plaza

C E N T E R F O R L I B E R A L I S M & D E M O C R AC Y

FIRST QUARTER 2020 | MAIDEN ISSUE

MIR A N D A

Rice
TARRIFICATION, RECOMMENDATIONS
& CLARIFICATIONS

SMART CITIES: WELLSPRINGS ANG DAMNATION: BREAKING DOWN

HOW TO OF PERPETUAL KATOTOHANAN DAMS, DOORS, WALLS
ADDRESS THE HOPE AY HINDI INCITING DICTATORS & & CEILINGS
URBAN MESS TO SEDITION DISINFORMATION

1
editor’s
MESSAGE
Why Plaza Miranda?
“This life is no longer mine. It is
a borrowed life, a life entrusted to
me. My remaining time and strength
I dedicate to God, my fellowmen and
my country.”
These were the words uttered
by the late Senate President Jovito
“Ka Jovy” Salonga (1920-2016),
statesman, patriot, World War II
hero, political prisoner, intellectual,
author of several groundbreaking
books, civil society stalwart, pillar
of Philippine liberalism, and the best
president this country never had.
The fearless and peerless Ka Jovy
barely survived (his many doctors
gave him a less than five percent
chance of surviving) the bombing
of Plaza Miranda during the Liberal
Party (LP) miting de avance on 21
2
August 1971. The two grenades
hurled during the rally resulted in nine
fatalities and the injury of almost
a hundred people, including many
prominent Liberals like Senators
Gerry Roxas, Eva Estrada Kalaw and
Sergio Osmena, Jr.
In 2008 during the incident’s
anniversary, a commemorative
plaque was installed in Plaza Miranda
by the Liberal Party, which noted, “ As
a popular venue for political rallies,
Plaza Miranda represents the Filipino
people’s democratic aspirations.
Its bombing…underscored the
intolerance of a dictatorship that
would soon shackle the country for
14 years. During the Martial Law
regime, several LP leaders were
jailed, exiled or murdered. The Plaza
Miranda bombing is etched in the
consciousness of every Filipino
Liberal for it is a reminder of the
party’s commitment to democracy
and sacrifice to the people despite
the odds and regardless of the price.”
It was no surprise, therefore,
that then Liberal Party Secretary
General, Senator Benigno “Ninoy”
Aquino, Jr., a cellmate of Ka Jovy,
chose the 12th anniversary of this
incident to return from his exile in
America. And like many LP stalwarts
including Mayor Cesar Climaco,
Congressman Jose Lingad, and
Governor Evelio Javier, Ninoy paid
the ultimate price.
Plaza Miranda is published by the
Center of Liberalism & Democracy
(CLD), the Philippine liberal institute
that provides policy recommendations
and advocates freedom and
democracy, with the support of the
Friedrich Naumann Foundation and
the Liberal Party. As CLD’s quarterly
magazine, Plaza Miranda is envisioned
as a dynamic forum for insightful
discussions on key issues vis-a-
vis the liberal principles that this
organization advocates: freedom
and democracy; justice, social equity
and human rights; and inclusive and
sustainable development.
As can be gleaned from the
articles and speeches featured in
this issue, these are very challenging
times for Filipinos in general, and
most especially, for Liberals. The
country’s most famous prisoner of
conscience, Senator Leila de Lima,
has been in detention for more than
a thousand days. After appointing
Vice President Leni Robredo to a vital
government post, President Duterte

soon publicly declared that he did not
trust her before unceremoniously
firing her. This is but one of the many
tirades that she has to endure from
the president and his factotums
that, sadly, include misogynistic
slurs. And the minority Liberals in
both houses of congress are either
ignored or baselessly accused
of inciting sedition or instigating
destabilization plots whenever they
express dissenting views.
The continued and sustained
demonization of the dilawan is
exacerbated by the twin scourges
of populism and “fake news”,
which are both causes and
consequences of the Post Truth
Era. Annie Poulx observed “social
media’s manipulation of a credulous
population, a population dividing into
bitter tribal cultures (resulting in) a
massive shift from representative
democracy to something called viral
direct democracy, now cascading
over us in a garbage-laden tsunami
of raw data.”
We do not entertain any illusion
that Plaza Miranda can have an
impact in terms of halting the
continuing cascade of this garbage-
laden tsunami. But the important
thing is to create more spaces for
freedom and democracy. This is the
niche that we seek to create—for
liberal voices, faint as they may be
at the moment, to echo even within
the wilderness of deceit. ISSN:
Welcome to the maiden issue of
Plaza Miranda!
JOHN JOSEPH S. CORONEL
coronel@cld.ph
contents
MAIDEN ISSUE
6 Smart Cities: How to Address the Urban Mess
by Elroy Rendor
10 Wellsprings of Perpetual Hope
Speech by Vice President Leni Robredo
14 Rice: Tarrification, Recommendations
& Clarifications
Cover Article by Gerry Bulatao
20 Rice Imports: More to Blame for Palay Crisis?
Postscript by Gerry Bulatao
25 Ang Katotohanan ay Katotohanan at Hindi
Inciting to Sedition
Speech by Cong. Kit Belmonte
28 DamNation
by John Coronel
38 Breaking Down Doors, Walls & Ceilings
Speech by Dinagat Islands
Governor Kaka Bag-ao
42 CLD Events in Pictures
Publisher: Center for Liberalism & Democracy
Editor: John Joseph S. Coronel
Design & Layout: G. Mercader
Contributors: Gerry Bulatao, Jed Elroy E. Rendor
Email: plazamiranda@cld.ph
Printer: Cover & Pages Corporation
Frequency: Quarterly
with the support of the
Friedrich Naumann Foundation and the Liberal Party
The views, thoughts, and opinions expressed in this magazine belong
solely to the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the official position of
the publisher and its affiliate organizations.
3
 feature
ARTICLE

Smart Cities
How to Address the Urban Mess
JED ELROY E. RENDOR

When you think of the Philippines,
what images come to mind?
Sprawling rice fields and pristine
beaches? Or, perhaps, messy
traffic and informal settlements?
How about a hub of vibrant,
model, and future-ready cities?
Beyond thrusts of making cities sustainable or
green, efforts have shifted towards making cities
“smart.” A smart city is usually characterized
by artificial intelligence (AI), internet-of-
things (IoT), big data, and other technological
innovations in city management—technologies
that have not yet seen country-wide application
in the Philippines. But is it worth pursuing? The
answers lie in the urbanization context of the
Philippines and its defining problems.

4
 URBANIZATION IN THE PHILIPPINES
The Philippines is increasingly becoming more
urban. From a third of Filipinos living in cities in
1960, this grew to 46.68% in 2017 (World Bank
2018). But the trend has not been simple. There
were years where rural population grew faster,
less people moved to cities, or more people
chose to live outside of cities but commuted
to work in the city. Two factors stand out in
shaping these decisions.
Regional Inequality
Photo by Christian Paul Del Rosario from Pexels
As the size of the whole pie (the GDP of the
country) increases, so does the slice (the
regional GDP) of the National Capital Region
(NCR), adjacent Regions III (Central Luzon)
and IV-A (Calabarzon) and regional centers
Region VII (Central Visayas) and Region XI
(Davao Region) (see Figure 1). One factor is the
expansion of the services sector that (i) has
been driving the growth of the country (see
Figure 2) and (ii) choose to locate in urban
centers.
Source: “Gross Regional Domestic Product” from the OpenStat portal (Philippine Statistics Authority 2019)
Another key factor is the distance of provinces
from NCR and its effect on infrastructure
allocation and in per capita income. When
sorting provincial per capita income by distance
from NCR (see Figure 3), smaller centers of
development can be found such as Benguet
(which includes Baguio), Ilocos Sur, Iloilo,
and Isabela City. Distance from NCR shapes
infrastructure budget allocation where nearer
and/or priority areas get larger allocations. In
turn, higher infrastructure allocation increases
per capita income (Rendor 2018).
The role of the services sector and
the relationship between distance and
infrastructure allocation raise two important
matters. First, growth can and must be
brought outside of the NCR. And that this
growth can be spurred by intentional (i)
infrastructure investments and (ii) entry of
the services sector—both drive technologies
and innovations too. This requires us to look
at different cities and local government units
(LGUs) instead of focusing only on NCR when
developing smart strategies.
5
 Source: “Gross National Income And Gross Domestic Product by Industrial Origin” from the OpenStat portal (Philippine Statistics Authority 2019)
Source: “Family Income and Expenditure Survey” from the eFOI portal (Philippine Statistics Authority 2017)
Transportation Issues
Meanwhile, transportation is another key
variable in urban economics that shape where
businesses and households choose to locate.
When moving goods and services from suburbs
to the city is more expensive than the renting
in the city center, more firms will stay closer
to the central business district (CBD) (Fujita
1989). This also applies to households—the poor
lives closer to the CBD as it is easier and more
affordable to find jobs by staying close to the
CBD, while the better-off can afford the travel
costs when living farther from the CBD (Alonso
1964 & Muth 1969).
We observe this in the Philippines due to
the lack of transportation options. With an
overwhelming nighttime population of 12.88
6
million in 2015 (Philippine Statistics Authority
2016), NCR population swells to around 16
million during the day (Porio 2011). However,
rail usage averages to only 1.164 million users
a day in 2013 (Philippine Statistics Authority
2013). This high demand for vehicle use
creates congestion especially in cities but it
has socioeconomic costs. Japan International
Cooperation Agency (2018) estimates this at
P3.5 billion a day in Metro Manila—costs that
are not absorbed by private car users.
The solutions rest on rethinking the issue
beyond (vehicular) traffic and reframing it as a
larger, interconnected challenge of providing
mobility—from mass transportation, to vehicles
and PUVs that connect mass transit nodes, to
pedestrians—pieces of a larger puzzle that must
work together.

SMART CITIES STRATEGIES
With uneven regional growth, and disjointed
mobility, strategies for smart cities could help
in crafting more efficient yet human-centered
and ecological policies. The World Bank (Vein
2017), Asian Development Bank (Ramamurthy
et. al. 2019) and McKinsey (Woetzel et. al. 2018)
consider the use of digitalization, information
and communications technology (ICT), cloud
technology, big data, artificial intelligence,
and the internet of things (IoT) to improve the
delivery of services while also improving the
quality of life of citizens.
But this emphasis on technology can be
challenged by contemplating on its essence:
the reduction of transaction costs. Apps like
Uber, Grab, and Airbnb reduce the costs of
matching excess resources with those that need
them. Sensors reduce the costs from sending
volunteers to manually gather data. And
Innovations are not
always technology-
driven as sound
policies may achieve
the same results. With
a non-technological
innovation mindset,
even resource-
constrained
Philippines can craft
smart strategies too.
cloud storage reduces the costs of transferring
information across systems. These technologies
reduce transaction costs to create greater
consumer benefit.
Innovations can also reduce transaction
costs. Innovations are not always technology-
driven as sound policies that achieve the same
results can be considered "non-technological"
technologies/innovations. For example,
Tokyo’s bus services rely on a mobility-
oriented mindset (instead of franchise
ownership), and iterative adjustments on
routes, instead of cutting-edge technologies
to ensure punctual and reliable mobility. With
a “non-technological” innovation mindset,
even resource-constrained countries like the
Philippines can craft smart strategies too.
Below are some areas where smart
city strategies can be applied in urban
development:
7

