouissance. Let us localize Sarit’s place of exception, not divided by
castration, as the one defined by the fixation to the image of The woman of “the clever ones.” Wisely, she doesn’t
know about the relationships among them, which allows her to keep the circle not hermetically closed, avoiding
thus to complete the Other, pursuer of jouissance.
Sarit shows us what position to take in the debate. Lacan already taught us (Seminar III) that the onset of a
psychosis is often produced by an obstinate interpretation14. If the analyst plays the role of the lack that prevents
the suture of the identification in neurosis, he will become the addressee of the attempts at restoration of
identification in the psychosis.
We then share the critique made of hermeneutics, by opposing the interpretation that tries to make sense, even
in practice with psychotic subjects, without resorting to the supposedly anatomic real as the etiology of the
illness or the sexuation; we do not strengthen our intervention with a univocal belief in the word, as
psychotherapy does, as does the psychology furnished exclusively with the Oedipus complex in order to deal
with the sexual position. We do not reduce sexuation to the symbolic as a theory of sexual identity; we also put
a stake in the sign. The universalizing fight for sexual equality does not make us neglect the singular real-
nonsense inventions, which the work of the psychosis produces, one by one, locating the auto-erotic jouissance
in a certain dimension of sexual otherness.
____________________
14 J. Lacan, The Seminar of Jacques Lacan (ed. J.-A. Miller). Book 1II, The Psychoses 1955-1956. Trans. Russell Grigg. W. W.
Norton, New York, 1993.
In La Formation de l’esprit scientifique, Gaston Bachelard cites the treatise of the Chevalier de la Perrière,
Mécanismes de l’électricité et de l’Univers, published in 1765. This treatise claims that all of the phenomena of
the Universe can be explained by the action of electrical fluids: “The empire of electricity is so vast that its limits
and its expanses belong to the Universe itself, which it includes: the suspension and the movement of the planets,
the breaking of celestial, earthly, and military storms, meteors, bodily sensations, the rising of liquids, refraction,
antipathies, sympathies, tastes, and natural repugnance; the musical healing of the tarantula’s bite and
melancholic illnesses, the vampirism and suction practiced reciprocally by people who sleep together are all
within its domain and under its control, as will be proven by the electrical mechanisms that we will give.”
Orlando, who did not know of the Chevalier de la Perrière’s treatise, made of the disconcerting inanity of such
a theorem the libidinal foundation in which all of his subjectivity was submerged. Thus, he came to see me one
day in order to recount the following: he functioned by remote control; his organs and limbs were controlled by
circuits that electricity passed through. Such was his delirious conviction.
To begin with it must be said that in 1962, when Orlando was still a small child, an exciting event occurred in
his native village. He was the exceptional witness of the simultaneous arrivals of electricity and of television. He
remembers in particular that the first images he saw were those of the enthronement of Pope John XXIII, as well
as that of his grandfather, seated in front of this new machine, the television set, saying that the newscaster was
speaking to him and to him alone.
When Orlando phoned me, I immediately recalled that we had known one another years earlier. He had attended
a Seminar on Lacanian theory of which I was one of the chairs in 1979 at the University of Barcelona. There,
Orlando had met a psychoanalyst, Dr. Z., who occasionally came to this seminar. Fifteen years had already
passed since then.
During our first meeting, Orlando pointed to his Adam’s apple and asked if I did not see something bizarre in
his neck. Did I notice anything bizarre in the movement of his Adam’s apple? he asked, raising his chin. Its
movement was beyond his control. He then added that he thought he was receiving messages transmitted by
Norman Foster’s Telecommunication Tower. This was because of “Dr. Z.’s technique,” which imposed messages
on him. He then explained that a year earlier, his analyst, Dr. Z., had left Barcelona and that he did not know
where he was now. Of course, the Doctor had informed him of his departure several months in advance. He had
begun the treatment in 1979 and left off in 1993 at the time of this departure. He wanted to know where Dr. Z.
was and asked, “Do you know?” I answered that I had not seen him for many years and asked him what Dr. Z.’s
technique was. He thus proceeded to explain it to me.
The triggering
He had consulted Dr. Z. in order to find out if he was homosexual or not. He was attracted to young, Adonis-like
men [jeunes hommes aux traits “d’éphèbes”]. When he was at University, he had been attracted to a male
62 V I C E N T E PA L O M E R A
classmate and told him so. The young man’s subsequent rejection of him as well as the snubbing he received
from their mutual friends deeply affected him. To Orlando’s question, Dr. Z asked him in turn, “What would you
do if you found out that you were homosexual?” To this Orlando answered, “Well, in that case I would have to
accept it!”
After two consultations, with the number of sessions, the fee, and the fundamental rule established, Orlando was
asked to take his place on the divan. He explained that “as soon as he was introduced into the great Other, into
the Apparatus,” he realized that the process involved something more than words. Following the analyst’s hand
movements, Orlando became convinced that Dr. Z. was operating an apparatus behind him and he began to feel
penetrated by “”he analyst’s technique.” In making use of his technique, Dr. Z. used an apparatus to make a hole
in the occipital zone and burned away, with an electrical current, traces of memory. The smell of something
burning left no room for doubt. In his sessions, Orlando was both the witness and the patient of this technique,
the effects of which were multiple:
1. It showed him images that he usually saw on a unique plane, which were either projected in the office itself
or projected outside and connected to electrical currents or, sometimes, to laser beams.
2. The apparatus produced in him and took away from him thoughts and feelings and this due to the electrical
currents and the rays associated with abrasive products, which gave him burns as well as skin irritation and
eczema.
3. The apparatus also induced motor actions in the body, in its limbs, as well as strange sensations described as
“electric meteors.”
For twelve years, with a patience bordering on complete docility, Orlando viewed what was happening to him
as a kind of “aversion therapy” or alternately as a “supportive therapy” where images and planes flew about.
Orlando was never able to discover all of the capabilities of the Apparatus.
After the triggering under transference, a relationship of complete delirium was established between Orlando and
the rest of the world.
This delirium was composed of certain consistent signs, but the fantastic character of the expression of his
delirium was also observed. As we shall see, the delirium took on the aspect of a multi-themed fantasy,
constantly renewed, and the central theme, “Dr. Z.’s technique,” did not prevent parallel themes from playing a
part. There was not the slightest attempt of construction or of a logical verisimilitude: everything yielded to an
unbridled fantasy, involving multiple personalities, where spatial boundaries were surpassed, and whose
fabulous and aesthetic character evoked movies based on fairy tales.
Perplexed, Orlando wondered if “Dr. Z.’s technique” was not a form of “hypnosis.” “What were those planes
that were spinning about? They spun about so that one could not tell the top from the bottom or the inside from
the outside.” Sometimes, Orlando saw himself speaking to himself as if he were outside of what was happening
to him, with sensations in his throat and on his skin caused by the electrical currents. These things that he saw
from the outside were distributed according to the space : there was “the analyst’s space, the analysand’s space,
and the object’s space.” Thus, in the session with Dr. Z., it was as if all of the space in the room was full of
currents which were sometimes words and sometimes objects. The words were so material that, as soon as they
were in the mechanism and addressed to Orlando, all of the space was filled with waves, with electrical currents
which, entering the analyst’s space, made the analyst speak. While all this was being filled with the analyst’s
words – which were not addressed directly to him – and reached Orlando in his space, “he felt strange things
happening.” There were moments when “neither the analyst nor the analysand was speaking, when it was being
which spoke.”
64 V I C E N T E PA L O M E R A
was directed at Orlando’s brain. He lost consciousness and then regained it. Then he realized that it was not the
analyst that had opened the door, but the analytic objects. On the divan, he often experienced the sensation of
being upside down: he saw Dr. Z. approaching with his bright blue eyes, like those of his mother. He remembers
a dream where he is in his crib and “every time someone leaned over me, he would look at me and it was as if
he had taken away a piece of me.” Dr. Z.’s objects guillotined him, dismembered him.
66 V I C E N T E PA L O M E R A
to speak to him and had not stopped sending him voices and messages. However, the fact that he was oblivious
as to its workings shows how abandoned Orlando felt as object and, thus, that part of the libido remains in the
Other. The situation is as follows: Orlando uses the Apparatus as an instrument and expects it to conclude his
bodily functions, but on the other hand when he loses the Other, he loses his libido-machine – which abandons
him. What could I do if the place already in position is precisely that of the demand of the Other, that of the
assignation of the Other?
Orlando repeated, during his sessions, his complaints of not having received an explanation concerning the
Apparatus and that ever since the interruption in his treatment, he had been awaiting this explanation. The
Apparatus is something that he has to put up with and “what he had to put up with was language, it was like
entering into the language organized by Dr. Z. and putting up with the effects.”
He asked if I could contact Dr. Z. so that I could question him “colleague to colleague” on his technique and
their effects, wherever he might be: “Send me a report. What do you have to say about what this analysand has
been telling me?” And “seeing that Dr. Z. doesn’t talk to me since I’m an analysand and doesn’t give me
explanations concerning what he was using with me, you could – like the doctors who use a method of
radiotherapy – question him on his technique.” “First of all,” I told him, “you know that psychoanalysis operates
according to a rule that was devised by Dr. Freud and there is no mystery about that as it is within the reach of
all who read his books. Secondly, what is happening to you is real, even if your explanation is completely crazy.
I have no way of knowing Dr. Z.’s address, so, consequently, I ask you to commit yourself to following Dr.
Freud’s technique uniquely and exclusively.” This seemed to interest him and encouraged him to continue seeing
me.
____________________
4 Menschenspielerei.
5 Einwirkung.
6 D. P. Schreber, Mémoires d'un névropathe, op. cit., p. 9.
68 V I C E N T E PA L O M E R A
Clinical Practice and its Concepts
Graciela Brodsky
I begin with a statement*1. Like any statement in the field of psychoanalysis, it is not irrefutable and I present it
as a starting point: the psychoanalytic clinic of neurosis is basically the clinic of hysteria. This statement has
double grounds. On one hand, according to Freud and Lacan there is what we know as the hysteric core of
neurosis (in French, Noyau Hystérique des Névroses or NHN). On the other, there is what we know since Lacan
as the hysterization in the analytic setting
NHN Hysterization
I propose to write not only the initials of the hysteric core of neurosis but to write what constitutes a matheme
of this core. I propose to write it as:
S/
__
a
S/
____
a
Is an empty subject that is constituted as such within the act of defense, barred S, and a jouissance, a, that subsists
separated from him by the bar. It is not really an eliminated jouissance, here is the paradox, as it acts, it is
effective, it has consequences. One can even say that the whole field of the neurosis is determined by the return
of this rejected jouissance.