INDIVISIBILITY OF
COMMODITIES AND
ECONOMIES OF SCALE
People, residences,
equipment, and public
facilities cannot be
physically divided so having
more people in the city
working together allows for
economies of scale (Fujita
1989). Smart strategies here
should improve people’s
access to residences and
public facilities. This includes
data-driven provision of
lighting, waste management,
and energy with the help of
sensor technologies and/or
proper planning. New public
facilities and infrastructure
should also be located where
it makes most sense. Ride
sharing, bike sharing, and
other data-driven mobility
solutions allow for faster
flow of goods, services, and
labor without requiring extra
infrastructure, and maximize
existing outlays.
8
LABOR POOLING
The concentration of job
seekers near firms allow
better matching of various
skills with various market
needs (Krugman 1991).
Online job bulletin boards
already cut transaction costs
between employers and
jobs seekers but could be
further improved for better
skills matching. Providing
an AirBnb type of solution
for job seekers or ensuring
affordable rent by matching
unused spaces can mitigate
rising real estate prices.
In case of skills mismatch,
technologies and policies
can be used to decrease the
training cost and improve
productivity.
INNOVATION FROM
COMMUNICATION
AND DECREASE IN
COMMUNICATION COSTS
Further digitization of many
government services can help
local job markets become
more efficient and improve
the ease of doing business.
Outside of digitization,
efforts to cut red tape are
equally important non-
technological innovations.
Apps or platforms that
allow for further and faster
citizen interaction are also
important, e.g. open-data
platforms and hackathons,
or a GPS or location-based
reporting of floods or
disasters that allow for quick
response from relevant
agencies as demonstrated by
Jakarta’s Qlue.
LOVE OF VARIETY
People prefer access to various
goods and live where this
demand is met (Krugman
1991). On the policy side, this
requires incentives or lower
barriers for firms to relocate.
On the technological side,
smart solutions can improve
ease of doing business and
provide new mobility solutions
to make goods, services, and
labor more mobile.
MODERN MOBILITY
Mobility and
pedestrianization shifts
the issue from speed and
efficiency of traffic towards
the improvement in safety,
inclusivity, emissions-
reduction, and quality-of-life
(Soni & Soni 2016). Today,
rail and buses, and some
buses and jeepneys share the
same routes even if buses
should cover areas that rails
cannot, and jeepneys should
cover smaller arteries that
neither rails nor buses can.
This shifts the burden of
providing supply to higher
tiers (rail and buses), and less
on jeeps and TNVs. Mobility
should also be supplied as a
service to make them run on
schedule instead of relying
only on franchises. The use of
cloud technologies and data-
adjusted routes and service
management can make this
happen.
Lastly, pedestrianization
must be incorporated in
urban design and ensuring
the inclusivity and safety
of our streets. With proper management can be improved
designs, people can walk through technologies as
from Point A to Point B done in Seoul or thorough
regardless of weather and/ implementation of policies.
or despite being elderly or Policies and technologies
differently-abled. This must that improve mobility can
be coupled by support for the increase demand for more
Magna Carta For Dignified ecological modes, while better
Commuting Act (Senate Bill traffic management can lead
775) and a review of Republic to reduced travel time—
Act No. 6541, s. 1972 or the efforts that reduce our carbon
National Building Code on footprint.
its provisions for public
sidewalks, public spaces, These are just few of the
gutters, and pedestrian many possible endeavors in
protections. how cities (and even LGUs)
can apply smart strategies in
ECOLOGICAL AND CLIMATE- their development. However,
CHANGE IMPACT our urbanization context
requires us to contemplate
Smart policies and these examples beyond NCR.
technologies affect the And as smart strategies get
environment in various ways. applied around the country,
By using data to efficiently this may hopefully train
allocate energy, energy smart citizens for a country
can be better spent while of vibrant, model, and future-
reducing emissions. Waste ready cities.

MR. ELROY RENDOR is a policy and research gov.ph/content/population-national-capital-region-based-2015-cen-

staff at CLD. He finished his Master of Public
Policy degree from the University of Tokyo.
Alonso, W. (1964). Location and Land Use. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard
University Press.
Fujita, M. (1989). Urban Economic Theory: Land use and city size. Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hamilton, J., Thisse, J., & Zenou, Y. (2000). Wage Competition with
Heterogeneous Workers and Firms. Journal of Labor Economics, 18(3),
453-472.
Japan International Cooperation Agency. (2018, September 20). JICA to
help Philippines ease traffic congestion in Metro Manila. Retrieved August
16, 2019, from JICA: https://www.jica.go.jp/philippine/english/office/
topics/news/180920.html
Krugman, P. (1991). Increasing Returns and Economic Geography.
Journal of Political Economy, 99(3), 483-499.
Muth, R. (1969). Cities and Housing. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Philippine Statistics Authority. (2013). Philippine Yearbook 2013:
Transportation. Retrieved August 16, 2019, from Philippine Yearbook:
https://psa.gov.ph/sites/default/files/2013%20PY_Transportation.pdf
Philippine Statistics Authority. (2016, May 31). Population of the Na-
tional Capital Region (Based on the 2015 Census of Population). Retrieved
August 16, 2019, from Philippine Statistics Authority: https://psa.
sus-population-0
Porio, E. (2011). Vulnerability, Adaptation, and Resilience to Floods
and Climate Change-Related Risks among Marginal, Riverine Com-
munities in Metro Manila. Asian Journal of Social Science, 39(4), 425-445.
Ramamurthy, A., Buentjen, C., Ponzi, D., Assaline, F., van Etten,
J., Rono, C. A., . . . Jain, A. (2018, March). What makes a city smart?
Co-creating a ‘one ADB’ smart city approach. Retrieved August 16,
2019, from https://events.development.asia/system/files/materi-
als/2018/03/201803-adb-perspectives-smart-city.pdf
Rendor, J. E. (2018, August 16). Heterogenous Growth Impact of Infra-
structure Spending in the Philippines. Retrieved August 16, 2019, from
GraSPP - University of Tokyo: http://www.pp.u-tokyo.ac.jp/wp-con-
tent/uploads/2016/02/51168204.pdf
Soni, N., & Soni, N. (2016). Benefits of pedestrianization and warrants
to pedestrianize an area. Land Use Policy, 57(30), 139-150.
Vein, C. (2017). Introduction to Smart Cities. Retrieved August 16, 2019,
from Open Learning Campus: https://olc.worldbank.org/content/in-
troduction-smart-cities
Woetzel, J., Remes, J., Boland, B., Lv, K., Sinha, S., Strube, G., . . . von
der Tann, V. (2018, June). Smart cities: Digital solutions for a more livable
future. Retrieved August 16, 2019, from McKinsey Global Institute:
https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/capital-projects-and-infrastruc-
ture/our-insights/smart-cities-digital-solutions-for-a-more-livable-
future
World Bank. (2018). Urban population (% of total). Retrieved June 19,
2019, from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.URB.TOTL.IN.ZS

9
 WELLSPRINGS
OF PERPETUAL
HOPE
HON. MARIA LEONOR GERONA-ROBREDO
Vice President of the Republic of the Philippines
CONGRATULATORY MESSAGE IN THE 2019 RAMON MAGSAYSAY AWARDS PRESENTATION CEREMONIES
Tanghalang Nicanor Abelardo, Cultural Center of the Philippines, Pasay City
09 September 2019
10
Former President Fidel V. Ramos; Excellencies of the
diplomatic Corps; former senator Ramon Magsaysay Jr.
and the members of the Magsaysay family; Ambassador
Jose Cuisia Jr., former Philippine Ambassador to the
United States and Chair of the Ramon Magsaysay
Foundation, Ms. Carmencita Abella, President of the
Ramon Magsaysay Foundation; the 2019 Ramon
Magsaysay Awardees and the past awardees who
are present this afternoon; my fellow workers in
government; honored guests; ladies and gentlemen:
magandang hapon po sa inyong lahat!
N
ineteen years ago, my husband, Jesse,
stood on this very stage and received the
Ramon Magsaysay Award for his work
on participatory governance.
Accepting the award on behalf of the people
of Naga City, he shared how they struggled to
implement reforms when he first became mayor
in 1988. He said, and I quote: “The recognition
accorded me tonight is an honor that our people
in Naga most deserve. It is a fitting testimonial
on our faith and confidence in a democratic
society where people and government actively
engage with each other in forging a collective
decision. Our people have proven, that given
the opportunity, we can rise above our parochial
interests in the pursuit of common good. Given a
choice, we will opt for good government despite
the attendant obligations it requires.”
Almost two decades after he delivered that
speech, and after seven years of continuing
his work since his death in 2012, I find myself
standing on the same stage, extolling the lives
of four brave men and one courageous woman
who—like Jesse—dared to defy the expectations
and conventions of their time. Seeing how things
have come full circle, I cannot help but feel a
sense of comfort and gratitude, knowing that
Jesse’s life and legacy have led me here, in the
company of modern-day heroes.
For the past 61 years, the Ramon Magsaysay
Awards has recognized the rich legacy of Asian
leadership and commitment on the global stage.
More than being an annual tradition, it honors
timeless values that bind us as a region: integrity,
excellence, empathy, servant-leadership, and
selfless service. This year, we add five more names
to the long roster of 330 laureates who have been
recognized as prime movers and change-makers
in their respective fields and discipline.
When the first set of laureates received the award
in 1958, the world was divided along ideological
lines. In Asia, the Cold War system challenged the
mindset of new emerging leaders who struggled to
maintain peace and order in society. Rising from
the ashes of war, famine and crisis, governments
promoted development and economic progress
as state projects, hoping to address the growing
inequality among populations. Some leaders
turned to authoritarianism and abuse to reach
these goals, dispensing the very reason why they
were placed in power.
One of those who was brave enough to stand
up and speak against this system was Mochtar
Lubis, an Indonesian journalist and critic of
then President Sukarno. Receiving the award
in 1958, he wrote and I quote: “Many honest
and well-meaning people, faced with difficult
and seemingly insurmountable problems
have become persuaded that democratic
reconstruction is impossible in Asia… That is why
today in Asia we may find leaders, who yesterday
were quite willing to die for democracy and
human freedom, but are now easily beginning
to say that, in order to achieve freedom from
want, it is excusable to do away with freedom of
expression, which is another way of saying that
democracy and human freedom may be thrown
away for the sake of filling the stomachs of the
masses.”
Today, the Asia we inherited is caught up once
again in wave of democratic dilemma. New
modes of populism, protectionism, and extreme
nationalism are shaping government policies and
regulations. In some societies, human rights have
taken a back seat, and the relevance of traditional
institutions are being questioned. Racism,
religious extremism, and gender discrimination
continue to instill fear in our people, challenging
our notions of freedom, privilege, and equality in
the 21st century.
11
 During these difficult times, it has become far
too easy for some of us to forget those who
are in need. We need to start measuring our
progress not by how much wealth we have
produced, but by the quality of our lives,
specifically those among the poor, the hungry,
and the disadvantaged.
Tonight, the world’s eyes are upon us as we
face new challenges in pursuit of the noble
task of elevating the human condition. As
we enter yet another era marked by new
scientific discoveries, increasing online
interconnectedness, and an impending Fourth
Industrial Revolution, we need to ask ourselves:
What does it mean to be
Asian today?
Tonight, before the
Today, the Asia we
peoples of Asia, let us
recommit ourselves inherited is caught
to the relentless
pursuit of peace, social
justice, freedom, and
up once again in
reconciliation. At a
time when human wave of democratic
rights are under attack,
when human lives are
disregarded, when power dilemma.
is yielded for the benefit
of a few, and when democracy is threatened by
our very own leaders—we demand for equality,
empathy, truth, and accountability, create safe
spaces for dialogue, and as one voice, break
the silence and indifference that have long
oppressed many of our peoples.
Tonight, we turn our gaze with pride and
approval towards those who refuse to accept
that the use of brute force, violence, and
aggression have become the Asian norm; that
silencing one’s critics is the most effective
way to enact and pursue reforms; that ethnic,
religious and gender lines must be drawn in the
name of preserving tradition. I would like to
believe that tonight, the world listens and hopes
with us, because among us are those who are
brave enough to go to battle against this dark
narrative for Asia. Among us are those who keep
12
on fighting the good fight. Among us are true
“champions of the masses.”
This is what the Ramon Magsaysay Awards is
all about. This is what every Magsaysay laureate
has stood for in the past 61 years. This is what it
means to be Asian today.
We live in an era where those who dare to
expose the truth are browbeaten until they
break apart. But Ko Swe Win’s indomitable
spirit was no match for those who threatened
his commitment to fair, independent, and
ethical journalism. Instead of cowering in fear,
he continues to lend his voice to the powerless,
challenging the way
religious and political
institutions are run,
and seeking redress for
injustices committed
against different
minorities in Myanmar.
We have seen how pain
and tragedy have led
to regret, remorse, and
even disillusionment
in families and
communities. But Kim
Jong-ki has shown
us that grief can be turned into one of the
greatest strengths we can ever possess. Hoping
to address the growing cases of bullying and
school violence, he brought together parents,
teachers, counselors, and police officers to
create safer and more caring communities for
Korea’s youth.
In some societies, women still find themselves
undervalued and ignored in the national
discourse. But Angkhana Neelapaijit proved
that Thai women can inspire movements, break
barriers, and lead with great heart and mind. As
a staunch advocate of human rights, she worked
with civil society to defend the rights of women,
children, asylum seekers, and refugees. She
continues to challenge the legal system so that,
as President Magsaysay once professed, those
who have less in life will have more in law.
The advent of social media has made it easier
for trolls and purveyors of fake news to spread
hate and tear societies apart. But Ravish Kumar
remains undaunted and stands by the truth—
even if it is unpopular to do so. For many
years, his commitment to balanced and fact-
based reporting remains a bastion of hope for
the Fourth Estate. By creating platforms for
effective dialogue and citizen participation, his
brand of journalism serves as a window of hope
and empathy for the entire Indian nation.
Nowadays, populism and extreme nationalism
are rearing their ugly heads in many parts of
the globe, creating tears and divisions in our
social fabric. But
Raymundo “Ryan”
Pujante Cayabyab’s
music reminds us,
...you have shown
every man, woman,
that what brings us
together holds more
power than the things
that try to tear us
apart. Half-prayer
and child in our region
and half-battlecry, his
melodies instill hope, how to live with
pride, and unity in the
nation’s soul, teaching
every Filipino to courage undaunted.
dream of a better
world. His songs remind us that if we are willing
to work together, and toil to reach a common
goal, what seems to be impossible will always be
possible. That someday, “our songs in some way,
will bring a bright tomorrow, full of love, full of
hope, full of joy.”
Our dear awardees, your struggles remind us
that heroic deeds need not always unfold in
grand, majestic gestures. Many times, heroism
reveals itself in simple, everyday acts of kindness
and compassion, of resistance and dissent, of
generosity and joyful service.
Our dear awardees, you have taught us to reassess
our own values, and to stand up in the face of
abuse and injustice. In a world marred by poverty,
inequality, and the breakdown of institutions,
you have shown us that it is possible to find better
solutions and hold leaders accountable for their
actions. That we can build kinder and more
nurturing communities for the next generation.
Our dear awardees, you have shown every man,
woman, and child in our region how to live with
courage undaunted.
Ladies and gentlemen, as we stand on the
shoulders of these Asian giants, we find more
reasons to keep fighting and doing the work that
needs to be accomplished.
Just as we pay tribute to the great Ramon
Magsaysay, we celebrate the life and legacy
of these five great souls —our wellsprings of
perpetual hope, and
titans of compassionate
and transformative
leadership in Asia.
In his inaugural
address in 1953,
President Magsaysay
challenged the Filipino
nation to build a
future worthy of its
glorious past. This is
the monumental task
laid down before us
today.
Tonight, as we remember those who have gone
before us, we too challenge ourselves—to give
beyond what is asked of us, to empower the weak
and vulnerable, and to bring truth, peace, and
justice to the margins.
On behalf of the peoples of Asia, thank you
for spreading your beautiful light beyond your
homes, beyond your communities, and beyond
your countries. Now that you are Asia’s heroes,
you will illuminate our paths with your courage,
integrity, and selflessness. In our moments
of doubt and fear, may we be guided by your
flames—so that, we too, will shine as bright, even
through the darkest of nights.
Thank you very much.
Mabuhay po kayong lahat!
13
 cover
S T O RY