From this primordial “no,” every signifier that evokes this rejected jouissance falls under the effects of
repression. The difference between defense and repression is thus well established: defense that is a barrier of
protection against this jouissance that cannot be signified, and the repression as a mechanism that always has to
do with signifiers. While defense takes place on the field of the emptied subject as a result from the “no” to the
real of jouissance, repression takes place in another domain, in the metaphoric substitution of one signifier by
another.
S S’
Defense _____ _____ Metaphoric substitution
a. . . . . .S
Metonymic connection
A signifier remains repressed under the bar while there is a metonymic connection between it and the real. There
is no other reason that justifies the repression of a signifier if this one does not evoke this radical core of defense.
A purification of defense
Once established what I call the matheme of the hysteric core, the analytic discourse is the one that goes exactly
in the opposite direction. I will only write the first level:
S/
___ a → S/
a
72 GRACIELA BRODSKY
They are the same terms as those of the previous matheme, except that the place of a has changed: it was what
the subject rejected and which produces an empty subject; becoming what the analytic discourse reintroduces.
The analytic discourse reintroduces the jouissance in the emptiness of the subject, thus upsetting defense.
Analysis is going against the subject that says “no” to jouissance and who consequently suffers from a “lack of
being,” subjective correlation of the empty subject.
The idea of upsetting defense, which has been abundantly developed by Jacques-Alain Miller in his course “The
experience of the real in the analytic treatment,” was already pointed out by Lacan in the Seminar “Crucial
problems for psychoanalysis,” in 1965. It was in that seminar that he said that the analyst has to lead the subject
to a ever-purer mode of defense, confronting him in transference to the impossible of the sexual relation. It is a
strategy, under transference, which is not interpretation and which aims to obtain a purification of defense.
In the oscillations of Lacan’s teachings there are two values that the subject seems to defend itself from. On the
one hand, the surplus jouissance of the drive, and in the other hand a non-existence, that of the sexual relation.
I use Lacan’s lozenge that implies inclusion and exclusion. Thus, it is about a surplus drive in its tight link with
the sexual non-relation.
It is in this field, that of the non-existence of the sexual relation and of the surplus drive, that Lacan’s
considerations on defense are developed.
____________________
2 J. Lacan, Le Séminaire Livre V, Les Formations de l’inconscient, Seuil, Paris 1988, p. 397.
74 GRACIELA BRODSKY
Hysterization
When we speak of hysterization in the setting, one means every symptom, hysteric or obsessional must be
addressed to the Other. It is easy to imagine for obsession, but more amusing, more astonishing is that one needs
to hystericize the hysteric. Why? Because we have to withdraw the hysteric from the hysteric core, so that
through the symptom that decompensated her, she goes towards the Other. This is not at all obvious.
In this third moment – which is not that of the hysteric core where there is no unleashing – we really are in the
direction of the Other, in the constitution of a discourse. To which Other does she address herself? Of which
discourse is the hysteric the agent? Lacan says that the Other sought by the hysteric is a master.
To summarize:
1) Sexual trauma: irruption of jouissance
2) Defense and splitting S/
__
a
The hysteric addresses him- or herself to a master (S1) with his/her division, with that emptiness inhabited by
something, because the symptom indicates that in the emptiness something immixed, that the barred S is
inhabited by something else and that now it is not only suffering from the un-satisfaction of the lack-of-being or
even disgust. The symptom allows to see that in the emptiness something has sprang like a mushroom – in the
desert of jouissance, something emerged. The empty subject addresses its symptom to the Other as a question.
It is the first thing that Lacan indicates. That is why in Seminar III, there is the chapter called “The hysteric’s
question.”
The hysteric appeals to the master to produce knowledge (S2).
$ → S1
__ __
a S2
It is logical to imagine that if one asks a question, this question will find an answer. Insofar as the hysteric
addresses the Other, the Other can begin to produce a knowledge in answer to it. That is what Freud did with the
hysterics who consulted with him – elaborating knowledge to answer them, he invented psychoanalysis. This
knowledge comes in the place of the production in the hysteric discourse: if you want to produce knowledge do
not call upon the professors, call the hysteric! To produce knowledge, a hysteric must be in the place of the agent
saying: “And why?” “I do not understand,” “It is not what I said,” “It is not what Lacan says” etc.
The only problem is that this knowledge produced by the master is always going to be useless knowledge,
knowledge that does not touch what was originally rejected by the hysteric and that constitutes the truth of
his/her position, which he/she wants to know nothing about, and that we place under the bar to the left. Thus,
speak, speak! But be aware that we shall not touch the hysteric with knowledge. You understand why Lacan said
that interpretation must never be a transmission of knowledge. It is not modesty on the analyst’s part, it is
because it is useless, since the hysteric continues with his/her question.
“Very interesting, Dr. Freud, everything you say, but that doesn’t concern me.” Very interesting, insofar as he
does not get involved, the object a that is at the place of truth and not at the place of production. “That” is
precisely what the discourse of the analyst puts in the place of the agent.
a → S/
76 GRACIELA BRODSKY
The Subject Inside the Patient
Philippe Fouchet
Epilepsy
____________________
1 This text is based on the major topics of a thesis for a doctorate in psychology (Université Libre de Bruxelles) presented in
September 2001. Its title was: “Le phénomène épileptique. Fonction et statut clinique des manifestations épileptiformes chez des
sujets présentant une épilepsie et/ou des troubles pseudo-épileptiques d’origine non organique.” (The phenomenon of epilepsy.
Function and clinical status of epileptic seizures in subjects with epilepsy or pseudo-epilepsy of organic origin). I would like to
thank Alfredo Zenoni, to whom this work owes a great deal.
2 Quoted by R. A. Gross, “A brief history of epilepsy and its therapy in the western hemisphere,” Epilepsy Research, 1992, pp.
65-74 (p. 72).
Epilepsy 79
Heterogeneous clinical practices
Analysis of clinical practice in terms of responses to pharmacological treatment
According to Thomas and Arzimanoglou3, in an approach examining medical treatment, it is possible today, by
looking at responses to anti-epileptic medication4, to divide clinical practice into four categories:
1. “Spontaneously benign epilepsies” (20 to 30% of all patients), with an “excellent” prognosis, slow evolution,
and spontaneous remission.
2. “Pharmaco-sensitive epilepsies” (30 to 40% of all patients), with a “good” prognosis, whose remission
permits, after a certain lapse of time, the end of medication.
3. “Pharmaco-dependent epilepsies” (10 to 20% of all patients), with a “more reserved” prognosis, which require
medication for at least several decades.
4. “Pharmaco-resistant epilepsies” (20 to 30% of all patients), with a “bad” prognosis because of the chronic
nature of the illness and a relative or absolute resistance to medication.
To simplify a little, these categories can be reduced to an opposition between non-evolutive epilepsies with a
good prognosis (70 to 80% of all cases), and severe pharmaco-resistant epilepsies with a reserved prognosis.
Jallon5 has pointed out that 20 to 30% of epilepsies still resist conventional treatment, in spite of the “enormous”
progress made since the 1980s in therapeutic strategies6.
So-called “rebel” or “pharmaco-resistant” epilepsies constitute an important clinical problem from both a
therapeutic and a diagnostic point of view in epileptology: on the one hand, the reasons for the persistence of the
seizures remain unelucidated; on the other, from the diagnostic point of view, these epilepsies raise the problem
of distinguishing between what neurologists consider “real” epileptic seizures and what they call “pseudo-
epileptic” seizures – and one and the same patient can have both kinds7. Paradoxically, so-called “rebel”
epilepsies are also the most malign, the most resistant to anti-epileptic treatments, and the distinction from
“pseudo-epilepsy” in those cases is the most difficult to establish: it is as if, when a certain level of exacerbation
is reached, epilepsy can no longer be distinguished from pseudo-epileptic phenomena.
Let us make it clear that pseudo-epileptic seizures are defined as seizures that mimic epilepsy, but that are not
accompanied by the abnormal electrical brain activity characteristic of epilepsy8. According to scientific
____________________
3 P. Thomas, A. Arzimanoglou, Epilepsie, Masson, Paris, 2000 (second edition, revised and corrected).
4 We should point out in passing that the introduction of anti-epileptic medication onto the marketplace happens in an essentially
empirical manner, without any detailed understanding of how they work. The different molecules now used are thought to act on
the neurophysiological and biochemical mechanisms involved in the seizures: stabilizing effects on cellular membranes, increasing
the inhibiting action of GABA – the principal inhibiting neurotransmitter – reducing the liberation of excitatory amino acids,
blocking certain receptors, etc. Therefore, no medication has an “anti-epileptic” effect as such. It is, rather, “anti-convulsive”
effects that act solely on the electro-clinical symptoms of epilepsy.
5 P. Jallon, “L’utilisation des anti-épileptiques en monothérapie et polythérapie. Evolution des idées,” Revue Neurologique, 1997,
153, 1, pp. 29-33.
6 Among children as well, at least 25% of epilepsies are resistant to medication. Cf. J. M. Pellock, R. Appleton, “Use of new
anti-epileptic drugs in the treatment of childhood epilepsy,” Epilepsia, 1999, 40, s6, pp. 29-38.
7 The incidence of pseudo-epileptic seizures among patients presenting a diagnosis of pharmaco-resistant epilepsy is estimated
at 40%. Cf. P. Francis, G. A. Baker, “Non-epileptic attack disorders (NEAD): A comprehensive review,” Seizure, 1999, 8, 1, pp.
53-61.
8 In Anglo-Saxon literature, the terminology used since the middle of the 1960s to identify this kind of seizure refers directly –
in the negative – to epilepsy: “non-epileptic attacks,” “non-epileptic attack disorders,” “non-epileptic seizures,” “psychogenic non-
epileptic seizures,” “pseudoseizures,” “pseudo-epileptic seizures,” “psychogenic pseudoseizures in non-epileptic patients,”
80 PHILIPPE FOUCHET
literature, today the pseudo-epilepsies constitute, in epileptology, a major preoccupation for neurologists9. As we
will see in detail, the criteria used to try to establish a differential diagnosis between epileptic and pseudo-
epileptic seizures do not hold up under clinical examination.
Definition and classification of epileptic seizures and of epilepsy
Following directly on Jackson’s research, the neurological definition of this pathology is in two parts:
1. A description of the electro-chemical characteristics of epileptic seizures, in which they are presented as the
association of two elements necessarily appearing simultaneously:
— First: clinical elements that can take different forms and for which it is not possible to find a common
denominator;
— Second: the appearance of brutal and excessive discharges of electric potential in the neuron population of
the brain.
2. A definition of epilepsy in terms of the repetitive character of the seizures: epilepsy is considered an illness
when seizures are recurrent in a given subject10.