RiceTARRIFICATION, CLARIFICATIONS
& RECOMMENDATIONS
14
 Three Things Former Department of Agriculture (DA) Sec. Alcala Did to Prepare for Rice
Tariffication, Three Good Things DA Sec. Dar Is Doing to Help Farmers,
and Three More Things DA Should Do
BY GERRY BULATAO
Rice tariffication is an old idea
that the economic teams of
many administrations had been
pushing for many years.
The idea is simple and logical: if rice is cheaper
abroad, why don’t we buy rice from other
countries and help our farmers to shift to other
products from which they can earn more? So,
open up the economy to rice imports, set a
tariff that would make traders sell imported
rice at about the same price as a target price for
local rice, and turn over the money collected to
palay farmers to help them either do better or
diversify.
The objection was also reasonable: Farmers
must first be assisted to become competitive or
to shift to more valuable crops. But this needs
time and the cooperation of many agencies,
organizations, and the farmers themselves.
Without sufficient preparation, tariffication may
be disastrous.
The impact of the 2019 Rice Tariffication Law
(RTL) on farmers has indeed been calamitous.
Palay prices which used to be P19.00-22.00/kg
under the previous administration dipped to
P7.00-14.00/kg. Meanwhile, rice prices did not
return to previous levels. The cheapest in the
market is still P36.00/kg and most varieties sell
at P40.00/kg and higher. A University of the
Philippines economics professor has estimated
that 200,000 farmers have shifted away from
palay, while 4,000 rice mills have suspended
operations.
PAST EFFORTS
To prepare for tariffication, the Aquino
Administration with Engr. Proceso Alcala at the
helm of the Department of Agriculture (DA)
did three things. These were pursued even
as palay production averaged higher than 18
million metric tons annually or 90 to 96% of
the country’s yearly requirement, palay price
fluctuated between P19.00-22.00/kg, there were
no shortages that led to rice pilas (lining up to
buy rice), and P27.00/kg and P32.00/kg NFA
rice was always available.
v Benchmarking Study: The Philippine
Rice Research Institute (PhilRice) and
DA studied production costs in China,
India, Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam
and compared these with those in the
Philippines. Certain cost components
were discovered to be considerably lower
in other countries. While the Philippines
did not provide subsidies to farmers, the
study team could not ascertain the extent
of subsidies in the five countries. PhilRice
had sought to undertake the study for 15
years, but it was able to do so only under the
previous administration. DA conducted two
conferences that included local and foreign
experts to discuss the study and its rice
policies.
v FSSP and Sikat Saka: DA broadened its
food sufficiency framework to include
corn, cassava, camote, adlai and bananas,
the staples of some communities, rather
than limiting itself to palay. Thus, the
15

program was called Food Staples Sufficiency
Program (FSSP). DA avoided focusing only
on increasing rice production at all costs in
favor of attending to value chains. “Farm to
table” was a phrase often used.
DA led inter-agency collaboration to deliver
production credit that ambitioned building
up farmers’ creditworthiness rather than
a shortsighted Masagana 99 approach of
simply getting the money to the countryside
to impel greater production. The lending
program was called Sikat Saka. It included
endorsements by the National Irrigation
Administration of an irrigators’ association
(IA), recommendation by the IA of farmer
members, briefings on financial literacy
and responsible borrowing organized by
the Agricultural Training Institute, crop
insurance by the Philippine Crop Insurance
Corporation, guarantee cover by the
Agricultural Guarantee Fund Pool, purchase
order of the National Food Authority at
P17.00/kg, loan application processing,
release and collection by LANDBANK with
annual interest rates dropping from 15 to 9%
over eight seasons.
DA scuttled centralized procurement of
seeds and fertilizer in favor of what was
called “farmers’ choice” to take advantage of
16
the efficiency of markets compared to the
inefficiency of the bureaucracy in getting
inputs to farmers.
v The Philippine Center for Postharvest
Development and Mechanization (PhilMech)
and DA promoted the use of combine
harvesters despite initial objections of
farmers. These objections were overcome
when farm workers realized they would not
be displaced without alternative employment
and some organized themselves into service
provider associations. Mechanization led
to a significant rise in grain recovery from
the field, reduction of costs and speeding
up harvests which was very important
when a typhoon threatened. PhilMech also
developed mechanical dryers and other
machines and improved the tram lines from
the uplands to facilitate delivering goods
to markets. By bringing down production
costs and increasing palay recovery in the
rice fields, mechanization contributed to
improving competitiveness while increasing
yields.
DA under the previous administration opposed
rice tariffication because Sec. Alcala believed
that the farmers were not ready for it. The
department echoed time and again President
Aquino’s policy statement during his State of
the Nation Address of 25 July 2011: “Ang gusto
nating mangyari: Una, hindi na tayo aangkat ng
hindi kailangan. Ikalawa, ayaw na nating umasa
sap ag-angkat. Ang isasaing ni Juan de la Cruz,
dito ipupunla, dito aanihin, dito bibilhin.”
PRESENT INITIATIVES
The spike in rice prices under the Duterte
Administration may have been caused by a
delay in rice importation or by manipulation
of the rice stock by traders/smugglers. Further
research is needed to determine the real
reason. What is clear is that the rice price spike
combined with increases in petroleum prices
resulted in inflation going beyond the allowable
levels set by the Banko Sentral (BSP). This
meant higher prices affecting all consumers and
higher debt servicing costs, among others.
 the amount could buy only about 412,000
The passage of the Rice Tariffication Law metric tons. So, he has been pushing NFA
curbed inflation. However, opening the to increase its buffer stocking from 30 days
floodgates to rice importation has led to gluts. to 90 days to justify trebling its buying
One estimate is that there is 17% more rice capacity. He has also been prodding NFA
available than the present demand. This has to more rapidly convert the palay into
contributed to dismally low palay prices. rice and sell it, so that its funds could be
reused to buy palay a second or even third
Some traders had bought palay at P19.50/kg, time. He has also ordered NFA to sell the
so were willing to dispose of their rice stock at 200,000 metric tons (4,000,000 50-kg.
P33.50/kg and then they needed to drastically bags) of imported rice in its warehouses.
reduce their buying price for palay to save Further, he has declared that he has been
themselves. studying possibilities for limiting additional
imports this year using tariff and non-tariff
Sec. William Dar has taken three important measured allowed by RTL.
steps to address the rice crisis. He was not
v Involving the Governors: Sec. Dar talked
the head of the DA at the time the problems
with 25 provincial governors to convince
erupted, but he has the unenviable task
them to purchase farmers’ palay at P17.00/
of addressing the consequences of his
kg. He has made arrangements with
predecessor’s discontinuance of the good
LANDBANK for LGUs to borrow what
practices of the former administration and the
they need at 2% annual interest to enable
tariffication advocates’ miscalculation of the
them to buy at P17.00/kg. It would be up
impact on farmers of unmitigated imports.
to the provincial governments to deal with
cooperatives, millers, and traders to process
v Buying Palay at P17.00/kg: Sec. Dar
and dispose of the palay. His approach to
announced that the National Food
LGUs is in keeping with the Province-Led
Administration (NFA) would buy palay at
Inclusive Agribusiness framework he has
P17.00/kg assuming 14% moisture content.
been promoting, rejecting some sectors’
He said NFA had P7 billion for this. But
efforts to “re-centralize” agriculture.

While it is impossible for NFA and the

provincial governments together to buy
The passage of the Rice all farmers’ palay at P17.00/kg, their

Tariffication Law (RTL) intervention in the market may have the

effect of pushing up palay prices, just as the
curbed inflation. However, proper unloading of the 4,000,000 bags
opening the floodgates to of imported rice by the NFA will probably
depress rice prices. The DA’s “Philippine
rice importation has led to Rice Industry Roadmap 2030” indicates
gluts. This has contributed P17.00/kg for palay and P35.00/kg for rice

to dismally low palay prices.

to be the Department’s target prices.

A UP economics professor v National Land Use Act (NLUA): Sec. Dar

has estimated that 200,000 has declared full support for the passage
of a National Land Use Act. This would
farmers have shifted away save irrigated and irrigable land, especially
from palay. flood-prone plains, from being shifted
to residential, commercial or industrial
purposes. Sec. Dar can take this one step

17
 further by encouraging governors to annually). Banks can afford to lend at
develop Provincial Land Use Plans with 0.42 to 1.25% monthly (5 to 15% annually)
the participation of lower LGUs and civil depending on the creditworthiness of
society organizations. One of the principal farmers or the risk associated with lending
oppositors of NLUA in the Senate was also to certain groups or purposes. If banks
the chief author of RTL and belongs to a are forced to lend below a reasonable
family known for its involvement in real level, they will tend to slow down lending,
estate development. Real estate developers depriving many farmers of access to
profit when farmers quit and leave land idle cheaper credit.
for them to purchase at lower prices.
LANDBANK’s new thrust of setting targets
for the number of farmer-borrowers it
THREE OTHER INTERVENTIONS serves rather than merely monitoring total
outstanding balance of loans to farmers is
Making palay farming profitable for Filipino a welcome development. But it will need
farmers without allowing rice to become the cooperation of agencies that deal with
unaffordable to Filipino consumers is the farmers, fishers and their organizations in
immediate concern. DA may consider three order to achieve its targets. DA through its
interventions that may help make our palay sizeable network can do a lot to identify
farmers competitive globally. creditworthy farmers and their credit
requirements.
v Mechanization: PhilMech focuses on
research and development of machinery Sec. Dar’s reported instruction to the
and lets private sector firms produce and Agricultural Credit Policy Council (ACPC)
market their machine designs. PhilMech to turn over lending efforts to LANDBANK
may also test these machines, help train in 2020 is likewise welcome. It would be
operators to use, maintain and repair wise for ACPC to focus on policy issues
machines. related to the Agri-Agra Law. It is not
enough for banks to be penalized for
While ideally cooperatives and other farm
non-compliance with the law. Studies
associations should own machines for use
are needed to determine whether the law
by their members, wealthier farmers can
requires amendments or incentives can be
also be machine owners. They may use
offered to entice banks to increase their
machinery for their own farms and rent
loans to farmers and fishers.
these out to other farmers. LGUs likewise
may want to own machines and, as a service
v Province-led Strategy: A province-led
to their farmer-constituents, let farmers use
effort must go far beyond buying farmers’
the machines for a reasonable fee.
palay at P17.00/kg. The province can also
lead in preparing its provincial land use
LANDBANK and other banks can finance
plan, ensuring that its cities, municipalities,
the acquisition of equipment.
barangays, and civil society organizations
participate in putting together the plan
v Production Credit: Developing farmers’
which would help protect farmlands.
creditworthiness is a long-term goal. It
cannot be the task solely of the banks.
The province can also orchestrate the
Various agencies have roles to play. Interest
determination of areas where farm-
rates must be reasonable, not too high nor
to-market roads should pass, insist on
too low. Farmers borrow from informal
their proper construction, geo-tag these,
lenders at 5 to 10% monthly (60 to 120%
and ensure proper maintenance by

18
 communities that benefit from such roads.
The DA provides P3,000.00/month to
every agriculture technician supposedly Making palay farming
to allow the agricultural technician (AT) profitable for Filipino
to move around to help farmers. But
since the money is usually downloaded farmers without allowing
late, it is not used for that purpose but rice to become unaffordable
is seen as payment for the submission
of reports which are seldom validated.
to consumers is the
Funds should be downloaded on time and immediate concern.
agreements with the Offices of Provincial
Agriculturist and Municipal Agriculturist
should be clearer regarding what is to be
accomplished and how key result indicators
are to be monitored.