Starting with that definition, the ILAE (International League against Epilepsy) has proposed a classification of
epileptic seizures: the most recent version is used today by the entire international scientific community11. The
seizures can be divided into three categories based on the location of the initial neuronal discharges:
1. Generalized seizures for which the paroxystic discharge is propagated immediately into two cerebral
hemispheres.
2. Partial or focal seizures in which the initial discharge is localized in a limited zone (called “epileptogenic
zone”) in one cerebral hemisphere.
3. “Unclassifiable” seizures, so called because of a lack of information or a puzzling semiology.
In this classificatory perspective, the accent is essentially on the anatomo-functional characteristics of the
different cerebral structures implicated in the path taken by the neuronal discharges.
Observation of clinical manifestations occurring during seizures contributes to the diagnosis insofar as it
provides information on the topographical localization of the initial discharges and on the anatomical paths taken
by these discharges during their propagation in the cerebral organ. But in the absence of sufficient
electroencephalographic elements, the neurologist must pay particular attention to the clinical logic of the
phenomenology of the seizures.
____________________
“psychogenic pseudoepileptic seizures,” etc. In a sense, this nomenclature takes the place of – without really covering the same
clinical reality – the classic opposition between hysteria and epilepsy.
9 Most studies estimate at about 20% the proportion of patients who come to a center or neurological service specializing in
epilepsy, with “pseudo-epileptic” seizures, associated (or not) with epilepsy.
10 The reproduction of seizures after the manifestation of the first epileptic phenomenon in a patient is not systematic. An
estimated 20% of tonico-clonic seizures are isolated and inexplicable events: J.-F. Chevalier, J. Plas, F. Fineyre, “Aspects
neurologiques de l’épilepsie,” Encyclopédie Médico-Chirurgicale (Paris), “Psychiatrie,” 1992, 37-219-N-10, 4p. The seizures are
indeed of an epileptic nature, and they appear independently of specific accidental circumstances, but they cannot be considered
as showing epilepsy since there is no repetition of the seizure.
11 Commission on Classification and Terminology of the International League Against Epilepsy, “Proposal for revised clinical
and electro-encephalographic classification of epileptic seizures,” Epilepsia, 1981, 22, pp. 489-501.
Epilepsy 81
The ILAE has also proposed, in addition to a classification of seizures, a classification of “epilepsies” and of
“epileptic syndromes”12 stemming from the interaction of two axes:
1. The “localization” (generalized or focal) of neuronal discharges during seizures. We have then:
— generalized epilepsies, in which all seizures are of the generalized type;
— partial epilepsies, in which the seizures begin in a specific area of one of the cerebral hemispheres (with the
possibility of a subsequent generalization);
— epilepsies in which the origin, focal or generalized, cannot be ascertained.
2. The axis called “etiopathogenic,” which tries to establish a distinction among epilepsies based on the presence
or absence of an organic etiology, objective or supposed. Generalized and partial epilepsies are then supposed to
be divided into three categories:
— idiopathic epilepsies (about 20% of all cases), independent of cerebral lesions, but for which a genetic
predisposition has been shown to – or is presumed to – exist;
— symptomatic epilepsies (about 40% of all cases), the consequence of a lesion in the central nervous system;
— cryptogenic epilepsies (about 40% of all cases), for which no etiological factor can be shown.
As shown by Loiseau and Duché13, in the end, all this is more like a descriptive inventory than a real
classification. The second axis, etiopathogenic, nevertheless takes into account the clinical difficulty of
identifying a factor other than a cerebral lesion – present in fewer than half of all cases: about 60% of epilepsies
are globally non-symptomatic. In that sense, it is important to note that genetic factors – that supposedly
intervene in idiopathic epilepsies, but that are also evoked for all epilepsies14 – are not considered to be
“predisposition” factors. One surprising element is that epilepsies in which the genetic factor seems predominant
are mostly benign15.
So, in spite of neurologists’ attempts at establishing a classification that would take into account etiological
organic factors, the question remains, in most cases, as to what causes the onset – and then the recurrence – of
the seizures that make up the clinical description of epilepsy.
What is most surprising is that the application of these diagnostic postulates in a clinical situation presents a
series of complications, or even contradictions, that seem to put into question the purely neurological status of
epilepsy.
Diagnostic paradoxes
In accordance with the logic of its scientific definition, the diagnosis of epilepsy depends on finding an abnormal
electrical discharge in the brain associated with clinical events. However, in practice it is not always possible to
____________________
12 Commission on Classification and Terminology of the International League Against Epilepsy, “Proposal for revised
classification of epilepsy and epileptic syndromes,” Epilepsia, 1989, 4, pp. 389-399.
13 P. Loiseau, B. Duché, “Classification et définition des syndromes épileptiques,” La Revue du Praticien, 1990, 40, 2, pp. 9-14.
14 Neurologists suggest that genetic factors intervene in all forms of epilepsy, most often “according to a multifactorial heredity
that entails the cooperation of several genes and environmental factors” (P. Thomas, A. Arzimanoglou, Epilepsie, op. cit., p. 15).
Together with other “predisposition” factors, genetic factors presumably play a role in the lowering of the “convulsion threshold”
– a threshold of neuronal “excitability” that depends on intrinsic properties of neuronal membranes. The interaction with
“precipitation” or “facilitation” factors of various kinds would take into account the onset of seizures. The model, called
plurifactorial, also includes factors of “aggravation” or “chronicity” linked to the neurobiological consequences of the seizures.
15 M. Boldy-Mouliner, Epilepsies en questions, Paris, John Libbey Eurotext, 1997, p. 63.
82 PHILIPPE FOUCHET
establish that link. In addition to the difficulties of gathering information from the electroencephalogram
(EEG)16, there are certain particularities involved in clinical practice with epilepsy that make diagnosis
problematic:
— for one thing, as Thomas and Arzimanoglou state, “the EEGs of many epileptic patients can be […]
completely devoid of all paroxystic activity”17 and “certain seizures are not accompanied by any perceptible
modification in the EEG;”18
— for another, “subjects who have never had epileptic seizures can occasionally show certain activities
typical of that illness”19 and “certain paroxystic discharges, wrongly called ‘electric seizures’ or ‘infraclinical
seizures’, remain – in appearance – without clinical translation”20.
Electroencephalographic information does not, therefore, make an unequivocal clinical evaluation possible,
either within any one group of patients or in one and the same patient. Epileptic patients, pseudo-epileptic
patients, and even subjects who have never had a seizure that even resembles epilepsy – all these groups may
present normal or abnormal EEGs21. Moreover, certain individual patients can have seizures that are sometimes
shown as anomalies on an EEG and sometimes not. In other words, the presence or absence of abnormal
epileptiform activity on an EEG does not necessarily indicate the epileptic or pseudo-epileptic character of the
seizure. The absence of that abnormal electroencephalographic activity typical of epilepsy, which constitutes the
main argument in favor of a diagnosis of pseudo-epilepsy, is not, in itself, enough to confirm that hypothesis or
to exclude the diagnosis of epilepsy. Conversely, the presence of the abnormal electric activity habitually
associated with epilepsy does not necessarily exclude the possibility of pseudo-epilepsy.
It should be noted that diagnostic difficulties are even greater when the phenomenology of the seizure can
suggest or resemble a psychiatric disorder. This is often the case with temporal lobe epilepsies in which the
clinical characteristics are often very similar to those habitually described (according to the DSM approach) in
various psychiatric pathologies22. In both situations (“epilepsies” or “psychiatric disorders”), the EEG patterns
may or may not show anomalies. For example, patients presenting “atypical panic attacks” (without temporal
lobe epilepsy) may present anomalies in their EEGs and may respond to certain anti-epileptic medication with a
diminishment or suppression of symptoms23. Conversely, certain epileptic patients may present partial simple
____________________
16 More often than not, the neurologist only has access to “intercritical” EEG results (EEGs made when the patient is not having
a seizure); the neurologist then must rely on a description of the symptoms given by the patient (or someone close to him or her)
after the fact. To compensate for this dearth of direct information, more and more patients are being offered extended EEG-video
monitoring (during a period of hospitalization in a neurology service) that would increase the possibility of observing seizures
during an EEG recording. This system aims at making possible the observation, recording, and measurement of electro-clinical
events (cerebral electric activity coupled with behavioral disorders) during seizures.
17 P. Thomas, A. Arzimanoglou, Epilepsie, op. cit., p. 36.
18 Ibid., p. 38.
19 Ibid., p. 36.
20 Ibid., p. 38.
21 Anomalies in EEGs (without associated problems) can be found in 10 to 15% of subjects in the general population (cf. H. I.
Kaplan, B. J. Sadock, Livre de poche de psychiatrie clinique, trans. S. Ivanov-Mazzucconi, Paris, Masson, 1998) and some patterns
absolutely typical of epilepsy (but not accompanied by seizures) are found in about 3% of the population (P. Francis, G. A. Baker,
“Non-epileptic attack disorders (NEAD): A comprehensive review,” op. cit.).
22 Cf. L. J. Puryear, M. E. Kunik, V. Molinari, R. H. Workman Jr., “Psychiatric manifestations of temporal lobe epilepsy in older
adults,” The Journal of Neuropsychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, 1995, 7, pp. 235-237.
23 Cf. M. J. Edlund, A. C. Swann, J. Clothier, “Patients with panic attacks and abnormal EEG results,” American Journal of
Psychiatry, 1987, 144, pp. 508-509; M. E. McNamara, B. S. Fogel, “Anticonvulsant-responsive panic attacks with temporal lobe
EEG abnormalities,” The Journal of Neuropsychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, 1990, 2, pp. 193-196.
Epilepsy 83
seizures in which the phenomenology evokes panic attacks, sometimes with a normal routine EEG and no
response to anti-epileptic medication24.
Finally, contrary to whatever precise criteria can evoke, diagnoses are more often made in terms of “a body of
more or less corroborating arguments” than according to strictly identical criteria25. The diagnostic approach
thus rests on the interpretation of various clinical elements; among them a neurological examination, a patient
history, familial and personal background, age of the first seizure, circumstances of its appearance, manner of
recurrence, sensitivity to therapy, etc.26 It is nevertheless clear that clinical studies show an absence of any
determining criteria for distinguishing between epileptic and pseudo-epileptic seizures.
Epilepsy versus pseudo-epilepsy: two distinct syndromes or two names for the same syndrome?
The increasingly common use of EEG-video monitoring in cases of difficult-to-diagnose epilepsy has drawn
neurologists’ attention to the frequency of pseudo-epileptic disorders (i.e., seizures that look like epilepsy but
that are not accompanied by disturbances in cerebral electric activity) and also to the difficulty of distinguishing
this disorder from epilepsy proper. As shown by Kuyk et al.27, diagnostic techniques and procedures are
essentially based on the idea that in cases where the probability of epilepsy is slim, the probability of pseudo-
epileptic seizures is great. Comparative studies have tried to evaluate the pertinence of different diagnostic
procedures.
To begin with, it has been shown through observation that clinical phenomena cannot be considered as sufficient
for diagnosis. Clinical indications traditionally seen as typical of epilepsy (like incontinence or tongue biting)
have also been described in scientific literature in pseudo-epileptic patients28; but according to some authors,
clinical phenomenology in pseudoseizures is rarely identical to that in real epileptic seizures29. Certain elements
supposedly characteristic of pseudoseizures are: longer, less stereotypical seizures than in epilepsy,
asynchronous movements of the extremities, atypical vocalization, particular movements of the head and pelvis,
etc.30 Nevertheless, the same authors also emphasize the fact that some epileptic patients have partial complex
seizures very similar to pseudoseizures, and also that in many pseudoseizures the phenomenology does not
correspond to the established clinical description. In the end, as Rowan states31, most authors agree on the fact
that, in general, one observes considerable variation in the phenomenology of pseudoseizures; some authors have
____________________
24 Cf. G. B. Young, P. C. Chandarana, W. T. Blume, R. S. McLachlan, D. G. Munoz, J. P. Girvin, “Mesial temporal lobe seizures
presenting as anxiety disorders,” The Journal of Neuropsychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, 1995, 7, pp. 352-357.
25 P. Richard, “Crises épileptiques ou crises fonctionnelles? Quelques situations où les crises posent des problèmes de
diagnostic,” Perspectives Psychiatriques, 1996, 35, 3, pp. 184-192 (p. 185).
26 Cf. C. Dravet, “Les crises et les syndromes épileptiques,” Perspectives Psychiatriques, 1996, 35, 3, pp. 177-183.
27 J. Kuyk, F. Leijten, H. Meinardi, P. Spinhoven, R. van Dyck, “The diagnosis of psychogenic non-epileptic seizures: A review,”
Seizure, 1997, 6, pp. 243-253.
28 Cf. E. Peguero, B. Abou-Khalil, T. Fakhoury, G. Mathews, “Self-injury and incontinence in psychogenic seizures,” Epilepsia,
1995, 36, 6, pp. 586-591; J. Kuyk, F. Leijten, H. Meinardi, P. Spinhoven, R. van Dyck, “The diagnosis of psychogenic non-
epileptic seizures: A review, ” op. cit.
29 Cf. T. A. Gulick, I. P. Sprinks, D. W. King, “Pseudoseizures: ictal phenomena,” Neurology, 1982, 32, 1, pp. 24-30.
30 Cf. T. L. Riley, Brannon, “Recognition of pseudoseizures,” The Journal of Family Practice, 1980, 10, 2, pp. 213-220; J. R.
Gates, V. Ramani, S. Whalen, R. Loewenson, “Ictal characteristics of pseudoseizures,” Archives of Neurology, 1985, 42, 12, pp.
1183-1187; P. A. Boon, P. D. Williamson, “The diagnosis of pseudoseizures,” Clinical Neurology and Neurosurgery, 1993, 95, 1,
pp. 1-8.
31 A. J. Rowan, “An introduction to current practice in the diagnosis of non-epileptic seizures,” in Non-Epileptic Seizures, A. J.
Rowan, J. R. Gates, Boston, Butterworth-Heinemann, 1993, pp. 1-7.
84 PHILIPPE FOUCHET
even published studies stating an absence of characteristics permitting the distinction between the two kinds of
seizures32.
Other epileptologists have studied certain hormonal modifications related to neurophysiological mechanisms in
seizures. It has been shown, for instance, that the prolactin level goes up slightly during an epileptic seizure (an
increase related to neurotransmitter activity in the hypothalamus). In the first analysis, this measurement seems
to have an important predictive value in real epileptic seizures. But it is a bad predictive element for
pseudoseizures, and epilepsy cannot be excluded even if there is no such increase33. In addition, two other kinds
of information modify the hypothesis of prolactin’s discriminative value: first, the level can also be high after
pseudoseizures, and second, repeated measurements in epileptic patients show a wide variation is possible in the
post-seizure prolactin levels of one and the same patient34.
Some epileptologists have proposed using suggestion as a complementary diagnostic procedure. The main
technique used is that of suggestion-induced seizures, often accompanied by the injection of a placebo presented
to the patient as a product likely to induce an epileptic seizure35. Many authors seem to think that this kind of
technique is an efficient and safe means of distinguishing epileptic seizures from pseudoseizures36. But even if
we put aside the ethical questions involved, it appears that such practices are not conclusive: some pseudo-
epileptic patients remain impervious to suggestion and, on the contrary, some epileptic patients can have a
seizure in response to suggestion37.
In the same sense, as Rowan38 or Kuyk et al.39 report, attempts at distinguishing between the two groups based
on psychiatric or psychological criteria have not yielded convincing results40. On one hand, the studies have
____________________
32 Cf. B. Scheepers, S. Budd, S. Curry, S. Elson, “Non-epileptic attack disorders: A clinical audit,” Seizure, 1994, 3, 2, pp. 129-
134.
33 M. S. Yerby, G. van Belle, P. N. Friel, A. J. Wilensky, “Serum prolactins in the diagnosis of epilepsy: Sensitivity, specificity,
and predictive value,” Neurology, 1987, 37, 7, pp. 1224-1226; G. P. Anzola, “Predictivity of plasma prolactin levels in
differentiating epilepsy from pseudoseizures: A prospective study,” Epilepsia, 1993, 34, 6, pp. 1044-1048.
34 J. Alving, “Serum prolactin levels are elevated also after pseudo-epileptic seizures,” Seizure, 1998, 7, 2, pp. 85-89.
35 Different variants can circumvent the injection, for instance using an “intensive” psychiatric interview for provoking
pseudoseizures during an EEG-video recording (cf. L. M. Cohen, G. F. Howard, B. Bongar, “Provocation of pseudoseizures by
psychiatric interview during EEG and video monitoring,” International Journal of Psychiatry in Medicine, 1992, 22, 2, pp. 131-
140.). But whatever procedure is used, the main idea is the same: that the induction of seizures through suggestion constitutes proof
(when there is no abnormal electric activity shown on the EEG) of their “pseudo-epileptic” nature.
36 Cf. C. W. Bazil, M. Kothari, D. Luciano, J. Moroney, S. Song, B. Vasquez, H. J. Weinreb, O. Devinsky, “Provocation of
nonepileptic seizures by suggestion in a general seizure population,” Epilepsia, 1994, 35, 4, pp. 768-770; J. D. Slater, M. C. Brown,
W. Jacobs, R. E. Ramsay, “Induction of pseudoseizures with intravenous saline placebo,” Epilepsia, 1995, 36, 6, pp. 580-585;
M. Bhatia, P. K. Sinha, S. Jain, M. V. Padma, M. C. Maheshwari, “Usefulness of short-term video EEG recording with saline
induction in pseudoseizures,” Acta Neurologica Scandinavica, 1997, 95, 6, pp. 363-366.
37 Cf. M. E. Drake, “Saline activation of pseudoepileptic seizures: Clinical EEG and neuropsychiatric observations,” Clinical
EEG (Electroencephalography), 1985, 16, 3, pp. 171-176; J. A. French, “The use of suggestion as a provocative test in the
diagnosis of psychogenic non-epileptic event” in: Non-Epileptic Seizures, op. cit., pp. 101-109; J. Kuyk, F. Leijten, H. Meinardi,
P. Spinhoven, R. van Dyck, “The diagnosis of psychogenic non-epileptic seizures: A review,” op. cit.
38 A. J. Rowan, “Diagnosis and management of nonepileptic seizures,” in Comprehensive evaluation and treatment of epilepsy:
A practical guide, S. C. Schachter, D. L. Schomer, San Diego, Academic Press, 1997, pp. 173-183.
39 J. Kuyk, F. Leijten, H. Meinardi, P. Spinhoven, R. van Dyck, “The diagnosis of psychogenic non-epileptic seizures: A review,”
op. cit.
40 Stores was able to come to the same conclusion in clinical practice with children and adolescents (G. Stores, “Practitioner
review: Recognition of pseudoseizures in children and adolescents,” Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, and Allied
Disciplines, 1999, 40, 6, pp. 851-857). In fact, he states that no criteria permit us to distinguish epileptic from pseudo-epileptic
episodes.
Epilepsy 85
shown that no psychological profile, no particular psychiatric or psychopathological category, can lead to the
possibility of distinguishing between an epileptic and a pseudo-epileptic patient; and on the other, psychiatric
evaluations of pseudo-epileptic patients show considerable variations among diagnoses and a combination of
psychiatric disorders for quite a few subjects41.
It is true that some studies would lead us to believe there must be a sub-group of pseudo-epileptic patients whose
seizures are more likely to be what is clinically considered as “hysterical convulsions”42. Still, most psychiatric
evaluations show, in variable proportions, almost all the possible DSM diagnoses. As Scheepers et al.43 report,
the phenomenon called pseudo-epilepsy (in which the diagnosis is made by excluding epilepsy) has undoubtedly
given the impression that it could be a clinical entity – but most studies contradict that hypothesis in the end.
With Kuyk et al.44, we can conclude that there are no distinctive criteria to be found among the psychiatric
illnesses, since the different pathologies evoked concerning pseudo-epileptic patients can also be found in
epileptic patients.