The strategy may include contracting

farmers to help other farmers. Some LGUs
employ barangay agricultural workers
(BAWs) while some agencies offer more
advanced farmers eager to help other
farmers P500.00/day for eight to 12 days
of work monthly and have obtained good
results. One municipality in Mindanao
has gone to the extent of hiring additional
agricultural technicians (ATs) to work at
the barangay level with a specific number
of farm households, with the barangay
contracting counterpart agricultural
technicians.
ATs must help palay farmers increase yields
from the average four metric tons (80
cavans) to six metric tons (120 cavans) and
lower their production cost from P12.00/
kg on average to P8.00/kg. This has been
called “Sais-Ocho.” Farmers who cannot
become competitive will have to decide
whether to continue palay farming, and if
not, to shift to other crops, while ensuring
their household’s own supply of food
staples.
CONCLUSION
While the Rice Tariffication Law has been the
main cause of the decline in palay prices and
the suffering of palay farmers, the DA under
Sec. William Dar has taken steps to alleviate
their plight. Sec. Dar will have to follow
through on his good initiatives.
Attempting to repeal RTL at this time may be
a futile exercise. It is simpler and probably
going to be more effective to focus on what
the executive branch can do. After all, the
executive’s initiatives are promising.
It would be helpful, though, if the DA would
think beyond the present crisis and pursue
additional strategies to make Philippine
agriculture competitive, to increase agricultural
production by linking it more closely to
industry, and to make small farmers more
profitable.
GERRY BULATAO joined the Liberal Party in
1992 and has been a member of its National
Executive Committee (NECO) since 2007.
A former Department of Agrarian Reform
Undersecretary and LANDBANK Director,
he now chairs the Center for Liberalism and
Democracy.

19
 postscript
C O V E R S T O RY
Rice Imports
MORE TO BLAME FOR PALAY CRISIS?
By V.G. Bulatao
Chair, Center for Liberalism & Democracy
Analysts usually blame the Rice
Tariffication Law (Republic Act
No. 11203) for the present palay
crisis, but the truth seems to point
at one other culprit: massive
over-importation even before RTL
was signed into law on February
14, 2019 and became effective on
March 5 of the same year.
Over-importation caused the crisis, RTL
worsened it, although it also had the effect of
diverting public attention from the people
responsible for the excessive purchases abroad.
It was the National Food Authority (NFA) under
Administrator Jason Aquino that allowed or
turned a blind eye to huge rice imports in 2017
and 2018. He tried to resign in September 2018,
but President Rodrigo Duterte took his time
looking for a replacement. He was dismissed by
the Ombudsman in April 2019 for corruption
due to rice smuggling through the Cagayan de
Oro port and finally allowed to step down in
June 2019.
20
The annual average importation in 2011-2016
was 868,000 metric tons (MT). The rule of
thumb adopted by the Aquino Administration
then was that annual rice imports should not
exceed 1.0 million metric tons (MMT) as long
as the buffer stock in NFA warehouses by July 1,
the start of the lean months, would be at least
enough to cover 30 days (about 0.95 MMT).
This would signal to traders whether they
should initiate the process of importing and
whether prices should go up or down. NFA
and Department of Agriculture (DA) officials
had learned lessons from the serious problems
created by excessive rice imports in 2008 (2.43
MMT) and 2010 (2.38 MMT).
This was why then President Noynoy Aquino
declared in his State of the Nation Address
(SONA) on July 25, 2011: “Ang gusto nating
mangyari: Una, hindi na tayo aangkat ng
hindi kailangan. Ikalawa, ayaw nating umasa
sa pagangkat. Ang isasaing ni Juan de la Cruz,
dito ipupunla, dito aanihin, dito bibilhin.” (This
is what we want to happen: First, we will not
import more than needed. Second, we will
not be dependent on imports. What Juan de
la Cruz will cook, we will plant here, harvest
here and buy here.) This was not an ideological
statement or an anti-tariffication declaration
– after all, President Aquino’s background was
economics -- but merely a practical position
much applauded at that time.
 Palay Production, Rice Imports, Requirements and Surpluses, 2011-2019 S1

Palay Pro- Local Rice Rice Total Rice Rice Surplus

Year duction Supply Imports Supply Requirement Rice
(MMT) (MMT) (MMT) (MMT) (MMT) (MMT)

2011 16.68 10.91 0.86 11.77 11.4 0.37

2012 18.03 11.79 0.50 12.29 11.4 0.89
Aquino 2013 18.44 12.06 0.35 12.41 11.4 1.01
Adminis-
tration* 2014 18.97 12.41 1.50 13.91 11.4 2.51
2015 18.15 11.87 0.80 12.67 11.4 1.27
2016 17.63 11.53 1.20 12.73 11.4 1.33
Duterte 2017 19.28 12.61 2.50 15.11 11.4 3.71
Admin- 2018 19.07 12.47 3.10 15.57 11.4 4.17
is-tration 2019 S1 8.27 5.41 2.70 8.11 5.7 2.41

The Duterte Administration
initially seemed to follow the
same rule of thumb. Cabinet
Secretary Leoncio Evasco,
Jr., chair of the NFA Council
in 2016, limited rice imports
to 1.2 MMT that year, but
Administrator Jason Aquino
flouted his guidance in 2017
and got away with it, raising the
suspicion that he must have
had solid connections above
the Cabinet Secretary’s pay
grade. NFA and private traders
brought in 2.5 MMT in 2017.
Evasco was replaced as chair
of the NFA Council on April 17,
2018, so in 2018 rice imports
rose further to 3.1 MMT,
according to figures of Index
Mundi citing the United States
Department of Agriculture.
Despite the oversupply, traders
and smugglers managed to
hold back rice from the market,
thus pushing up the rice price
to more than P48/kg. Inflation
rose to 6.7% in October 2018,
much higher than the targeted
2-4% range of the Banko Sentral
ng Pilipinas (BSP).
This triggered the new push
by the economic team for the
passage of what became the
Rice Tariffication Law which
deregulated rice imports,
forbade NFA from engaging
in imports, reiterated NFA’s
role in maintaining a rice
buffer stock to be procured
solely from local farmers, and
caused the retrenchment of
about 400 employees, among
others. The only remaining
control of government was a
requirement that the Bureau
of Plant Industry (BPI) issue
phytosanitary clearances for
rice imports and possible
presidential intervention to
raise the tariffs to discourage
imports.
By the end of September
2019, rice imports had risen
to 3.0 MMT and are expected
to increase to 3.5 MMT by
yearend. Hence, the estimate
in September was that the
glut amounted to 17%. This
could mean a drop in palay
production in 2019 from 19.07
MMT in 2018 to 16.00 MMT
in 2019. The first semester
production figure was 8.7
MMT, but the first semester’s
figure represents the dry
season harvest which tends
to be higher than that of the
wet season. Farmers ask:
Why plant if you cannot sell?
Why not limit production to
household requirements?
IMPACT ON FARMERS
The impact of excessive
importation on the country’s
2.1 million palay farmers has
been devastating. In Central
Luzon, farmgate prices for wet
rice dipped to as low as P7/
kg, according to newspaper
and other reports. This meant
a loss of as much as P5 for
every kilo or palay produced,
assuming the average
production cost of P12/kg.
It was reported in August that
200,000 farmers had stopped
cultivating palay and 4,000
millers had stopped processing
palay. One report from Isabela
was that the price of darak,

21
Over-importation
caused the palay
crisis, RTL worsened
it. RTL also diverted
public attention from
those responsible for
excessive purchases
abroad. NFA turned
a blind eye to huge
rice imports in 2017
and 2018.
the powder produced as a by-
product when palay is milled,
began to fetch a higher price
than rice. Darak is used for
livestock feed. Scarcity of
darak is taken to be a sign in
Isabela of huge rice imports.
Palay farmers have lost more
than government has gained
in taxes and consumers have
benefited by way of lower
rice prices, based on facts
and figures supplied by the
Philippine Statistics Authority
(PSA). The price of wet palay
in October 2018 was P21.86/
kg and, in September 2019,
P16.18/kg. The decrease over 11
months was P5.68/kg. Multiply
this by the palay production
in 2018 of 19.07 MMT, the
farmers’ loss may be estimated
at P108.3176 billion.
The price of regular milled
rice in October 2018 was
P45.87/kg and, in September
2019, P37.79/kg. The decrease
22
over 11 months was P8.08/kg.
Multiply this by the estimated
rice requirement (11.4 MMT),
consumers’ gains (or savings)
would be P92.112 billion.
The Bureau of Customs,
meanwhile, has collected
revenues of P10.7 billion on
rice imports by September
30, according to the Business
Mirror.
The sum of consumers
and government’s gains
amount to P102.812 billion.
This is P5.5056 billion less
than farmers’ losses. The
implication is that, on net, at
this time, the country has lost
as a result of the RTL. This
may change over time and the
impact on inflation should also
be considered as it dropped to
0.9% in September 2019 from
6.7% in October 2018. But
that does little to compensate
farmers for their losses.
GOVERNMENT ACTION
Government has been
scrambling to find ways to
help farmers. P1.5 billion
was provided for eight-year
no-interest P15,000 loans,
but this would reach only
100,000 farmers and the
rules limit its distribution to
farmers with land less than
one hectare who are listed
in the Registry System for
Basic Sectors in Agriculture
(RSBSA).
DA Sec. William Dar has
sought the support of local
government units (LGUs) to
buy farmers’ palay. He has
spoken with 25 provincial
governors to buy dry palay
at P17/kg and to LANDBANK
to lend to the LGUs for this
purpose at 2% annual interest.
He has asked NFA to dispose
of its 200,000 MT or 4 million
bags of imported rice in its
warehouses, so it will have
space to store palay it buys. A
farm advocate has pointed out
that flooding the rice market
may further depress palay
prices. Alternatives have been
raised like the selling rice to
government agencies and
programs that need the staple
for hospitals, jails, feeding
programs, etc.
He has also told NFA to treble
its buffer stock to 90 days so
it can treble the amount of
farmers’ palay it can buy, from
95,000 MT to 285,000 MT.
Meanwhile, 53 congressmen
have filed House Joint
Resolution No. 18 seeking P15
billion for NFA so it can buy
750,000 MT of palay at P20/
kg to push up palay prices and
mandating the agency to sell
its rice stock at P27/kg to pull
down rice prices.
Sixteen Liberal congressmen
have filed a separate House
resolution to amend the RTL
to allow government to use
P13.19 billion as direct cash
assistance to farmers.
The DA has identified 23
provinces with minimal
irrigation facilities and is set to
help farmers shift away from
palay should they desire.
One senator has asked
why traders are not buying
palay when the farmgate
price of P7.00/kg is so low.
She probably has not seen
reports on rice stocked in
warehouses.
CITIZEN REACTION
People wonder why the price
of rice has not gone down
further when there is so much
of it stocked in warehouses.
They ask: Is rice still being
withheld from the market?
Citizen groups have proposed
direct selling by farmers’
cooperatives and associations
to homeowners and civic
organizations, but this is
In the long
run, market
mechanisms
are more
efficient than
centralized
procurement
and subsidies.
unlikely to be as efficient as
normal market mechanisms,
although it could work for
some groups for a limited
time.
Inquirer.net on October 1
reported that “Farmers from
Kilusang Magbubukid ng
Pilipinas (KMP), AMIHAN
national federation of peasant
women and land reform
advocates dumped rice hull
outside the agricultural
department’s office as
they called on Agriculture
Secretary William Dar for a
dialogue as an avenue to lay
down their proposals.” Among
the group’s demands were the
following:
v “Buy the palay produced
by farmers at Php20
per kilo NFA support
price with incentives for
drying, delivery fee and
cooperative development
v “The NFA must procure
at least 10 percent of the
total palay production for
this cropping season
v “Approve and release the
P1.5-billion supplemental
budget to the NFA for the
urgent procurement of
at least 750,000 metric
tons of palay from local
farmers at the farmgate
price of Php20 per kilo.
v “Urgent, sufficient
subsidy and support for
production including
seeds, mechanical dryers,
drying facilities, farm
tools, farm inputs and
other needs for rice
production.
v “Overall, the government
must rescind its rice
importation policies,
suspend for the time
being the RA 11203, and
eventually repeal the law
that has severely damaged
the situation of rice
farmers, consumers, and
stakeholders in the rice
industry.”
The first three demands sound
reasonable except for fixing
the farmgate price at P20/kg.
The price of P20/kg is for dry
palay (14% moisture content)
23
 as the first demand indicates, not for wet palay. rice, and then one must add on costs of milling,
The cost of drying is normally between P2.00- handling, transport and a reasonable profit
3.00/kg). margin.