In the end it is so difficult to establish the distinction between epileptic and pseudo-epileptic seizures that one
could simply say “epileptic” and “pseudo-epileptic” seem to be two names for the same clinical phenomenon
that is sometimes accompanied by abnormal electrical brain activity and sometimes not (whether in one and the
same patient or many patients). In fact, Wyler et al.45 have clearly shown that, apart from the EEG (whose limits
we have pointed out), none of the tools generally used for diagnosing the epileptic or pseudo-epileptic nature of
the seizure offers sufficiently clear criteria. Their research, based on a “deep” EEG (so as to establish the
diagnosis with as much certainty as possible), indicates that none of the elements under consideration make
possible a distinction between the two: neither a precise description of the seizures, nor the neurological
examination, nor the patient history, nor the psychiatric or neuropsychological evaluation scales. In short, we
have no way of tracing a clear frontier between the two supposed classes of patient: even factors called
____________________
41 Cf. R. S. Stewart, R. Lovitt, R. M. Stewart, “Are hysterical seizures more than hysteria? A research diagnostic criteria, DSM-
III, and psychometric analysis,” American Journal of Psychiatry, 1982, 139, pp. 926-929; C. W. Vanderzant, B. Giordani,
S. Berent, F. E. Dreiffus, J. C Sackellares, “Personality of patient with pseudoseizures,” Neurology, 1986, 36, 5, pp. 664-668;
M. E. Drake, A. Pakalnis, B. B. Phillips, “Neuropsychological and psychiatric correlates of intractable pseudoseizures,” Seizure,
1992, 1, 1, pp. 11-13; C. B. Dodrill, A. J. Wilensky, “Neuropsychological abilities before and after 5 years of stable antiepileptic
drug therapy,” Epilepsia, 1992, 33, 2, pp. 327-334; E. S. Bowman, O. N. Markand, “Psychodynamics and psychiatric diagnoses
of pseudoseizures subjects,” American Journal of Psychiatry, 1996, 153, 1, pp. 57-63 ; P. M. Moore, G. A. Baker, “Non-epileptic
attack disorder: A psychological perspective,” Seizure, 1997, 6, 6, pp. 429-434; D. Kalogjera-Sackelleres, J. C. Sackellares,
“Analysis of MMPI patterns in patients with psychogenic pseudoseizures,” Seizure, 1997, 6, 6, pp. 419-427 ; A. M. Kanner,
J. Parra, M. Frey, G. Stebbin, S. Pierre-Louis, J. Iriarte, “Psychiatric and neurologic predictors of psychogenic pseudoseizures
outcome,” Neurology, 1999, 53, 5, pp. 933-938.
42 Some authors believe that there exists a sub-group of pseudo-epileptic patients whose seizures, presented as symptoms of the
“conversion” type, resemble a dissociative state (according to the DSM description). These seizures would be a kind of “somatic
communication” symbolizing some sexual abuse or physical violence suffered by the patient at an earlier time. The accent is on
the frequency and the supposed etiological importance of the sexual traumatisms and physical violence (these latter have become
an etiological explanation for many functional problems and various clinical syndromes). Yet the statistics reported by the majority
of authors (10 to 15% of antecedents of sexual abuse and physical violence among pseudo-epileptic patients) hardly differ, for
example, from those evoked by Greig and Betts concerning the proportion of antecedents of sexual abuse, estimated at 10 to 20%,
for the entire female population of Great Britain (E. Greig, T. Betts, “Epileptic seizures induced by sexual abuse. Pathogenic and
pathoplastic factors,” Seizure, 1992, 1, 4, pp. 269-274).
43 B. Scheepers, S. Budd, S. Curry, S. Elson, “Non-epileptic attack disorders: A clinical audit,” op. cit.
44 J. Kuyk, F. Leijten, H. Meinardi, P. Spinhoven, R. van Dyck, “The diagnosis of psychogenic non-epileptic seizures: A review,”
op. cit.
45 A. R. Wyler, B. P. Hermann, D. Blumer, E. T. Richey, “Pseudo-pseudoepileptic seizures,” in Non-Epileptic Seizures, op. cit.,
pp. 73-84.
86 PHILIPPE FOUCHET
“emotional” or “stress,” as described in the literature46, can precipitate or exaggerate epilepsy and pseudo-
epilepsy in the same way47.
To sum up, everything leads us to believe that there are no diagnostic criteria permitting the tracing of a clear
boundary between the two groups. In that case, would it not be more in keeping with all the results from these
studies to entertain the hypothesis that – with the exception of post-traumatic epilepsies linked to a cerebral
lesion – no such boundary exists and that these are indeed one and the same phenomenon that is sometimes
accompanied by abnormal electrical activity in the brain and sometimes not?
We will see that this question can be approached more precisely if we consider another clinical observation, that
of the frequency of the association between epilepsy and certain psychiatric disorders. The coexistence of
epilepsy and various psychiatric syndromes is not exceptional: the prevalence of major psychiatric disorders
among epileptic patients can be estimated at between 20 and 30%48, in spite of occasionally important variations
in these figures. Depression and psychosis are often cited as the most common psychiatric pathologies associated
with epilepsy.
Psychiatric disorders associated with epilepsy
Epilepsy and depression
We will not discuss here the very problematic nature of the supposed nosographic entity, “depression,” since its
clinical pertinence and etiological status are constantly being put into question.
It is nevertheless interesting to look at the clinical and theoretical observations proposed in neurological
literature concerning the frequency of the association between epilepsy and “depression.” It appears that the
presence of “depressive symptoms” among epileptics is correlated the resistance of epilepsy to anti-convulsive
medication. According to Lambert and Robertson49, psychiatric research conducted on patients with pharmaco-
resistant epilepsy indicates that two-thirds of these patients seem to have depressive symptoms or seem to have
had depressive episodes in the past. Thus, for Lambert and Robertson, epileptic depressions should be classed
with endogenous depressions, since the very high frequency of the association of pharmaco-resistant epilepsy
____________________
46 In a cognitive-behavioral approach, “stress” or “tension,” “conflicts,” a “feeling of being neglected,” “deceptions,” “pressure
to perform,” “depressive episodes,” “ange,r” “overexcitement,” “boredom,” “ menstrual periods,” “hunger,” “sexual stimulation,”
“happy events,” etc., are considered to be principal factors is the triggering of epileptic seizures (cf. L. Miller, “Psychotherapy of
epilepsy: Seizure control and psychosocial adjustment,” Journal of Cognitive Rehabilitation, 1994, 12, 1, pp.1 4-30 ; C. Schmid-
Schönbein, “Improvement of seizure control by psychological methods in patients with intractable epilepsy,” Seizure, 1998, 7, pp.
261-270). Note that the data presented in this type of study sometimes goes counter to the theoretical presuppositions of
researchers, who generally define “stress” as a factor, both psychological and biological, that tends to augment the frequency of
seizures. In fact, contrary to what psychologists expected to see, it is remarkable to note that, for certain patients, “disagreeable”
events do augment the frequency of seizures, but for others, such events provoke, on the contrary, their diminishment. (cf. R.
Neugebauer, M. Paik, W. A. Hauser, E. Nadel, I. Leppik, M. Susser, “Stressful life events and seizure frequency in patients with
epilepsy,” Epilepsia, 1994, 35, 2, pp. 336-343.).
47 Cf. H. McConnell, J. Veleriano, J. Brillman, “Prenuptial seizures: A report of five cases,” The Journal of Neuropsychiatry and
Clinical Neurosciences, 1995, 7, pp. 72-75.
48 Cf. P. Vuilleumier, P. Jallon, “Epilepsie et troubles psychiatriques: Données épidémiologiques,” Revue Neurologique, 1998,
154, 4, pp. 305-317. It is important to note, so these figures can carry their real weight, that the advent of seizures in relation to
taking psychotropic drugs seems extremely rare, in spite of the variations in the epileptogenic threshold (lower or higher depending
on the medication) provoked by certain molecules (cf. A. P. Popli, J. C. Kando, S. S. Pillay, M. Tohen, J. O. Cole, “Occurrence of
seizures related to psychotropic medication among psychiatric inpatients,” Psychiatric Services, 1995, 46, 5, pp. 486-488).
49 M. V. Lambert, M. M. Robertson, “Depression in epilepsy: Etiology, phenomenology, and treatment,” Epilepsia, 1999, 40, s10,
pp. 21-47.
Epilepsy 87
with depression makes a good argument in favor of the presence of genetic, endocrinological, and metabolic
etiological factors common to both pathologies (depression itself is considered, medically, as an illness).
Even more surprising, these authors suggest that the same genetic, endocrinological, and metabolic factors could
explain the frequency of “neurotic characteristics” or “psychotic symptoms” in this type of patient (the psychotic
or neurotic “characteristics” and “symptoms” being then considered as the consequences of an organic
dysfunction just like the so-called depression and thus also epilepsy) – as if the relation between certain
“psychiatric illnesses” and epilepsy constituted in itself a proof of the presence of a common biological factor.
This explanation is a good illustration of the bias of many studies in this area: clinical manifestations of so-called
depression or other psychiatric disorders among epileptic patients supposedly translate the presence of
neurobiochemical or genetic etiological processes at the origin of both the psychiatric illness and the resistance
to anti-epileptic medication – to such an extent that the “psychiatric” medication itself does not constitute a
treatment adequate to that resistance.
Yet one has only to abandon this prejudice to see another set of hypotheses appear, simpler and more in keeping
with clinical data: why not invert the terms of the question and consider pharmaco-resistance of epilepsy and the
frequency of the association of epilepsy with diverse psychiatric disorders as a sign that epilepsy is not a clinical
entity in itself, but rather a phenomenon whose appearance can accompany – or not – the symptomatology
(“depression” among others) of the more fundamental psychiatric clinical entities like neuroses and psychoses?
88 PHILIPPE FOUCHET
frequent association between epilepsy and psychosis: on the one hand, the rate of epileptic patients with
psychosis is higher than what would be expected if these two clinical entities were totally independent; on the
other, there are more epileptic seizures among psychotic patients than among the general population. In addition,
although no statistics can be produced in this area, professionals practicing in psychiatric institutions have often
observed the frequency of epilepsy in adult and infant psychoses
But the most startling, as summed up by Vuilleumier and Jallon56, is that the appearance of psychotic events
among epileptic patients is often negatively correlated with the frequency of seizures. In fact, one can often
observe an alternance between psychotic states and periods of epileptic seizures. It has even been possible to find
a particular phenomenon called “forced normalization,” in the course of which seizures and psychotic disorders
are in an “antithetical” relation: the psychotic symptoms appear precisely when the seizures disappear, the EEG
becomes more normal, even altogether normal, as compared to the EEG during the seizure57. Thus, not only are
epilepsy and psychosis associated more frequently than if there were no link between these two pathologies, but
their respective symptomologies are quite often in a relation of alternance that makes it possible to consider the
epileptic phenomenon as a kind of alternative to classical clinical manifestations of psychosis.
All these elements inevitably lead us to rethink epilepsy’s position in the framework of neurology and to
reconsider the relation of epilepsy and psychopathology.
Epilepsy 89
paralyses, various vision problems, visual hallucinations, tics, or vomiting of a functional nature, etc.) and that
could not be confused with “true epilepsy”60. And in his text “Dostoevsky and Parricide,” Freud seemed to feel
that the author of The Brothers Karamazov had seizures related to hysterical symptoms, not without saying that,
in the biographical information he had access to “our information about the relations between [the attacks] and
Dostoevsky’s experiences are defective and often contradictory”61. In the absence of any account, discourse, or
chain of thought from Dostoevsky, Freud admitted the fragility of his hypothesis. When he tackled neurosis,
Freud did put the accent on the articulation of the symptom with unconscious desire as it emerges in the
transference. As opposed to the hysterical symptom, epilepsy belongs to a different logic.