The last two, however, are questionable or
unrealistic. In the long run, market mechanisms
are more efficient than centralized procurement
and subsidies, nor can a law simply be set aside.
Remedies to halt importation are available
and repeal of RTL is unnecessary, although
amendments are called for.
FAIR PRICES FOR PALAY AND RICE
The DA has estimated that, assuming the
freight-on-board price of imported rice is
US$415.08 per metric ton and adding on
shipping, insurance, tariffs and other expenses,
the price in the local market should be about
P35.00/kg. This would make it possible for
traders to buy farmers’ palay at P17.50/kg,
following the normal calculation that half of
the rice price of P35.00/kg should be set aside
for the palay as 65% of palay can be turned into
However, there are three ifs attached to this
calculation:
v IF the warehouse situation normalizes
and there is space to store palay to be
milled into rice;
v IF rice importation is stopped for the
time being;
v IF government is willing to exercise
the public option as the private sector
by itself may not normalize prices or
engage in competitive behavior; in other
words, government must start buying
palay at a reasonable rate (P17.00 to
20.70/kg) in order to push up the palay
price, just as it should start selling rice
at the lowest rate possible which would
allow for cost recovery (P27.00-32.00/kg)
in order to pull down the rice price.

Estimated Price of Imported Rice*

Average Average
Item
(US$ or P) (P/kg)
FOB Price of 25% broken (US$/mt) US$ 415.08 P 21.56
+ Freight Cost (US$/mt) 32.50 1.69
+ Surveyor’s Fee (US$/t) 1.00 0.05
+ Insurance Cost (US$/mt) 5.00 0.26
+ Integrated Cargo Handling Costs (US$/mt) 30.00 1.56
Landed Cost of Imported Rice (US$/mt) 483.58
Peso-Dollar Official Exchange Rate (P) P 51.95
Cost of Commodity, Freight, and Insurance (P) 25,122.12 25.12
+ Tariff Payment (P/mt) 8,792.74 8.79
CIF + Tariff Payments (P/mt) 33,914.86 33.91
+ Estimated Transport Cost (P/mt) 1,395.65 1.40
Import Parity Price/Price at the Wholesale Market (P/mt) P 35,310.51 P 35.31
Source: “Philippine Rice Industry Roadmap 2030,” p. 6. Submitted by the DA to Sen. Cynthia Villar, Chair, Senate
Committee on Agriculture

24
 ANG KATOTOHANAN
AY KATOTOHANAN
at Hindi
Inciting
to Sedition
HON. JOSE CHRISTOPHER “KIT” BELMONTE
Secretary General of the Liberal Party
Representative, Sixth District of Quezon City
Mister Speaker, fellow Members of the House,
magandang hapon po sa ating lahat.
​ better.
I rise on a matter of personal and collective
privilege, as a Member of this House and as a
Member of our duly constituted House Minority.
Mister Speaker, this privilege speech reflects the
robust composition of House Minority Bloc: the
Minority Leader ran under Asenso Manileño while
there are members who come from the LP, NP, and
PDP-Laban; and there are members from the Party
List Coalition and from the Makabayan Bloc. We
can reasonably expect that our members have
differing priorities because of this healthy mix of
interests.
However, regardless of our differing priorities,
malinaw ang aming papel sa Kamarang ito, and it is
Privilege speech (6 August 2019) ukol sa tunay na trabaho ng
mga kinatawan, sa pagiging minorya sa kamara, at sa mga
kaso ng sedition na isinampa sa oposisyon
one that we have in common with every member of
Congress: To find ways to make our people’s lives
Ididiin ko rin, Mr. Speaker, when we fiscalize, when
we object, even when we vote no, hindi po kami
nagno-“no” para manggulo. Too often, our people
see us fight amongst ourselves according to the
dictates of politics and expediency. Pero sa totoo
lang, mas maraming nagbibigkis sa atin bilang
Pilipino, kaysa nagwawatak. Our commonalities, not
only as congresspersons, but more importantly, as
Filipinos, bind us much more powerfully than our
affiliations can ever divide us.
I​t is time we focus on these commonalities.
Naniniwala pa rin ako, na sa kabila ng mga kulay
ng ating chaleco tuwing kampanya, pag-upo natin
dito, pagsampa natin sa rostrum na ito, pangunahin
25
 nating tungkulin na tugunan ang pangangailangan right now, to forge laws that allow our people to
ng ating mga nasasakupan. dream again.

Our goal is not to follow this or that marching order, Bitbit tayo ng mga pangarap na iyon, Mr. Speaker.
because there are no marching orders higher than I am sure that there are already ideas in our heads,
that of the Filipino people’s. and there are perhaps drafts already written
somewhere, languishing in some drawer, that speak
Our goal is not to fight amongst each other so to these dreams. Nasaan ang mga batas ukol sa
that one may get a better piece of the pie from the mas maayos na mga classroom at pasahod sa
powers that be. mga teacher? Nasaan ang mga batas na sisigurong
kayang makipagsabayan ng graduate na Pinoy
Our goal is not to be the best sycophant to those sa kahit na sino sa buong mundo, mga batas na
who hold our purse strings. magbubukas ng mga bago at malikhaing trabaho at
industriya sa Pilipinas?
Ang tungkulin natin ay
sa tao. Our goal, Mr. Nasaan ang mga batas
Speaker, is to work
together so we can
Our goal is not to follow tungkol sa sahod ng
barangay healthcare
craft the best laws this or that marching worker, mga clinic sa
possible so our people order, because there komunidad, mga ospital
can take the longest, na sisigurong walang
most meaningful strides are no marching orders Pilipinong mamamatay
towards empowerment. higher than that of the sa sakit na puwedeng
And the Congresses maiwasan?
before us, despite Filipino people’s. Our
their affiliations and goal is not to be the best Nasaan ang mga batas na
differences, were able to
band together in pursuit
sycophant to those who nagbibigay ng katiyakan
sa paninirahan? At nasaan
of this goal. hold our purse strings. ang mga batas na talagang
mag-aangat at magbibigay-
Alalahanin natin, Mr. lakas sa mamamayan?
Speaker: Sa mga
bulwagan din ng Kongreso ng Pilipinas pinanday These should be our real marching orders. And while
ang Responsible Parenthood Act. Sa mga bulwagan we can all speak as loudly as we can to try and drown
din natin ipinasa ang Sin Tax Reform, ang Cheaper out each other’s voices when speaking of the State
Medicines Act, ang Clean Air Act. Sa mga bulwagan of the Nation today, I am certain: There should be
din natin pinagdebatahan at isinulong ang dignidad no debate about what we want to be the State of the
at kalayaan ng Pilipinas nang patalsikin ang US Nation tomorrow. May we be up to this task.
bases noong dekada nobenta.
Mr. Speaker, colleagues, ang mga paniniwala sa
We carry that legacy, and it is our duty to rise pag-angat ng ating kalagayan sa buhay ay bahagi
above the petty squabbling, to rise higher than ng aming mga batayang prinsipyo sa Liberal Party.
the usual politics that dominate our days, and Ayaw man nating aminin, batayang prinsipiyo rin
craft laws that define the very spirit of what it ito ng marami sa ating mga Pilipino. We believe
means to be a Filipino during the time of this in freedom; in individual agency; in the dignity of
18th Congress. the individual; in his or her rights. We would like
to believe that, by and large, as Filipinos, these
At its best, this Congress can craft laws that are values hold true for all of us. And let me point
made from the stuff of dreams. And it is our duty, out now, Mr. Speaker, that when someone who

26
dissents is attacked for dissenting, hindi lang sila Sedition ba when we say no to murder as a state
ang inaatake—ang inaatake, ang mga values natin. policy? If indeed a “drug war” is necessary, then
Sa madali’t sabi, lahat tayo inaatake; lahat tayo, let us wage war with better healthcare policies
apektado. because drug use is a healthcare issue. Let us
​ wage war with the law, with better intelligence and
Ilang araw bago nagbukas ang unang session strategies against druglords. Let us put druglords in
ng ating Kongreso, nasaksihan natin ang jail, and not use it as a pretext to strike fear, to kill,
pambubully sa mga naglalakas-loob na pumuna sa or to put the political opposition behind bars.
kasalukuyang sitwasyon ng ating bansa. Binantaan
ng impeachment ang ating Bise Presidente. At Sedition ba when we object to death penalty? No.
kasama ang ilang pari at bishop ng Simbahan, We are fools to believe that capital punishment
mga senador, mga kandidato ng oposisyon, is only yet to come; and we are twice the fool to
at mga abogado ay sinampahan ng sedition believe that death will balance the scales of justice.
and other charges batay sa mga gawa-gawang
kwento na inimbento Sedition ba when we
ng isang estapador. object to criminalizing
Ang kasalanan nila? Sedition ba when we call children? No. Policies
Magsalita. concerning the age of
out false narratives that discernment should not
Mga kasama, last I build fear and anxiety be hardened by an age of
checked, hindi bawal and provide a pretext tyrants.
magsalita. Last I
checked, kasama sa
for impunity? Sedition ba And sedition ba when
tungkulin ng bawat when we object to death we say no to being sold
mamamayan—lalo na penalty or to criminalizing to China? We say no to
tayong mga Kinatawan children? And sedition ba a situation where our
dito sa kongreso—na igiit fisherfolk, left to die
ang tingin nilang tama; when we say no to being in our own waters, are
na makipagdebate sa sold to China? called liars by our own
isa’t isa o sa gobyerno, government. No to our
para maging mas laborers being displaced
makabuluhan ang mga by foreigners, our soldiers
desisyon ng ating pamahalaan. Last I checked, ang demoralized, our people treated as second-class
katotohanan ay katotohanan pa rin, at hindi inciting citizens within our own shores and waters. Naibenta
to sedition. na tayo. Ang sabi nga po ng isang security expert,
hindi na ito enemy at the gates—nandiyan na sila sa
Sedition ba when we call out false narratives that kusina, kinakain na ang hapunan natin. Sedition ba
build fear and anxiety and provide a pretext for when we say no to this?
impunity? Sedition ba when we call out false hopes
that pay lip service to lower prices or better roads Yan ang mga alam kong sinasabi ni VP Leni at ng
and buildings and bridges, and a better economy mga kapwa niyang akusado. Hindi po sedition yan.
even when more than 20% of our people still live Bikoy’s allegations against VP Leni are fictitious. This
below the poverty line, and half our nation still was initiated by a few misguided sycophants who
consider themselves poor? Sedition ba when we would rather destabilize the Republic and push their
call out false priorities that put death sentences own personal agendas, than work to uplift the lives
over life-giving aid? Sedition ba when we call out of the Filipino people. I am sure that after due and
false logic that presents us with false choices that impartial process, the investigation will bear this out.
tell us that there is either war or subservience, and
nothing in between? Maraming salamat po.

27
DamNation
BY JOHN JOSEPH S. CORONEL

28

“During the dark days
of the Marcos Dictatorship,
a huge dam in Chico River
in Abra was planned and
construction resumed without
considering the welfare of
those most affected by the
project,” I wrote four years
ago to introduce the feature
article on the empowerment
of indigenous women for an
environmental publication
which I edited. “It was
intended to be the biggest dam
in Southeast Asia involving two
hundred thousand hectares
of mountainous land in the
Cordilleras” (Coronel, 2015).
No one bothered to
consult the Kalingas and other
tribespeople. It was enough
that the experts and the powers
that be in Manila believed
that the water reservoir would
bring economic progress to
the province in particular and
the entire country in general
given its capacity to irrigate
hundreds of hectares of
ricelands and generate 1000
megawatts of electricity.
Development for whom?
Development at what price?
By whose standards is
development to be measured?
But then and as it is now,
tyrants neither pondered nor
listened, unless it was to their
own voices or those of the
sycophants that surrounded
them.
So trees fell and mountains
moved as men and machines
began to pillage this piece of
earth that was the Kalingas’
homes and farmlands and
For the
tribespeople,
destroying their
past is to destroy
their future.
They who had
always lived in
harmony with
nature understood
most the
interconnectedness
of all creatures
and that all events
remained in a
continuum and
could not be taken
separately or in
absolute terms.
forests—a place considered
sacred for it was here where
they worshipped and where
their ancestors rested in
peace. For the tribespeople,
destroying their past is to
destroy their future. They who
had always lived in harmony
with nature understood most
the interconnectedness of all
creatures big and small, and
that all events—past, present
and future—remained in a
continuum and could not be
taken neither separately nor in
absolute terms.
The American Indians—
separated from the Kalingas
by both oceans and time but
bound by common beliefs,
experiences, hopes and
tragedies—put it so succinctly:
“We do not inherit the earth
from our ancestors; we merely
borrow it from our children.”
The World Bank that
funded the project and the
Philippine government that
intensively pushed for it had
all the necessary feasibility
studies to prove the viability
of the Chico River Megadam.
The Kalingas only had folklore
and superstitions, so the
experts who mostly relied
on spreadsheets reckoned.
But these indigenous peoples
also had fortitude and
determination that merely
became stronger when faced
with the threats to their very
lives and way of life, and
when fully convinced of the
righteousness of their cause.
The tribal leader Macling
Dulag rallied his people
and mustered the support
from outsiders beyond the
mountains and even beyond
the seas against this evil
scheme. These people had no
right since the dam was not
being built on their land—
the tyrant condescendingly
declared—noting that they did
not even have titles to prove
their claim. To this, Macling
Dulag replied: “How could a
piece of paper tell you that you
are the owner of land? How
could you own something that
outlives you? Persons cannot
own land for the land owns
them.”
The abusive and cowardly
agents of the despot
assassinated him because of
his unwavering conviction.
But they managed to kill only
his body as Dulag remained
the guiding light and unifying
spirit against attempts to
29
 commence with the dam that
would drown the people and
their way of life.
“Anteceding the historic
People Power Revolution of
1986, the Kalingas, armed
only with their bare bodies,
faced their nemeses—earth
moving men and machines
accompanied by armed militia.
In one particular barricade, the
women took the frontline and
exposed their breasts, shaming
these men from further
moving forward” (Coronel,
2015).
“To this day, the shelving
of the Chico River Megadam
Project remains as a model
and inspiration for the
struggle to protect the rights
of indigenous peoples, the
recognition of their ancestral
The Kaliwa Dam as the reliving of Chico River Dam is a met-
aphor of the atavistic tendencies of Duterte who not only al-
lowed the burial of Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani, he
is resurrecting many aspects of the late dictator’s legacy.
domain” (Coronel, 2015)
and the pursuit of self-
determination even amongst
the most marginalized sectors
of society.
In very much the same
way that the assassination of
opposition leader Senator
Benigno Aquino, Jr. hastened
the fall of the Marcos
dictatorship, the murder of
Macling Dulag finally put a
stop to the dam. Or did it?
In 1898, the Philippines
30
became the first republic in
Asia. Eighty-eight years later,
it became the birthplace of
People Power as well. This
nonviolent revolution inspired
similar movements across
Asia—South Korea, Taiwan,
Indonesia, Vietnam, and even
China which, sadly, ended, or
perhaps, merely interrupted
albeit drastically, by the
Tiananmen Square massacre.
At the beginning of the
new millennium, Cambodian
opposition leader, Sam Rainsy,
declared, “Cries for freedom
and reforms reverberate in all
corners of the continent. In
Demokrasi, Reformasi, Doi
Moi, People Power, or by any
other name, we witness the
resurgence of democracy in
the region” ( Johannen and
Gomez, 2001).
Now, almost two decades
later, Rainsy has been
attempting to return to his
native Cambodia after the
latest of his many forced
exiles two years ago to rally
his people for the restoration
of democracy in the ancient
kingdom. Since its foundation
in 1995, the Sam Rainsy Party,
now the Cambodia National
Rescue Party (CNRP) after
its merger with the smaller
Human Rights Party, has been
consistently increasing its
electoral support both in terms
of number and percentage
despite the machinations
and repression of the ruling
regime.
By the 2013 elections,
the CNRP won a staggering
55 seats or 45 percent of
the 123-member national
assembly. Hun Sen’s
Cambodian People’s Party
(CPP) won 68 seats or 55
percent, the smallest and
worst victory in its entire
history.  As Executive Director
of the Council of Asian
Liberals & Democrats (CALD)
from 1999 to 2007, I visited
Cambodia and observed
some of its elections. Rainsy
served as CALD Chair for two
terms—2000 to 2002 and
2012-2014. Despite the fact
that majority of the people
were poor and had little formal
education, the first things
they asked for were justice,
democracy and freedom. 
In my book Compelled by
Duty, Conscripted by Destiny,
I observed that “given the
pattern of an increment in
the number of opposition
seats every national elections;
the small difference of ten
percent in the number of
seats occupied by the ruling
and opposition parties during
the latest general elections;
the almost similar results
in the June 2017 commune
elections where CNRP got 44
percent while CPP received
51 percent; and, the growing
dissatisfaction with the ruling
CPP and Hun Sen himself, the
victory of CNRP in the 2018
elections became not only a
distinct possibility, it was the
logical conclusion” (Coronel,
2018).
 On 16 November 2017,
the Cambodian Supreme
Court dissolved the CNRP
resulting from the politically
The ascendancy of the executive over the judiciary and the
legislature while maintaining a façade of democracy is a key
component of authoritarian or semi-authoritarian rule as
evident in Cambodia and the Philippines.
motivated government-
filed law suit that CNRP had
conspired with foreigners to
stage a revolution. This was
the only guaranteed way for
Hun Sen to remain in power
and instead of employing
the usual electoral fraud
and intimidation of voters
which might be insufficient
given the circumstances, the
subservient judiciary did
the demolition job for the
executive in this shameless act
described by  Charles Santiago,
a Malaysian MP and Chairman
of ASEAN Parliamentarians
for Human Rights, as “the
final nail in the coffin for
Cambodian democracy.”
The ousting of Chief
Justice Lourdes Sereno by her
colleagues in the Supreme
Court on 11 May 2018 was
met with disbelief by the
Commission on Human Rights
which described the decision
as having “diminished our
democracy…It erodes our
obedience to the rule of law
and departs from the will of
the Filipino people…The core
value of our Constitution lies
in its system of checks and
balances. Upholding the 1987
Constitution means protecting
the Filipino against abuse
and concentration of power.
We decry that Congress was
dispossessed of its exclusive
power to decide whether an
impeachable officer should be
removed” (Gavilan, 2018).
Despite the removal of
Chief Justice Sereno in a close
8-6 vote deciding on a petition
of quo warranto, the Philippine
Supreme Court has not gone
as far as what its counterpart
in Cambodia did. This only
shows that despite the decline
of democracy in the county
during the last three years,
many countries in the world
and in Asia are faring much
worse, which is not necessarily
a source of consolation since
our goals as a nation and
as a people ought to be set
against our own standards and
aspirations.
The Freedom of the World
2019 Report gave Cambodia
a score of 26 (with 100 as the
highest) while the Philippines
had 61 (Freedom House [a],
n.d.). This year’s country
report stated that “Although
the Philippines transitioned
from authoritarian rule in
1986, the rule of law and
application of justice are
haphazard and heavily
favor ruling elites. Long-
term violent insurgencies
have continued for decades.
Impunity remains the norm
for crimes against activists
and journalists, and President
Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs
since 2016 has led to thousands
of extrajudicial killings as well
as vigilante justice” (Freedom
House [b], n.d.).
Despite having three
separate branches of
government, the ascendancy
of the executive over the
judiciary and the legislature
while maintaining a façade
of democracy is a key
component of authoritarian
or semi-authoritarian rule as
exemplified by Hun Sen and
Duterte. The 2018 Democracy
Index classified Cambodia
as an authoritarian country
and the Philippines as a
flawed democracy (Economist
Intelligence Unit, n.d.)
31
 The 2018 Worldwide Threat
Assessment of the US Intelligence
Community reported that
“Democracy and human rights
in many Southeast Asian
countries will remain fragile in
2018 as autocratic tendencies
deepen in some regimes
and rampant corruption
and cronyism undermine
democratic values” (Director
of National Intelligence [DNI],
n.d.) citing the Philippine and
Cambodian leaders as regional
threats. “Countries in the
region will struggle to preserve
foreign policy autonomy in
the face of Chinese economic
and diplomatic coercion” the
report added (DNI, n.d.)
In the summer of 1989, I
was in West Berlin on a cultural
exchange program sponsored
by the Goethe Institute.
Towards the end of autumn of
that year, that infamous wall
dividing the city crumbled.
During my three-month stay
in West Germany, I was asked
by Germans and foreigners
alike about the Philippine
The political gains
made in South Korea,
Taiwan and Indonesia
after decades of
authoritarian rule
were likewise coupled
by economic progress.
This debunked the
Asian values argument
espoused by despots.
32
experience three years ago
that had parallels with what
was going on during that time.
The dismantling of the Iron
Curtain unified Germany and
ushered democracy in many
parts of Eastern Europe and,
since then, several countries
from the Soviet Bloc have
become members of the
European Union.
The political gains made
in South Korea, Taiwan and
Indonesia after decades
of authoritarian rule were
likewise coupled by economic
progress. This debunked
the Asian values argument
espoused by despots.1
As can be seen from the
six-year term of President
Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino,
III, transparency and
accountability, together with
sound fiscal policies, create a
conducive environment for
economic growth. A feature
article in the Philippine
Daily Inquirer summarized
that “The numbers speak for
themselves. The country’s
gross domestic product…grew
by an average of 5.8 percent
1 Asian values, set of values
promoted since the late 20th
century by some Asian politi-
cal leaders and intellectuals as a
conscious alternative to Western
political values such as human
rights, democracy, and capitalism.
Advocates of Asian values typically
claimed that the rapid develop-
ment of many East Asian econ-
omies in the post-World War II
period was due to the shared cul-
ture of their societies, especially
those of Confucian heritage
(https://www.britannica.com/top-
ic/Asian-values).
in 2015, at a time when so-
called emerging market and
developed economies around
the world were struggling to
even just show decent growth…
GDP growth averaged 6.2
percent yearly, even peaking
at 7.2 percent in 2013 when
the country was the second
fastest growing economy
in Asia after China. These
impressive numbers raised
the country’s profile overseas
making it the darling of
investors who started pouring
their funds into the Philippine
economy to take advantage
of the momentum offered by
a growing consumer market.
Most business leaders credit
Aquino for restoring the
confidence of investors— both
foreign and local—in the
Philippine economy” (Lucas,
2016).
Ironically, the country
that gave birth to People
Power has yet to fully realize
the complete restoration
of democracy and its
accompanying economic
benefits. After suffering 14
years of repressive martial
rule under the late dictator,
Ferdinand Marcos, Filipinos
voted two populist presidents,
Joseph “Erap” Estrada and
Rodrigo Duterte. Aside
from the two, the brilliantly
manipulative Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo managed to stay in
power for ten years, the longest
presidency in the country after
Marcos.
Much has been written
about the dismay against
liberal democracy that gave
rise to diametrically opposed
ideologies. Tucker (2019)
described that “the rise of
populism…amounts to an
assertion of the will of the
people against what they see as
a distant elite that has denied
peoples in nations the rights to
govern themselves.”
Freedom House (n.d. [a])
noted that “Freedom in the
World has recorded global
declines in political rights and
civil liberties for an alarming
13 consecutive years, from
2005 to 2018. The global
average score has declined
each year, and countries
with net score declines have
consistently outnumbered
those with net improvements.”
“Almost two decades
ago, Francis Fukuyama
proclaimed the victory of
liberal democracy. Today he’s
seeing the system shattered in
large part by identity politics,”
observed The Economist
(2018). “Identity politics (is)
when people adopt political
positions based on their
ethnicity, race, sexuality or
religion rather than on broader
policies. Though it started
on the left, it has been more
potent on the right: it fueled
Donald Trump’s election
and Britain’s vote to leave
the European Union” (The
Economist, 2018).
Way back in 1999, Cerny
(1999) predicted that “rather
than a new pluralistic global
civil society, globalization
is more likely to lead to a
growth in inequalities, a
fragmentation of effective
governance structures and
the multiplication of quasi-
fiefdoms reminiscent of the
Middle Ages.”
During the awarding of
the Liberal International Prize
for Freedom 2018 to detained
senator, Leila B. de Lima,
former legislator Emily Lau
who is one of Hong Kong’s
most prominent political
personalities asked, “In the
Philippines, you used to have
a reputation for fighting for
democracy, human rights and
the rule of law. How come
in such a short time that
reputation has been ruined?”
It is interesting to note
that the dramatic events
happening in Hong Kong right
now have parallelisms in the
historic EDSA People Power
revolution—but for the former,
it is being sustained much,
much longer since in the case
of the latter, the dictator fled
by the fourth day. So back to
Emily’s question she asked
more than a year ago: What
happened to the Philippines?
But first, let’s go back to
dams. Fast forward to more
than three decades since the
shelving of the Chico River
Dam. It was the summer of
2019, Metropolitan Manila was
gripped in a water crisis, the
worst in a decade.
According to Manila Water,
which serves the eastern zone
of Metro Manila, around
52,000 households relying on
their supply currently do not
Much has been
written about the
dismay against liberal
democracy that gave
rise to diametrically
opposed ideologies.
Freedom House
recorded global declines
in political rights and
civil liberties for 13
consecutive years.
have water and these do not
include those experiencing
low water pressure (Subillo,
2019). Finance Secretary Carlos
Dominguez III declared that
the crisis could have been
avoided if past administrations
pushed for the construction
of Kaliwa Dam in Quezon
province (Rivas [a], 2019).
“All things considered,
the Duterte government
seems to be exaggerating the
benefits of the Kaliwa Dam
project and downplaying its
costs and risks,” declared JC
Punongbayan (2019). “More
worrying, however, is the
government’s unwillingness
to show the bid and loan
documents that paved the
way for China’s participation.
Lingering doubts could be
easily put to rest if only the
Duterte government were
fully transparent in the way
they awarded the project to
a Chinese contractor and
secured a loan from China.
Until now, however, the
33
 relevant documents have
yet to be bared for all to see.
What’s holding government
back? Why the secrecy?”
(Punongbayan, 2019)
“The reversal from
integrated PPP (construction
then O&M done by one
private entity) to hybrid PPP
(construction via ODA/budget
then O&M by another entity)
of Kaliwa Dam is a big mistake
that resulted in delays in
construction and led to some
P18.7 B of new loans to China,”
argued Bienvenido Oplas
(2019). Former congressman
Neri Colminares described
the Kaliwa Dam as being “as
onerous” as the Chico River
Dam (Rivas [b], 2019).
Furthermore, China’s dam
projects have destroyed nature
and displaced people while
the marginalized sectors of
the host country do not really
benefit. “Seven dams that
China built on the Mekong
headwaters in its territory
are already a headache for
Southeast Asian countries,
reducing the amount of
sediment floating downstream
by as much as half… The
Chinese dams were blamed for
exacerbating a Southeast Asian
drought in 2016, but countries
in the region are pressing
ahead with plans for Chinese
companies to build a slew of
other Mekong dams,” a 2018
CNBC report asserted.
“A Chinese-backed plan
for Cambodia to build the
Mekong River’s biggest dam
would destroy fisheries that
34
feed millions and worsen
tensions with Vietnam, the
downstream country with
most to lose from dams on
the waterway,” CNBC (2018)
reported. It also enumerated
some of its effects: fish
migration from the giant lake,
Tonle Sap, in Cambodia which
is crucial for reproduction and
replenishing what scientists say
is the world’s most productive
freshwater fishery; it would
prevent riverbed sediment that
The Kaliwa Dam
manifests Duterte’s
shift of foreign
policy in terms
of international
alliances—a
relationship favoring
China to the detriment
of its traditional
allies. Duterte is
never bashful of his
admiration China’s
strongman, Xi Jing
Pin.
fertilizes the Mekong Delta
rice bowl from moving down
river, a particular problem
for Vietnam where delta
farmlands are being destroyed
by saltwater incursion from
the sea; the dam and the
reservoir would create a barrier
that would be devastating
for the migratory fish stocks;
and a population of about
80 critically endangered
Irrawaddy river dolphins
would likely be wiped out
(CNBC, 2018).
The issuance of the
Environmental Compliance
Certificate (ECC) by the
Department of Environment
and Natural Resources (DENR)
would pave the way for the
construction of another
Chinese-backed project, the
Kaliwa Dam (Garcia, 2019).
GMA News reported that, “the
Commission on Human Rights
allegedly said there might have
been a fake consultation and
approval from the affected
indigenous communities.
The project would
submerge parts of General
Nakar and Infanta in Quezon
Province. It would also affect
the Sierra Madre in Tanay,
Rizal, some groups claim. The
Haribon Foundation said the
town of Infanta, which is a
delta or a landform created by
deposition of sediment, might
be erased from the map if
this project pushes through…
Environmental groups also
said the flooding caused by
the project will displace and
kill species that live in the
area. But President Rodrigo
Duterte said he is ready to use
expropriation or the police
power of the state to put an
end to water shortages, even
if the environment is at risk”
(Garcia, 2019).
The Kaliwa Dam manifests
Duterte’s shift of foreign policy
in terms of international
alliances—a relationship
favoring China to the
detriment of its traditional
allies. Aside from Marcos,
Duterte is never bashful of
his admiration for China’s
strongman. Before leaving
for Beijing last year, Duterte
declared, “I simply love Xi
Jinping. He understands my
problem and he’s willing to
help. And I’d like to say, ‘thank
you, China’” (Mendez, 2018).
The book, Rock Solid by
Marites Danguilan Vitug, is
a comprehensive account
of the epic legal success of
the Philippines’ territorial
claim over that of China
as the arbitral ruling is
paramount to the protection
of Philippine sovereignty and
territorial integrity (Ateneo
de Manila University Press,
n.d.). During the launch of
this award winning book, its
author lamented that “the
Philippines gained a maritime
area larger than the total
land area of the country —
rich in resources. Yet these
gains were disregarded by
the government in its rush
to embrace China” (Business
World, 2019).
In a forum sponsored by
the Center for Liberalism
and Democracy held before
the President’s 2019 State of
the Nation Address, defense
analyst Jose Custodio of
the  Institute for Policy,
Strategy and Development
Studies, Inc. asserted that with
regards to the issue of the West
Philippine Seas, “Duterte is
lawyering for China.”
This is not an opinion
piece about the Kaliwa Dam
and other dams in the drawing
board per se. The Kaliwa Dam
as the reliving of Chico River
Dam is a metaphor of the
atavistic tendencies of Duterte.
Duterte not only allowed
the burial of Marcos at the
Libingan ng mga Bayani, he is
resurrecting many aspects of
the late dictator’s legacy.
Though Duterte does not
possess the intellect, eloquence
and sophistication of the
late dictator, this regime is
not lacking in terms of the
callousness and brutality of the
original template.
Often concealed
by the vulgarity
of his speech, the
uncouthness of his
mannerism and
the sloppiness of his
appearance is the
cunningness of the
machinations of the
current regime. It
would be foolhardy
to dismiss him as a
simpleton or a clueless
savage.
Often concealed by the
vulgarity of his speech, the
uncouthness of his mannerism
and the sloppiness of his
appearance is the cunningness
of the machinations of the
current regime. It would be
foolhardy to dismiss him as a
simpleton or a clueless savage;
especially with the wily Gloria
Arroyo and the unapologetic
Marcos siblings by his side.
Like Marcos, Duterte
suppressed the media. He
and his allies have repeatedly
threatened Rappler, the
Philippine Daily Inquirer
(PDI) and ABS-CBN whether
through legal harassment
(e.g., tax evasion cases), the
revocation of incorporation
or nonrenewal of franchise, or
having a businessman crony
buy the offending media
company. Comparisons to
Cambodia again become
inevitable: the Cambodian
Daily shut down because of
a tax evasion case and the
Phnom Penh Post was bought
by a Malaysian businessman.
Social media is a different
game altogether. In the
publication of the Friedrich
Naumann Foundation (Manila)
entitled Democratic Decay and
Disinformation in the Digital
Age, John Neri (2019) stated
that “Today, ‘fake news’ is
often described or understood
as digital. Even in Asia,
the emphasis on digitally
manipulated information,
circulated through digital
platforms like Facebook, for
political gain…is a reflection of
the times.”
It must be clarified that
fake news does not necessarily
consist of absolute lies and is
not that new. As Farish Noor
clarified, “If by ‘fake news’, we
are talking about the selective
framing of facts, then I do not
believe we are in new territory”
(Neri, 2019).
“Questionable rule of law,
high social media usage, and
corrupt politicians. These
three conditions, according
to Cambridge Analytica (CA)
whistle-blower Christopher
Wylie, made countries like
35
 the Philippines a perfect place
to test their techniques and
technology,” a Rappler article
by Paige Occeñola (2019)
reported. “The Cambridge
Analytica scandal blew up in
March 2018 after Wylie came
forward, revealing that the
only the blunter edge; the
deadlier blows against even
otherwise verifiable facts came
in the form of social media.
The truth is already in its
death throes after repeated
and systematic blows from
deliver, especially amongst the
marginalized sectors of society.
But, in the same breath,
the resurgence of populism
also shows the possibility and
great potential of regaining
and building on whatever