From another point of view, Freud envisaged a second opposition, this time within epilepsy itself, that is between
epilepsies in which “mental life is subjected to an alien disturbance from without,” and those in which “the
disturbance is an expression of psychic life itself.”62 In the first case, according to Freud, the seizures seem to
have a strictly organic origin: they appear to be “exterior” to mental life even though disrupting it (post-traumatic
epilepsies linked to a cerebral lesion, as we would say today). As for the second type of epilepsy, Freud proposed
the hypothesis of a possible intervention of the dimension of the drive in the onset of the seizures: the “amounts
of excitation” which it cannot deal with psychically would be liquidated “by somatic means.”63 Thus, even if
one has to admit that Freud did not manage to clear up certain ambiguities concerning the clinical distinctions
he tried to introduce64, the context of the article “Dostoevsky and Parricide”65 leads us to believe that the
liquidation “by somatic means” in question in this category of epilepsies seems to designate a different destiny
for the drive than hysterical conversion (in which the “amounts of excitation” are, on the contrary, psychically
linked to unconscious representations). Freud seems to consider that, in both cases, the epileptic seizure cannot
be confused with the hysterical symptom: either it is an epilepsy of organic origin that can have repercussions
on psychic life, or it is a manifestation of the drive that comes to disrupt the functioning of the organism in a
manner that appears to takes paths other than the “return of the repressed.”
It is important to note that these developments concerning epilepsy are situated in the prolongation of a remark,
made several years earlier, in which Freud underlined “the preponderant place taken by the death wish” in the
mechanisms of drive discharge involved in the epileptic attack66. And Ferenczi was to use these indications when
he proposed considering that “the epileptic seizure could be described as an attempt at suicide [...], only
symbolically suggested in benign cases, but really accomplished in extreme cases.”67 He thus suggests that the
epileptic seizure presents itself as the equivalent of a passage to the act qualified by the author as “suicidal.” He
also stresses the momentary absence of defenses in epileptic seizures: the defenses, he says “periodically, at a
____________________
60 S. Freud, J. Breuer, “Studies on Hysteria,” in The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud
(S.E.), Vol 2, Hogarth Press, London, 1956.
61 S. Freud (1928), “Dostoevsky and Parricide,” op. cit., p. 446.
62 Ibid., p. 466.
63 Ibid., p. 445.
64 These ambiguities in Freud’s text seem to have led some authors “of psychoanalytic inspiration” to envisage the epileptic
seizure as a neurotic symptom and to favor the imaginary or fantasy content over a structural study of the defense mechanisms:
repression, denial, forclosure.
65 “Dostoevsky and Parricide” is the only text of Freud’s to give epilepsy a relatively central position (but still along with other
questions not directly related). Apart from this text, epilepsy is barely mentioned, and only in a few rare cases. However precious
they may be, Freud’s indications leave this clinical area more or less a wasteland.
66 S. Freud (1923), “The Ego and the Id,” in S.E. (op. cit.) , Vol 19, Hogarth Press, London, 1962..
67 S. Ferenczi (1921), “A propos de la crise épileptique. Observations et réflexions,” in Psychanalyse III. Œuvres complètes
(1919-1926), tr. J. Dupont & M. Viliker, Payot, Paris, 1974, pp. 143-149 (p. 148).
90 PHILIPPE FOUCHET
certain moment, liberate these drives and let them go wild.”68 So it is by leaning on the concept of the death wish
that Ferenczi brings together a series of somatic manifestations (where epilepsy is then brought closer to certain
respiratory disorders, in particular bronchial asthma) that have in common the fact of being what he calls
“instinctual unleashing.”69 No doubt one should see in this image of outbursts (as opposed to enchaînement
through unconscious representations) the outline of a notion of “organ neurosis” through which it will end up by
differentiating the hysterical symptom from other syndromes today brought together as “psychosomatic
phenomena.” Although only slightly elaborated, the notion of “instinctual unleashing” seems to go in the
direction of the designation of a new category of clinical phenomena (distinct from conversion phenomena), in
which the instinctual dimension seems to manifest itself in a mark on the organism itself.
The frequency of the association with psychiatric disorders and the analogy with psychosomatic phenomena (an
analogy that suggests Freud’s and Ferenczi’s indications, but also the work of other psychoanalysts who later
became interested in epilepsy) will lead us to take up – in a future article– the phenomenon of epilepsy in the
area of a clinical theory of the drive. We will try to formulate in greater detail what Ferenczi was suggesting in
his idea of “instinctual unleashing.” In particular, we will try to make a distinction between the convulsive
seizure that stems from “hysterical conversion” and seizures (accompanied or not by abnormal electrical activity
in the brain) in which the logic of the drive appears to approach that of the psychosomatic phenomenon. Finally,
we will come to see that the epileptic phenomenon can serve in the context of a psychosis: it can function as the
localization of the “return in the real” of jouissance, offering an alternative to the passage to the act or other
classic manifestations of psychosis (like voice hallucinations, the feeling of being watched, paranoid
interpretation, etc.). We will see that locating this function is absolutely essential to the accompaniment of the
subject.
To put it in another way, we will try to specify the different kinds of clinical practice with a subject that
reintroduce the dimension of the drive foreclosed from the scientific approach to epilepsy. That is to say, paths
that allow for the possibility of introducing, implicitly, into the classical schemes of institutional medical
responsibility, an orientation of therapeutic accompaniment that will take into account, beyond the effects one
can see in the organism, the other real that causes them.
____________________
68 Ibid., p.148. Ferenczi returned to this hypothesis in 1929 in an article having to do with, as he said, “manifestations of the death
wish” that can be seen in this kind of organic disorder (S. Ferenczi (1929), “L’enfant mal accueilli et sa pulsion de mort,” in
Psychanalyse IV. Œuvres complètes (1927-1933), trans. J. Dupont et al., Paris, Payot, 1982, pp. 76-81. (p. 77)) and that is based
even more directly on the theoretical advances introduced by Freud in 1920 in Beyond the Pleasure Principle – where Freud lays
down the clinical foundation for the “death wish.”
69 S. Ferenczi (1929), “L’enfant mal accueilli et sa pulsion de mort,” op. cit. pp. 76-81; S. Ferenczi (1933), “Présentation abrégée
de la psychanalyse,” in Psychanalyse IV, op. cit., pp. 148-194.
Epilepsy 91
Catherine Lacaze-Paule
In 1895, Freud asked himself, in “Studies on Hysteria,”1 concerning the case of Elisabeth von R., why and how
“instead of, and in the place of, psychological pain that has been avoided, physical pain appears.” But as early
as 1884, in his first research projects on anesthesia as a young doctor, he was interested in the mechanism and
treatment of pain. As a scientist and a doctor, he used contemporary research, in particular concerning a
substance American Indians chewed: Coca. In keeping with the procedures of that time he experimented on
himself and published an article in which he outlined a certain number of therapeutic indications. When he left
to join his fiancée Martha, his notes on possible applications of Coca went to his young colleagues. It was Koller
who got the benefits – and the recognition – Koller is credited with the discovery of the applications of Coca to
local anesthesia in ophthalmology.
After meeting hysterics, Freud informed Fliess, in a letter dated April 2, 1896: “I am about to carry out the
philosophical wish to pass from medicine to psychology.”2 However in 1926, he would ask “the reader’s
indulgence” for his “timid remarks”3 on this question of pain: his wish was not to be fulfilled. However,
concerning the mechanisms of pain, his approach would thereafter always be scientific and organic rather than
psychological.
92 C AT H E R I N E L A C A Z E - PA U L E
with the positions of the subject. The multiple Greek roots of pain – pathos, algos, etc. – are not articulated
around the opposition of the physical and moral, but according to the degree of the subject’s implication in the
pain and modes of perception7. Temporality and source of the pain are what define the quality of feeling: pain
and sorrow are thus intimately related. The Latin root of the word dolor – dol – as early as the eleventh century,
also put the accent on the homology between pain and suffering, sorrow, and mourning. Mourning (deuil in
French) and pain or dolor (douleur in French) have the same root, their effects merge with the cause through
metonymy. The colloquial French expression la douloureuse means a bill to be paid. . .
Pain as signal
In the seventeenth century, the sensation of pain was a means for Descartes to see the union of the soul and the
body. In his Principes de la philosophie, he was interested in the pain of a phantom limb, based on the case of a
girl whose hand and forearm had been amputated. In line with his idea of the body-machine, he writes: “The pain
in the hand is felt by the soul not because it is in the hand but because it is in the brain.”10 Pain is not felt at the
painful point, but in the brain, site of the soul. Thus, pain becomes a danger signal, a protection for the organism.
This idea is a step in the elaboration and integration of the treatment of pain by medicine. Descartes opens the
way to research on the localization of cerebral functions. This localization will make possible materialist
interpretations of pain.
Up until the middle of the nineteenth century, pain was seen as a necessary and useful evil. It was regarded as a
sign of vitality. The medical profession was relatively indifferent to pain. So the surgeon Velpeau, who took part
in the great debates on anesthesia, could say – in connection with the utilization of ether: “Is the fact that a patient
suffers less or more of any interest to the Academy of Sciences?”11 Marc-Antoine Petit, at the beginning of the
nineteenth century, said about pain: “This bitter fruit of nature hides the seed of great good, it is a salutary effort,
a cry of sensitivity that informs our intelligence of the danger that threatens us, it is the thunder before the
____________________
7 R. Rey, L’histoire de la douleur, La Découverte, Paris, 1993, p. 19.
8 Ibid..
9 Cf. The Gaffiot Latin-French dictionary.
10 R. Descartes, Principes de la philosophie, IV° partie, Gallimard, La Pléiade, Paris, p. 659.
11 Cf. R. Rey, L’histoire de la douleur, op. cit.
Abandoning sense
Nevertheless, the most eminent scientific and medical discoveries would permit the nineteenth century to
become the century of anesthesia for pain.14 Scientific progress and laicized medical ideas detached pain from
the idea of utility. Scientific advances took the Judeo-Christian sense out of pain, and therapeutic progress made
it an interesting subject for research. The turning point was in 1847, a year of great medical innovations in the
field of anesthesia. Morphine, ether, and chloroform were used experimentally for anesthesia during surgery,
then extended to other indications, in chronic diseases. Many debates were held at the Academy of Sciences, trial
and error in dosages did not retard the use of these processes or the development of drugs, surgeries, and
techniques increasingly effective for any type of pain. New questions remained unanswered. How could we
understand that pain can persist after the initial lesion has been healed? Why are some lesions unaccompanied
by pain?