The tyranny of the few benefits from the dictatorship

of the disinformed majority. But the resurgence
of populism also shows the possibility and great
potential of regaining and building on whatever
democratic advances we were able to realize in the
past, incomplete and even wanting as they may be.

company had accessed the
data of millions of Facebook
users to target them for
political campaigns. Facebook
later reported that data of
over 87 million users was
harvested. Of the 87 million,
70.6 million users were from
the United Staates, with the
Philippines coming in second
at 1.2 million users. In an
interview with Rappler’s Maria
Ressa on the sidelines of the
Antidote Festival in Sydney,
Australia, Wylie said Strategic
Communication Laboratories
(SCL), Cambridge Analytica’s
parent company, already had
roots in the Philippines even
before the scandal broke”
(Occeñola, 2019).
Today’s populist regimes
employ a double-edged
sword although one side is
sharper than the other. The
suppression of mainstream
media, which is run by
professionals, would require
social media. The repression of
traditional media is merely the
coup de grace—professional
and credible reportage often
eroded by the avalanche of
disinformation, deception and
deceit of Facebook, Instagram,
You Tube and other social
media sites.
So far, the beneficiaries of
the Post Truth Era are Donald
Trump, autocrats from
developing countries like
Rodrigo Duterte, Hun Sen
and Brazils’ Jair Bolsonaro,
and Brexit proponents
particularly Boris Johnson
and Nigel Farage. The
tyranny of the few benefits
from the dictatorship of the
disinformed majority.
Many lamentations have
been expressed about the
ongoing creeping tyranny. I
agree that liberal democracy
and the free market economy
have failed to completely
democratic advances we were
able to realize in the past,
incomplete and even wanting
as they may be. If the ghost of
Marcos is resurfacing in the
present regime as well as a few
other instances in the past to
haunt us, the Spirit of EDSA can
once again be an overwhelming
presence in our society.
Dinagat Governor, Kaka
Bag-ao, in her speech during
the recent Freedom Night
of the Friedrich Naumann
Foundation (Manila), stated
that “The opposite of freedom
is poverty.” More than just a
renaissance, the resurrection
and resurgence of the Spirit of
EDSA must be a conscious and
deliberate effort to address and
complete People Power’s many
unfulfilled promises, especially
in terms of alleviating the
living conditions of the poor
and disenfranchised; in other
words, an EDSA beyond
nostalgia.

36

References:
Ateneo de Manila University Press (n.d.) (http://www.
ateneo.edu/ateneopress/product/rock-solid-how-
philippines-won-its-maritime-case-against-china)
Cerny, P (2012). “Globalization and the Erosion
of Democracy” (https://www.researchgate.net/
publication/227954230_Globalization_and_the_Erosion_
of_Democracy)
CNBC (2018). “Study says China-backed dam would destroy
Mekong”. CNBC dated 17 May 2018 (https://www.cnbc.
com/2018/05/17/study-says-china-backed-dam-would-
destroy-mekong.html?fbclid=IwAR3FmQRWu0w7QuHGa
mBRqW9mjD-LlXZJMSjbdlMYOiZ5PvAR_xRPjxIMFFM)
Coronel, J., editor (2015). Foundation for the Philippine
Environment 2015 Annual Report. FPE: Quezon City
Coronel, J. (2018). Compelled by Duty, Conscripted by Destiny:
Profiles of Asian Women in the Forefront of Democratic Struggle.
Makati City, Philippines: Council of Asian Liberals &
Democrats.
Director of National Intelligence (n.d.) Worldwide Threat
Assessment of the US Intelligence Community (https://www.dni.
gov/files/documents/Newsroom/Testimonies/2018-ATA---
Unclassified-SSCI.pdf)
The Economist (2018). “Can liberal democracies survive
identity politics?” (https://www.economist.com/open-
future/2018/09/30/can-liberal-democracies-survive-
identity-politics)
Economist Intelligence Unit (n.d.) https://www.eiu.com/
topic/democracy-index
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countries-world-freedom-2019
Freedom House [b] (n.d.) https://freedomhouse.org/report/
freedom-world/2019/philippines
Garcia, M.A. (2019). “What is the Kaliwa Dam project?” GMA
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com/news/news/nation/713465/what-is-the-kaliwa-dam-
project/story/)
Gavilan, J. (2018). “CHR: Granting of quo warranto petition
vs Sereno ‘erodes rule of law’”. Rappler dated 15 May
2018 (https://www.rappler.com/nation/202591-chr-quo-
warranto-supreme-court-sereno-rule-of-law-democracy)
JOHN CORONEL is the
President of the Center for
Liberalism and Democracy.
From 1999 to 2007, he was
the Executive Director of the
Council of Asian Liberals &
Democrats (CALD). He has
served as consultant of liberal
leaders in the country and
abroad as well as various
development agencies and
foundations. He is the author
of the book, Compelled By
Duty, Conscripted By Destiny
profiling women democratic
icons from Asia.
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Transitions in Asia. Singapore: Select Books.
Lucas, D. (2016). “The Aquino legacy: solid macroeconomy,
healthy finances”. Philippine Daily Inquirer dated 20 June
2016 (https://business.inquirer.net/211205/aquino-legacy-
solid-macroeconomy-healthy-finances#ixzz65aol8pXy)
Mendez, C. (2018). “Duterte: I love Xi Jinping”. Philippine
Star dated 10 April 2018 (https://www.philstar.com/
headlines/2018/04/10/1804525/duterte-i-love-xi-jinping)
Neri, J. (2019) Democratic Decay and Disinformation in the
Digital Age. Makati City, Philippines: Friedrich Nauman
Foundation (Manila).
Occeñola, P. (2019) “PH was Cambridge Analytica’s ‘petri
dish’ – whistle-blower Christopher Wylie”. Rappler dated
10 September 2019 (https://www.rappler.com/technology/
social-media/239606-cambridge-analytica-philippines-
online-propaganda-christopher-wylie)
Oplas, B. (2019) “Water surplus versus water shortage”.
Business World dated 14 March 2019 (https://www.
bworldonline.com/water-surplus-vs-water-shortage/)
Punongbayan, JC (2019). “Kaliwa Dam: Is China’s
involvement cause for concern?”. Rappler dated 29 March
2019
(https://www.rappler.com/thought-leaders/226285-analysis-
is-china-involvement-kaliwa-dam-project-cause-concern)
Rivas, R. [a] (2019). “Kaliwa Dam to solve Metro Manila
water problems – Dominguez”. Rappler dated 13 March
2019
(https://www.rappler.com/business/225652-kaliwa-dam-
solve-metro-manila-water-problems)
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River project”. Rappler dated 24 March 2019.
(https://www.rappler.com/business/226506-kaliwa-dam-
contract-onerous-chico-river-project)
Sabillo, K. (2019). “EXPLAINER: Why is there a water
shortage in Metro Manila?” ABS-CBN News dated 12 March
2019
(https://news.abs-cbn.com/news/03/12/19/explainer-why-is-
there-a-water-shortage-in-metro-manila)
Tucker, J (2019). “The Failure of Liberal Democracy in
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(https://www.aier.org/article/the-failure-of-liberal-
democracy-in-europe/)
37
BREAKING DOWN
DOORS, WALLS,
AND CEILINGS
DINAGAT ISLANDS GOVERNOR KAKA BAG-AO
Freedom Speech 2019 | 14 November 2019 | Whitespace Manila, Makati City

Your Excellency, Ambassador Anke Reiffenstuel of Germany;

Liberal Party President and Senator Francis Pangilinan;
Commission on Human Rights Chairperson Chito Gascon;
Representatives Kit Belmonte, Stella Quimbo, Francis Gerald
Abaya; Mr. Wolfgang Heinze, FNF Philippines Country
Director; tonight’s Freedom Flame awardees, former Senator
Wigberto “Ka Bobby” Tañada, Mr. John Nery, members of the
Philippine Educational Theater Association or PETA and the
Philippine Competition Commission; ladies and gentlemen;
friends and colleagues; fellow workers in government; fellow
freedom fighters—good evening!

I am Kaka Bag-ao and I come from Dinagat Islands, a small

province in the Caraga Region in Mindanao. Our seas and
mountains are beautiful and rich in resources, but our families
are shackled by poverty, inequality, and underdevelopment.
In nearly a decade and a half after being established as one of
the newest provinces, Dinagat is currently the ninth poorest in
the whole country. And based on our experience, I would like
to begin by telling you not what freedom is, but what it is not.

For us in Dinagat, the opposite of freedom is poverty. I

experienced this firsthand as I grew up in the small northern
town of Loreto. When I was little, I gathered wood to use in
cooking our meals as my mother harvested the vegetables that
she planted. That was our everyday life during my childhood.
That was also the everyday life of our neighbors. That was the
only life we all knew because of the isolation not only of our
island province, but of our town itself. Back then, I had no
idea what the other municipalities of our province looked like
since we weren’t connected by concrete roads. I had no idea
about the difference of being poor and rich. All I saw was our
reality, and that we were content with the way we lived even if
we experienced hard times.

38
However, later on, I was
fortunate enough to be given
the opportunity to travel to
Manila so I can go to high
school, college, and then
law school through the help
of scholarships. I was given
the opportunity to learn,
which allowed me to gain
the opportunity to become a
lawyer. And when I became
a lawyer, I was presented
with the opportunity to serve
marginalized sectors, which
then led me towards the
opportunity to run for office,
first as Congresswoman of
Akbayan Party-List, and then
as Representative of the Lone
District of Dinagat from the
Liberal Party. Door after door
after door was opened right in
front of me.
Many people escape the
shackles of poverty because
of one thing: opportunity.
This may be true for many
people, but ‘many’ is not ‘all’—
opportunity doesn’t always
come especially to those who
need it the most. For the people
of my province, opportunity
is rare and often reserved
for those who wield power
and those who serve them.
This is true for the mother I
accompanied in a boat as we
rushed across the Surigao Strait
to go to the Caraga Regional
Hospital in the mainland. She
gave birth prematurely while
we were on board, and I held
the dead infant before we
reached the port. This is also
true for a family I met in one
of our far-flung sitios—their
dinner consisted of water
boiled in a pot with a stone
from the sea so that it would
almost taste like soup.
We always hear that
opportunity is a door that
you need to hold open so that
others can also pass through.
However, some doors do not
open for most Dinagatnons and
most Filipinos. And some that
do open are often slammed
shut for those left behind. In
the beginning, I believed that
our role as progressives in
power is to open doors and
enable opportunities for our
people. But as I continued
my journey in Dinagat, I
realized that, in order to be
truly successful in upholding
the liberal values of freedom,
social justice, and solidarity,
our responsibility is not just to
open doors, but to break them
down—along with the walls and
ceilings.
Don’t get me wrong, I am truly
grateful for the opportunities
that came my way. However, at
end of the day, opportunities
that are not experienced by
all is a sign of inequality in
society—and this inequality
is both the cause and effect of
poverty. Doors that open for
some means that there will
be people who will still be left
behind. Inequality, along with
poverty, is another opposite of
genuine freedom.
Some want to open doors for
economic growth and progress,
but those doors are left shut for
our farmers and fisherfolk—the
backbone of our local economy.
Some want to open doors for
the equal protection of lesbians
and gay people, but those doors
39
 are left shut for transgender women and men.
Some want to open doors to help the poor, but
those doors are left shut for those who don’t
reside in vote-rich provinces in far-flung areas.
The list goes on and on.
When we continue focusing on opening doors,
we often forget that there are walls and ceilings;
and that doors aren’t figuratively large enough
for people to come through more than one at a
time.
One of the best ways to break down those doors
along with the walls and ceilings is by including
the people in our development agenda, as
what we have seen in Naga City—through the
efforts of the late Mayor and DILG Secretary
Jesse Robredo and Vice President Leni Gerona
Robredo. People’s participation will always be
the cornerstone of a democracy that works for
the people.
This is what we are also doing in Dinagat Islands
since the day we set foot in the Capitol. Part
of our fundamentals of leadership include
the following: (1) participatory governance
rooted in the principles of popular inclusion,
empowerment, and democratic processes; (2)
equity and development for the people with
preferential option for the poor and vulnerable;
and (3) human rights and dignity as the basis for
development.
And because we are inspired by the Robredo
brand of leadership and service, we are planning
to send our local legislators and other provincial
officials to Naga so we can study how their
People’s Council policy can be applied in the
whole of our province and in all levels of our
government.
Doors, walls, and ceilings are those that prevent
our people from being heard. These obstacles
are broken down when we have leaders who
are willing to listen and provide venues for the
people not only to speak, but to act.
A great initiative that is one of a kind in the
Philippine political arena is Project Makinig,
40
developed by the Liberal Party and spearheaded
by no less than our Party President, Senator Kiko
Pangilinan. It is a technology-driven listening
campaign that enlists volunteers to hear the
stories, experiences, problems, and aspirations
of the people at the grassroots level. Project
Makinig is a way for our party to say that we do
not have the monopoly of solutions and that
those who are most affected by social issues are
the ones who have the best ideas when it comes
to developing policy responses.
Listening will always be the first step. It renders
doors, walls, and ceilings intangible. For us to
completely break them down, we need to ensure
that the people are given the space to participate.
When we fail to do so, as what happened in
the past, the doors, walls, and ceilings become
stronger; and when they become stronger while
the people grow more and more hopeless,
traditional political dynasties become more and
more powerful and dictators emerge, spewing
promises of doors broken by their iron fists.
Now, more than ever, it is imperative that we
tear down the doors of selective opportunity,
the walls that divide the rich and poor, and the
ceilings of seemingly unreachable aspirations
because these contain and prevent hope from
being felt by the marginalized.
This is what we try to do in Dinagat. We seek to
create programs where the people themselves
will be key players and empowered stakeholders,
not just beneficiaries. We show them that leaders
are one with them—we talk to them face-to-face,
we sit where they sit, sleep where they sleep, we
listen and seek their commitment to lead with
us. Most of all, we always remind them that the
impossible can be made possible.
We displayed this for the first time when I ran
and won against a member of the most powerful
political clan of the province—and we did this
three times. This prompted citizens to believe
in themselves—some of them ran in the recent
barangay elections and defeated members of the
same dynasty. Little by little, we are creating spaces
for ordinary people to do extraordinary things.
Now, more than ever, it is imperative that we tear
down the doors of selective opportunity, the walls
that divide the rich and poor, and the ceilings of
seemingly unreachable aspirations because these
contain and prevent hope from being felt by the
marginalized.
I was dubbed as the Dragon Slayer by local
media for my consecutive electoral victories
against members of a well-entrenched dynasty,
but for us in Dinagat, for the citizens of our
province, we are one in the understanding that
the dragons are not the politicians—the dragons
are poverty, inequality, and underdevelopment.
And in our context now, at the national level,
these three are the doors, walls, and ceilings
that prevent our people from enjoying and
experiencing genuine freedom.
Let me now take this time to express gratitude
to the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for
their active presence in our country since our
democracy was restored after the dark days of
Martial Law. Through the FNF, we have built
a solid global network that allowed our liberal
leaders to become better equipped in the
battles we are facing and the battles that are yet
to come. Democracy may have been restored,
but there are elements that still seek to
undermine and weaken it in order to acquire,
maintain, and abuse power. With the help of
the FNF, we are able to strengthen our ranks
as freedom fighters who are ready, willing,
and able to soldier on against the enemies of
democracy.
When I received the Freedom Flame Award in
2015, I said that “[t]he fundamental strength
for pushing a liberal agenda is to have an
active citizenry. Being the change themselves,
becoming leaders in their community and not
waiting for government to do the work for them
are keys to sustaining reforms.” Now, more than
ever, I stand by those words as we chart a better
and brighter future for Dinagat Islands, which
can hopefully become a good example for the
rest of the country.
Right now, we may be few and still battle weary
since the previous elections, but when did that
stop us from pushing forward? Back when I was
Congresswoman, I remember the times when
Cong. Kit and I were the only ones who would
always stand together to vote against repressive
measures and bogus impeachment complaints
in the House Committee on Justice hearing,
as the only LP members of the panel. We were
only two who stood against twenty or thirty. Talo
man sa boto, pero panalo sa prinsipyo. We count
our losses as a victory of principle, which will
hopefully inspire others to press on.
Like Ka Bobby, let us tear down the walls of
oppression by being active citizens. Like John
Nery, let us use the truth to break the windows
rendered opaque by disinformation. Like the
PCC, let us ensure that opportunities become
available to all without being monopolized by
the already wealthy few. And like PETA [Favorite
ko po ang Rak of Aegis!], let us educate our
people through the most creative means in order
for them to shake the foundations of traditional
politics.
Congratulations to all the awardees. Thank you to
the Friedrich Naumann Foundation. After tonight,
let us continue breaking apart the doors and walls
and ceilings that prevent all our people, especially
the marginalized, from being truly free.
Mabuhay kayong lahat! Mabuhay ang Inang
Bayan! Itaguyod natin ang tunay na kalayaan!
Magandang gabi at maraming salamat!
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 SONA Ba Tayo?
July 20 | UP-NCPAG, Diliman, Quezon City

Born of the need for a liberal foundation

that primarily serves the needs of
the Liberal Party of the Philippines in
terms of policy and research as well
as training and capacity building, the
Center for Liberalism and Democracy
shall also serve as a nexus for local
and international networks, and
development agencies.

CLD aims to promote and advocate

the libeal principles of freedom and
democracy; justice, social equity
and human rights; and inclusive and
sustainable development. It builds
alliances and solidarity with like-minded
organizations including political parties,
civil society movements, corporations
and corporate foundations, government
agencies, media, and academia in the
Philippines, Asia and the rest of the
globe.

The Center seeks to, among others, 1) to

participate in the review and formulation
of pertinent policies in the realms of
party platforms, legislative agenda,
public and academic discourses, and the
like; 2) heighten the people’s awarness of
their civil, political and human rights as
well as the political, economic and socio-
cultural institutions and processes and
power structures; and 3) to capacitate
and empower people to enable them to
actively participate in governance, and
in influencing political, economic and
social policies that affect their lives.

42
Noong Pinutol Liberal Caucus of
ang Long Hair Ko: Congressional Staff
Kwentuhang Workshop
Martial Law October 23 to 25 | The Manor and CAP Convention
Center, Camp John Hay, Baguio City

September 19 | Hot Off the Press Cafe, Quezon City)

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44