It was almost a century later, in 1937, that Rene Leriche, a great pain surgeon, came up with the modern idea of
pain. His insight was to disengage pain from its association with utility or as a vital signal or safeguard: “The
number of illnesses revealed by pain is negligible, and generally, when pain accompanies them, it only serves to
mislead us.”15 For Leriche, pain did not have much value, either for diagnostic purposes, or for prognoses; on
the other hand, it could, itself, be a disease that had to be treated. Thanks to Leriche, the saving value of pain
was radically contested, then abandoned. It lost, in medicine, its sense; it became useless and harmful. Moreover,
Leriche made pain a disease in itself, he paved the way for a distinction between acute and chronic pain, he
connected subjectivity to this reality: “Man creates his own pain, like he creates an illness or his mourning, more
than he receives or is subjected to it.”16
At the end of the twentieth century, pain is not well thought of, its presence is stalked, it has to be chased away.
For more than ten years, in France, a governmental program has made it an obligation for hospital care-givers,
to carry around an instrument that measures pain visually and registers, for each patient, an evaluation of the pain
he or she feels on a scale from one to ten. One is the minimum pain threshold it registers, ten the maximum
supportable. The slogan that accompanies this prerogative is “Pain is no longer a fatality. Let us refuse it!”
Physical and moral pain increasingly lead to continually changing protocols. However, in spite of the means set
up to fight it, far from being eliminated, pain is back in our midst.
94 C AT H E R I N E L A C A Z E - PA U L E
the great physical effort it once did. Even if scientifically organized work can create excess through the repetition
of gestures that generate other kinds of suffering, this tendency too is lessening. The body is anaesthetized,
locally or completely, for each painful medical act. Physical suffering fades or subsides, just like chemically
treated mental pain, which is psychologically cared for more frequently and earlier.
However, some practices seem to seek out and defy this diminished status of pain. In high-level sports, pain is
not considered to be negligible or derisory, or seen as inevitable – and even desirable. In body-marking practices,
pain, far from being avoided, can be desired for itself. Certain artists make the body a work of art; the skin is
painted and decorated, the hypodermis worked and carved. Certain practices are becoming fashionable: in
”body-sculpting,” implants can transform the body. The most extreme practices are becoming commonplace:
branding (applying a design to the skin with a red-hot iron), burning (burns highlighted with inks), cutting
(inscribing figures or drawings with a scalpel), peeling (taking away the skin’s surface), implants of metal balls
or various coins under the skin, etc. Piercing of the tongue and the genitals are, according to some, marks which
intensify erotic feelings.17 Pain, far from being an impediment, is sought after in these practices as satisfaction.
This growing attraction responds to a feeling of the incompleteness of a body that must be completed, improved,
finished, and tested through pain. All these representations and practices of the body-in-pieces, transformed and
mutilated, testify to a kind of a muddled idea of the body. What is one to do with one’s body?18 That is the
question today.
____________________
19 S. Freud, Studies on Hysteria, op. cit., p. 247.
20 Ibid., p. 253.
21 Ibid., p. 248.
22 J. Lacan, Le Séminaire Livre V, Les formations de l’inconscient, Seuil, Paris, 1998, p. 327.
23 Ibid.
24 Ibid., p. 328.
25 Ibid.
26 J. Lacan, “La psychanalyse et son enseignement,” Écrits, Seuil, Paris, 1966, p. 287.
27 J. Lacan, The Seminar of Jacques Lacan (ed. J.-A. Miller). Book XX, Encore 1972-1973. Tr. Bruce Fink. Norton, New York, 1998.
p. 3.
28 Cf. Greps, Le phénomène psychosomatique et la psychanalyse, Navarin, Analytica, n°48.
96 C AT H E R I N E L A C A Z E - PA U L E
subject and its affects29. The back escapes the mirror; it cannot be seen or imagined. Like all organs, it is felt
only through pain. This pain leads to immobility, it can solidify a person in petrifaction – here we can see the
truth of the legend of Daphne petrified, evoked by Lacan.
These two aspects of pain, signifying determination and jouissance, can be body events. Sensitive to words, these
events can either be symptoms of hysterical conversion, or psychosomatic phenomena. We will approach two
cases of neurosis here30 that refer to psychosomatic phenomena. These two cases together will make it possible
to show different facets of the subjective function of pain. They show in particular that pain, a body event, can
be related to statements of the subject, and how these subjects can – or not – constitute them as symptom.
98 C AT H E R I N E L A C A Z E - PA U L E
the stage. The pains only appeared when she was not on stage. She remembered the different circumstances of
her life when she was on her “bed of pain,” as she called it, unable to move. “The more I sing, the less back pain
I have” she said.
The patient’s mother had been separated from her father when pregnant, but the father recognized the child. She
retained a very early memory, from when she was one year old, the deep voice of her father leaning over the
cradle to offer her a present. At the age of two, ill with a primary infection, she was sent to a sanatorium for
several months. The relations with the father would have been interrupted at that time. She had never wanted to
know what had become of him until her own child was born. She found him. She now knew he was alive but
did not wish to meet him. When she was six, her mother remarried; this new husband raised her and she adored
him. He died one year after she had started to sing. She started singing under his name, out of love for him. Then,
for the sake of her career, she was asked to find a stage name. She created one made up of her father’s name and
that of the main character in La Traviata for whom she had a real passion and with whom she identified. When
she was seventeen, on a trip to Italy, she visited La Scala and forged the dream of singing La Traviata there. It
appears stupid and absurd to her, because she did not have the right voice for that. She defends herself against
the idea, but never forgot it.
A recurring dream, typical of singers (as she said), nevertheless showed her as believing in the possibility of
having that deep voice she lacked. “Someone asks me to sing, I do not know what to sing. When I open my
mouth, I do not know this repertory. Then I sing, and I hear myself with a deep voice.” This dream oppressed
her, she recognized there the deep voice she had developed over the years. It was her husband, her “ear,” who
first heard it. It seemed that this new tonality of voice had appeared when she gave birth to her son and her
husband said it was heard at once. That frightened and surprised her. Nevertheless, since then she had worked to
find and develop this new register, a deeper voice. This voice she acquired is a voice that “dopes” her: she can
sing without tiring, as if in a “trance.” She can now say that she always dreamt of that.
This subject thus alternated between two positions: on stage and off. The phallic identification with the father
incarnated by the object “voice” and condensed on the three levels of the imaginary, the real and the symbolic,
sustained the subject’s desire and jouissance. The appearing of the body on stage provoked by the gaze and the
voice is tied to the subject's invented stage name. But the off-stage part – pregnancy, illness, the organic thorn
of back pain, or even of her “condition” as wife and woman – caused a shunt in the circuit of the subject’s
jouissance. The pain appeared in this context as something helpful and as a recourse that the subject throws
herself into, which is what the back pain incarnates and condenses.
Like the Lady of the Camellias, she finds herself alone and abandoned in illness. The illness is what returns her
to her existential pain; it is a repetition of the abandonment she felt when she was sent to the sanatorium. Not
giving up singing, making that the cause of her desire, is the solution she consented to. What remains in question,
starting from this specific jouissance, body jouissance and body phenomenon, is this jouissance of the being not
situated in a relationship with the Other, but beyond identifications. For that, she must accept making a detour
via the register of the Other scene.
It is by linking the body to the subject’s utterances, in the relationship the subject maintains with what he/she
says, that a subject’s positions of jouissance are singularly determined. Between body and speech, there is life.
The living body can be precisely what the painful body incarnates. Still, it is necessary to see the imaginary,
specular body that doubles that of the organism; then the symbolic, where the signifying chain is articulated; and
finally the living body “life, which is a condition of jouissance.”37 Pain can be a factor in this sudden appearance
of paradoxical jouissance.
____________________
37 J.-A. Miller, “Biologie lacanienne et événement de corps,” op. cit.
____________________
38 J.-A. Miller, “Présentation des Autres écrits,” Autres écrits, Seuil, Paris, 2001.
100 C AT H E R I N E L A C A Z E - PA U L E
Béatrice Serre
A Case of Alopecia
In my dermatological consultations, I encourage certain patients to tell me more about what has happened to
them, depending upon whether or not I think they might wish to express themselves at further length.*
In this article, I will be relating interviews I had with a woman who had suffered from alopecia for many years;
moreover, I will try to point out, based on her conversations with me, significant scansions occurring during the
course of our interviews regarding triggering, remissions, and even aggravations. Thus, ideas concerning the
demand or the wish of the Other, summoning up in particular the figure of Dominique’s mother or that of her
sister, would seem a necessary focus in this attempt to elucidate the case. It is crucial here that we do not delve
into what such a wish or need would objectify. Indeed this is the way Dominique subjectified such a desire or
such a wish, and therefore it seems essential that we conclude, on the basis of her interviews, that such had been
her subjectification of the Other in question.
An elision of being
Long before Dominique learned to talk, at the age of nine months, an important event occurred which caused a
rupture in the care she received: her mother contracted poliomyelitis and remained bedridden for a period of
somewhere between six months to one year. Dominique was often accused by her mother of being the cause of
her illness. It was thus her sister who took care of her, though she had never been known to be affectionate with
children. In fact, she had always refused to play with Dominique. The mother had also spent time in an asylum
when Dominique was nine years old. She often threatened to kill herself and Dominique was very afraid she
would die.
The mother made it clear that she did not want children – above all, not a girl – and that she had only married
in order to escape her own family. She did not love her husband. These were words that Dominique heard very
early on. She did not remember her mother ever smiling or ever showing her any affection. Instead, she showed
only signs of hostility and hatred as evidenced in the refrain, “you’ll end up a whore like your sister!”
Dominique, if we go back a bit further, cannot remember anything about her early childhood. However, she did
hear her mother tell her father to watch out by saying, “I feel like strangling Dominique!” Dominique thus
remembers being very afraid when returning home after school. Moreover, in the same vein, her mother
confused Dominique’s date of birth, February 1963, with that of the death of her mother in February 1962.
This young woman, confronted with the evidence of her mother’s rejection, rarely reacted to it. However, she
remembers it in a particular and probably unique manner: she recounts that when she had appendicitis, when she
was about twenty years old, she did not want to be operated on because of the anesthesia and, upon waking up,
she slapped her mother in the face.
Dominique loves her father and it is important to say that he is bald. She hopes that her mother will die before
he does so that she can see him again. In fact, for about three years now, Dominique has not seen her parents.
This rupture came about because of a letter Dominique wrote them. This letter was motivated by the anger and
distress of her sister, who Dominique had seen crying because of all that her mother had made her suffer.
Some years after Christiane’s return, one of Dominique’s very close friends tried to commit suicide several
102 B É AT R I C E S E R R E
times. The number of alopecia patches augmented. This was the second incident of hair loss. Did this period echo
the fear she had experienced upon the disappearance of her sister – a disappearance which had not, in fact,
provoked her hair loss in the first place?
The third serious incident of alopecia occurred when she was 29 years old, eight years after it had first occurred.
The context is as follows: the two sisters were no longer speaking since Dominique had, for the first time, refused
to go with Christiane by car to visit their parents, though she had not yet broken off with them. This “no” was
in response to Christiane’s repeated refusal to do her a favor despite the fact that she, Dominique, had always
done what her sister had asked of her. Through the parents, Christiane asks to take back a painting that she had
given Dominique and which had been given to her as a gift on the occasion of her son’s birth. Dominique
answered her parents: “she can come and get it,” but then took it to her parents’ home herself and without seeing
Christiane. It was at this point that the third incident of hair loss occurred. She pulled out the little hair remaining,
explaining that the hair actually falling out was worse than the alopecia itself. After this third serious incident,
Dominique bought a wig that she only kept for a few weeks. Dominique was convinced that everyone knew it
was a wig.
Dominique divorced her first husband, the mechanic, after the third incident of hair loss. Annoyed, she
reproached him for being too kind, for doing everything she wanted him to. She was bored with him. The divorce
did not aggravate the hair loss. A few patches of hair remained.
104 B É AT R I C E S E R R E
was symbolized in the parents discourse, just as if their elder daughter had never existed: neither as a subject,
nor even as a being. By not giving any consistency to this absence, the parents were sending a message which
could be likened to a cancellation of Christiane’s existence: whether she was there or not was of no importance.
We are confronted here with the total cancellation of a being on the levels of the symbolic, the imaginary, and
the real which cause one to exist for the Other. Is this not what was being represented when the hair fell out?
After some of the hair had grown back, the second incident of alopecia occurred when a friend, who Dominique
had treated maternally, made attempts to take her own life. This could not help but bring back the memory of the
failure in the maternal role not only of her mother but also of her substitute, Christiane. The care Dominique gave
her friend appears to have been a retroactive attempt – through a specular identification to the friend – to sustain
herself in her sister’s desire. But what is reactivated is the situation in which she did not count as the love-object
for her mother and her sister. Do we not find ourselves confronted here with the problem of the elision of the
subject’s being?
A third incident of alopecia happened when Christiane asked to take back the painting that she had given
Dominique – a painting that had been given to Christiane when her son was born. This painting had represented
a giving of maternal love on the part of her elder sister. When she decided to take it back, she erased the value
formerly placed in the gift and at the same time took away the symbolic support it had represented.
A fourth incident of hair loss occurred when Dominique was repeatedly refused jobs. While she was trying to
find a certain consistency of being in presenting herself as a bald woman, what she understands the Other to say
is that she is not desirable as such. She is sent yet again the message signaling her non-existence in the desire of
the Other – a non-existence that is signaled in the register of the gaze. We should note that, on the other hand,
the unfair dismissal from her job did not result in the aggravation of hair loss – certainly because it showed that
she was inscribed in the desire of the Other: she was thought to be desired by the man who later would become
her husband and this had not failed to incite the jealousy of their employer.
The fifth incident of alopecia coincided with the moment when she was told: “I didn’t know Christiane had a
sister.” Her own being was put into question when met by her sister’s silence regarding her existence. She
retroactively sees her non-existence as a being of the drive, as subject of demand, in the desire of the Other to
whom she had addressed her demand for love.
Moving from the writing in the real to “style”: a transformation of the subject
What status should we give Dominique’s alopecia? Could it be said that her baldness is the inscription in the real
that signals the precariousness of her being as subject? A transformation in the subject indicates that Dominique
puts an emphasis on, and gives a face to, her alopecia – separate from its original meaning – starting from the
moment that she decides to stop wearing a wig. She seems here to be “reclaiming” in no uncertain terms her
alopecia in order to situate herself as one who exists in the Other’s gaze. She regards this “reclaiming” as a
challenge. Equally, and on the same level, she wants to unmask the imposture of other women, reinforcing her
own existence as one who does not hide herself: “I, for one, accept myself,” she might have said. Dominique
attempts a demonstration which is contrary to that of the non-existence of her being as subject. She creates, by
way of this real, a mode of seduction, a relationship of rivalry with other women: she creates a style.
Before deciding to stop wearing it, her non-existence had been hidden by the wig. After getting rid of the wig,
the manner in which the world viewed her subsumed her thoughts. The alopecia became the image of her
existence: we could refer to this as an imaginarization or specularization of the real.
Within this transformation, the register of the gaze is prevalent. However, insofar as this psychosomatic
phenomenon itself appears in the field of the gaze, what she reveals here is something which is falling from her
being, which is falling into the real. She reveals a mutilation of her being. Something in the register of the scopic
drive may have more or less structured itself in a prevalent way in the relationship with the Other. Here, the
question becomes whether what she was able to understand concerning the existence of her being does not fall
entirely into the sphere of the gaze. Within this desire of the mortifying Other, because Dominique does not lean
on her own demand, she leans on the register of the scopic drive in order to support her existence.
What this loss of hair shows is that she has found her substance and her subsistence in her relationship to the
Other in the register of the gaze, where something of her desire is structured and preserved. This hypothesis finds
106 B É AT R I C E S E R R E
its support in the secondary usage Dominique makes of her baldness, a usage that presents itself in the
appearance of hysterical desire – a style that combines seduction and a sense of challenge.
Following this logic regarding the scopic drive, why was psoriasis not triggered in Dominique’s case? This is
obviously an abstract question, removed from the present case, but let us not forget that, contrary to subjects
suffering from psoriasis who create “too much,” patients with alopecia create a “lack.” Subjects with psoriasis
probably exist too much in the demand of the Other. There we would find a context, in terms of the subject’s
relationship to the eroticization of the being in the demand, which is the opposite of that of subjects affected by
alopecia.
The clinical observations in Dominique’s case seem to correspond to a logical temporality which, following the
cue of the subject within the desire of the Other, causes the hair to fall out or to grow back. When, in the register
of alienation, this desire is absent and when its being is no longer supported, the hair falls out. When the subject
finds its existence confirmed in the desire of the Other or, through its own desire, he/she takes a step regarding
this desire of the Other, the hair grows back. Here, where the subject could react to its elision through fantasy,
through a symptom, through anguish, through aggressiveness, she reacts with an alteration of the real of her
body, where she is not represented symbolically but offers herself up nevertheless in order to represent
something for an other in the field of the gaze. If the subject is not represented in its psychosomatic phenomenon,
it still manages to signify something for the Other. Could this be the mark, in Dominique’s case, of that which
is maintained of her desire even though she is no longer subject in it?
The right of patients to information – in medicine, through external forces – increases to the extent that one
considers them to be a subject in their own right, as responsible and as having a right to know what their health
professionals know about them. Following the example of information in other areas of their lives – professional,
banking, citizenship, etc. – those concerning their state of health also belong to them by right, as stipulated in
the French Code of Public Health decree dated 29 April 2002.1
As far as psychoanalysis is concerned, an initial question arises: are we dealing with the ill? What can the nature
of this information in psychoanalysis be? Is the medical model transposable into the analytic situation? Is the
model of medical or surgical services transposable as such into psychiatric services, and, a fortiori, to an
institution conceivable on the basis of psychoanalysis?
Not all psychoanalysts are doctors or psychologists and, even for those who are, while they practice
psychoanalysis they do not do so in the name of anything that could include them in this professional field. Can
they practice in these institutions, on the basis of what guarantee and how are they to respond to the legal
requirements, for example in the matter of information?
Seeing an analyst and commencing an analysis arises from a personal decision and a dyadic commitment that
implicates the analyst and whoever asks to be taken into analysis. Anyone who chooses to do an analysis does
not define him or herself as ill, even if it is psychical or physical suffering that has led him or her to take this
step. A psychoanalyst will not call this type of demand into question, even though, in his practice, his focus is
beyond the alleviation of symptoms. Instead of the term “patient,” inherited from the beginnings of
psychoanalysis, we prefer the term “analysand,” which Jacques Lacan proposed.
This approach can take a different form when psychoanalysts practice outside the strict framework of the analytic
consulting room – in an institution, for instance. In this practice of “applied psychoanalysis,” the psychoanalyst’s
interest also includes the reasons for the patient’s presence in the place in which he is intervening. A
psychoanalyst is implicated in this institutional context in just the same way as everyone else is. More broadly,
whatever the context might be in which psychoanalysts intervene, “being implicated” does not derive from the
law, but arises from the ethics of their position in their practice.
_____________________
1 Decree no. 2002-737, 29 April 2002, relative to access to personal information held by health professionals in application of articles
L. 1111-7 and L. 1112-1 of the French Code of Public Health. JORF. no. 101, 30 April 2002, p. 7790.
2 “Charter for hospitalized patients”. Appendix to the French Ministerial Circular no. 95-22, 6 May 1995, relative to the rights of
hospitalised patients.
Singularity
The relationship with a psychoanalyst rests on a verbal contract between two people, the analyst and the patient
who has requested an analysis. This is not just an easy thing to say, but arises from the very complex and subtle
establishment of the analytic arrangement. It is the analyst’s act that, through the transference, makes it possible
in the preliminary interviews to uncover that area that the psychoanalysis is going to focus on. That is to say,
well before an analysis commences, the patient has already provided the analyst with a lot of information about
_____________________
3 J. Lacan, “La science et la vérité,” Écrits, Paris: Seuil, 1966, p. 858.
Objects of value
Depositing objects of value with the analyst is mentioned here less for its frequency than for the particularity that
it introduces into the practice of the psychoanalyst, both in private practice and in institutions. It is very rare,
perhaps exceptional even, that a psychoanalyst will agree to be a depositary of these objects of value. Very
special circumstances must arise. Most often, these are situations in which the patient performs this gesture as a
last resort to protect a good that he feels is in danger from an imminent passage to the act that he believes he can
no longer control.
This step can also be inscribed in a delusional context dominated by an experience of menace, the fear of
spoliation, or by the seizure of goods – not always wrongly, moreover! For other patients it may be part of a
favorable development as in the case recounted by a patient who deposited her most precious jewels with her
analyst and attributing to them, in the time of the session, an ordering that re-established a semblance of
coherence, of symbolic order in her life.5
If the analyst is able to agree to receiving, under very special conditions, the deposit of objects of value, this can
only be temporarily. He is not their owner. These object, when necessary, re-enter the legal field that regulates
them. This even becomes an imperative in an institution.
The death of an analysand
In the case of the death of a patient, the next of kin can have access to the medical files – unless the deceased
opposed this during his or her own lifetime – in order to ascertain the causes of death, preserve the memory of
_____________________
5 O. Ventura, “Une femme prodigue”, L’amour dans les psychoses, Institut du Champ freudien, Journées des Sections cliniques,
XIIèmes Rencontres internationales du Champ freudien, Paris, 20-21 July 2002, pp. 49-62.